150 anni di preistoria e protostoria in Italia

margarIta daz-andreu *

Transnationalism and archaeology.

The connecting origins of the main institutions
dealing with prehistoric archaeology
in Western Europe: the IPH, the CIPP and
the CRPU (1910-1914)
RIASSunTo - transnazIonalIsmo e archeologIa. I prImI contattI delle prIncIpalI IstItuzIonI che sI occupano dI

archeologIa preIstorIca nelleuropa occIdentale: Iph, Il cIpp e Il crpu (1910-1914) - Larticolo tratta delle origini
e dello sviluppo di tre istituzioni che hanno a che fare con la preistoria dellEuropa occidentale allinizio del ventesimo
secolo. Esse sono lIstituto parigino di Paleontologia umana (IPH), la Comisin de Investigaciones Paleontolgicas y
Prehistricas (CIPP) di Madrid e il Comitato Italiano per le ricerche di Paleontologia umana (CRPu). Lanalisi va al
di l dei ristretti conini dello Stato-nazione e giunge al risultato che lo sviluppo simultaneo di queste tre istituzioni pu
essere considerato un caso di transnazionalismo. Larticolo si occupa anche di globalizzazione e glocalizzazione
e di come questi due concetti possano illuminare la storia delle istituzioni archeologiche.

SuMMARY - transnatIonalIsm and archaeology. the connectIng orIgIns of the maIn InstItutIons dealIng wIth

western europe:the Iph, the cIpp and the crpu (1910-1914) - This article examines
the origins and development of three institutions which dealt with prehistory in Western Europe at the start of the
twentieth century. These three institutions the Parisian Institut de Palontologie Humaine (IPH), the Comisin de
Investigaciones Paleontolgicas y Prehistricas (CIPP) based in Madrid and the Italian Comitato per le ricerche di
Paleontologia umana (CRPu). The analysis undertaken goes beyond the narrow nation-state perspective, for it is
argued that the almost simultaneous establishment of these three institutions can be understood as an example of
transnationalism. The article also deals with globalization and glocalization and how these concepts can illuminate the
history of archaeological institutions.

prehIstorIc archaeology In

IntroductIon. transnatIonalIsm and globalIzatIon

The literature on the connection between
archaeology and nationalism has been growing
for the last twenty ive years (Daz-Andreu
and Champion 1996, Kohl and Fawcett 1995,
Meskell 1998, Silberman 1989). It has become
generally accepted that archaeology is not a neutral
discipline, but rather that its birth as a profession is
closely linked to Modernism and the organization
of the modern state based on the idea of the nation
(Daz-Andreu 2007). The many analyses focusing
on particular case studies linking archaeology and
nationalism have understandably been framed
in the context of the nation-state. In this article I
will argue that in doing this, they show only part
of the picture. This is because nationalism is a
global phenomenon in which people glocalize
their own way of understanding their own nation.
*
ICREA- universitat de Barcelona. Departament de Prehistria, H.
Antiga i Arqueologia, Facultat de Geograia i Histria, ICREA-universitat de Barcelona; Carrer de Montalegre 6; 08001 Barcelona. email: m.diaz-andreu@ub.edu

However, beyond each frontier there is much that

has been used as an example to emulate in order
to express ones own national identity. In the same
way as nationalism is behind many of the events
and practices that mark its evolution, in the history
of archaeology there are many cases in which
it is extremely useful to observe international
relationships as a way of determining why and
when particular developments took place.
This article will try to go beyond the narrow
nation-state perspective to analyse the inluence
of international connections in the organization of
three institutions dealing with prehistory in Western
Europe at the start of the twentieth century. I will
argue that their almost simultaneous establishment
can be understood as an example of transnationalism before the explosion of electronic mediation
and mass migration (Appadurai 1996: 8). It is
proposed here that many of the issues that are
seen as novel and described as the effects of
recent globalization already existed earlier (and
older examples could have been chosen). The
circulation and meeting of people and ideas of

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m. daz-andreu

different backgrounds and the annexation of the

global into their own practices of the modern (cf.
Appadurai1996: 4) is not new. What is new in
globalization is the percentage of the population it
affects today, as nowadays it percolates the whole
population. However, regarding the middle classes
and, in our case study, a professional group such
as the one formed by those interested in the remote
past, globalization was in place much earlier and
certainly by the beginning of the twentieth century.
In this article I will use the concept of
transnationalism to encompass processes
that scholars usually think of as part of the
development of the national state, but that are in
fact linked to others elsewhere. Transnationalism
has been deined sensu strictu as the process by
which immigrants forge and sustain simultaneous
multi-stranded social relations that link together
their societies of origin and settlement... many
immigrants today build social ields that cross
geographic, cultural, and political borders (King
2006: 2220). Sensu latu, however, it can be
employed to describe the same social relations
and their consequences, not necessarily among
migrants, but among individuals living in different
countries who are communicating with each
other and perhaps even travelling to the other
countries for short periods. This last meaning of
transnationalism was used by Peter Aronsson and
Gabriella Elgenius in a recent book on the origin
of national museums in Europe, where they see
such institutions as the result of transnational
values and identities (Aronsson and Elgenius
2011: 9). Sensu strictu, obermaier is the best
example of a transnational researcher. By focusing
on transnationalism sensu latu, this article will
go beyond the description of the relationships
between archaeologists of two or more particular
countries, which, despite their value, are not my
focus here (see for good examples of the other
approach (Gracia Alonso 2010, 2012, Reimond
2012)). Rather, my account will serve as the basis
on which to explore connections that go beyond
correspondence and personal meetings and will
frame all events in a global context.
Transnationalism and globalization will be the
background for the analysis to be undertaken in
this article on the founding and the earliest years
of three centres for the study of Prehistory and
Palaeontology in Western Europe: the Institut
de Palontologie Humaine in Paris (1910), the
Comisin de Investigaciones Paleontolgicas y
Prehistricas in Madrid (1912) and the Comitato
per le ricerche di Paleontologia umana in Florence
(1913). These three institutions are seen as key
to the development of prehistoric archaeology in

