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ECCE ITERUM CRISPINUS

It is an unrealized tribute to Juvenal's gift for vivid presentation that prosopographers are still seeking a niche in the gallery
of Imperial officialdom in which to place the figure of Crispinus
the Egyptian. He has been variously identified as praefectus
praetorio, Imperial secretary, praefectus annonae, and
praefectus Aegypti. 1 These titles, however, are not recorded in
histories or inscriptions, which maintain total silence about
Crispinus. They have been inferred from four literary texts
which do not actually name any post at all: Martial 7.99 and
8.48, and Juvenal's first and fourth satires. But if we put out of
mind the theories and attend only to the poems, Martial and
Juvenal do not give us the least reason to suppose that they had
in view an official of any kind.
The Crispinus of Juvenal is an equestrian parvenu given to
profligate spending.2 The most obtrusive trait in the portrayal of
him is his dandyism. It keynotes his first appearance in satire
one (lines 26-29):
... cum verna Canopi
Crispinus Tyrias umero revocante lacernas
ventilet aestivum digitis sudantibus aurum
nec sufferre queat maioris pondera gemmae.
The same theme identifies him again when he returns to take a
seat in Domitian's council (4.108-9):
et matutino sudans Crispinus amomo
quantum vix redolent duo funera . . .
Crispinus is registered in RE 4 (1901) 1720-21, Crispinus 5, and in PIR2 C
1586; both articles were written by Stein and take the position that Crispinus
was probably praefectus praetorio. The suggestion that he was "Sekretar oder
Studienrath" was made by O. Hirschfeld, Untersuchungen aufdem Gebiete der
romischen Verwaltungsgeschichte (Berlin 1877) 223; that he was praefectus
annonae, by R. Syme, Tacitus (Oxford 1958) 636; that he was praefectus
Aegypti, by J. G. Griffith, Greece and Rome 16 (1969) 145-46.
2 For his class, see 4.32; for his wealth, 4.5-7; 15; 29-31.

377

378

PETERWHITE.

Consider also the characterization "purpureus magni . . .

scurra Palati" in line 31. No matter how much sarcasm has been
distilled in this phrase, it must contain at least the minimum
truth that Crispinus acted or tried to act the part of a wit at
Domitian's court. This is not decisive against the possibility of
an official role, but in the absence of positive evidence for one, it
is at least incongruous.
Finally, the description in 4.2-4:
. . . monstrum nulla virtute redemptum
a vitiis, aegrae solaque libidine fortes
deliciae, viduas tantum aspernatus adulter.
Deliciae usually describes some object which rouses the sensation of delight. But the Romans associated the word as much
with the idea of pure sensation as with any particular delight; it
sometimes comes to mean an addiction to the exquisitely sensual. This is the sense it has in Seneca's epigrammatic remark
(Epist. 86.7) "eo deliciarum pervenimus ut nisi gemmas calcare
nolimus," and in Juvenal's sarcastic exclamation (6.46) about a
man who hopes to marry a chaste wife, "delicias hominis!" In
the passage just quoted from satire four, however, the word is
transferred from the quest of sensations to the addict of them:
"a decrepit sensualist, robust only in his lust."3 To the picture
of a wit and a dandy, Juvenal here adds that of a worn-out
voluptuary.4 These three aspects of his character are consistent
with one another, but difficult to reconcile with the qualities of a
high equestrian officer, especially under Domitian, who subjected his functionaries to a demanding code of accountability.5
A praefectus praetorio (vel annonae vel Aegypti) would nor3 The new Oxford Latin Dictionary cites one other example of this use, from
Pliny HN 22.99: "ipsae suis manibus deliciae preparant hunc cibum (mushrooms) solum et cogitatione ante pascuntur."
4
Perhaps Juvenal intended his readers to catch a reference to Crispinus'
illness and old age in 1.29 "nec sufferre queat maioris pondera gemmae," and in
the macabre simile of 4.108-9 "sudans Crispinus amomo / quantum vix redolent
duo funera."
5 According to Suetonius in his life of Domitian, 8.2 and 9.2. This stern
supervision helped to bring about his assassination: the most energetic of the
conspirators was a freedman procurator under indictment for embezzlement
(Suetonius V. Dom. 17).

ECCE ITERUM CRISPINUS.

