Journal de la Socit des

Amricanistes

Ancestor worship in Bahia : the gun-cult

Juana Elbein Dos Santos, Deoscoredes M. Dos Santos

Citer ce document / Cite this document :

Dos Santos Juana Elbein, Dos Santos Deoscoredes M. Ancestor worship in Bahia : the gun-cult. In: Journal de la Socit des
Amricanistes. Tome 58, 1969. pp. 79-108.
doi : 10.3406/jsa.1969.2098
http://www.persee.fr/doc/jsa_0037-9174_1969_num_58_1_2098
Document gnr le 24/09/2015

ANCESTOR

WORSHIP

THE

IN

BAHIA

GUN-CULT

by Juana Elbein DOS SANTOS and Deoscoredes M. DOS SANTOS

Historical background
Brazil is the meeting place of three continents Africa, Europe, and
America. It is well known that during the colonial period of Brazil's
history, negro cultures were introduced as a result of the slave-trade from the
west coast of Africa.
The Nag * constitute the " nations " of West Africa which made the
greatest cultural impression on Bahia. Classified by modern ethnology as
Yorub, the Nag were the carriers of a tradition whose richness was derived
from the individual cultures of the different kingdoms of which they were
born. This was especially the case of those peoples from Ktu, Qy, j&gbdo,
and Egb. The Nag brought to Brazil their traditions and their customs,
their hierarchical structures, both secular and religious, their concepts,
both philosophical and esthetic, their language, music, oral literature and
mythology. Above all else, they brought to Brazil their religion.
Bahia, situated on the Atlantic sea-board of Brazil, experienced the greatest
cultural concentration of the Nag. Together with the well-organized
cult-houses, where to the present day are preserved the temples and shrines
1. The Yorub words and texts in this paper are written in accordance with the
internationally accepted convention used by specialized institutes in Nigeria. One of the
aims of the authors are to write down and translate Nag words, texts, and chants from
Bahia. Modern orthography has been adopted in order to rescue the rich oral tradition
preserved and transmitted from generation to generation in the Nag cult houses.
Correct spelling and translation of words and texts constitute extremely valuable evidence
and sources for Afro-Brazilian studies.

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SOCIT DES AMRICANISTES

of the ris 2, the Ngo practiced elaborate funeral rites. Even today
they continue to worship not only their family ancestors but also the great
figures who founded the cults in Bahia. The latter, known by the name of
s, are the first collective ancestors of the Afro -Brazilians. They are
worshipped during the Pade or pade 3, a propitiatory ceremony, and are
" assentados " 4, along with other illustrious dead of the sect in a special
house. We shall be returning to this later, but suffice it to say that this
house is called Il-ibo-ak, and is set aside from the other temples in which
the Oris are worshipped.
Ancestors who were worshipped in Yoriib territory 5 are also the object
of veneration in Brazil. These ancestors represent family lineages, ruling
dynasties, protectors of certain cities and regions, and with special
functions, different aspects of death.
Those ancestors who take on bodily forms constitute the gun or Egngn.
It was around these gun who had their origins in Africa and were brought
to Brazil, that there were formed cult-groups, which had as their counter
parts in West Africa the Egngn cult. The very fact of the existence
and perfect preservation of ancestor worship in Bahia, as evidenced by the
presence of organized gun terreiros (cult-areas), permits two important
deductions to be made :
A. Certainty as to the geographical and cultural origin of some nations
which were represented in Bahia. It is well known that the Egngn cult
is especially strong among the Yorub 6 of those regions inhabited by the
Sy, the gb and the $gbdo. In view of the fact that the worship of the
Oris Sang is one of the most widespread in Bahia, especially that of Sang
fnj of the royal house of Qy, it would seem appropriate to compare
these facts with the statement made by Abraham, " the worship of Egngn
and Sang is especially widespread in Oy " 7.
Mr. Olajubu 8 refers to the fact that all the lithurgical texts both in the
poetry and the chants, related to the Egngn, made frequent references
to a home-land, a sort of country from where the Egngn descend. ^ In this
connection he mentions places such as Ogbn, gboj, Ires, Igri, Of, and
their respective chiefs. In Bahia, Olgboj is one of the best known and
2. Divine entities of the Yoriib Pantheon.
3. Propitiatory parcel for the use of the deceased in the next world that should be
carried and left in the open air.
4. The act of consecrating a place of worship.
5. The Yoriib inhabit an extensive region that covers the south-west of Nigeria, parts
of southern and central Dahomey, central Togo. There are a few Yorub settlements
also in Ghana and there have been large migrations to Sierra Leone.
6. Relatively recently modern ethnology has grouped under the word Yoriib diverse
clans and tribes all of them speaking a similar language.
7. Abraham, Dictionary of Modern Yoruba, University of London Press, London,
1958, p. 483 (8).
8. O. Olajubu, Egngn and iwi (The poetry of Egngn) a preliminary survey.
Paper produced by Institute African Studies, University of Ife, 1967, p. 9.

ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA THE GUN-CULT

81

most venerated gun. He adds that a classification of the origin of the

texts can be made, not merely based on content alone, but by means of the
actual technique of recitation used and, of course, local linguistic
expressions within the overall dialected norm. He states : " Iwi9 is recited in
the central Yorub language or in the dialect of the Qy speaking peoples
for the Egngn texts and chants* ". It is not easy to understand these
chant not only because of their symbolic content, frequent reference to
unknown names, or names which have already disappeared, but also because
of the excessive use of archaism and elision. Thus, the Egngn cult
provides clear evidence of the strong legacy bequeathed by the Yorub to Bahia.
B. Our second deduction is derived from the published studies of various
authors on the Yorub concept of death10. In general their conclusions are
equally applicable to the Yorub descendants in Bahia. Although the
funeral rites constitute one important aspect (as yet not studied in depth)
of the Egngn activities, the specific object of the present study is limited
to throwing light on details of the Egngn cult in Bahia.
Already R. Bastide n has pointed out the necessity for specialized
monographs and those factors which should " have induced ethnographers to
take a greater interest in the Egngn ". There can be no doubt that the
available bibliography 12 in addition to being thin, is also grossly
incomplete. This has resulted in frequent errors of fact and seriously misleading
interpretations.
9. A name which groups all the chants and texts of the vast oral lithurgical literature
related to the gun-cult.
10. Peter Morton Williams, Yoruba Responses to the fear of Death . Africa, vol. XXX,
1960.
11. Roger Bastide, Candomble da Bahia, Brasiliana, So Paulo, 1961, p. 167.
12. An example of misleading information : In 1940, Protasius Frikel published " Die
Seelenlehre des Gege und Nago ", pp. 192-212, in which he asserted that " The Nago
do not invoke the spirits of the dead ". Since the mid nineteenth century there already
existed in Bahia various gun cult-houses of indisputable Nag origin whereas in 1940
the Terreiro Il-Agbul in Ponta de Areia, island of Itaparica, was at its hilt and even
registered with the police. Of the works that refer to the ancestor cult in Brazil, a basic
bibliography includes :
Nina Rodrigues : Animismo Fetichista dos Negros Bahianos, Civilizao Brasileira,
S. A., Rio de Janeiro, 1935.
Os Africanos no Brasil, Companhia Editory Nacionl, So Paulo, 1932.
Manoel Querino : A Raa Afriana, Livraria Progresso Editora, Bahia, 1955.
Joe do Rio : As Religies no Rio, Edio da Organizao Simes, Rio de Janeiro, 1951.
Arthur Ramos : Antropologia Brasileira, I, Rio, 1943.
Jacques Raymundo : Negro Brasileiro e outros escritos, Record, Rio, 1936.
Melo Morais Filho : Festas e Tradies Populares do Brasil, Rio de Janeiro.
Protasius Frikel : "Die Seelenlehre des Gege und Nago ", Santo Antonio, Bahia, 19401941.
Jos Lima : A Festa de Egun e Outros Ensaios, 3a, edio, Rio de Janeiro, s. d.
Robert Ricard : " L'Islam Noir Bahia ", Hesperis, 1948.
Ren Ribeiro : Cultos Afro Brasileiros do Recife : um Estudo de Ajustamento Social,
Boletim do Institute Joaquim Nabuco, numero especial, Recife, 1952.