France, Spain and Italy respectively. The many

publications on their development do not fully
silence the links of the second and third with
the irst, but the impression the reader gets is of
almost independent development. In contrast, this
article will highlight the multi-layered connections
between the three of them.
the InstItut
(1910)

de paleontologIe humaIne In parIs

The Parisian Institut de Palontologie Humaine

is seen today as a key component in the
professionalization of prehistoric archaeology in
France (Hurel 2000-01, Hurel 2003: 8). Its creation
was the result of a series of personal encounters
between Prince Albert I of Monaco (1848-1922)
and the palaeontologist Marcellin Boule (18611942), between Boule and the prehistorian Henri
Breuil (1877-1961) and between Breuil and the
German prehistorian, Hugo obermaier (18771946).
Regarding the irst of these, Albert I of Monacos
interest in new sciences encouraged him to sponsor
Boules excavations in the Grimaldi Caves, which
were named in his honour. The excavations had
been started decades earlier by his grandfather
Prince Florestan I (1785-1856) in 1848 1 when the
territory belonged to Monaco. The area was sold
to France in 1861 by Florestans son, King Charles
III. Despite this, the grandson, Prince Albert I
(King Albert from 1889), who since his student
years at university had been acquainted with the
debates regarding human origins, became deeply
(and physically) involved in their excavation for
a few months from november 1882 (Boule 1923,
Hurel 2000-01: 51). This irst excavation was
followed by a gap of some years until 1895, when it
was continued by the future director of the Museum
of Prehistoric Anthropology of Monaco, Lonce de
Villeneuve. From June 1897 he collaborated with
Marcellin Boule, then an assistant at the Museum
dHistoire naturelle in Paris (ibidem), who continued
working there until the end of this excavation phase in
1902 (MAPM 2013). Also participating in the study
of the Grimaldi Caves was one of the most important
prehistorians of the time, mile Cartailhac (18441921), whose role was to study the archaeological
remains (Villeneuve et al. 1906-1919).
By the time Cartailhac became involved in the
study of the Grimaldi inds he had already had
as young companions irst Boule himself in the
1880s (Boule 1921a: 592-3) and then Henri Breuil
twenty years later (ibidem: 596). With the latter
1

1846 after MAPM (2013).

Transnationalism and archaeology. The connecting origins of the main institutions dealing
with prehistoric archaeology in Western Europe:the IPH, the CIPP and the CRPU (1910-1914)

he travelled to the north of Spain to visit Altamira

and other painted caves in the area (Madariaga de
la Campa 1996: 60). The result of this visit was
the often cited article Mea Culpa dun sceptique
(Cartailhac 1902), in which Cartailhac recognized
the authenticity of Altamira. The documentation of
the Altamira Cave by mile Cartailhac and Henri
Breuil in 1902 grabbed Prince Albert Is attention
to the extent that he decided to pay the cost of
its publication. In December 1904 he signed
a contract with the two French researchers, as
well as with Louis Capitan and Franois Daleau,
to publish the book, together with other artistic
evidences from the same period documented in
a series of French caves (Hurel 2000-01: 52). By
the time this happened, Breuil had been helping
the prince to organize the CIAAP International
Congress in Monaco. He was not the only one,
as Hugo obermaier, whom he had met in 1904
when the German undertook a study visit to Paris,
was with him as congress secretary. Breuil and
obermaiers help must have come as a relief to
the prince, as the initiative of holding the CIAAP
in Monaco had only been taken in 1903 2, when
its original organizers in Vienna had explained the
impossibility of going ahead and the Prince had
stepped in to save the day (Hurel 2000-01: 52,
Lanzarote Guiral 2011: 67). In June 1906, only
two months after the 13 th International Congress
of Anthropology and Prehistoric Archaeology
(CIAAP), the Prince extended his publication
funding to a series of caves in northern Spain that
Breuil had been studying with a Spanish scholar,
the director of the local arts and crafts school,
Hermilio Alcalde del Ro (1866-1947) (Hurel
2000-01: 52).
In 1908 the Abbots Amde and Jean Bouyssonie,
and Louis Bardons discovery of the skeletal remains
of a neanderthal individual in the Bonneval Cave,
La Chapelle-aux-Saints (Bouyssonie, Bouyssonie,
and Bardon 1908), raised a huge amount of interest.
The remains were moved to the laboratories of the
national Museum of natural History in Paris to be
studied by Marcellin Boule, then recently promoted
to a chair of Palaeontology (Boule 1911-13). Boule
showed them to Prince Albert I of Monaco (Hurel
2000-01: 52, Hurel 2005, Richard 1999: 263).
During this visit the idea was raised as to whether
it would be a good idea to have an institute dealing
with Human Palaeontology in Paris. In July 1909,
the Prince visited Breuil and obermaier in Spain, as
he wanted to see the sites they were working on and
he was taken to visit the caves of Covalanas, Castillo
and Altamira. Hurel explains how obermaier had to
2

or 1904 after Hurel (2011: 165).

165

rush from Vienna to Spain so that he could welcome

the Prince (Hurel 2011: 203).
At the end of october 1909, Prince Albert I
of Monaco informed Breuil of his intention to
establish an institute of human palaeontology
with Boule as director and Breuil and obermaier
as workers. Breuil was asked to draft a project
to this effect. This was ready on 21 December.
In the project presented by Boule and Breuil to
the Prince (Hurel 2000) they mentioned that, in
addition to paying for excavations, the Prince
should sponsor a monographic series similar to that
of the Bureau of Ethnology in the united States
(for this institution see Hinsley 1981, Woodbury
and Woodbury 1999). Breuil must have been
thinking of The North American Indian series,
whose irst ive volumes appeared from 1907
to 1909. on 23 July 1910 3 the Princes solicitor
registered the Institute of Human Palaeontology in
Monaco, a foundation aimed at encouraging the
advancement of the science related to the origin
and history of fossil man (in Hurel 2000-01: 55).
on 16 november 1910 the administrative council
was formed (Breuil 1951: 288) and Albert I wrote
a letter to the French Ministry of Public Instruction
informing about his intention to construct a
building for the encouragement of the study of
human origins, stating that he wanted it to be of
public utility (utilit publique). This was granted
on 15 December of that year. on 24 January 1911 4
Breuil and obermaier were oficially chosen
to work at the Institute under the direction of
Marcellin Boule (Hurel 2000-01: 55), who had also
been given the chair of Palaeontology at the IPH.
Breuil was designated for the Chair of Prehistoric
Ethnology and obermaier for that of Geology.
The establishment of the IPH brought envy and
criticism among other French prehistorians. They
disapproved of it, among other reasons because all
the members were priests, leading them to call the
IPH the modern castle of popes (Hurel 2003:
3-4, see also Lanzarote Guiral 2011: 69).
As a new institution one would have expected it to
have its own publication series and a building. To
start with the IPH did not set up a new periodical
publication, as it used the journal LAnthropologie 5.
3

Breuil provides the date of 24 July 1910 (Breuil 1951: 288).

