Sociologie Romaneasca 3-2014

SUMAR
SOCIOLOGIA SPAIILOR VIRTUALE

Coordonator: Bogdan Nadolu, Universitatea de Vest din Timioara
Bogdan Nadolu
Introducere / 5
Ionela-Maria Rctu
The Virtual Environment: Dangerous or Not? Perceptions and Representations
of the Online Experiences among Children and Adolescents / 6
Raluca Buha
Pe cine alegem online? Criterii ale alegerii partenerului de cuplu n spaiul virtual / 26
Corina Moruan
Dezvluirea sinelui n mediul virtual. O analiz de coninut a profilului de Facebook
al tinerilor din Romnia / 38
Ileana Rotaru
Beyond Google-Search. Students Uses and Gratifications of the
Internet within Learning Activities / 52
Mariana Cernicova-Buca
Online Communication for Electoral Purposes: a View on Political Practices
in Timis County / 62
Elena-Lidia Dinu (Stan)
Percepia vedetei de televiziune n spaiul mediatic romnesc la preadolesceni,
adolesceni i tineri / 70
STUDII
Eugen Glvan
Murales Bolognese: Visual Representation of Italian Urban Culture / 86
Nicolas Maslowski
Criticndu-l pe Bourdieu n mod pragmatic / 97
Delia Bdoi
ntoarcerea la imaginaia sociologic. Provocrile sociologiei publice
pentru Romnia / 106
RECENZII
Bogdan Nadolu
Robert W. McChesney, Digital Disconnect. How Capitalism is Turning the
Internet against Democracy, The New Press, New York, 2013 / 118
Dinu Guu
Kawamura Yuniya, Fashioning Japanese Subcultures, Bloomsbury, 2012, 192 p. / 119
CONTENTS
THE SOCIOLOGY OF THE VIRTUAL SPACES
Coordinator: Bogdan Nadolu, West University of Timioara
Bogdan Nadolu
Introduction / 5
Ionela-Maria Rctu
The Virtual Environment: Dangerous or Not? Perceptions and Representations of the
Online Experiences among Children and Adolescents / 6
Raluca Buha
Whom Do We Choose Online? Partner Selection Criteria in Cyberspace / 26
Corina Moruan
Self-disclosure in the Virtual Environment. A Content Analysis of the
Facebook Profile of Romanian Young People / 38
Ileana Rotaru
Beyond Google-Search. Students Uses and Gratifications of the Internet
within Learning Activities / 52
Mariana Cernicova-Buca
Online Communication for Electoral Purposes: a View on Political
Practices in Timis County / 62
The Television Star Perception in the Romanian Media Field among Preadolescents,
Adolescents and Youth / 70
STUDIES
Eugen Glvan
Murales Bolognese: Visual Representation of Italian Urban Culture / 86
Nicolas Maslowski
The French Pragmatic School Reading Bourdieu / 97
Delia Bdoi
Back to Sociological Imagination. The Challenges of Public Sociology for Romania / 106
REVIEWS
Bogdan Nadolu
Robert W. McChesney, Digital Disconnect. How Capitalism is
Turning the Internet against Democracy, The New Press, New York, 2013 / 118
Dinu Guu
Kawamura Yuniya, Fashioning Japanese Subcultures, Bloomsbury, 2012, 192 p. / 119
SOCIOLOGIA SPAIILOR VIRTUALE

Introducere
Bogdan Nadolu*
Universitatea de Vest, Timioara
Acest numr din Sociologie Romneasc
este dedicat unui domeniu deosebit de provocator, aflat ntr-o continu expansiune att n plan
teoretic ct mai ales aplicativ: spaiile sociale
virtuale. Aa cum anunam i n cadrul acestui
numr, dezvoltarea accelerat a noilor tehnologii informatice i de comunicare a contribuit
fr echivoc la digitalizarea vieii cotidiene ntro manier i la o profunzime de neimaginat cu
doar dou decenii n urm. Concepte precum Internet, micro-procesor, social media, comuniti
virtuale, www, portabilitate, smart phones, 3D,
wirelesss i net-banking sunt doar cteva exemple de noiuni pe care aproape trei miliarde de
pmnteni le folosesc deja zilnic.
Spaiul social virtual dezvoltat n comple-
mentaritate i nu n opoziie cu spaiul social

efectiv este generat ca o rezultant a interconectrii utilizatorilor unei tehnologii digitale
care permite o transcendere facil att a distanelor geografice ct i a decalajelor temporare.
A fi on-line nu mai este un status rezervat
doar pentru cunosctori, pentru specialiti sau
pentru cei alei. La data scrierii acestei introduceri Satul virtual global numr o populaie de
2.941.582.350, cu peste jumtate de miliard mai
mult dect la momentul scrierii CFP, cu nou
luni n urm. Ce noi resurse sociale se genereaz n cadrul acestuia, ce efecte are interconectivitatea asupra stilurilor de via din realitatea
efectiv i mai ales ce perspective de evoluie se
pot estima pentru urmtorii cinci sau 10 ani sunt
doar cteva ntrebri la care tiinele sociale sunt
invitate s caute rspunsuri.
Dei apelul pentru lucrri n acest domeniu a
regsit un ecou uor ezitant, volumul de fa cumuleaz apte contribuii deosebit de interesante
i de valoroase pentru consacrarea cercetrii tiinifice autohtone de profil.
* Universitatea de Vest, Facultatea de Sociologie i Psihologie, Departamentul de Sociologie, B-dul V. Prvan

4, camera 333, Timioara, Romnia. E-mail: bnadolu@gmail.com.
The Virtual Environment: Dangerous or Not?