SOCIETE DES AMERICANISTES

Chronology of the introduction of the Egngn worship into Bahia

The first written reference to the presence of the worship of the gun
in Bahia was made by Nina Rodrigues in 1896 13. Despite the serious
approach adopted by this pioneer in Afro-Brazilian studies towards the
worship of the rs, he lacked the basic knowledge and insight to describe,
or even to refer seriously to the Egngn (" a grotesque appearance of the
soul of a dead person in the funeral rites ") which at the time of his writing
existed and were fully organized. However, oral tradition allows us to
ascribe the presence of the Egngn in Bahia to a much earlier date than
1896.
There is evidence of the origin of various " terreiros " founded by
Africans in the first third of the 19th century. These are as follows :
Terreiro de Veracruz : This was situated in the village of Veracruz, the
oldest parish of the Island of Itaparica in the Bay of All Saints. It was
dedicated to the cult of the Egngn. An African, known by the name
of Tio Serafim, renowned for his knowledge and power, was its founder
and chief. He, together with one of his sons and numerous followers
invoked the ancestors. He had brought with him from Africa and was able to
make appear the gun of his own father, who had died on the coast of Africa.
This gun was, and is, called gun Okulele. Tio Serafim died over one
hundred years of age, sometime between 1905 and 1910, having founded
the cult-house as a young man.
Terreiro de Mocambo : This cult-house was also on the Island of Itaparica
on the estate called Mocambo, where there were a large number of African
slaves. Its chief was the African Marcos Pimentel, known as Marcos-theOld, in order to differentiate him from his son of the same name who, contiPierre Verger : Notes sur le culte des Grisa et Vodun, Mmoires de l'Institut franais
d'Afrique Noire, n 51-Ifan-Dakar, 1957.
Grandeur et Dcadence du Culte de Iyami Osoronga, Socit des Africanistes, 1966.
Roger Bastide : Candomble da Bahia (Rito Nago), Brasiliana, Volume 313, So Paulo,
1961.
Deoscoredes M. dos Santos : " Festa da d'Agua em Ponta de Areia- Itaparica ".
in Revista Brasileira de Folclore, Campanha de Defesa do Folclore Brasileiro, Ministerio da Educao e Cultura, Ano VI- 14, Rio de Janeiro, 1966.
Juana Elhein e Deoscoredes M. dos Santos : West African Sacred Art and Rituals in
Brazil A Comparative Study, Institute of African Study, University of Ibadan, verso mimiografada, Ibadan, 1967.
- Iko nos Ritos de Possesso de Obaluaiye na Bahia, apresentado no Coloquio Cultos
de Possesso, C.N.R.S., Paris, October 1968.
13. Animismo Feitichista..., op. cit., p. 156. Nina Rodrigues refers to a masonery
in Africa related " with the spirits of the next world ". Later in Os Africanos no Brasil
written at the end of the 19th century he makes reference to the apparitions of the Egngn
in the " candombles funerarios ", p. 353.

ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA : THE GUN-CULT

83

nuing the tradition established by his father, later founded one of the most
important cult-houses of the gun in Bahia.
Mareos-the-Old bought himself out of boundage, and together with
son returned to Africa where he remained many years. During his stay in
Africa, Marcos-the-Old continued to perfect his ritual knowledge, and his
son Marcos was initiated into all the secrets of the cult, gaining a profound
knowledge from original sources. When both returned to Bahia they brought
with them the " assento " 14 of the Egun Olkctn, considered one of the
ancestors of the true Yorub race. Thus they founded the Terreiro do
Tuntum (see below).
Because of his powers Marcos-the-Old was very feared. According to
popular tradition he was sentenced to death by a group of other old
prominent Africans because his practices had resulted in the death of a person.
Marcos-the-Old died seven days later on the beach 15.
All the necessary preceptual rites, and " obrigaes " 16 were performed
and his spirit was invoked as an gun. He is still worshipped with the
name of Baba Soad.
Terreiro de Tuntum : This was also situated on the Island of Itaparica
in the old settlement of the Africans called Tuntum, the cradle of many who
were later to gain prominence in the African sects. Marcos Teodoro Pimentel, the son of Marcos-the-Old, was its chief. Together with his sons and
numerous faithful Africans and crioules he founded the cult-house Il-Olktun whose name was derived from the patron of the terreiro. The
ancestors invoked and worshipped at the cult-house of Tuntum were many. Many
of the names of the priests who were members of the cult at the Il-Olkctn
are well known. Some are still alive, and many of the descendants
continue to play an active role in the sect. The Terreiro de Tuntum disappeared
with the death of Tio Marcos Teodoro Pimentel in about 1935. As he died
almost a centenarian, it can be deduced that the Terreiro de Mocambo
headed by Marcos-the-Old, must have existed about 1830.
A nephew of Marcos Teodoro, Arsenio Ferreira dos Santos, continued the
family tradition and played an active role in other gun cult-houses. Later
he himself founded his own gun cult-house in the district of Vila America
in the city of Salvador.
Terreiro da Encarnao : This was situated in the settlement of Encarnao, on the main-land part of the Municipality of Itaparica, to which it
belonged at that time. Information as to the identity of the founder is
14. Literally, seat, foundation, support, statute. It is the consecrated place where
the gun is worshipped and receives sacrifices.
15. Deoscoredes M. dos Santos, Contos Crioulos da Bahia, Editora Martins, So Paulo
(in press). One of the stories of this book, " Risco da Morte ", has as its central
character Tio Marcos-the-Old.
16. Fundamental rituals and precepts within the lithurgy.

84

SOCIT DES AMRICANISTES

contradictory and confusing. The first chief about whom information is

available was a son of Tio Serafim (the founder of the Terreiro de Veracruz).
He was called Joo Dois-Metros because of his extraordinary height. It
was at this cult-house that there was invoked for the first time in Brazil the
gun known as Baba Agbul, one of the patriarchs of the Yorub race.
Among the priests who were members of this cult-house, one of the most
prominent was Qj Gregorio 17. His nephew, even today as an old man,
continues to worship Egun Baba Agbul, who had been the patron of the
Terreiro da Encarnao.
Terreiro do Corta-Brao : This was situated on the Estrada das Boiadas,
a suburb of the City of Salvador in the present district of Liberdade. Almost
all its members were Africans and its chief was Tio p. An Qj of this
cult-house, the African Joo-Boa-Fama 18, was notoiious in Bahia. He
initiated some people from the Island of Itaparica and other young people,
who many years later, together with the descendants of Tio Marcos and
Tio Serafim, were to found the Terreiro li- Agbul which still exists in
Ponta de Areia.
In addition to the above, other " terreiros " known to exist at the end
of the 19th century were the following : One situated in Quitandinha do
Capim, renowned for its annual festivals at which were invoked Egun OlApl and Olj-Qrun ; the cult-house of Tio Agostinho in Matatu, a meeting
place for the most famous Qj of the period including Tio Marcos and his
Oj ; the Terreiro da Preguia at the side of the Church of the Conceio
da Praia, among whose membership were many Africans ; and finally, there
are references to the invocation of Egngn at Agua de Meninos, but it is
uncertain if a cult-house was established there.
In connection with the old gun cult-houses, special reference must be
made to Martiliano Eliseu do Bomfm, one of the leading coloured people of
Bahia at the beginning of this century. His father Tio Eliseo was an
African of Ktu origin, who had brought to Bahia at the beginning of the 19th
century the gun lri, the patriarch of his family. While still a boy,
Martiliano was sent by his father to Nigeria where he lived many years,
gaining deeper knowledge of the cults and learning several languages. After
his return to Bahia, he became the strongest advocate for the preservation
of the Yorub traditions in Bahia. He continued the ancestors' cult and
took part in numerous " Egngn terreiros ", and initiated some people into
the secrets of the cult.
All these cult-houses were in existence approximately between 1820 and
1935 and functioned regularly according to their lithurgical calendars with
well defined hierarchies and rituals. The Qj, priests of the Egngn cult,
17. Priest of the gun-cult (see below).
18. Joo Boa-Fama became a legend of popular tradition. Many stories are told
about him and one in D. M. dos Santos, Contos de Nago, Editora G.R.D., Rio de Janeiro,
1963.

ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA : THE GUN-CULT

85

knew each other, paid visits to the various cult-houses and participated
in ceremonies outside their own " terreiros ". Thus they constituted a
brotherhood, a kind of masonery with well-defined characteristics. Both
the names and the activities of many of these Qj are well known. Their
direct descendants, and others whom they initiated in the old cult-houses
continued to practice the rituals of the cult, and preserved to the present
day two cult-houses of the Egngn which are the only existing in Brazil.
The Il-Agbul on the island of Itaparica was founded during the first
quarter of this century and can be traced in a direct line from the old "
terreiros ". The IU-Oya is much more recent and is merely a branch of the
former.
These cult-houses of the Egngn inherited from the old " terreiros " not
only the lithurgy, and the doctrine, not only the knowledge of the mystery
and the secrets of the cult, but also the ancestral gun who had been on,
and worshipped on the old " terreiros ".
With the passage of time, these gun of African origin were joined by
those gun of various Qj who had died in Bahia and during whose lifetimes
had been sufficiently eminent to merit the honour of being the immortal
guardians of the Nag culture.
THE EGNGN CULT
The Nag believe in the immortality of spirits and worship their
ancestors. This worship takes different forms, beginning with elaborate funeral
rites which, according to the hierarchy of the dead person and the verdict
of If, the ritual oracle, determine the course to be followed by the
respective spirits. All the spirits of dead people are called Arcrun, in other
words, the inhabitants of the run 19. In Yorubaland they are also called
won-ara-il, the inhabitants of earth. The spirits of those dead males
specially prepared so that their bodily forms can be invoked in determined
circumstances and by means of well defined rituals, receive the name of
gun, Egngn, Baba gun or simply Baba.
The prime object of the Egngn cult is to make the ancestral spirits
visible, to handle the power which emanates from them, and to act as a
vehicle between the living and the dead. While upholding the continuity
between life and death, the Egngn cult also maintains strict control over
the relationship between the living and the dead, distinguishing
completely between both the world of the living and that of the dead. In fact,
the Baba bring to their descendants and followers the benefits of the
blessing and advice, but they cannot be touched and always remain isolated
from the living. Their presence is rigourously controlled by the Qj and
nobody can approach the Egngn.
19. An abstract conception of something infinite, very distant and large.

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SOCIT DES AMRICANISTES

The Egngn appear in characteristic form, totally covered by coloured

cloths, permitting the onlookers to vaguely perceive human forms of
different heights and sizes. It is believed that under the strips of cloth which
cover the bodily forms is the gun of a dead person, a known ancestor, or,
in the event that the bodily form is not recognizable, some aspect related
to death. In the latter case the Egngn represent collective ancestors
who symbolize moral concepts and are the guardians of inherited customs
and traditions. These collective ancestors are the most respected and
feared of all the Egngn, keepers as they are of the ethics and moral discipline
of the group.
A supernatural and mysterious power emanates from the Egngn. This
mystery, awo, is the most important aspect of the Egngn cult. A chant
directly associated with this aspect states :
1. Gg oro aso la ri,
2. La ri, la ri,
3. Gg or aso Imon,
4. A ko m Baba.

In accordance with the rites cloth

(are what) we see,
(That which) we see, (that which)
we see,
In accordance with the rites pieces
of cloth (are what) we see,
We do not know, father.

This text is fundamental to the understanding of the basic concepts of

the Egngn cult. It is directly associated with the mystery of death, awo,
and indicates that death or the elements which are extensions of him (in
Yorb death is a masculine substantive) ,are not, nor can be known. As
secrecy of the Egngn demand, it is not known, nor should one seek to
know, what is hidden under the strips of cloth.
As has already been stated, only the masculine ancestors can be
immortalized through the Egngn. Similarly, the priests who deal with the
Egngn are male. Women are completely excluded from all activities related
to the Egngn. Formely, in Yorubaland, one of the functions of the
Egngn groups, was the so called " hunting out the je ". The je, also
known by the name of Iy-mi (lit. our mothers) or Iya-gb (lit. the aged
and venerated mothers) 20, are generally aged women capable of possessing
extraordinary powers. While the A je represent the collective image of
maternity, fertility, fecundity, and the quintessence of life, they also
represent the persecuting, dominating and aggressive image of that self-same
feminine power. The strong matriarchial remnants of Yorb society are
balanced by the masculine activity of the Egngn. In the distant past,
the Egngn society also had the purpose of discovering and punishing or
banning those old women who used their power in a destructive manner.
It is readily apparent that since the function of the Egngn is to guarantee
20. Pierre Verger, Grandeur et dcadence du culte de Iyami Osoronga, op. cit., p. 142.

ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA : THE GUN-CULT

87

individual immortality and the immortality of the community by

preserving its social structure by means of the enforcement of its customs and
moral precepts, then they cannot fail to be in blatant opposition to a power
which can be used for destructive ends. The struggle between the sexes
for supremacy is a constant factor in all Yorub myths and lithurgical texts.
The working out of the balance between these two poles is accomplished
by institutions, whose latent and manifest contents, permit such an
elaboration. In the same way as the masculine ancestors have their institution in
the Egngn 21, so have the Iy-mi their female counterparts, their own
institution in the Gld society 22.
According to certain myth Oda is the deified representation of the Iymi, the ancestral mother, and the feminine principle from which
everything originates. Thus Oda corresponds to Obtal or Urisl who is the
masculine principle and god of creation. These concepts and divine beings
are represented symbolically by a calabash which represents the universe,
the lower half being Oda and the upper half, being Obtal. It is
precisely these deities, the feminine and masculine principles respectively,
which appear in all sacred texts where there are references to the gun.
According to these texts, masculine imposition wasn't easily achieved.
The man seized supremacy from woman by dint of much patience, no little
cunning, and even by violence. Despite the fact that Obtal was the
first man to cover himself with the cloths of the Egngn, he only, the
consort of Oda, was sent her bird to control the power which he had
acquired from her 23. Thus the two principles found their balance. Although
the women are totally excluded both from the possibility of being
immortalized by an Egngn and from the secret activities of the sect, they hold
some titles and functions within the cult-group. They are keen participants
in all cult ceremonies as they offer sacrifices and are allowed, above all,
to sing chants characteristic of the Egngn during the annual festivities.
In the same way as the Qj have a formal greeting, which is characteristic
of the sect, so have the women who hold titles their one special manner of
greeting.
QYA-GBL&
The power of the bird of the Iy-mi controll the ancestors. Thus it is
no wonder that a female risa, Oya- gbl, is the queen and mother of the
21. Peter Morton Williams goes to great length to explain the ambivalent relation
between both sexes in his article " Yoruba Responses to the Fear of Death ", op. cit.
22. U. Beier, " Gelede Masks ", Odu, 6, 1956, " Les Masques Gelede ", in tudes
Dahomennes, Nouvelle srie, 1966.
23. Text of the Od Os Mji : Iyami and the creation of the gun-clothing, in Pierre
Verger, op. cit., p. 200. The Odu are any of the 16 corpses of the If oracular texts,
Jfd being the god of prophecy.

88

SOCIT DES AMRICANISTES

gun. In Bahia also, Oya- gbl, is worshipped along side the Egngn.
It is she who commands the world of the dead. Various myths have
clarified the relationship of the Baba-gun with Oya, a shortened version of
Oya- gbl.
Egngn was the ninth son of Oya 24. " The myth relates that Oya was
the wife of Ogn and could not have children. She consulted a BabaVawo who revealed that she could only have sons with a man who possessed her
violently. So it was that Sng took her. Oya had nine sons by him. The
first eight were born dumb. Again Oya went and consulted the BabaVawo who told her to make sacrifices. The result was the birth of Egngn
or gun, who was not dumb, but could only speak with a voice which was
not human. "
This refers to the unique manner in which the gun speak, a subject to
which we shall return later.
One of her oriki 25, also names her ya-msn-run, Mother-of-the-ninerun, the nine sons desented in the myth. Qrun is an abstract concept
of an infinite, wide and distant place, inhabited by the Ar-run, the
ancestral spirits.
Of equal importance^ is the relationship which the myth establishes
between Sng and the gun. It has already been stated (p. 82) that the
cults of Sng and Egngn originated from the same region, Qy, the land
of the Yorb proper. The relationship between Sng and gun is of vital
importance but is beyond the scope of the present work.
Another myth, whose text forms part of the Od-ji-Ologbon, narrates
how the secret society of the Egngn was created. Histories handed down
from father to son narrate that the secret-society of the gun, the worship
"of In
thethe
spirits
beginning
of the ancestors,
of the world,
was created
the woman
according
intimidated
to the following
the man legend
of that:
time and twisted them around their little fingers. For this reason Oya
(more commonly known in the Afro -Brazilian cults as Iysan) was the first
to invent the secret or masonery of the Egngn in every aspect. Thus,
when the women wanted to abase their husbands, they met at a cross-road
with Iysan in the van. Iysan was already there with a big monkey which
she had trained. This monkey had been dressed with clothes especially
designed for that purpose. The monkey was at the foot of the trunk of an
igi (tree) and would perform as was determined by Iysan by means of a
switch which she had in her hand. The switch is known as the isn. After
a special ceremony the monkey appeared performing its skills, as dictated
by Iysan. This wras done in full sight of the men who ran away terrified
b;y that apparition. Finally, one day the men decided to take measures
24. Juana Elbein e Deoscoredes M. dos Santos, verso mimiografaca, op. cit., p. 38.
25. An attributive name; generally an aglutinated phrase, poem or chant, expressing
something heroic or prized. It- defines qualities or particular facts of lineages, gods and
divinities.

ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA : THE EGUN-CULT

89

to put an end to the continued shame of living under the thumb of the women
as they were doing. So they decided to go to the house of Ormil (god of
the oracle Ifa) to consult If in order to know what they could do to remedy
that situation.
After consultation Ormil explained to them all what was happening,
and what steps they should take. Then he sent Ogn to make an offering,
ebo, of roosters, a gown, a sword and a used hat, at the cross-roads at the
foot of the afore-mentioned tree, before the women met together. No
sooner said, than done. Ogn arrived very early at the cross-roads and did
with the roosters as ordered by Ormil. Afterwards he put on the gown,
put on the hat, and took the sword in his hand. Later on the same day,
when all the women had arrived and congregated to celebrate the usual rites,
suddenly, at a certain moment, there appeared before them a terrifying
form. So terrifying was this apparition that the leader of the women,
Iysan herself was the first to flee. Due to the strength and power which
she possessed she disappeared from the face of the earth forever. Thus,
from that time forth the men have domesticated the women and are the
absolute masters of the cult. They forbad and still forbid any woman to
penetrate the secret of any type of masonic-society. But as the saying
goes, "it is the exception which makes the rule ". Thus those very rare
cases in which previously women had been allowed to participate in Yorb
territory, continued and exist under exceptional circumstances. This
explains the reason why Iysan Oya is worshipped and venerated by
everybody as the Queen and Founder of the secret society of the Egngn on Earth " 26. This myth also underlines the priority of feminine power.
In Bahia on the Terreiro of gun, Oya-gbl is worshipped in a special
" assento ", a place usually reserved for the celebration of the private rites
for gun. She receives offerings on pre-determined occasions and is
worshipped in the chants and greetings. Her oriki is sang whenever there are
celebrations of great importance.
The Qj hold her in great awe. Ad-gbl, the crown of the gbl thus
Queen of the gbl, is one of the names by which she is known. One of
the oriki clearly defines the extent of her participation and her role in the
cult :
Oral Form
1. Oya gbl
2. Alkoko

Analytical Form
Oya ()gbl
Ala()kko

3. Abiya lake
4. Oni lwa

Abiya(mon) lake
Oni {aso)lwa(awe)

Oya gbl
Mistress of the "assento"
of the gun
Heir of the high places
Mistress of the-stripsof-cloth.

26. This story is J>art of the oral tradition handed down from generation to generation
at the cult-house Ase Op fpnj, situated in So Gonalo do Retiro, Bahia.

90

SOCIT DES AMRICANISTES

This oriki provides the following information. In line two (2) we are
informed that Oya-gbl is mistress of the Qpkko, crook or trunk of the Akoko
tree, rammed into the earth, being the place of the " assento " of the
ancestors 27. Line three (3) informs us that Oya-gbl is the mistress of the
high places. This reference is made to the manner in which she controls
the wind which blows over the roofs, thereby expressing the agressive side
of her nature. This aspect of Oya is complemented by the following saying :
a) Aff Ik Wind of Death.
b) Effll ti' d gi The rushing of the wind which smashes
down trees from the top.
Line four (4) informs us that Oya is the mistress of the strips of cloth,
symbolic expression of the characteristic clothes of the Baba-Egun.
ONL, S AND OsANYN
It has already been stated that the Ar-run are also called in Africa
Awon-ar-il, inhabitants of the earth. They are worshipped collectively
in a special place, a small mound of earth, in the open air, with a branch
of a tree stuck into the top of the mound which has been specially prepared
for that purpose. This place is called Onil, the masters of the earth. Onil,
is considered to be a god and is worshipped as such, by the Elegngn (priests
of the Egngn), since Onil is the collective representative of the
ancestors. He must always be the first to be worshipped and the very first to
receive the offerings. He is also the first to be invoked. Both in Bahia
and in West Africa the rites of the gun begin by paying him homage :
1. Onil ib re
2. Onil mo jub

Onil, Thou are venerated

Onil, I present to thee my humble
respects.

The ancestors receive also the name of Imol and are worshipped at the
foot of Onil. For this reason it is said that Onil is always accompanied
by the Imol. He is held as the god of justice.
Oaths are sworn and agreements are made in his name. His
pronouncements are accepted without appeal. It is believed that Imol is extremely
severe in the punishments he metes out to those who do not fulfill the
promises made in his name.
Finally s and 0sanyin are two entities who are also worshipped by the
Elegngn. s is ubiquitious. He moves both in the world of the living
and of the dead. The myths attribute to him the role of inspector general
and reports on the way in which the sacrifices and rites are conducted. He
27. See description below, Opkoko.

ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA : THE GUN-CULT

91

is the carrier of all requests and supervises and informs Olrun (the supreme
god) about all the offerings. A detailed analysis of s permits a
comparison to be made between his characteristics and those of the ancestors. He
also represents the power of the ancestors and embodies one of their most
important aspects the continuity of life. This latter aspect makes s,
like the ancestors, a propitiatory entity and together with Onile and Imole
he has priority on invocations and sacrifices. He is " assentado " in the
open air protecting the entries to houses, small holdings and villages. Or
he can have his " assentos " inside the houses prepared with composite
mixtures which sometimes may take on a peculiar anthropomorphic form.
Because of his propitiatory qualities, s receives together with the Ararun and the Egun the first fruits, befitting not only fertility but also sexual
potency. He is often represented with an enormous phallus ; on other
occasions he is represented with a characteristic head-dress, a phallic
transference. This same phallic transference is apparent in his most important
attribute his Ogo. The Ogo is a short thick club with a sort of knot or
head at one end. This characteristic attribute of s, the subject of many
myths, is only used by s and by some gun.
The Pade is a name of a special rite during which a propitiatory parcel
(called in Yoruba ipade) is carried out to invoke all the male and female
ancestors, together with su and all other kind of spirits, so that they will
come to receive the offerings of the load (each of whose component parts
is highly symbolical and directed at satisfying the invoked entities and
thereby to obtain from them the desired benefits) and will not interfere in the
ceremonies to be realized.
This rite is performed on those " terreiros " where the ris are
worshipped. Great care is taken so that during the invocation of the ris there
is no interference by non-deified beings. In the ris cult-houses also,
before the beginning of the ss, funeral rites, the Pade is performed in
order to propitiate, and above all to permit without interference, the
completion of the ritual of the " assentamento " of the new spirit.
On the contrary, on the " terreiro " of the gun where the ancestors are
invoked, the dispatching of the Pade is not necessary. In fact, the
ceremony of the Pade which is so vitaly important in the cult-houses of the
ris, does not constitute part of the lithurgy of the gun-cult.
This essential difference between the ris and the gun is well brought
in the words of a chant sung in Africa during the Egngn festivals :
1. Egngn me
We are worshipping Egngn
2. Awa o soom
We are not worshipping the ris
3. K'alaso funfun
Those dressed in white clothes
shippers of ris)
4. Kro Vagbo wa
Must stay away from our circle.
It has already been said that s moves both in the world of the living
and of the dead. He is the intermediary and messenger both for the ris

92

SOCIT DES AMRICANISTES

and for the ancestors. Thus he is worshipped, with due precautions,

be it ls Oris or ls gun 28.
The Egngn performs all the functions of a Babalwo, priest versed in
the technique, understanding and interpretation of the If oracle. The
Babalwo reads the message transmitted by the positions of the cowrieshells or of the pl 29. The Egngn is the direct voice of the ancestor.
His word is sacrosanct. He replays to all who come to consult him, giving
advice, settling legal questions, ordering sacrifices to be made, prescribing
rites to be performed and different types of purification. In the majority
of the prescriptions the use of leaves is indispensable. Just as leaves are
indispensable in all the rites of initiation into the cult. Since Osnyin is
the owner of all the leaves, the patron of medicine, his participation in the
" terreiro " of Egun is essential.
In summary it may be said that in the .Egim-cult-house not only are the
gun themselves worshipped, but also Onil, Imol, Oya-gbl, s and
Qsnyin.
THE EGNGN CULT-HOUSE
Every Egngn terreiro must have an Onil, a mound of earth in the
open air, generally situated very close to the Il-awo, the house of the secret,
were are the other " assentos " of the cult. This house may only be used
by the initiated and is near to the "barraco" (permanent pavilion for the
public ceremonies). The Il-awo contains the Lsnyin or gbl.
The geographical area of the " terreiro " of the Egngn-cult can be
separated into three units each with its specific function :
A. Those places frequented without restrictions by all the followers of
the cult and participants at the public ceremonies. This unit is
constituted by a part of the " barraco ", the open-space both in front and at the
sides of the " barraco " and the space in front of the Onil.
B. Those places to which the Egngn come to participate in the
festivals and which can only be frequented by initiates or people accompanied
by initiates. It is in these places that the Baba receive offerings, fulfill some
of their prescribed rites, dance, sing, give blessings and deliver messages.
This unit comprises another part of the " barraco " and the open space
between the Onil and the Il-awo. In that part of the " barraco ", strictly
reserved for the appearance of the gun, is the throne and chairs which the
Baba use during the public ceremonies.
This unit also includes the anteroom of the Il-awo, where the Qje meet
with the other initiates. Here it is that the first rites of initiation take
28. Sustainers of the Oris, sustainers of the gun ; in the cult of the Oris, in the cult
of the gun.
29. Divining-chain of If, god of the oracle of prophecy. This chain is comprised of
8 palm-seeds, having a concave and a convex side each.

ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA : THE GUN-CULT

93

place. It is the social-room of the Oj. This place is closed to

non-initiates. In this anteroom is the " assento " of s since it has to be at the
entrance door of the Il-awo. Near to this assento is that of Qsnyin.
. The third unit is the Lsnyin or gbl. This can only be frequented
by the senior Oj versed in all the secrets of the cult and who therefore are fully
conditioned to be able to deal with those situations directly related to the
mystery of the sect. Here it is that the ancient gun, gun-gb, are
" assentados ", were the new Egun are prepared, and where all the Egun
are invoked.
The gbl, which in Africa were a glade in the secret forest, in Bahia
is an isolated building in which are performed the private and secret rites
of the cult. All the decisions of the sect are taken at the gbl. Only
the most senior Qj may enter it.
In Bahia the gbl, more commonly pronounced Bl, is abo called
Lsnyin : li -f- sn -j- y in, the house of worship of 1 y - m es an- r un, or the
house of worship of Msn-run, in other words, the worship of the children
of Oya, the Ar-run and the gun.
On no account must the Il-ibo-ak, the house of worship of the dead
ls ris, be confused with the Lsnyin, the house of worship of the gun
ls gun. In the Il-ibo the spirits of the Adsi, priestesses initiated in
the cult of the ris, are worshipped. In the Lsnyin the Ar-run in
general and the spirits of those initiated into the mystery of the Egun are
worshipped.
Qt ni gun, t ni Oris
This phrase repeated by Baba-Egun in various occasions means that the
Egun are totally different from the Oris.
Similarly the funeral rites and the " assentamento " of the dead people
are different in the two cults 30.
The attendance of the gun at different funeral ceremonies held on " terreiros " of Oris is due to exceptional circumstances. In such cases the
invocation and appearance of the gun occurs in places separate and
exclusively prepared for such functions. Conversely, on the " terreiro " of gun
there may be a house or place of worship dedicated to the Oris. Such a
place is totally independent of those houses dedicated to the worship of the
Egngn.
During the ss of a senior priestess of the ris, on the night of the
6th to the 7th day of the funeral ceremony, when the spirit of the dead
priestess is invoked, the spirit may appear accompanied by certain senior
gun, protectors of the " terreiro ", ancestor of certain family-lineages.
30. It should be noticed that the assento registered by Ren Ribeiro in Recife at the
(Ig)Bl are correct and are not substitutes of the assentos " at the Il-ibo (confused
with the Lsnyin, " Ile-Saim " as spelt by Bastide) which are very different. Roger
Bastide, op. cit., Footnote on page 88. Ren Ribeiro, op. cit., page 40.

94

SOCIT DES AMRICANISTES

These Egngn escort the new spirit, communicate its last orders
and will be responsible for taking it and separating it from the egbe, the
community of the cult. Two ceremonies of these type occurred at the
terreiro se Op Afonj, on the occasion of the funeral ceremonies of the
famous Iyloris Aninha, Oba Biyi, and Senhora, Qsun Miw,
the y-as of the above mentioned se 81.
In the Lsnyin are the places of worship of the venerated entities. Theie
too are kept the sacred objects essential for the invocation of the gun.
The gbl contains the )p-Kko : Op -\- , a preceptual staff made
from a thick branch of the tree, or in the absence of this, from any
other sacred tree. The staff is stuck into the earth. The tree is
one of those trees worshipped in Yorubaland. The Dictionary of the Oxford
University Press notes, " its leaf is placed on the head of a new king or chief
as annointement. The tree is so sacred that it is never used for fire or
touched with an axe... " 32. Abraham also says : " it is commonly seen around
(the) igbo-igbl" 33.
In fact, the cult of trees is one of the oldest cults in Yorubaland. Thus
many myths begin with the phrase, " in an age when man adored trees... "
Elgb bogi is the oriki used for tree-worshippers. Some of these sacred
trees are used for different ritual purposes. In certain cults and in funeral
ceremonies, tree-trunks are used as substitutes for the dead. Branches are
found in places where the ancestors are worshipped. We also find in such
places slender switches called isan. In the hands of the Qj these serve
to invoke the ancestors. In Africa, in front of the big temples, is a
special spot where the ancestors are worshipped : here stands the Op which
represents them collectively. The Qp, branches, staffs or ritual sceptres,
are of vital importance in the Egngn cult. A chant sung by^ the Egngn
in Bahia, allows us to infer the importance attributed to the Qp :
Olo'run
Olrun Olpa
Olorun
Olrun, the supreme god is the master of the Op. It is as if Qlrun has
delegated part of his own power to the Op.
Also in the Lsnyin, but completely independent of the Qpkoko, the
collective representation of the ancestors, are the individual " assentos " of
some gun-gb. These are clay pots, with special shapes having very wide
31. Jos de Lima, op. cit., describes one of the funeral rites, " obrigaes ", of^ the
Iydlrs Aninha. We should insist that this description does not refer to an gun
Festival, but to an extraordinary " obrigao " at an Oris cult-house at which the gun
appeared executing one of his functions during funeral rites for an Adsii.
32. A Dictionary of the Yoruba Language, Oxford University Press, London, second
edition, 1950, London, p. 27.
33. R. C. Abraham, op. cit., p. 44.

ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA THE EGUN-CULT

95

mouths. These pots contain a solid mixture made up of ritual elements.

Such " assentos " are completely different from the " assentos " of the
Il-ibo ls ris. The pots of the "assentos" of the gun are laid on a low
bench of earth, called pple. In front of the Opkoko and the individual
" assentos " are very small holes called ojbo. In these holes are placed
and sprinkled at the beginning of the ceremony, a little of each offering.
It is precisely in the gbl that the Qje invoke the Egngn. For this
purpose they use the isan, or ritual switch ; grasping this firmly in their
right hands, the Oje strike the earth three times, at the same moment as
they pronounce the secret formulas. At the third such invocation the
gun should reply. Since inhabitants of the earth, then it will be precisely
from the earth that the Egngn should surge forth.
The isan is a stick about 1.60 mts. long. It may be made from branches
from the Atari (Glyphaea Lateriflora) 34, a tree specially noted for its
hardness, or from the mid-rib of the fronds of the Igi-Qpe (Elacis Guineensis) 35,
oil-palm. The isan is an Qp which has been ritually prepared and is the
only means by which an gun can be controlled and kept at a distance.
Since the isan represents the ancestors and is of their same nature, it
possesses the necessary qualities to deal with them.
The Qjb use isan not only to call the gun, but also to guide them, and
finally to dismiss them by means of formula known only to them.
Depending on the circumstances, the Ojb can invoke the gun in any other place
besides the gbl. Although the Baba-gun usually comes out from the
Lsnyin, he can also appear in other places if circumstances demand, but
it is rather exceptional for this to happen.
The Oje not only control the gun through the isan but also separated
the gun from the world of the living. An isan placed horizontally on the
floor stops the Baba from going beyond that place where the isan lies. The
isan can also be held by the gun as a whip. Such an occasion is an event
to be feared because it suggests the anger of the ancestors and the
punishment which he may impose. The isan are kept in the gbl and must
always remain upright. A group of isan placed upright arranged like the
frame of a wigwam, crossing each other just below the points, indicates
the presence of the Qjf in that area and warns the passers-by and local
inhabitants of the rites to be imminently performed by the members of the
sect 36.

34. R. C. Abraham, op. cit., p. 77.

35. R. C. Abraham, op. cit., p. 523.
" annunchans
36. Joo do " Rio mentions " the twigs " and also " the marmelo-twigs " held by the
(Amisan) and held by the gun, As Religies no Rio, op. cit., pp. 48-49.
Also Manuel Querino documents " with a small switch he hit the floor 3 times which is
the equivalent of invoking the spirit of the dead ". A Raa Afriana, op. cit., p. 9^7.