Again, there is a difference of a day between the dates stated by
Hurel and those by Breuil. The latter provides the date of 25 January
1911 (Breuil 1951: 288).
5
LAnthropologie was the heir of another publication, the Matriaux
pour lHistoire naturelle et primitive de lHomme, which Cartailhac
had bought to Mortillet in 1869. The journal had become the oficial
publication of the CIAPP International Congresses (Boule 1921a:
591). In 1889 it had changed its name to LAnthropologie, having as
its editors Cartailhac and Boule, among others (Boule 1921a: 594).
4

166

m. daz-andreu

The control of the journal by the IPH director made

it unnecessary to issue another publication to begin
with. However, a series indeed started in 1920
and it received the tite of Archives de lInstitut de
Palontologie Humaine (Richard 1999: 263- 4).
Regarding the building, the land for the institute
was bought in July 1911 and construction was
inished in 1914, just before the start of World War
I. Two years were needed after the war to bring
the building back into operation. Its inauguration,
irst planned for november 1914, but postponed
because of World War I, did not take place until
23 December 1920, with Carthailhac giving the
inaugural speech (Boule 1921a: 597).
The institutional history of the IPH after its
creation was not without problems. on the one
hand, the large size of the building proved to be
inancially costly, something that Cartailhac had
feared from the start (Hurel 2000-01: 57-58).
There were personal tensions among its members.
Hurel explains how the relationship between
Marcellin Boule and Henri Breuil became tense,
with daily disputes over thirty years (Hurel 2003:
2). Perhaps this rivalry affected obermaier, who
only worked for the IPH oficially until January
1915. In reality, however, he had already stopped
working for it in August 1914, at the start of World
War I, as his German nationality became a problem
during the conlict, especially in an institution in
which the director was overtly anti-German (see,
for example, Boule (1914), only one of many such
examples) (Hurel 2000-01: 60, Richard 1999:
265)).
As we have seen, the members of the IPH had
worked in Spain and Italy before World War I.
After the conlict, however, collaboration would
have to wait largely until the mid-1920s. Boule
encouraged one of his students, Raymond Vaufrey
(1890-1967), to work on the Italian Palaeolithic
(Vaufrey 1928, Vaufrey 1929), although somehow
he was forced to end his excavation in Sicily in
1927 (Tarantini and Parenti 2011: 147, 149). It is
unclear whether politics was involved. Schnapp
comments that Vaufrey was a sympathizer of right
wing totalitarianism (Schnapp 1980: 27-28, see
also Hurel 2011: 399-403) and it may be worth
mentioning that irst Gian Alberto Blanc and
then his son, Alberto Carlo Blanc (1906-1960),
also of right-leaning views, often worked with
him (Guidi 2010: 16). Despite Vaufrey having
been forced to end his excavation in Sicily,
collaboration between archaeologists linked to
the IPH and Italian archaeologists continued.
Also, from 1905 Boule had directed a journal called Les annals de
palontologie.

Thus, in the mid-1930s Breuil visited Italy and

helped Alberto Carlo Blanc with the extraction
of a neanderthal skull and later excavations at
Saccopastore (Rome) (Hurel 2003: 5, Hurel
2011: 348-352).
Regarding Spain, Breuil and obermaier met with
the Count of Vega del Sella and Count Bgoun in
Cantabria in 1925. TheConcilium of Altamira, as
it became known, was held to discuss the possible
condemnation of the theory of evolution by the
Church and to ask Count Bgoun to intercede on
Teilhard de Chardins behalf with the Pope (Breuil
in Hurel 2003: 4-5, Lanzarote Guiral 2011:77,
Ripoll Perell 2002: 313).
Breuil went on to publish many articles on PostPalaeolithic rock art. With the death of Albert
I of Monaco in 1922, however, he lost his main
sponsor and as a result he struggled to publish his
large volumes on Spanish rock art. A irst one was
published in English in 1929 thanks to Burkitt,
who became a co-author, and the other four were
published in French in his name only in 193335, thanks to the Singer-Polignac Foundation.
This was a charity that had been set up in 1928
to provide funding for the arts and sciences in
some way linked to the Collge de France, where
he was the irst to occupy the chair of Prehistory
in 1929. Breuil also continued to collaborate
with obermaier from the mid-1920s, not only
publishing on Spain (for example Breuil and
obermaier 1935, obermaier and Breuil 1927,
Porcar Ripolles, Breuil, and obermaier 1935),
but also, although not together, on South Africa
(Breuil 1930, obermaier and Khn 1930) (see
also Burkitt 1928).
other members of the IPH became also involved
in Spanish archaeology. This was the case of
Raymond Vaufrey, Henri Vallois and Teilhard
de Chardin. They respectively studied the fauna,
human remains and phosphates from Castillo,
whereas obermaier and Breuil analysed the
typology and stratigraphy of the cave (Cabrera
Valds, Bernaldo de Quirs, and Hoyos Gmez
1996: 186-187, Lanzarote Guiral 2011: 77).
the comIsIn de InvestIgacIones paleontolgIcas
y prehIstrIcas In madrId (1912)
In 1907 the Junta para la Ampliacin de Estudios
e Investigaciones Cienticas (JAE, Council for
the Expansion of Study and Scientiic Research)
was established. This was an initiative of a group
of major scholars willing to put a halt to what they
perceived to be the centuries-long unremitting
decadence of Spain, which had resulted in the
end of the Spanish empire in 1898. The JAE had

Transnationalism and archaeology. The connecting origins of the main institutions dealing
with prehistoric archaeology in Western Europe:the IPH, the CIPP and the CRPU (1910-1914)

two centres where archaeologists were housed.