Perceptions and Representations of the Online
Experiences among Children and Adolescents
Ionela-Maria Rctu*
Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania
Abstract: The Internet and new media are now part of some broad changes that have occurred lately related
to how individuals engage in knowledge assumption and production, interaction and information seeking.
While digital media are gaining more visibility and attention, both because their associated benefits and
inherent dangers, a generation of youngsters is growing up in an era dominated by technological advances
that might produce experiences of different kinds in their developmental processes. Although the higher use
of the Internet has been accompanied by numerous hopes related to the positive outcomes it might stand for,
feelings of fear and panic have also come into play when referring to the child-virtual environment alchemy.
This is particularly true in the case of adults and public policy representatives perceptions of young people
as inexperienced users who might easily become targets of the online dangers. Based on three focus-group
discussions and using a child-centered approach, this paper presents the perspectives of 24 school teens
aged 9-16 who make use of the Internet at least once a week, and explores how they actually embed this into
their daily lives, and how they understand and manage risks by themselves. Comparing the answers of three
samples of pupils using a focus-group approach, this analysis allowed capturing various interpretations and
perceptions related to the online dangers that might occur while exploring the virtual space, by positioning
young people at the center of discussions.
Keywords: online risks; online environment; identity formation; parental mediation.
Cuvinte-cheie: riscuri online; mediul online; construcie identitar; mediere parental.
Introduction
Over the last years, there have been several
authors pointing to the important role that the Internet has had in peoples lives during time, producing electronic revolutions (Jan van Dijk,
2006; Davis, Hirschl and Stack, 1997; Castells,
1996), inequalities (DiMaggio et al., 2001), and
individualization (Wellman, 2001; Beck, 1992),
showing how media culture is part of youngsters lives from their early ages. The rapid rise
of new technology among young people, which
will continue to grow and evolve even more due
to broadband penetration and national strategies and policies (European Commission Digital Agenda, 2013), gives indications on the fact
that media, especially the Internet, no longer

serve as simple means of communication and
interaction. Rather, they have become so much
embedded into youngsters daily routines and
have become so natural and habitual that they
can easily be considered a form of life in itself
which cannot be analyzed separately from the
larger environment in which children live (Morimoto and Friedland, 2011). They are important
instruments contributing to teenagers processes
of socialization, interaction and identity formation, creating a lifeworld in which almost every
action is mediated (Bakardjieva, 2005; Habermas, 1981).
Due to the significant appropriation of this
medium in their lifeworlds, young people have
got to be not only prime innovators and head-
* Babes-Bolyai University, Faculty of Sociology and Social Work, B-dul 21 Dec. 1989 No 128, 400604, ClujNapoca, Romania. E-mail: ionela_racatau@yahoo.com.
Sociologie Romneasc, volumul XIII, Nr. 3, 2014, pp. 6-25
masters of the online environment, but also legitimate social actors able to take responsibilities
and decisions with respect to the activities they
undertake. Therefore, the need to understand
deeper the relationship between the Internet use
and young people is urgent and stringent, if perceived through the lens of the large scale and
speed with which technology evolves and produces changes, both at the social and at the individual levels. When it comes to children, apart
from its general characteristics of continuous
development and diffusion which can encourage
social change, the Internet use can also lead to
identity construction. Considering this view, young people can be perceived as active forces that
are able to find their ways in this modern Internet-based risk society (Beck, 1992). In spite of
the evidence showing the potentially large scale
of perils, vulnerabilities and harm across Europe
(Haddon and Livingstone, 2012), little research
was conducted in order to understand how youngsters perceive the role of the Internet in their
lives, which are their conceptualizations of online risks, and how they pertain to these negative
situations. Moreover, there are no recent publicly available studies that deal with childrens experiences and motivations of engaging in risky
activities. Similarly, there are very few surveys
dealing with the factors that favor the likelihood
of accessing this kind of negative content and
of getting involved in interactive situations that
might end with offline meetings; in the same lines, there is no recent survey on the effectiveness of particular approaches such as parental
rules (Stefanescu et al., 2009; Stefanescu, 2009;
Diaconescu, Barbovschi and Baciu, 2008; Barbovschi and Diaconescu, 2008). Therefore, this
paper aims to explore children and adolescents
perceptions and attitudes towards the modern
means of communication and information, their
characteristics of Internet use, along with the
associated risks, and the child parents online environment relationship. The few studies
dealing with Internet use and risks conducted in
Romania generally emphasized that youngsters
are intense internet users who go online mainly from their homes and perceive this medium
as being very important in their daily lives, indicating a strong need of research focusing on
the outcomes that this relationship might bring.
In the following part of this article some theoretical perspectives of risk will be emphasized
which will then be tested using the focus-group
method on three samples of pupils. In the last
part of the paper, the results of the study will be
analyzed and discussed, and some limitations to
the approach will be stated.
Theoretical framework
In recent years, the evidence has pointed to
a growing online connectivity of people, including children and youngsters. Eurostat statistics
(2013) show that overall, the proportion of households in the EU28 with access to the Internet
was 76% in 2013, an increase of 6 percentage
points, compared with 2010. Children under the
age of 18 in most of the countries make up a
high percentage of the total number of people
online. According to Livingstone et al. (2011),
overall, around 65% of the 9-16 years old children living in Europe go online daily or almost
every day, and the average age when they first
go online is nine. Various studies (Livingstone
et al., 2011; Ofcom, 2012; Lenhart et al., 2013)
reveal the fact that levels of access increase with
childrens age. According to Kotilainen (2011),
childrens media use is diversified and begins
at a very early age. The media environment is
constantly changing, therefore the TV programs,
DVDs and games are created in such a way as
to be used by children smaller than 3 years old.
Internet usage appears to increase and even become regular at the age of 5-7.
Even though the Internet has got strongly embedded into youngsters daily lives (Lenhart et al.,
2013; Haddon et al., 2012; Ofcom, 2012; Hasebrink et al., 2011; Kotilainen, 2011; Livingstone
et al., 2011; Valcke et al., 2011; Lenhart and Madden, 2007) and accounts for many undeniable
benefits related to entertainment, communication,
education, creativity, self-expression and information seeking, it is also considered to imply a
myriad of risks that are able to influence nega-
Ionela-Maria Rctu, The Virtual Environment: Dangerous or Not? Perceptions...
tively childrens proper development (Valcke et