379

mally have reached his post only after years of diligent and
effective service in lower employments. Could Juvenal's Crispinus have kept up the pace?
The portrait of the Satires, which one might otherwise have
dismissed as malicious invention, finds remarkable corroboration in two well-intentioned epigrams written by Martial. 8.48 is
addressed to a thief who has purloined Crispinus' purple cloak:6
Nescit cui dederit Tyriam Crispinus abollam,
dum mutat cultus induiturque togam.
quisquis habes, umeris sua munera redde, precamur:
non hoc Crispinus te sed abolla rogat.
non quicumque capit saturatas murice vestes
nec nisi deliciis convenit iste color.
si te praeda iuvat foedique insania lucri,
qua possis melius fallere, sume togam.
The crescendo builds in the second last couplet: Martial obviously sensed that Crispinus' conceit of his own elegance offered
the front most vulnerable to flattery. This poem, according to
the book-dates of Friedlaender, would have been written about
the year 93, at least six or seven years after the time of which
Juvenal was speaking in satire four. At both times the Egyptian
left the same impression, registered in the word deliciae by the
one poet as by the other: the impression of a man devoted to
fastidious luxury.
The other epigram (7.99) antedates the first by about a year. It
probably introduced a brochure of poems which Martial sent to
Crispinus:
Sic placidum videas semper, Crispine, Tonantem
nec te Roma minus quam tua Memphis amet:
carmina Parrhasia si nostra legentur in aula,
-namque solent sacra Caesaris aure fruidicere de nobis ut lector candidus aude:
'Temporibus praestat non nihil iste tuis,
nec Marso nimium minor est doctoque Catullo.'
hoc satis est: ipsi cetera mando deo.
6 Rare
audacity indeed, if Crispinus were a high official with soldiers on his
staff.

380

PETER WHITE.

According to lines 3-5, Crispinus enjoys ready access to the

emperor. But the relation between them is not that which
obtains between a sovereign and one of his administrators or
chiefs. Crispinus does not approach until business has given
way to leisure pastimes: "carmina Parrhasia si nostra legentur
in aula." Martial conceives of him as a courtier, which is not far
different from his characterization as a scurra by Juvenal.7
The one consideration which has caused scholars to ignore
the inglorious light in which Crispinus appears is his presence at
the council meeting of Juvenal's fourth satire. When first propounding the view that he was Praetorian Prefect, Borghesi8
observed that the other councillors attending Juvenal's conclave comprise several senators and the Praetorian Prefect
Cornelius Fuscus. Crispinus would have had no reason to take
part unless he too were either a senator (which as an Egyptian
he could not have been), or an official on a par with Fuscus.
Although later scholars for the most part discounted the other
arguments by which Borghesi sought to establish that Crispinus
was Praetorian Prefect,9 they have held fast to the conviction
that he must have had some position of responsibility in order to
participate in Domitian's council of state.
7 Hirschfeld
(supra n. 1), though he believed that Crispinus was an Imperial
secretary at the dramatic date of Juvenal four, concluded from this epigram of
Martial that he had ceased to be an official by the year 92: "die Art, wie Martial
dem Crispinus sein Buch fur den Kaiser empfiehlt, scheint mehr auf eine
Gunstlingstellung, als auf eine officielle Position zu deuten."
8 Oeuvres 5.514-16 = 10.28-33.
9 One other part of Borghesi's case is occasionally reasserted: that Juvenal
4.32 styles Crispinus princeps equitum, and since similar language is used of
Praetorian Prefects elsewhere, we must recognize in this appellation a kind of
title attached to that office. But of the three parallels adduced by Borghesi,
Herodian 5.7 does not involve the expression princeps equitum at all, nor
contain any text which warrants the misleading paraphrase that Elagabalus
"prepose all'ordine equestre uno scenico". Velleius Paterculus (2.127) does
apply the expression to the father of Sejanus, who had been Commander of the
Guard: "Ti. Caesar Seianum Aelium, principe equestris ordinis patre natum,
materno vero genere clarissimas veteresque et insignes honoribus complexum
familias . .. singularem . .. adiutorem habuit atque habet". But although the
prefecture of Seius Strabo undoubtedly accounts for the eminence here ascribed
to him, the context shows that Velleius is not thinking primarily of his official
position. He is simply trying to give to the paternal side of Sejanus' family a

ECCE ITERUM CRISPINUS.