96

SOCIT DES AMRICANISTES

HIERARCHIES
The members of a " terreiro " of the Egngn form a male secret society.
Each of these societies possesses a site and an organization of its own. In
view of the fact that all the priests of all the Egngn terreiros are initiated
into a common secret, so do they belong to a masonery which makes them
all brothers. The organization of the various " terreiros " differ little one
from the other.
We can distinguish various categories of members depending on the
respective degrees of initiation, length of membership, and specific duties.
The passage from one category to another is delineated by well denned
rituals and can only be achieved depending on the individual behaviour
of the members and the vote of acceptance by the elders. It is the elders
who decide if the personal qualities and the behaviour of the novices permit
them to be further initiated into the cult-mysteries.
AMISAN
The novices constitute the group of the Amisan 37, as this name
indicates they are bearers of the isan. They don't know the secret of the sect,
the awo, nor do they know the secrets of the invocation of the Baba-gun.
They are only allowed to enter the anteroom of the Lsnyin ; they do not
know the gbl, nor do they know how the " assentos " of the new gun are
prepared. They look after the " barraco " and the surrounding area and carrying
the isan they keep the adepts separate from the gun.
They are responsible for the preparation of the public-places during the
festivals and basically perform minor tasks, accompanying and helping the
The Qj of the future will be chosen from the Amisan. Thus it is one
step through which every Qj must pass. Not all Amisan move beyond
this category ; there are some old members of the cult who continue being
Amisan.
In Bahia initiation into the cult of Egngn is hereditary in some
families 38. The candidacy of other future Amisan are promoted by some
37. A Dictionary of the Yoruba Language, Amman " The one which holds the Isan
(spiral striped switch) in front of an Egngn ", op. cit., p. 37. Abraham records, Amnsn : " That which manages a switch ison... used during the Egngn ceremony ".
38. It has already been mentioned that the Oj Joo-Dois-Metros, chief of the Terreiro
da Encarnao was the son of Tio Serafim chief of the Terreiro of Veracruz ; Marcos Teodoro
Pimentel, chief of the Terreiro of Tuntun was the son of Tio Marcos-the-Old, Chief of the
Terreiro Mocambo, the Oj Eduardo Daniel de Paula, Chief of the Terreiro li Agbul
was the son of Tio Manoei Antonio, Oj of the Terreiro of Tuntun.

ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA : THE EGUN-CULT

97

senior Qj or a candidate may be chosen by an gun. Finally, special

circumstances in the life of a boy or adolescent may oblige the family to have
him initiated.
On yet other occasions, also due to certain specific events, the BabaVawo is consulted and may recommend, after consulting the If-oracle, that
the person should be initiated into the cult. In all such cases, it is only
after the vote of the senior Qj and the approval of the gun, that the
candidate can be initiated.
The initiation at ls Oris is totally different from the initiation ls
gun. Whereas the novice ls ris, is being prepared as an Adsu in
order to receive the Oris by means of possession, the Amisan is prepared
so that, as an Qj, he shall share and be initiated into a mystery. The
state of possession is incompatible with the duties and practices of an Qj.

The Qj constitute the priestly body of the cult. They are initiated into
a secret which they must keep above all else. They are united by a pact
between themselves and between them and the spirits. This pact is
sacrosanct, immutable and permanent.
The oath which binds the Qj to the cult forever is sealed by the introjection of earth, leaves and of a ritual beverage which contains symbolic
elements which render this union unbreachable. The most important
obligation which the Qj undertakes at oath is silence, not to reveal the awo.
In the old days failure to fulfill the clauses of the oath could result in
punishment and even in death.
Failure to fulfill the terms of the oath, or indescretion on the part of the
Qj are severely punished. By the pact which he has made with the earth
and with the spirits the Qj submits himself to their judgment.
The initiation of the Amisan to become an Qj begins in the " barraco "
where he is presented by two Qj-gb to the public.
Once the ritual chants have been sung in the presence of all the Qj, the
Amisan who is the central figure of the ceremony, hands over the animals
and ether elements which will be offered and used during the initiation rites.
The offering of a quadruped is indispensable. The Amisan is naked from
the waist up, is barefoot, his trousers are rolled up and he has been
blindfolded with a new, white towel. He is led by one of the Qj-gb out from
the " barraco ". Still blind-folded, he is led towards the Il-awo while the
following chant is being sung :
1. Olo'run awo
2. Bl Olrun
awo
'
3. Bl

Olo'run (is the) mystery (the secret)

Igbl is the mystery of Olo'run
The gbl

98

SOCIT DES AMRICANISTES

The blind-fold will only be taken off much later in the anteroom of the Lsnyln. This only done once the extensive ritual, which the Amisan sees
nothing of, has been completed.
Only once the ritual drink has been embided, the questioning satisfied,
the solemn oath been taken and the annointment with the blood of a
sacrificed animal (which bring to perfection the indestructability of the union)
being performed, only then because he is now capable of sight, is the
blindfold removed.
Still the new Oje does not enter the gbl. Before he can enter the gbl,
he will have to train in order to acquire deeper religious experience.
Sometimes it will even be necessary for him to undergo a new ceremony. During
this period he is under the supervision of one of the Oj-gb who guides
the new Oj in his knowledge. Frequently the new Qjp receives the title
of Qtn (first assistant to a holder of a title). In due course he will
succeed to the title of the Oj-gb whose Qtn he is.
The members of the cult of the Egngn are known by various names,
In Bahia the designation of the-guardian-of-the-Qp as Agb-Qp is
unknown.
The Qj is also known as Mriwo n. The relationship of this name with
the Mriwo, palm-fronds of Igi-Qpe or Igi-Qgr, shredded from the mid-rib
of the leaf, has yet to be established. These latter Mriwo are used for
many purposes in the cult and are always present whenever there is any
event associated with death or extraordinary dangers. " Their function is to
isolate and to protect. During the funeral ceremonies the Mriwo are placed
at all doors and windows... Mriwo are also placed round the arms of the
priests and the followers in order to give them immunity and to keep the
spirits at a distance. Ogn, hunter, warrier, and merciless executioner, who
was the object of veneration of a secret masculine society, as well, also is
bedecked with the Mriwo to insulate his destructive power. Curtains
made of Mriwo are placed in front of shrines as means of affording
protection... These Mariwo curtains have a preventive purpose in the cults.
They notify everybody of the presence of imminent danger, obstructing the
entry to those places where the treatment of the supernatural is delegated
to initiates prepared for such functions. The presence of Mriwo also
indicates the existence of something which must remain hidden, a forbidden
mystery which inspires respect and fear, some secret which can only be
shared by those initiates specifically trained for this purpose " 40.
The name Mriwo, (in the context of being synonymous with Qj), applied
to initiates into the secret of the Egngn, appears in various myths and
ritual chants.
39. Abraham, op. cit., p. 428 quotes : Monriw.
40. Juana Elbein e Deoscoredes M. dos Santos, " O iko nos ritos de possesso de
Obalaiy na Bahia ", op. cit.

ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA : THE EGUN-CULT

1. Biri-biri bo won lj
2. Qgbri nko mo Mriwo

99

Darkness covers their eyes

Those who have not been initiated
can not know the mystery of the
Mriwo

Another chant, used in Yorubaland, refers to the palm-fronds in connection

with the gun-cxt.
1. Mriwo p mf lk
2. Ij awo p o gb j

The six new leaves which shoot forth

from the heights of the palm-tree
Announce to the senior Qj the day
of the mystery.

This chant explains that the birth of the six Mriw-ronds indicate the day
on which the Qje-gb must hold the festivals.
The elders
In Bahia, the highest position in the hierarchy of each " terreiro " is the
Algbd. He is the most senior Oje of his " terreiro ". There is unanimity
among those few scholars who have described the gun-cult as to the
existence of the title Algb and his respective functions 41. He is known
as :
Algb Baba Mriwo
Algb, father of the Mriwo
His senior assistant is the Qtn-Algb (" his right-hand man "). In Bahia
the Qtn assumes the post of Algb on the death of the title-holder.
Subordinate to these in the hierarchy is a group of title-holders. Their
importance depends more on the seniority of the Qj than on the title itself. Some
very senior Oj who are highly respected within the cult may have no special
title other than that of Qj.
All the incumbents of the above positions are known by the generic
designation of gb-Qj.
In the same way as the Algb is the head of the " terreiro ", the Alpini
is the head of all the masonery 42. There are as many Algb as there are
" terreiros " of gun. But there can only be one Alpini. Hence the
saying :
Alpini pekun Qj
Alapini the absolute title-holder.
41. Reverend Samuel Johnson was one of the first to document the title and describe
its function, The History of the Yorubas, C.M.S., (Nigeria) Bookshops, Lagos, 1966, p. 29.
42. Johnson states that the Alpini was a noble-man " sharing the most important
privileges of the house of Oyo ", op. cit., p. 30.

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SOCIT DES AMRICANISTES

The word ipekun means

supreme and absolute post
In Bahia, because of the
lineage of the Aldpini, this
recognition of merit, on one of

the end, completion, final limit, signifying the

in the hierarchy.
non-existence of known royal-houses nor of the
title is not hereditary. It is bestowed in
the Algb 43.