one was the Centro de Estudios Histricos (CEH,
Centre for Historical Studies), where a section for
the archaeology of late prehistory to the Islamic
period was set up in 1914. The other was the
national Institute for Physics and natural Sciences,
in which the institution we are interested in this
article was established in 1912 under the name of
the Commission for Speleological Explorations.
Its title, however, signiicantly changed in 1914 to
the Comisin de Investigaciones Paleontolgicas
y Prehistricas (CIPP, Commission for
Palaeontological and Prehistoric Research)
(Snchez Ron 1988: 41-49).
The idea of opening a centre for palaeontology and
prehistoric archaeology came up during a study trip
to Paris by the chair of Geology at the university of
Madrid, Eduardo Hernndez-Pacheco (Hernndez
Pacheco 1959: 719). He had received a grant from
the JAE to undertake a study trip to France, Italy,
England, Belgium and Switzerland, although he
spent much of the time in Paris. There he worked
under Boule at the IPH and a few other researchers
at other institutions during the months of october
to December 1911 (JAE: 1910 and 1911, 63). It
was in Paris that Hernndez-Pacheco met the 17th
Marquis of Cerralbo (1845-1922), Enrique de
Aguilera y Gamboa, who was temporarily living
in Paris (Anon. 1954: 12). Cerralbo was one of
the patrons of the Museum of natural Sciences
in Madrid and someone who, as a senator, had
argued in favour of the Law of Antiquities that
was inally passed in 1911. They discussed the
idea of setting up a similar institution to the IPH
and once in Spain they put this proposal to the
JAE (Hernndez Pacheco 1959: 719). on 28 May
1912 the CIPP was founded under the name of
Commission for Speleological Explorations (JAE
1914: 261). It had the marquis as director and
Hernndez-Pacheco as head of works.
The founding of the CIPP took place almost
two years after the solicitors registration of the
IHP and a year before the establishment of the
Comitato per le Ricerce di Paleontologia umana.
However, it may be signiicant that only twenty
days after the creation of the Italian Comitato
per le Ricerce di Paleontologia umana (see
below), on 20 May 1913 the Commission for
Speleological Explorations changed its name
to the CIPP. Although no source has been found
to conirm this, it is most likely that the Spanish
institutions change of name was connected to the
establishment of the Italian one. In favour of this
connection is the fact that both Gian Alberto Blanc
and Hernndez-Pacheco visited the site of Castillo
in northern Spain, where obermaier excavated

167

from 1910 until 1914. They may have well met

there. Sadly, historians of archaeology remain silent
about the connections between Spanish and Italian
prehistorians and palaeontologists at that time, not
because they were not taking place, but probably
because historians consider the connections between
the two satellite countries of France of minor
importance and not worthy of study (see comments
on this in Daz-Andreu 2012a). However, a future
analysis of these peripheral relationships may
provide unexpected results and explain much.
Returning to the formation of the CIPP, it should
be said that its connection to the IPH was a
mixture of love and hate. Indeed, the format of the
institution, the number of people working for it, its
bond to a natural Sciences museum, its link to an
aristocrat, and its remit indicate great similarities
to the IPH. However, the correspondence shows
us that a strong impulse behind its creation was
a nationalist reaction against French colonialism.
In a letter dated 1 november 1913, Eduardo
Hernndez-Pacheco wrote to the Count of Vega
del Sella (one of the main collaborators of the
institution):
French archaeologists were against the
possibility of rock paintings [referring to the Pea
T prehistoric art site] in Asturias and Cantabria
given how wet the climate is! Do not speak about
this with the members of the French Commission
and do not tell anybody where the site is, for they
will immediately send a sleuthhound [sabueso] to
make a recording and in eight days you will read
about it in LAnthropologie (in Mrquez ura
1988: 486).
Similar comments were published a couple of years
after (Hernndez Pacheco 1915: 39-40) (see also
Rasilla Vives 1997: 432). The head of the CIPP
expressed in this way his feeling that Spanish
archaeologists had to be cautious in order to
prevent French archaeologists appropriating the
information. Hernndez-Pacheco felt that Breuil
was trying to monopolize prehistoric archaeology
in Spain and in the same letter mentioned above
he referred to French archaeologists as our
scientiic conquistadors and civilizers (Mrquez
ura 1988: 487). The establishment of the CIPP
was seen a means of halting French advances. It is
in this context that we should perhaps consider the
appointment of Hugo obermaier to the CIPP, after
he had to leave the IPH in 1914. only the previous
year Hernndez-Pacheco had written in a private
letter commenting that Hugo obermaier was less
cunning than Breuil (Mrquez ura 1988: 487).
At the outbreak of World War I obermaier was
in northern Spain. He and his companion, the
Alsatian Paul Wernert, found themselves in a

168

m. daz-andreu

dificult situation, to the extent that they had

to sell their scientiic equipment to survive. In
view of the situation, the Count of Vega de Sella
decided to give them refuge at his house at nueva
de Llanes in Asturias. By the end of 1914 they
were in Madrid, probably living in the Counts
house in the capital (later obermaier lived at the
school of El Pilar), and were working at the CIPP
(Mrquez ura 1996: 80). obermaier became
the chaplain to one of the wealthiest aristocrats
in Spain, the Duke of Alba, apparently thanks to
Breuils discrete arrangements (Gloria Mora, pers.
comm. 3.7.2013). During his years at the CIPP he
published his El Hombre Fsil (1916), an update of
his German book Der Mensch der Vorzeit (1912).
It is perhaps signiicant that Marcellin Boule, only
ive years later, published a similarly successful
book with an almost identical title, Les hommes
fossiles (Boule 1921b), although with a very
different content, although it perhaps only shows
that the term fossil man was in fashion at that
time. Boules book was translated into English in
1923 and obermaiers in 1925.
Despite the similarities highlighted above, the
CIPP was different to the IPH in many ways.
It was a state institution and did not have a
separate building for itself, but used the national
Museum of natural Sciences (Museo nacional
de Ciencias naturales) in Madrid. Also, it did
not have a previously founded journal such as
LAnthropologie in which to publish its results.
Instead, two new publication series were set up,
Memorias and Notas, that dealt with the work
being undertaken. Publication of Memorias began
in 1915, preceding its French sister publication, the
Archives de lInstitut de Palontologie Humaine,
by ive years. However, one should take into
account that such an advantage may have been
related to Spains neutrality during World War I
and Frances part in it. In France the war may well
have delayed a publication project already in place
before the start of the conlict in 1914. During its
lifetime the CIPP published a total of 36 extensive
reports in the Memorias series. An analysis of
them further reveals how keen the CIPP was to
curb French interest in Spanish prehistory and
in particular in rock art studies, as an attempt
(probably by the Marquis of Cerralbo and Cabr)
to discourage Breuil from further researching on
prehistoric art in Spain. The irst Memoria was
that on rock art by Juan Cabr (1915), who a few
years earlier had been paid by Breuil to document
some of the art and had even published with him
(Breuil and Cabr Aguil 1909, Breuil and Cabr
1911, Breuil, Serrano Gmez, and Cabr 1912).
Two others followed, also on rock art (Cabr and