381

The argument is not cogent. To begin with, one cannot assert

that Fuscus and Crispinus are the only non-senators at the
council of Juvenal four without proclaiming more than is
known. The identity of Montanus in line 107 and of Pompeius in
line 110 has not yet been established, and so their standing must
remain conjectural. In fact, we have every reason to assume
that at any ordinary consilium, both senators and knights would
have been present. Since the consilium principis to a large
extent retained the character of the consilium amicorum from
which it evolved, the individuals consulted might as easily be
drawn from the ordo equester as from the Senate. And more
important, it was an unofficial body, inclusion in which did not
presuppose, for either senator or knight, the tenure of any
official post.'0 Of the ordinary practice, there is a pertinent
illustration. An epigraphically attested conclave which took
place, like the council of Juvenal four, in Domitian's Alban
palace, and in about the same year as the dramatic date of the
satire, included splendidi viri utriusque ordinis. I'
A knowledge of how the emperor's consilium was ordinarily
composed, however, may help very little to appreciate what
transpires in the council of Juvenal four. That conclave was a
fiction and a farce. Juvenal's poem parodies an epic by Statius
on Domitian's war against the Germans, or more precisely, it
parodies a consilium described in this epic.12 The poet's treatsocial distinction equal to that on the maternal side. Social class isjust as plainly
at issue in the passage from Fronto's third letter to Antoninus Pius (van den
Hout p. 157), concerning the Prefect Q. Marcius Turbo: "[Censorius Niger]
Turboni Marcio et Erucio Claro erat familiarissimus, qui duo egregi viri alter
equestris alter senatori ordinis primari fuerunt". Princeps equitum, then,
cannot be said to be a title, official or semi-official, attached to the office of
Praetorian Prefect.
10The
composition of the council is well described by J. Crook, Consilium
Principis (Cambridge 1955) 23-26; to which add the comments of A. N.
Sherwin-White, The Letters of Pliny: A Historical And Social Commentary
(Oxford 1966) 391-92. It is peculiar that Crook, having argued in the early pages
of his book that view of the consilium which I have summarized, should have
agreed in his discussion of Juvenal four with the traditional view that all the
participants except Fuscus and Crispinus were senators.
' CIL IX 5420.
12
See G. Highet, Juvenal the Satirist (Oxford 1954) p. 256, n. 1.

382

PETER WHITE.

ment of his materialin general, and of Crispinusin particular,

ought to be judged primarilyfrom a literarystandpoint,rather
than from a historical one. If Juvenal's characters consist
mainlyof eminentFlaviansenators,13this is because, first, he is
following his Statian model (we know that he transplantedat
least three of Statius' councillors into his own poem),14and
secondly, because by contrastingthe dignity of his characters
with the meanness of their employment he sees a way to
dramatizethe circumstancesof life undera tyranny.Nevertheless, it is essential to rememberthatwhatJuvenalsets beforeus
is not a real council debatingan issue of war or policy, but an
imaginarycouncil about a fish. He is likely to have introduced
any of the emperor's cronies who had gained notoriety for
prodigalgourmandise,simply because they suited his subject
matter.Montanus,the connoisseurof Neroniancarouses, who
receives more attentionin the poem than anyone else, may be
one such character.And Crispinus,whose extravagancein the
fish-markettook up lines 1-36,mightreasonablybe considered
another.
PETER
WHITE
UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

13 The word
proceres in lines 73 and 144, however, must not be thought to
specify senatorial rank or official position. This word does not bear any kind of
political connotation, and is in fact avoided in the language of ordinary political
life. Caesar never uses it, and in all of Cicero's writings, it occurs only once, in
the mock-epic context of ad Fam. 13.15.1. The poets, on the other hand, employ
it often, Ovid for example seventeen times, and Statius eighteen times; Juvenal
has surely taken it over from the poem he burlesques. Proceres is a more poetic
way of sayingprincipes civitatis, which is the definition of it given by Varro (on
the evidence of Servius, on Aeneid 1.740) and Festus (290.21 Lindsay). In
Juvenal's terms it can be ironically but appropriately extended to Crispinus,
who in virtue of his wealth was named princeps among the knights at line 32.
14 The four lines of Statius'
poem which were preserved by Valla's Probus
commentary (P. Wessner, Scholia in Juvenalem pp. 61-62) enumerate the
names of Vibius Crispus, Fabricius Veiento, and Acilius Glabrio.