al., 2011; OECD, 2011; OSTWG, 2010; YPRT,
2009; ITU, 2009; Livingstone and Haddon, 2009;
ISTTF, 2008; ACMA, 2008; Hasebrink et al.,
2008). On the one hand, there is the idea of encouraging and sustaining the further promotion of
the Internet as it facilitates many positive outcomes for the users, but on the other hand, there is
the idea of reducing the attendant risks. Research
shows that the experience of online opportunities
and risks appears to be strongly positively related, in spite the long-standing idea that they are
rather opposing variables, and, therefore, they
should be analyzed separately (Livingstone and
Helsper, 2010; Staksrud and Livingstone, 2009).
When it comes to online risks, the literature has spoken so far of a complex array of such
dangers which have been gathered in different
classifications and typologies over time, but until now, scholars have not agreed upon a generally accepted one (Valcke et al., 2011; OECD,
2011; OSTWG, 2010; YPRT, 2009; ITU, 2009;
Livingstone and Haddon, 2009; ISTTF, 2008;
ACMA, 2008; Hasebrink et al., 2008). As the
number of young people using the Internet increases and the age at which they first go online
decreases, identifying and addressing these risks
becomes an important public policy objective.
Moreover, as their activities, skills and competencies differ and increase by age (Ofcom, 2012;
Sonck and Livingstone, 2011; Livingstone et al.,
2011), their interactions with, and the conceptualizations of the online environment vary as
well, offering space for engaging in risky behaviors. Still, the literature distinguishes between
harmful contents and harmful interactions, which will be approached in the lines of this paper
as categories of content and contact risks.
Content risks including accessing pornographic materials, negative user-generated (i.e.
browsing wrong or untrustworthy information
which can result in negative behavior such as suicide, consumption of illegal products or physical
disorders) and xenophobic information are some
examples of negative experiences that young people might take up while exploring the virtual
world. Generally, these kinds of risks refer to the
situation in which the child passively receives or

is exposed to content available to all internet users
in a one-to-many relationship (OECD, 2011,
17), and are related to exposure to information
that might be harmful to youngsters, examples
of such experiences including: age-inappropriate
materials (pornography, hate messages, violent
behavior) and harmful advice (eating disorders,
drug consumption and addiction, suicide). These
kinds of experiences might have some negative
and long-time consequences on children, such as
increased aggression, fear, desensitization, poor
school performance, prevalence of symptoms of
psychological trauma, antisocial behavior, negative self-perception, low self-esteem, lack of reality or identity confusion (Cho and Cheon, 2005,
490; Mitchell et al., 2003, 346).
Contact risks, on the other hand, occur when
children engage in online interactions related
to specific types of Internet usage, such as instant messaging, blogging, chat room use, SNS
and playing games online (Ybarra and Mitchell,
2008) which can produce a variety of risk situations, such as meeting online contacts offline,
cyber-grooming, sexual solicitation, online harassment/cyber-bullying, and threats to privacy.
They started to raise great concerns between
parents, teachers, researchers, public authorities
and policy makers because of their potential to
develop relationships with dangerous perpetrators in search for assaulting possible victims. Besides this fear, there are other consequences that
might appear after coming across these risks.
These include feelings of distress and anxiety
(Mitchell et al., 2001; Mitchell et al., 2007).
Rapid and high penetration rate, intense use
and childrens low levels of skills might be associated with a higher blend of online dangers that
might interfere during virtual worlds explorations. While engaging in various activities meant
to discover and enjoy the multitude of experiences and opportunities that this medium offers,
some threats to safety might also come into play.
Depending on how young people behave and
perform online, they could attract a large diversity of dangers which can possibly harm them,
but which are also likely to help them adapt to
risks. Users may learn how to face those more