Hernndez Pacheco 1914, Hernndez Pacheco and

Cabr 1914). The fourth book in the series was by
the Count of Vega del Sella and had apparently
already been prepared in 1913 (Conde de la Vega
del Sella 1914). Perhaps the start of World War I
and the fact that Breuil was occupied with other
matters (i.e., his interest in rock art did not have to
be neutralised) that the subject of the publications
in the Memorias broadened to cover other ields
of prehistory, although rock and cave art were
kept on the agenda (Hernndez Pacheco 1917).
of the 36 volumes published in total, seventeen
(47.22%) had information on prehistoric art, of
which twelve (33.33%) dealt with cave art or rock
art. In contrast, only four books (a mere 11.11%)
related to palaeontology (and not 50% as the name
of the institution would lead one to expect).
The CIPPs huge achievements did not stop
tensions from emerging in its institutional
biography. The irst originated in the tension
between Cabr and Breuil in 1915 6, and this was
followed by that between Cabr and obermaier
in 1917 and inally between Hernndez-Pacheco
and obermaier, which resulted in obermaier
leaving the CIPP in 1919 (Daz-Andreu 2012b:
27-35). After the death of the CIPPs director
and protector, the Marquis of Cerralbo, in 1922,
oficial support for the institution weakened. In
1922, despite Hernndez-Pachecos complaints,
and thanks to the hand of the very powerful Duke of
Alba, obermaier was given the chair of Primitive
History of Man (Historia Primitiva del Hombre,
a translation of urgeschichte), i.e. Prehistory, at
the Faculty of Letters (Filosofa y Letras) of the
university of Madrid. From now on, in Spanish
universities Prehistory would not be included in
the ield of Sciences, but in Humanities, which
meant that Hernndez-Pacheco, who in addition
to his post at the CIPP was also Professor at the
Faculty of natural Sciences at the university of
Madrid, was sidelined and that also meant that the
CIPP was effectively on death row (Daz-Andreu
and Cortadella 2006).
The ideals of the IPH and the CIPP were
ultimately transferred by Hugo obermaier
to his teaching at the university of Madrid.
obermaier trained many of the future prehistoric
archaeologists in Spain, notably those who later
directed Spanish archaeology after the Spanish
Civil War, irst Julio Martnez Santa-olalla and
then Martn Almagro Basch, as well as other
archaeologists such as Carlos Alonso del Real,
6
one could also mention the quarrel between Cabr and Bosch Gimpera, although the latter was by that time based in Barcelona (Gracia
Alonso and Fullola Pericot 2008).

Transnationalism and archaeology. The connecting origins of the main institutions dealing
with prehistoric archaeology in Western Europe:the IPH, the CIPP and the CRPU (1910-1914)

169

Tab. I. Reports published by the CIPP. x= prehistoric art as main or secondary subject. (x) prehistoric art mentioned. P= palaeontology

1
2

1915
1914

1914

1914

1914

1915

1915

1915

9
10

1916
1916

11

1916

12
13

1916
1916

14
15
16
17

1917
1917
1917
1917

18
19
20

1918
1918
1918

21

1918

22

1919

23

1919

24

1919

25
26
27

1920
1919
1921

cabr, J
hernndez
pacheco, e.
cabr, J.
cabr,
J.hernndez
pacheco, e.
conde de la
vega del sella
hernndez
pacheco, e. dantn, J.
hernndez
pacheco, e. obermaIer, h.
bosch gImpera, p
schmIdt, h.
obermaIer, h.
hernndez
pacheco, e.
cabr, J. wernert, p.
wernert, p.
conde de la
vega del sella
cabr, J.
lantIer, r.
obermaIer, h.
hernndez
pacheco, e.
frankowskI, e.
motos, f. 1918
obermaIer, h.
- conde de la
vega del sella
pan, I.del
conde de la
vega del sella
obermaIer, h. wernert, p.
hernndez
pacheco, e.
frankowskI, e
obermaIer, h.
correIa, v

arte rupestre en espaa

las pInturas prehIstrIcas de pea t

avance al estudIo de las pInturas prehIstrIcas del extremo sur de

espaa (laguna de la Janda)

la cueva del penIcIal (asturIas)

geologa y paleontologa del mIoceno de palencIa

la mandbula neandertaloIde de baolas

el problema de la cermIca IbrIca

estudIos acerca de los prIncIpIos de la edad de los metales en
espaa
el hombre fsIl
nomenclatura de voces tcnIcas y de Instrumentos tpIcos del pale-

(x)

oltIco

El PalEoltico infErior dE PuEntE Mocho.

representacIones de antepasados en el arte paleoltIco
paleoltIco de cueto de la mIna (asturIas)
las pInturas rupestres de aldeaquemada
el santuarIo IbrIco del castellar de santIsteban
yacImIento prehIstrIco de las carolInas (madrId)
los grabados de la cueva de penches
hrreos y palafItos de la pennsula IbrIca
la edad neoltIca en vlez blanco
la cueva del buxu (asturIas)

(x)
x

PalEogEografa dE los MaMfEros cuatErnarios dE EuroPa y nortE dE

frica
el dolmen de la capIlla de santa cruz (asturIas)

(x)

las pInturas rupestres del barranco de la valltorta (castelln)

la caverna de la pea de candamo: asturIas

estelas dIscoIdeas de la pennsula IbrIca

el dolmen de matarrubIa (sevIlla)
el neoltIco de pava (alenteJo-portugal)

(x)

( x)

170

m. daz-andreu

28

1921

29

1921

30

1922

31

1923

32

1923

33
34

1923
1924

35
36

1927
1929

hernndez
la llanura manchega y sus mamferos fsIles. yacImIento de la puepacheco, e.
bla de almoradIer
conde de la
el paleoltIco de cueva morn (santander)
vega del sella
royo gmez, J. el mIoceno contInental IbrIco y su fauna malacolgIca

hernndez
pacheco, e.
conde de la
vega del sella
roman, f.
hernndez
pacheco, e.
vega del sella
gomz llueca,
f.