MALE JY
Certain titles, oy, are given to people who are followers of the cult. In
some cases they are relations of the fj. In others they are given the titles
because of their prominent position in the negro-social life of Bahia or because
of the services which they rendered to the cult and which make them
suitable subjects to receive such honours. The titles are bestowed in public
ceremonies by the Baba-gun in person and must be confirmed by the
appropriate ceremonies which include the handing over of the preceptual
offerings. It is a tradition that the new holder of the title should present
a new chair on the occasion of his installation. From then on this will
be his official chair in the " barraco ". The title-holders constituted the
group known as the jy 44.
ALGBE
Independent of all the above mentioned categories every " terreiro " has
its own group of Algbe, the drummers who perform during the festivals.
They are chosen by the Egun in the first instance and their appointment is
confirmed by specific rites. They may or may not be chosen from among
the group of the Amisan.
In Bahia, the drummer is not a professional. On each " terreiro " there
is an Algbe with his assistants, Qtn and Osi (lit. right and left), an ago go
player and another who plays the skr 45. They are the official players
and are responsible for the ritual instruments of the " terreiro ". They know
every type of beat, greeting and the ritual chants, specifically for each and
every gun.

43. One of the most illustrious Alpini was Marcos Teodoro Pimentel, chief of the
Terreiro of Tuntun.
44. Ijy or jy is the way that this word is pronounced at the li Agbul, The
first one registered by Abraham under Oy, op. cit., p. 497.
45. The agogo is an iron percussion instrument with a double mouth. Any piece of
iron beaten by an iron rod would serve the same purpose, it is also known under the name
of gan in Bahia. This word is of Fon origin and it appears in R. P. B. Segurola's,
Dictionnaire Fon-Franais, Procure de l'Archidiocse, Cotonou, 1963, p. 176. The skr
is a calabash covered with a net of cowries or beads.

ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA THE GUN-CULT

101

FEMALE JY
Some women are also holders of important titles. Althuiigh they are
absolutely forbidden from participating in the secret of the Lsnyin, they
fulfill specific functions in the cult and are highly respected in the
community. The higher ranking post in the hierarchy which are open to women
in Bahia are :
ya-Egb : She is the leader of all the female participants. It is she who
receives all the information concerning the cult and it is she who is
responsible for carrying out the wishes of the gun. She is the first to be
greeted by the Baba. Usually she is an old person who occupies a
prominent position in the community. Like the Algb the ya-egbe has her own
Qtn-and Osi.
ya-Mond : She is the leader of the female worshippers of the Egngn.
She passes on all the requests and messages made by the women to the Baba.
She is the most frequent leader of the ritual chants entoned by the women.
She also by means of chants can solicit the presence of the gun. She too
has her Qtun and Osi.
ya-Agn or ygan : She is responsible for receiving and handing over
the offerings made to the gun. She too has her Qtn and si.
Other titles with various duties are : yl-Algb, yakeker, yalj,
ymoro, y Mon-Yoyo, Elmas.
THE EGNGN
Classification, speech, clothing and preceptual rites
The Qj are intermediaries between the living and the dead. They are
responsible for making the spirits visible and making them appear publicly.
This is the main object of the initiation of the 0j. An Qj learns to deal
with the nry stery of death and with the derivative relations. He learns the
secret of the invocation and handling of the dead.
The well-known scholar Ulli Beier has written, " the spirit which is being
worshipped is considered to be neither good nor evil but is conceived as a
power for either qualities. Being a power it is potentially dangerous if
wrongly treated but if worshipped in the correct way it will help the
community by protecting it... and bringing children " 46. Further on Beier
says : " The appearance of the Egngn... underlines the feeling of oneness
46. Ulli Beier, " The Egungun Cult ", Nigeria Magazine, Lagos, 1956, n 51, p. 392.

102

SOCIT DES AMRICANISTES

between the living and the dead and will fill the crowd with a feeling of
love as well as of awe " 47.
The .Egim-society, by making the ancestral spirits evident, is fulfilling
one of its more important functions : making immortality, a basic concept
of Yoruba philosophy, incontestable and unchallengeable.
The Qj is the means of executing and making effective the functions
which the igim-society fulfills in the community. He performs those rituals
based on such functions and is the guardian of the gun worshipped on
the " terreiro ".
In Bahia, the Qj who takes care of an Egun is known by the name of
Atok, recorded by Abraham and in " A Dictionary of the Yoruba Language "
as Atokn 48. The^ Atok is always a senior Qj. An Qj can be the Atok
of more than one Egun. He is responsible for invoking the gun, attending
on them and making them visible.
Each gun has his own characteristic clothing, which suggests the outline
of a human form. Each Egun carries specific symbols, has his own chants
and forms of greeting which identify him. The forms differ from gun to
gun according to the category in which they may be grouped :
A. Those classified as Baba-gun or gun-gb are characterized by
the large number of strips of cloth with which they are bedecked. They
only make public appearances at the major ceremonies of the cult or at the
annual festival which is dedicated to them.
The conjunct of the clothing of each Egun is known in Bahia as Qp.
This name is derived from Qpkoko {vide supra), the collective " assento "
of the Egngn, because in the last instance in the same way as the staff
Qp represents the Egun so are the cloths the only visible sign of the
presence of an gun.
The strips of cloth, falling down as a curtain, are fixed to a solid piece
which may be either square or round and forms the top off the Qp. All
this is known as the abala. The strips of cloth are of different colours and
profusely decorated with mirrors, cowry-shells, small bells and beads. The
movement of the overlapping strips of the abala allow the onlooker to
perceive a sort of a boiler-suit called kf, in the front of which is the bnt, a
sort of narrow, rectangular apron. The bnt is an article of clothing which
characterizes the Egun-Agb and is a fundamental preccptual object. The
designs^ made by the mirrors and cowry-shells on the bnt individualize
each Egun. These symbolic designs are related to the mystery of each
gun and constitute his most powerful attribute.
At the Terreiro Il-Agbul, the gun call Baba Olkctn is regarded
47. Bolaji Idowu also writes : " ... thus they are possessors of limitless potentialities which
they can exploit for the benefit or to the detriment of those who still live on earth. For
that reason, it is necessary to keep them in a state of peaceful contentment. " op. cit.,
p. 192.
48. Abraham, op. cit., p. 27.

ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA : THE EGUN-CULT

103

as the king, leader of all the Egngn. Thus he is Olkctn Olri gun
(lit. lord and master of the gun) whereas the Baba Agbul is the patron
of the " terreiro ".
The list of Baba-Agb worshipped on this " terreiro " is immense. Some
of the oldest are : Alte-Qrun, Oljapiu, Olj-Qrun, Olgboj, Arsoj,
Okoto, Awolse, Ad-Qrun, Ajop. The gun Baba Alpala stands out from
the other Baba-Agb and is feared to an exceptional degree because of his
enormous power. He is called Ondn, owner-of-the-d/, supernatural
power. His clothing is red and flowing, differentiating him from the other
Baba-gb.
B. Another category of gun is well represented by the gun called
Alporiy or Aldpy. This Egun has neither abala nor bnt. His
clothing looks like an enormous sack which extends into a long tail dragging
over the floor.
C. Another category of gun are the so called Aprk. They are
completely flat in appearance, in a rectangular form when seen from the
front, in very narrow form when seen in profile. As was the case of the
preceding category they have neither abala nor bnt. Their clothing is
of vivid colour, with large flamboyant designs. Generally they appear
accompanying the Egun-gb.
Whereas the gun-gb represent the ancestors of important families,
the Aprk are new spirits whose rites have not yet been completed.
They are unable to talk and rely on the Baba-gb to speak for them.
The gun speak in a very curious manner : some in a deep hoarse and
cavernous voice. Others speak in a very low but high-pitched voice. This
particular manner of speaking has already been mentioned with reference
to the myth describing the relationship between Oya and the Egngn.
Whereas the first eight children of Qya, as well as the Ar-Qrun and the
Aprk, are mute, the gun speak with a voice which is not human.
In the afore mentioned myth Oya appears having founded the gun-sect
with a monkey that frightened people. When the men took from the hands
of Oya her power, they began to use it to invoke the gun. They spoke
in a tone of voice imitating that of the monkey which Johnson refers to as
the Ijimir 49.
The Qj are capable of invoking the gun in any place and for those
circumstances demanding. Even if the Baba does not appear himself, he
answers and can be heard, giving his orders and messages.
The manner in which he speaks is known in Bahia as sgi 50 and his word
is respected as law. The voice alone of the Egngn carries with it all the
49. S. Johnson, op. cit., p. 29.
50. The Dictionary of the Yoruba Language also records, " Sgi : To speak like an Egungun, to speak an unnatural tone ", op. cit., p. 205. Abraham in his recording of the word
Se (A.I. II) : Sgi : The Egngn spoke in a fluty high treble voice ", op. cit., p. 585.