efficiently and creatively, becoming, therefore,
more responsible for their choices and actions.
Still, the ways in which media use affects and
even constructs youngsters lives and identities in an environment governed by threats are
subjects that need more attention. When children reach the age of adolescence, they need
to pass through a series of biological, cognitive
and physical transformations which can generate intergenerational conflicts, mood swings
and an enthusiasm for risky behavior (Buckingham, 2008, 2). These changes are what James
Marcia (1980) and Erik Erikson (1968, cited
in Buckingham 2008) called identity crisis,
a stage in which youth overcome uncertainty,
become more self-aware of their strengths and
weaknesses, become more confident in their
own unique qualities, learn how to self-reflect
and define themselves, separate from their families and form social competences. In order to
achieve a solid identity, the adolescents have to
pass through a period of psychosocial moratorium, meaning a time of searching for their
pursuit of self-discovery, which includes engaging in activities that might help them experiment different potential identities and situations,
including various kinds of risks.
Besides the perspective that the Internet use
brings many negative experiences and harm, there are though some authors who argue that risk
might bring certain benefits within youngsters
lives (Hope, 2007; Madge and Barker, 2007),
such as particular sensations, emotions, pleasures (Lyng, 1990, 2004), a sense of going beyond
boundaries or escaping from the everyday life
routines, and even a sense of control over the
actions undertaken. Applied to the Internet use,
it can give away boredom or loneliness and induce positive feelings of happiness or joy while
surfing the World Wide Web, accessing different
social networking sites or blogs, or performing
Internet connections and relationships. Anthony
Giddens (cited in Hope, 2007) pointed that late
modernity is defined by risk and that it is an
increasingly important part of the process of
identity formation. From this perspective, enga-
ging in dangerous activities can be seen as beneficial for children, because it may allow the
self to develop in ways that are restricted by an
individuals everyday environment. Moreover,
engagement in risk could lead to the development of a positive reputation as daring or skillful, and risk takers might develop a sense of belonging to a particular group (Hope, 2007, 89).
The few studies mainly quantitative dealing with Internet use and risks conducted in
Romania generally emphasized that youngsters
are intense Internet users who go online mostly from their homes and perceive this medium
as being very important in their daily lives, indicating a strong need of research focusing on
the outcomes that this relationship might bring
(Chirita et al., 2007; Barbovschi and Diaconescu, 2008; Stefanescu et al., 2009; Stefanescu,
2009; Runcan, 2010; Munteanu, 2010; Safe the
Children Organisation, 2011; Virtual Stages
Against Violence, 2012; Abraham et al., 2013).
They declared young people as being intense Internet users who spend at least three hours online
in a normal day. This could be associated with
having pathological problems leading even to
depression, according to Chirita and colleagues
(2007). Some recent European results show that
overall, the number of children who show pathological problems due to excessive Internet use is
rather low and that the most vulnerable are those who are older, who have emotional problems
and high levels of sensation-seeking (Smahel et
al., 2012). The large amount of time spent in the
digital world is believed to compensate feelings
of insecurity, family and peer problems, even a
poor social life for Romanian youngsters (Runcan, 2010). It was also associated with a need to
be alone with the computer, resulting in giving
up their social or family duties, and even school
abandonment (Chirita et al., 2007). More interesting was the finding pointing to the 15-18 years
old students who appeared to manifest psychological problems such as losing control quite often
while being on the computer, and having very
often and often the feeling that they were preoccupied for this device while being away from
it. The participants confessed using the Internet
10
in order to avoid unpleasant moods or feelings,

showing an anchorage into this medium that helped them feel comfortable and safe. Moreover,
they could easily cancel a meeting with friends or
other activities, including time spent with family, time for learning and having fun, considering
that this behavior could not affect their personal
relationships. In spite of these findings, no additional attempts were made in order to explore the
ways teenagers perceived the role of the Internet
into their lives, why did they need to spend so
much time online, or how they understood the
outcomes that this medium was standing for.
Another result pointed out by the Romanian
studies showed that the age of the first connection
has a decreasing trend, children going online for
the first time at significantly younger ages, which
shows that the Internet has become an integral part
in their lives starting with small infancy (Virtual
Stages against Violence, 2012; Munteanu, 2010).
According to Diaconescu, Barbovschi and Baciu
(2008), and Barbovschi and Diaconescu (2008),
the age at which young people started using the
Internet was around 12, which, as compared to recent European data and trends (Holloway, Green
and Livingstone, 2013; Ofcom, 2012; Livingstone
et al., 2011; Kotilainen, 2011), was rather high. In
what concerns the Internet use children parents
relationship, findings have pointed to the fact that
there is a weak parental implication in their infants online activities, most of it being concerned
with setting limits regarding the amount of time
spent in the virtual environment (Diaconescu,
Barbovschi and Baciu, 2008; Barbovschi and Diaconescu, 2008). Teenagers speak very rarely or
not at all with their care-takers about their online
experiences, meaning they are independent while
exploring the World Wide Web and free to engage
in any activity they want without being supervised
and limited. International findings show that when
parents actively mediate their childs Internet use
(parents talk to their child about the Internet, stay
nearby or sit next to them while they go online,
encourage them to explore the Internet, and share
online activities with them), they engage in lower
risk activities and face lower harm (Durager and
Livingstone, 2012).
With regards to childrens opinions about the