la vIda de nuestros antecesores paleoltIcos, segn los resultados

de las excavacIones en la caverna de la paloma (asturIas)
el asturIense; nueva IndustrIa preneoltIca

algunos dIentes de lofIodntIdos descubIertos en espaa

las pInturas prehIstrIcas de las cuevas de la araa (valencIa)

teora del glacIarIsmo cuaternarIo por desplazamIentos polares

los numultIdos de espaa

Julio Caro Baroja, Antonio Garca Bellido, Jos

Prez de Barradas and Julin San Valero Aparisi
(Daz-Andreu, Mora, and Cortadella 2009).
As seen above, after his period at the CIPP, for
many years continued with his collaboration with
Breuil on projects related to prehistoric art.
The collaboration between Spain and France, therefore,
had continuity through obermaier (and we could also
mention initial contacts by younger archaeologists such
as Pericot (Daz-Andreu 2012a: 56)).
But what about the collaboration between Spain and
Italy. Did obermaier had a similar role? Very little
is known about any possible collaboration between
obermaier and Italian archaeologists, Tarantini and
Parenti mention that when the Istituto Italiano di
Paleontologia umana was established in 1927, the
irst correspondents included not only Boule and
Breuil, but also Hernndez-Pacheco and obermaier
(Tarantini and Parenti 2011: note 53). After he had
left Spain for good and moved to Switzerland,
obermaier also published a note on Problems
of the Quaternary in upper Italy and Tuscany
(obermaier 1937) and there is a photograph of
him at the Romanelli Cave dated September 1938
(Tarantini and Parenti 2011: Fig. 3). There seem
to have been closer relations between Spanish and
Italian archaeologists after the Spanish Civil War
thanks to the prehistoric archaeologists belonging
to the next generation (Pericot 1941, Pericot 1945,
Pericot 1949, Pericot and Almagro 1949). There
were other links established between those interested
in protohistory and classical archaeology (Gracia
Alonso 2010, 2012). As mentioned above, however,
historians of archaeology keep generally silent
about the links between what are considered to be
peripheral countries such as Spain and Italy are
considered during this period. This has the effect of
reinforcing the belief on the power of the centers of

power - in this case France - therefore skewing our

vision of what actually happened in the history of the
discipline.
the

comItato per le rIcerche dI paleontologIa

umana (Italy,

1913)

The founding of the Institut de Palontologie

Humaine in Paris in 1910 was not only followed
in Spain but also in Italy, where the Comitato
per le ricerche di Paleontologia umana (CRPu)
was set up in 1913. The IPH and the CRPu
were intimately connected, as the former served
as inspiration for the latter and, as happened in
the case of the Spanish CIPP, they had much in
common: not only part of their names, but also
in their aim - the study of the earliest periods
in European history. However, again, as in the
example of the CIPP, the Italian institute also
became embedded in the alternative universe of
its own countrys institutional politics. This was
characterized by the existence of two rival groups
based respectively in Rome and Florence (Guidi
2010: 13). The irst was dominated by Luigi
Pigorini (1842-1925), whose leadership became
apparent from 1871 and more marked from
1877, the year he was designated to the Chair
of Palaeoethnology in Rome (Guidi 2010: 14).
The second originated with the naturalist Paolo
Mantegazza (1831-1910), who in 1871 encouraged
the creation of the Societ Italiana di Antropologia
ed Etnologia (Italian Society of Anthropology and
Ethnology) in Florence and its journal Archivio
per lAntropologia e la Etnologia.
It was in this second group that the CRPu
became a reality. An important factor behind its

Transnationalism and archaeology. The connecting origins of the main institutions dealing
with prehistoric archaeology in Western Europe:the IPH, the CIPP and the CRPU (1910-1914)

creation was Pigorinis reaction to the results of

the excavation of the Romanelli Cave, which had
been carried out at the beginning of the century
by the Florentine society members, Ettore Regalia
(1842-1913) and Paolo Emilio Stasi (1840-1922).
These scholars had identiied the inds as being
from the upper Palaeolithic and the fauna as being
typical of a steppe environment, alluding to the
interglacial oscillations proposed by the Viennese
professor, Albrecht Penk (Regalia and Stasi
1905, Stasi and Regalia 1904, Tarantini 19982000:23-27, Tarantini and Parenti 2011: 143).
Their conclusions were criticized by Pigorini,
who had published against the existence of the
upper Palaeolithic in Italy and against the use
of palaeontology to date archaeological deposits
(Pigorini 1904). However, they were backed by
another member of the society, Mantegazzas
scientiic heir, Aldobrandino Mochi (1875-1931),
one of the future founders of the CRPu (Tarantini
and Parenti 2011: 143).
It is most likely that Regalia would also have
been one of the organizers of the CRPu had he
not been too ill at the time. He was indeed very
close to the IPH, and this explains why, after
several unsuccessful attempts in Italy (Tarantini,
pers. comm.), he sold his collection to the Parisian
institution (Lumley 2011: 123, Tarantini and
Parenti 2011: note 33). Because of his illness and
subsequent death, the honour of the initiative fell
to Mochi and Blanc, with the help of others (nello
Puccioni and Elio Modigliani are mentioned
by Tarantini (1998-2000: 29)). At the time the
CRPu was founded, Mochi had taken over the
anthropology teaching position left vacant by
Mantegazzas death in 1910 (Mochi would later
be promoted to the chair in 1924). In 1910 he
also encouraged the foundation of the Laboratory
of Anthropology of Florence (Laboratorio
antropometrico iorentino), perhaps linked to
his rejection of the Tertiary nature of Homo
pampaeus, as against the theories proposed by
the Argentinean scholar of Genoese ancestry and
director of the national Museum of Buenos Aires,
Florentino Ameghino (Ameghino 1911, Mochi
1910, Politis and Bonomo 2011) (he had already
dealt with Argentinean matters two decades earlier
(Mantegazza and Regalia 1886)). Mochis newly
found interest in the earliest prehistoric periods
took off and in 1911 he wrote as many as seven
publications on prehistory (Tarantini and Parenti
2011: 143). The year 1911 would also be important
as it was when he met for the irst time the other cofounder of the CRPu, Baron Gian Alberto Blanc
(1879-1966). Blanc was a physicist who had spent
some time in 1907-09 in Paris, a city where he had