104

SOCIT DES AMRICANISTES

power of the ancestors. The presence of the Baba is often manifested only
through his voice ; his bodily form may not appear and one hears only his
messages and blessings. For this reason the voice of the gun is as feared
as the apparition itself. Knowing the deep importance that words and
sounds have for the Yorub, one can understand the profound meaning of
the gun-sgi.
When the first cry, raucous but powerful, is heard from the Egun-gb
calling :
Awon nl Agbul, o ku o ! Children of the house of Agbul, I greet
you !
chants and drum-beat alike stop. A respectful silence spreads over the
" barraco " while the faithful of the " terreiro " anxiously await the arrival
of the ancestral father.
Generally the gun enter chanting :
1. Ago ago tabi mawole
Have I your leave to enter this
house ?
2. Onl mo ki, ago
I am greeting the head of the house,
may I come in ?
3. Iy-Egb mo ki, ago
I am greeting Iy-Egb, may I come
in?
4. g l, g nl o.
May I cross the threshold of this
house ? Have I your leave to
enter this house ?
Ending this chant, the gun calls :
Omod mi o !

Oh, my children !

All the members of the " terreiro " reply :

! Baba mi !
Oh ! My father !
and thus communication is established between both worlds.
The communication, provoked and controlled by the Oj, will continue
for several days. Different rituals will take place with the apparition of
determined gun in accordance with the festival or the specific nature of
the rites to be performed during the festival. Numerous sacrifices will be
made and food distributed.
During the festivities the Qj. remain isolated in the recluse of the Lsnyin. Of their activities nobody knows anything ; nor when they eat or
when they sleep. Nor may his family or relatives approach him.
During the festivals whole families move to the " terreiro " ; luggage
and all temporally settle in to houses adjacent. The " terreiro " is
converted into a village on which the uninterrupted drum-beat and chants fill
the air. At night-fall men and women together gather in the " barraco ".

ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA : THE EGUN-CULT

105

The doors are locked and a careful vigil kept over them by the Amisan.
Those persons who for one reason or another cannot attend the festival,
lock themselves in the houses. With the exception of the Qj and some
Amisan, not one human being is to be found outside the "barraco".
The gun are invoked and with them the Ar-orun will take over all the
area.
As the women chant and the drum-beat throbs on hailing the Baba, all
outside is silence, interrupted only by the particular salutation and cries
of the Qj leading the gun. Running steps, the strokes of the isan, and
emphatic words are heard :
1. Ls-ls...
2. Pl-pl Baba mi...

Carefully, with patience...

Keep calm my father...

guiding and calming the ancestral spirits. AH night the gun are invoked
and will appear until dawn. They appear either isolated or in groups, but
always cared for by the Amisan.
On the last day of the festival, having ended all the preceptual rites the
gun take their leave. As they leave the " barraco ", chants are voiced
by the gun blessing and greeting the faithful, assuring them that all ran
well and had been propitious ; Arfin rud. As they take their leave they
sing :
1. sere mo nlo
I've had fun celebrating ; I am
going
2. Omod ko {i)re yin gb
That no misfortune may fall to you,
my children ; that you may all
reach old age.
3. Mo jba omod o
I salute the young.
4. Mo jub gblgb
I salute the old.
CALENDAR
The festivals of the gun-cult at the li Agbul take place according
to a well observed lithurgical calendar. During these festivals there are
included, if possible, the unexpected and non-periodic rituals such as the
initiation of Amisan and Qj that do not have pre-determined dates,
offerings and special rites recommended by the gun, installation rites of the
title-holders. As death itself cannot be predicted, other non-periodic rites,
specifically those of funeral-rites inside or out of " terreiro ", are performed
separately from the above-mentioned festivals.
Four annual festivals take place :
A. In January, for the New Year, the fulfillment of cult-obligations is
carried out until the ninth day. These rituals begin with that dedicated
to Onil and followed by the Qdn Olkctn, the annual festival dedicated

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SOCIT DES AMRICANISTES

to Baba Olktun. Together with this are celebrated the annual ceremonies
of Baba Alpala and Ologbojo.
B. In February, beginning on the second day and continuing for two
weeks a very special festival takes place. This is related to the fact of the
community being settled on the sea, making the fruits of the sea their
livelihood. This festival is dedicated to the water-goddesses sun and Yemanja 51
and to the god of creation sl. It is a propitiatory cycle of rituals
patronized by the ancestors of the community and by the Baba gun 52.
C. In September, from the seventh to the seventeenth the annual Odn
Agbul followed by the Odn Baba Bakbak are performed. At this
time, the harvest of the first fruits is done. Until recently farming and the
reaping of fruit had been the bases of living in the community. It cannot
be ignored that the Island of Itaparica was for a long time the furnisher of
fruit for Salvador 53.
D. In November, taking advantage of the Catholic holiday
commemorating the dead, the cult-obligation for Oya gbl, Queen of the Dead,
takes place 54. At this festival a large number of gun appear.
DEATH AND THE 0J
It is no easy accomplishment to be accepted and initiated into the awo,
the secret mystery of the cult. Formerly in Bahia, the more outstanding
representatives and those having the deepest knowledge in the Nag
religion and traditions belonged to the cult.
In Qy the Aldpini is one of the seven great noble-men and is part of
the community council, Qy-Misi. His duty is secular as well as religious
as he is the senior title-holder and paramount chief of the gun cult. It
is in the house of the Alpini where the future Alfin (King of Qy) will
receive his first instructions on the long procession towards becoming King.
There is a strong link between the King and the gun-cult as is readily appa51. sun and Yemanja are two water godesses of the Yorub pantheon, whose worship
is extensive in Bahia.
52. For a description of this festival see Deoscoredes M. dos Santos, " Festa da
d'Agua in Ponta de Areia, Itaparica ", op. cit., pp. 65-75.
53. The relationship between the gun festivals and farming is documented by
different authors. Geoffrey Parrinder describes : " The great annual appearances of the
Egngn are the chief communal ancestral rites of the Yoruba. In early June, the time
of farming, when the help of the ancestors is most needed, their visible representatives
appear. " In West African Religion, Epworth Press, London, 1961, p. 123.
54. Lydia Cabrera in Cuba records : " li Yansa is the cemetery because Yansa is the
mistress of the cemetery ". In Anago-Vocabulario Lucumin, ediciones C.R., La Habana,
1957.

ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA : THE GUN-CULT

107

rent through a representative of his person at the important meeting of the

sect.
Johnson also states : " The Egngn worship has become a national
religious institution, and its anniversaries are celebrated with grand
festivities. The mysteries connected with it are held sacred and inviolable. "
The most noble families have an Egngn, founder of the lineage who is
respectfully worshipped. Each of the various districts of large cities have
their Algb and a group of Qj representing different lineages.
Even today in Bahia to gain entrance into the gun cult is a great
privilege obtained through heritage or by personal and relevant merit.
Oral tradition maintains that only the true born, -bbi, have the right
to become Atok and to materialize the Egun. Servants, criminals or
otherwise indebted do not have the right to carry the isan, must less, to guide
or to invoke the Egun.
1. Er il yin nwon o ni gb'd j
2. Olf be gbd 'jy
3. bbi il Mokin
4. Ni o gboy na de 'n il

The servant of the house does not

have the right to join (to invoke
the gun)
The indebted (that are not even their
own masters) do not have the right
to be joy, title-holders,
The true born of the house of
Mokin
Only they can be the title-holders of
the house 55

Nowadays in Bahia, the group of Oj is reduced to some 20 members. The

Qj-gb are very respected public figures. Usually silent and great
observers, they possess a personality which distinguishes them. Accustomed
to deal with death, to invoke and to worship death, they possess a deep
wisdom of life and can confront any contingency with extraordinary calm
and objectivity. They appear to possess the secret of life and of death.
1. Se awo k 'k
2. Awo ki 'run
3. Nse e awo ma nlo si tunl
4. tunl il awo

55. Recorded by Olajubu, op. cit., p. 6.

56. Recorded by Idowu, op. cit., p. 201.

Those that make the mystery, (the

initiates), never die
The initiates are never corrupt
The initiates go only to the tunl
(place of unlimited true life ; of
renewed living).
tunl, house of mystery (the liawo from where the Egun are also
invoked). 56

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SOCIT DES AMRICANISTES

For the Oj-gb continuity of life and death is a happening flowing

uninterruptedly ; life and death,
Qkn na ni
The two of them are identical.
In fact, secure in the immortality which they possess by the pact which
they made with the earth during their initiation, they possess the certain
knowledge that they themselves will be remembered and venerated as the
ancient fathers. Thus, they will be in death, as they were in life, the
unchallengeable and incontestable representatives of immortality, symbols and
memory of the origins of their race.