Internet, they feel this is a necessity, an indispensable instrument in peoples lives and absolutely
essential for their daily routines (Stefanescu,
2009). These perceptions show the positive relationship between respondents and this medium,
which is likely to become stronger as youngsters
reach higher levels of explorations and experiences. This tied connection is also emphasized
by the broad use of social networking sites which are some of the most employed applications
of the Internet. While in 2008 adolescents presented a low engagement with risky activities
(Diaconescu, Barbovschi and Baciu, 2008; Barbovschi and Diaconescu, 2008), in 2012 participants manifested a great opening towards these,
indicating that the Internet and its related characteristics and experiences have become central in
their lives, and probably, the sensations it offers
good and bad make youngsters want to explore it even more, in order to discover as many
various situations as possible. They confessed
being careful with the activities they undertook,
even though Romanians seemed to be in the first
line when it came to engaging in bullying behaviors, sending or receiving sexual messages
and having their computers infected by viruses,
as compared with countries such as Germany,
Austria and Italia (Virtual Stages Against Violence, 2012). This emphasizes again the fact that
youngsters in Romania have a different online
behavior than the other surveyed participants,
which needs to be studied more, since it might
account for different experiences and understandings of Internet and online threats.
In spite of all these similarities presented by
the afore-mentioned studies, very little focus
was put on the factors associated with encountering and engaging in online risks. Moreover,
no attempts to understand in-depth adolescents
online behaviors and representations of dangers
were done, nor the actual incidence of online
threats was analyzed. Therefore, this paper aims
to explore Romanian children and adolescents
perceptions and attitudes towards the modern
means of communication and information, their
characteristics of Internet use, along with the
associated risks, and the child parents online environment relationship. Even though the
recent technological advances are considered
to be mingled with risks, little account has previously been taken of youngsters views in the
social analyses of risk. In spite of the fact that
research startles the variety of online dangers
that threaten young users proper development
(Helsper, 2013; Haddon et al., 2012; Ofcom,
2012; Hasebrink et al., 2011; Livingstone et
al., 2011; Valcke et al., 2011; OSTWG, 2010;
Livingstone and Haddon, 2009; Dooley et al.,
2009; ACMA, 2008; Byron, 2008; Cho and
Cheon, 2005), they are not a topic of much concern for children as they are for adults (Optem,
2007), and so far, little evidence has focused on
teenagers personal views and experiences (Ponte, Simoes and Jorge, 2013; Hundley and Shyles,
2010; Davidson et al., 2009; Stefanescu, 2009;
Dunkels 2008). Building on the assumption
that experiences of risk are central to the construction of identity, this study aims to explore
how children understand and deal with risky
situations in relation to their Internet activities.
Parental restrictions and supervision were also
taken into account for the topic of this chapter,
since they might be able to influence youngsters
online explorations and experiences. While the
implications of online dangers resulting from
childrens activities are reflected in media and
public discourses as topics of concern regarding
young peoples safety (European Commission
Digital Agenda, 2013), the current pages provide insights into teenagers perspectives of risks
and Internet use, pointing to the manner in which
they understand this relationship. Therefore, the
following research questions will be addressed
in the lines of this paper: How do children and
adolescents themselves perceive the relationship
between Internet use and risks in an environment governed by new means of communication
and interaction? What is that worries them on
the Internet and what safety measures do they
employ for that? How do teenagers perceive the
child parent Internet relationship?
11
Discussion on the method

The focus-group method was employed for
the purpose of this paper. A number of three
group discussions were conducted in May-June 2013 and were undertaken in one of the national colleges from Cluj-Napoca. After asking
for human subject approval from the schools
principal, parental consent was requested by the
schools counselor before including the pupils
into the study. A number of 8 youngsters (4 girls
and 4 boys) were selected for each group (9-10
years old the first group; 11-13 years old - the
second group; 14-16 years old the third group).
Due to the fact that they accepted to take part
in the study, and that they were familiar with
each other ensured that respondents were feeling comfortable in each others company and
offered, therefore, important information for the
purpose of the study an essential advantage of
the focus-group method, as Ilut (1997) points.
Also, another positive aspect of the fact that they
were previously known to each other was related
to the way the topics were covered. The situations through which they had passed required no
further explanations in front of the group, facilitating an open and enjoyable discussion that
did not imply laughter, insults of mockery when
some delicate topics emerged. Therefore, the
discussions were animated and dynamic, facilitating long and in-depth focus on the key themes
of the interview guide.
In order to be eligible for the discussions,
youngsters were screened so as to ensure they
knew how to use the Internet and, consequently,
they had a personal evaluation on the benefits or
dangers it might stand for. In this sense, they had
to have the proper age required (9-16), to have
access to the Internet at home or in a public or
private space, and to use it at least once or twice
a week for various purposes, including searching
for information needed for school, watching
online movies or video clips, searching for general information, games, entertainment, reading/watching news and/or for interaction with
others. The discussions took place in a familiar
location that kept the pupils away from teachers,
12
administrators, other children or authority figures. In this sense, school counselors office was
used, while the children were at school. No incentives were used for the participants, and the
discussions were audio-taped. Respondents names were kept anonymous, and only their ages
and appellatives such as girl or boy will be
mentioned when presenting the results.
The interview guide was made out of four
parts useful for understanding childrens perspectives and positions in relation to Internet use,
online risks and parental restrictions. In the first
part, some general discussions meant to release
the tension between the participants were conducted. In this sense, they spoke about the things they
enjoyed doing in a usual day of their lives, such as
hobbies or passions. The aim was to see whether
the Internet and its related activities were mentioned spontaneously as habitual and important instruments of spending time. The following section
focused on the Internet and its usage. During the
conversations, young respondents were asked to
define the Internet in their own terms, which was
an important task for the purpose of this study,
since it searched to extract childrens personal understandings and perceptions related to this medium. Additional issues that this part focused on
included the amount of time spend online daily,
the number of years since their first connection
which might offer indications over their digital
natives position (Helsper and Eynon, 2009), and
the places from where they access the Internet
which produces great concerns among researchers
regarding the paths these offer for increasing
the incidence of risk (Durager and Livingstone,
2012; Valcke et al., 2011; Hasebrink et al., 2011;
Staksrud and Livingstone, 2009).
The third section of the interview guide dealt
with the topic of risks emerging from the use of
Internet. It started with a request to talk about
the things that made the participants feel worried
about. It was a good introduction into the next
questions which asked directly about the key online dangers identified in the literature (experiences of bullying, sexual solicitation and pornography, meeting strangers, personal information
misuse, accessing wrong or untrustworthy advi-
ce and information from various websites and

pages) and about the ways they were handled by
the surveyed pupils. The second and the last questions from this section were elaborated on the
suggestions of Ponte, Simoes and Jorge (2013)
who showed in their study that the way questions are posed matter on childrens answers about Internet risk and safety. They were related to
respondents understandings of what it means to
use the Internet in a safe way, and to the advice
they would give to other children of their age on
how to keep themselves unharmed by the online
experiences they pass through. The last section
put under discussion the relationship between
the child, the parents and the Internet. In this
sense, participants were required to evaluate
their Internet-related knowledge, and to compare it with their parents skills. Parental restrictions, monitoring and supervision were in-depth
discussed in this part, as factors that might contribute to reducing the incidence of risk among
the young users.
Results and discussions