171

become acquainted with prehistory, producing his

irst publication on the subject in 1907.
It seems that it was only in 1912 that Blanc came
up with the idea of creating a version of the IPH
in Italy (Tarantini and Parenti 2011). In August
1912 he had collaborated on the excavation of
Castillo led by the IPH chair, Hugo obermaier
(Cabrera Valds, Bernaldo de Quirs, and Hoyos
Gmez 1996: 178, Fernndez Acebo 2012:52).
In September, Mochi, Blanc and Breuil met at
the 14 th International Congress of Prehistoric
Anthropology and Archaeology in Geneva
(Tarantini and Parenti 2011: 143) (where the
Marquis of Cerralbo was also present, and gave
a talk on the Lower Palaeolithic site of Torralba
(Santonja et al. 2005: 19)). Later, Blanc attended
a meeting at the IPH (Parenti and Sanso 2011). It
was in these encounters that the idea of the CRPu
originated, and the project was turned into reality
on 1 May 1913, the date of the oficial founding
of the Comitato per le Ricerche di Paleontologia
umana. For this to be possible, Blanc and Mochi
had needed to seek private donations. They struck
lucky among the afluent classes of Florence and
in the irst year they received almost twice as
much as they had expected. As with the IPH, no
new publication had been required for the new
institution: the Comitato maintained a dependency
on the Italian Society of Anthropology and
Ethnology and its journal (Tarantini and Parenti
2011: 146). More than being a separate institution,
Blanc and Mochi used the Comitato as a meeting
point for a series of scholars interested in
quaternary man, i.e. in Palaeolithic archaeology,
and as a way of obtaining funding for research
(Tarantini and Parenti 2011: 146).
The CRPu ceased its activities in 1922, but
restarted them in 1926, thanks to the arrival of
a new scholar, Count David Augusto Costantini
(1875-1936) (Vaufrey 1937). The count had
met Mochi at the 12 th International Congress of
Americanists in Florence in 1926, for which
he sponsored the restoration of the Americanist
collection in the museum (Tarantini and Parenti
2011: 146). In fact, from this emerged the Istituto
Italiano di Paleontologia umana (IsIPu) with
headquarters in Florence at the Palazzo noninito
(Tarantini and Parenti 2011: 147). In 1927 the
CRPu was transformed into the Istituto Italiano
di Paleontologia umana (IsIPu, Italian Institute
of Human Palaeontology) with Costantini as
its irst president and from 1936, Gian Alberto
Blanc. one of the irst activities of the IsIPu
was the organization of a congress which would
mark a turning point regarding the rejection

172

m. daz-andreu

of the Palaeolithic in Italy (Mochi and Cardini

1928, Tarantini and Parenti 2011: 148). Although
Marcellin Boule did not attend, Breuil did. The
IsIPu also re-started the excavation of the Grimaldi
Caves in 1928.
In the late 1930s and early 1940s, under Blancs
presidency, several satellite headquarters of the
IsIPu were set up in Rome, Salerno, Florence,
Pisa, Milano, Ferrara, Capri and Sardinia. This
expansion has to be seen in the political context of
the time and the political stature that Blanc senior
had acquired under Mussolini. He had been one
of the earliest fascism supporters, had participated
in the March on Rome in 1922 and had become a
Member of Parliament in 1924.7
The relationship between the Italian archaeologists
linked to the CRPu/IsIPu and the French and
Spanish archaeologists of the IPH and the CIPP
has been commented on above. It only remains to
make a inal note regarding globalizing networks.
We have already commented above that from the
1930s the International Congress of Prehistoric
and Protohistoric Sciences (CISPP in its French
abbreviation) managed to unify three different
nineteenth-century networks of prehistoric
anthropologists. In the 1950s there was a further
step towards strengthening the ties with those
coming from the geological sciences. In 1953
the IsIPu organized the 4th International union
for Quaternary Research (InQuA) Congress
in Rome (Blanc 1956). The InQuA congress
represented an alternative network of researchers
with geological and palaeontological backgrounds
that had been formed in Central and northern
Europe in the late 1920s (Alexandrowicz 2006).
With this move the network that dominated the
CISPP international congresses and that of the
InQuA came to overlap. on the editorial board
of Quaternaria, the new journal of the InQuA,
the names of IPH members Breuil and Teilhard de
Chardin were included, in addition to those of IsIPu
members Blanc and Cardini. To reinforce this point
it is worth mentioning that the following InQuA
meeting was held in Spain, the country where
the 4th CISPP was held in 1954 (Smalley 2011).
dIscussIon
In the ield of the history of archaeology, especially
when works are written within the framework of
the national state, it is dificult to ind any mention
7
Blanc was a member of the Executive Board of the national Fascist
Party and between May 1926 and December 1928 took part in the
meetings of the Grand Council, to be re-elected a member, by reason
of their duties, by the decree in 1929.

of globalization or the incorporation of the global

into local practices and creations. This article is an
attempt to ill this gap. In this essay the analysis has
focused on a particular example of a global trend,
the unremitting institutionalization of the state
in the modern period and its effects on the ield
of prehistoric archaeology in the early twentieth
century. This trend towards institutionalization
was behind a key transformation that led
prehistoric archaeology from being a study
effectively circumscribed to intellectual curiosity,
a mere interest, hobby or passion, to becoming
integrated into the machinery of the state (even
if this integration was in part thanks to private
funds).
Globalization on an institutional level is sustained
by the travelling of ideas, thoughts of institutional
possibilities, ideas about hierarchies, structures,
publications and communication. Ideas originating
in one place travel to another and create new
situations. In the case discussed in this article, we
see this in several instances. Thus, the publication
series of the American Smithsonian Bureau of
Ethnology served as an inspiration for the Archives
de lInstitut de Palontologie Humaine, perhaps
not in its format but in something more important,
making thinkable that an institution could be responsible for the publication of a thematic series.
A series would make it unnecessary to have to ask
for sponsorship for every book to be published,
which is what had happened until then in the case
of the volumes produced on Palaeolithic cave art
(the irst of these being that of Altamira (Cartailhac
and Breuil 1906)). 8
This article has also detailed how the IPH
itself served as an example to be followed in
other countries, with many obvious similarities
among the two following institutions in terms
of their names, their funding, their structure, the
approximate number of people working for them
and, to a certain extent, their type of publications.
However, it could also be said that all these
aforementioned items were organized in slightly
different ways that made them diverge from the
model followed. Thus, only the IPH seems to
have enjoyed a brand new building for itself, as
the others used the ofices of existing institutions
as their headquarters. Transference of ideas may
also happen, of course, within the same country,
8
However, the dificulties encountered by Breuil at a later period in
publishing his ive volumes of schematic art in Spain have already
been commented on in the text. This means that the series did not
completely end all the troubles of at least one member of the IPH,
perhaps because he was very demanding regarding the size and quality of what he wanted to publish. Breuil, therefore, continued to need
alternative sponsorship.