While it is possible to identify, classify and
analyze online risks according to various perspectives and assumptions arguing they might be either
beneficial or rather damaging for children, listening to young peoples insights and experiences
on this topic might reveal considerable horizons
and perspectives over the online environment, and
might open room for valuable considerations related to teenagers relationships with the Internet
and its related perils. In what follows, each of these dimensions will be described and analyzed.
Section A. Introduction
Even from the introductive part which was
designed to clear away participants possible
holdings back, the question of the role of the Internet and its associated features was raised. The
respondents spoke about Internet and computers as normal and common aspects within their
daily lives. Interestingly, they were enumerated
next to some cultural and educative dimensions,

showing that these new technologies have become more than simple recreational instruments:
I like music, dancing and using Facebook
girl, 12 years old.
I like going out with my colleagues and I
dont like not having Internet girl, 14 years old.
I like playing on the computer and I dont
like Mathematics boy, 14 years old.
When presenting a typical day from respondents lives, once again the computer, the Internet
and their related activities came into evidence as
key instruments of usual performance, sometimes
appearing to be more important than school, learning or homework-doing, especially for older
adolescents. With regards to older participants,
they reported that they tended to disregard parental authority, and just pretend to behave according
to their will, doing anything else instead. This is
an interesting outcome which, if connected to
childrens acting according to their own wishes
at these ages of psychological developments and
identity formation, might reveal a different perspective of risk, pointing to the fact that they need
such escape attempts in order to explore various
situations and experiments, and construct, therefore, their self-images and personal identities.
In a usual day I spend time on Facebook
boy, 11 years old.
I arrive at home, eat, sleep, pretend in front
of my parents to do my homework, I play on the
computer and during school breaks I do my homework boy, 14 years old.
Section B. Focus on the Internet

and its usage
The aim of this section was to explore children and adolescents own understandings of
the Internet and their relationships with it. In
the first part, they were asked to explain the
meaning of Internet for someone who did not
know anything about this medium, with the purpose of identifying their subjective perceptions
related to it. Generally, it was defined in terms of
a place from where you can find out anything
you want, a pot containing lots of things, the
13
most powerful source of information that ever

existed, or the coolest thing ever invented, the
greatest, you can never get bored with it. The
11-13 years old children were, in fact, amazed
by the fact that there could possibly exist someone who has not heard about it until these days.
This shows how much embedded and natural
the Internet is in their lives, even at these young
ages: Seriously? How strange! Because everyone knows about it! I have never met a person
who did not know about it! All youngsters living
nowadays know about it! girl, 12 years old.
Other opinions spontaneously emphasized
the bad things that might occur while being online, showing that children and young people were
informed about the dangers gliding in the virtual
space that might threaten their and others safety.
This outcome might be an important source to
take into account by public representatives, parents or teachers who are interested in creating
the best measures of safety for youth. These strategies should be age-oriented in order to have
better results, rather than generally applicable.
They are in line with the objectives of the Insafe
Good Practice Guide (2012) that aim to provide
age-appropriate safety support for children:
I would explain to him [to the person who
knows anything about the Internet] that it is full
of dangers but also of advantages, which are
always balanced boy, 12 years old.
On the Internet you can find information that
you dont know but it can also get your mind
harmed, somehow girl, 12 years old.
The next question of this section asked the
participants about the things they liked and disliked on the Internet. Responses were mainly
centered on the idea that this medium is easily
accessible, has multiple functions of information, communication, entertainment and spending
time, but it is also posing some technical problems, it is too crowded with useless information, or too slow for multiple tasks. Going further
to the good and the bad parts that the Internet
stands for, besides having the opportunity of accessing useful information, of socializing or benefiting from its complexity, some dangers and
negative physical consequences were also iden-
14
tified, pointing to the fact that youngsters were

aware of the negative experiences that might
occur. Regarding these latter aspects, respondents seemed to know how to handle them, and
in the situations when they got scared or afraid,
they went and asked for help or talked with their
parents or siblings. This was prevalent mainly
among younger children, the older ones not even
mentioning the idea of risk and harm, probably
because of their confidence in their own skills
and digital knowledge, or because they did not
perceive the online perils as risks, but rather as
normal emerging activities.
It is addictive and harmful. If you use it very

much you cannot stop doing it and then you forget about everything, about the things that you
were supposed to do boy, 10 years old.
It is bad for the health, it has radiations that
enter your body boy, 10 years old.
You might think it is something safe but actually it isnt. You enter a virtual world that normally it shouldnt exist. Many children find the
Internet as a world where they can be whoever
they want to be girl, 14 years old.
Table 1: Internet evaluation by the focus-groups participants

Likes
Dislikes
There is a site for everything
Technical problems (it blocks up, jerks or shuts down)
Easy to be accessed
Not too fast for doing multiple things at once
Allows for various forms of access (telephone, other You have to search through many sites until reaching
devices)
the one of interest
You can play games
It gets you addicted
You can do multiple things at once
Contains wrong and untrustworthy information
It has an answer for everything

It is fast
You can find any information you want
You can never get bored
Contains misleading information
Contains a large array of complex information

You can talk with/call someone for free
Good things
Bad things
It gets you informed
It is addictive
It is free to call/talk with someone
Bad for the health (contains radiations)
Allows you to socialize/communicate
Bad for the eyes
You can get acquainted with the news
Strangers can approach you

You can get manipulated by others
Allows for dissimulation/lying about ones identity
You can lose your personal information/data
Other people can use you
You can be asked for intimate/sexual details
You can lose your privacy
You can lose your passwords or card numbers
Allows for the creation of a virtual inexistent world
Contains false information and lies
Base: Focus-group participants responses

to the questions: Which are the things that you
like/dislike the most in the Internet? and Which are the good parts of the Internet? And the
worse?
In spite of the fact that the participants identified a visibly larger number of bad things that
might happen on the Internet, rather than good
(Table 1), when asked whether they were scared
or afraid to go online because of these dangers,
they confidently all together gave a negative
answer. Moreover, they presented some methods
used for staying safe, showing that they were
well informed about this, and prepared to handle
difficult and negative situations:
I have blocked the access on my page for
everyone who is unknown to me, only my friends
can see it girl, 12 years old.
There are ways to prevent [dangers], there
are settings meant for that boy, 12 years old.
The next question of this section strived to
identify how much embedded the Internet was
in participants lives by asking them about the
number of years since they first went online,
about the time spent online and about the places
from where they access the virtual world. These
aspects were also analyzed in the EU Kids Online questionnaire1 and appeared to be important
predictors for encountering risks (Livingstone
et al., 2011; Lobe et al., 2011). In the present
focus-groups, most of the respondents declared
they first went online when they were 4 years
old. Some of them were even younger when they
had this kind of experience for the first time (3
years old) and a few of them first connected at
8 years old. Those who went online at 7-8 years
old belong to the 14-16 years old group, showing that the Internet started to become such an
important medium for children only during the
last years. This descending trend seem to lead to
the creation of a new generation of digital natives (Helsper and Eynon, 2009) who will get to
include the media culture in their developmental
processes starting with birth, as already happens
in Finland (Kotilainen, 2011). Regarding the
amount of time spent online, it seems to increase by age. This result is in line with previous
15
findings, even if they were collected using quantitative methods (Duerager and Livingstone,
2012; Virtual Stages Against Violence, 2012;
Ofcom, 2011, 2012; Livingstone et al., 2011).
While the 9-10 years old participants at the focus-groups declared they spent between half an
hour an hour a day online, the older ones aged
11-13 reported an increase until 2-3 hours a day,
and the oldest adolescents reached even 7 hours
a day. All of the respondents go online from the
privacy of their own rooms, at home, showing a
domestication in this sense, as Hasebrink and
colleagues (2011) concluded in their report.
Section C. Internet use related

risks
The first question of this section asked participants to speak about the things that worried
them on the Internet. Responses were diversified,
varying from health problems, to being bullied,
being stolen, lose money or get computer viruses
(Table 2). These are in line with the findings of
Livingstone and colleagues (2013) who identified
as well a long list of concerns among youngsters,
the most prevalent being pornography and violent content. When speaking about what it means
to use the Internet in a safe manner, participants
showed, again, that they were aware of various
settings and instruments of online protection, and
that they actually made use of them. Moreover,
they appeared to be careful with the personal information they posted on their social networking
profiles. Going further to the following question
addressed in this section, respondents did not
mention about many situations in which they received or saw unpleasant contents on the Internet,
such as intimate pictures or sexual images. Even
in the situations in which they mistakenly received such information on their e-mail addresses or
on their social networking profiles, they deleted,
hid or ignored them, without feeling harmed or
affected by such content. These actions prove,
once more, that children and adolescents knew
how to use the Internet in such a way so as to
reap its benefits, and protect themselves from, or
even avoid the negative online situations.
16
Table 2: Overview of respondents answers related to the things they worry about on the Internet
and the safety methods they employ
Things to worry about
Methods of using the Internet safely
Ones health
Use protection settings
Become addicted
Use anti-virus protection
Misuse and damage the connection
Post un-provocative pictures
Accept unknown persons in their friends list
Be sure and confident on what you are doing online
Being asked for the e-mail account
Use passwords
Be approached by unknown and suspicious persons
Ask for help if there are things you do not understand
Lose money
Block the access of unknown people on your profile
Being tracked
Do not post your personal information
Seeing violent sites
Use only the official sites
Hackers
Use privacy settings
Have problems with the police for nasty comments
Do not write down on your personal profile every

detail of your activities
Having the personal information stolen

Someone else using their account
Viruses
Receiving nasty messages
Having the account broken
Having intimate pictures posted without their permission
Base: Focus-group participants responses to the questions: Is there anything on the Internet that
worries you? What exactly? Tell me about this and What does it mean to use the Internet in a safe
way? How do you proceed?
All participants, no matter the age have met
someone unknown on the Internet with whom
they met offline afterwards. They seemed satisfied about how the meetings went and declared to be not afraid that something bad could
happen, showing that such activities are perceived as normal at their ages, and not as something
that could turn out bad for their physical or
psychological states. This is in line with the arguments belonging to the advocates of Internet
use who consider that new technology stands
for the creation of a complex, more creative
and innovative young generation (Buckingham,
2008; Hope, 2007; Madge and Barker, 2007;
Marcia, 1980) who needs to experience vario-
us situations, including risks, in order to define