Transnationalism and archaeology. The connecting origins of the main institutions dealing
with prehistoric archaeology in Western Europe:the IPH, the CIPP and the CRPU (1910-1914)

jumping from one disciplinary ield to another.

Thus, possibilities born in one discipline may
open the way for the new schemes to be applied
in another. This can be seen in the effect that the
creation of the oceanographic Institute in Paris in
1906 had (Inizan 2011: 6), as this new institution
seems to have made it possible to consider the
Institute of Human Palaeontology.
It may be necessary to point out that it is not the
wish of this article to argue that all the inspiration
in Italy and Spain came from France, from the
IPH, the earliest institution of the three analysed
here. As the names of Comitato-Comisin hint,
the two resulting institutions - the CRPu and the
CIPP - may have inluenced each other, although
this statement is more a suggestion than an actual
deduction based on known data. As we have
already mentioned above, more research is needed
on transversal movements between countries that
are considered to be on the periphery and in which
current historians of archaeology do not expect to
ind an alternative independent transferral of ideas
and therefore do not search for it.9
It may be worth asking why globalizing trends
may affect some countries more than others. In
our example we could wonder why only Spain
and Italy mirrored France, whereas Germany,
for example, did not. The answer can be, in this
case, related to the historical background of the
international relations in prehistoric archaeology
in the last decades of the nineteenth century. As
I have highlighted elsewhere (Daz-Andreu 2007:
380-1), in that period there were three major
international circuits in Europe: from East to
West that of the Slavic Congresses, the meetings
of the German Anthropological Society and those
of the International Congresses of Prehistoric
Anthropology and Archaeology (CIAAP). France,
Italy and Spain belonged to the last of these,
with France as the key player in them. After
World War I German archaeologists were even
prevented from participating in the meetings of
the CIAAPs successor, the congresses of the
Institut international danthropologie. So it would
be possible to argue that once communication
is impeded, emulation becomes more dificult,
although not impossible, as is shown by the fact that
a younger generation rebelled against this situation
and created an alternative international congress
in which all the three geographical networks were
included, the International Congress of Prehistoric
and Protohistorical Sciences or CISPP (Daz9
Garca Bellido (1947), for example, provides a list of publications
by Hugo obermaier in which there is no mention to his 1937 article
on Italy.

173

Andreu 2012a: 245-259).

If the reasons given above as to why German
archaeologists did not try to follow the example
of the IPH seem logical (globalizing trends are
affected by previous experiences), this does not
explain why nobody in the united Kingdom
followed suit (oConnor 2007). It will be
proposed here that age 10 is also another factor that
facilitates or impedes movement of ideas. The
main archaeologists who headed these institutions
had been born in the 1860s and 1870s and by the
early years of the 1900s had been able to garner
suficient prestige to be selected for their positions.
not only that, they had shared international
politics, undergone comparable experiences
regarding technological change, and faced the
same global trends. They had grown in parallel
lines as professionals, having a comparable status
because of their age and had seen each other at
international meetings playing similar roles - from
subordinate to leading igure of their institutions.
If age was such a key factor, one may wonder who
were the scholars of similar status in England at
the time and what were their ages. Looking at England, and starting with Cambridge, the professor
of Geology who had encouraged Burkitt, who
was younger and became one of Breuils disciples
(Daz-Andreu 2013), learn about the Stone Age
was Thomas McKenny Hughes. Having been
born in 1832, he belonged an earlier generation
(he died in 1917). The anthropologists James
Frazer and Alfred Haddon were also slightly older,
having been born in the mid-1850s. The person
in England who was of the same generation and
seems to have been in a similar position was
John Myres. Born in 1869, he edited Man and
the journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute
between 1901 and 1903 and 1931-1946 and was
its president between 1928 and 1931. Despite this
attachment to anthropology, in 1910 he became
the Wykeham professor of ancient history at
the university of oxford. It would have been
extremely incongruent, it seems logical to deduce,
if he had organized anything similar to the IPH.
So, perhaps, generationally, there was nobody in
England in the position to emulate the Parisian
institute. Thus, when Dorothy Garrod wanted to
study the Palaeolithic, she went to Paris to learn
with Henry Breuil (Davies 1999, Smith 2009:
ch. 4). Later on, Burkitt, who had also been with
Breuil, helped to transmit what he had learned
from the French abbot (Daz-Andreu 2013, Smith
2009: ch. 2).
10
The factor age may be distorted in individuals with late vocations
such as that of Vaufrey (Bordes 1968).

174

m. daz-andreu

Summing up, this article has dealt with

globalization and glocalization, i.e. the
interpretation of the global into the local, in
archaeology. The examples chosen are only a
selection from the many available, but help to
illustrate that histories of archaeology need to
look at the international context to explain many
of the developments that are perceived as local but
are in fact are much better understood in a wider,
transnational framework.
acknowledgements
This work is the result the research project
Archaeology without frontiers - the international
contacts
of
twentieth-century
Spanish
archaeology funded by the MInECo-Ministerio
de Economa y Competitividad, Plan nacional
I+D+i, ref. HAR2012-334033/Hist. The content
of the pages above originated in a brief comment
given in my paper to the XLVI Riunione Scientiica
dellIstituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria on
150 anni di Preistoria e Protostoria in Italia held
on 23-26 november 2010 at the Museo nazionale
Preistorico Etnograico Luigi Pigorini in Rome.
I am extremely grateful to the organizers of the
event, as the invitation to join it was a fantastic
opportunity to learn from the many colleagues
from Italy and elsewhere I met there. I undertook
some extra work during my stay in Cambridge as
Visiting Scholar of the MacDonald Institute (20132014). As always, I need to express my profound
gratitude to a group of international colleagues
who have been extremely helpful in answering
my many questions and suggesting new avenues.
These include Marcello Barbanera, Francesca
Buscemi, Virgilio Fernndez Acebo, Alessandro
Guidi, Arnaud Hurel, Jos Mara Lanzarote, Fedra
Pizzato, Ian Smalley, James Snead, Massimo
Tarantini and IanTattersall.

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