its identity (Erikson, 1968, cited in Buckingham
2008; Marcia, 1980). These kinds of experiences were perceived as rather beneficial than
risk-averse, since they turned, in some cases,
into meaningful friendships, in spite the public
fear that bad outcomes could arise (Barbovschi,
2013; Hasebrink et al., 2011, 50-51), pointing to
the inseparable bond and migration between
the online-offline spheres (Livingstone et al.,
2011; Barbovschi, 2013). In most of the cases,
participants did not tell their parents about such
plans, and actually did not understand why their
care-takers had to be informed about that, showing that young people willingly cross boundaries
of safety in order to experiment various situations within their processes of identity formation
(Hope, 2007; Lyng, 1990, 2004; Cohen and Taylor, 1992):
Many times do people whom I never met face-to-face ask for my friendship [on Facebook].
And it happened to me once or twice to really
meet those persons and go out. When I was younger I went once with my mother, and after that
with a friend girl, 10 years old.
Some time ago I met a girl [on Facebook]
and now Im in love with her. I was alone at the
offline meeting and she was with some friends,
we went out together for shopping. [Moderator:
Wasnt you afraid?]. No, why? Can someone steal you while doing shopping? [Moderator: Did
you tell your parents you went on to meet someone unknown?]. Yes and no, in the sense that
they knew I went on to meet someone but I didnt
tell them with whom boy, 12 years old.
I met a girl with whom I spoke through emails, a girl named Julie. I was alone when I
met Julie. I told my parents I would go. It was
awesome! boy, 12 years old.
I met them on Facebook firstly, while playing
some game. I went to meet them several times,
either alone or with a friend of mine. [Moderator: Wasnt you afraid that something bad could
happen?]. What, someone could steal me in the
middle of the town? I wasnt afraid, why should
have I been? [Moderator: But what about your
parents? Did they know you were going to do
that?]. Why should they? boy, 14 years old.
Some time ago I was approached on Facebook by a black person, we kept talking and he
told me he was from France. In the beginning he
was asking me whether I wanted to go and meet
him in France but I refused. It was just before
my vacations with my parents and I told him I
was going in a trip, I told him where exactly and
at which hotel we were staying. He told me we
might meet there and we actually met, we became friends and we are still in touch with each
other. [Moderator: Did your parents know you
were going to meet him?]. No, in the beginning,
until we got to know each other, I was alone and
17
after that with my parents. [Moderator: Wasnt

you afraid?]. No, not at all girl, 14 years old.
At the next question all pupils declared having experienced a situation in which they were
approached by someone unknown on the Internet but seemed not to have taken it into account.
They said they did not respond, or closed the
conversations with those contacts:
A stranger wrote Hi to me in English but I
didnt answer back girl, 11 years old.
It just happened to me last evening. A guy
on Facebook, I dont know who he was, told me
he was from Cluj but he lives in Spain. And he
started asking me for pictures, asking about the
neighborhood in which I live, about my phone
number, and other stuff like that. I cursed him
and told him to leave me alone. I closed the conversation afterwards girl, 14 years old.
Going further with the interview guide,
participants were asked whether they had their
passwords stolen and their accounts broken. It
appeared that younger children were more likely
to go through that situation, but as they explained, it happened because of their inattention and
lack of experience. Older adolescents seemed
to have learned from their mistakes and created
harder to guess and break passwords.
It happened to me but with a person I knew.
She noticed my password because I used to type
very slowly. She could therefore see my messenger password girl, 10 years old.
I used to have another Facebook account
that was broken. I dropped it out and made
another new one boy, 10 years old.
No, usually I use strong passwords of 20
characters long girl, 14 years old.
Regarding cyber bullying, it was indeed experienced by the focus-group participants while using the Internet. They again declared they
knew how to handle things and either deleted
the comments, messages or pictures, or asked
for help from their parents. This latter aspect is
in line with the findings of DHaenens, Vandoninck and Donoso (2013) who argue that talking
to somebody and asking for advice is the most
popular employed strategy, regardless of the
18
type of risk, especially among girls and younger

children.
I was cursed and then I deleted the post, it
never appeared to me again boy, 10 years old.
A girl cursed and offended me, and she kept
telling me nasty things. She was a friend of my
friend, I didnt have her in my friends list but she
saw I made a comment and started talking dirty.
I told my parents and they said I should delete
that post girl, 10 years old.
I was talking to someone and suddenly she
started to curse me. I deleted her from my Facebook account and never talked to her again.
[Moderator: Did you tell someone? Like your
parents, friends, teachers?]. No, I was thinking it
happened just once, I deleted it, I never thought
again of that, I forgot about that girl, 10 years
old.
It happened to me that a guy [] sent to me
and to many others a message saying that if I
do not spread that link he will appear into my
house at night and kill my mother. Stupid things
like this! [Moderator: What did you do next?]. I
closed the conversation and logged out. I laughed with tears: how idiot does one have to be
in order to spread such stupid things? girl, 14
years old.
When asked about the negative user-generated risks, the youngest respondents declared
they did not access that kind of risks. Instead,
the older pupils (girls only) were aware of them,
actually accessed such sites even if it happened
unintended, but they generally considered them
as being hilarious and silly, rather than useful.
This shows that such information is not perceived as a risk in itself but rather as a bad and useless directory.
I searched once for information on how to
calculate the normal weight, I mean the healthy
one. I found useful information everywhere.
There was a site which according to your height

and gender was able to tell you whether you are
healthy or not girl, 14 years old.
I like music and I noticed that there are some
fans who call themselves haters. They have
clubs and speak nasty about pop-stars. I find
them hilarious. If you dont like, you dont listen
and thats it! girl, 14 years old.
There are hate groups everywhere. I dont
know whether they have their own websites but
I know about those groups. For instance, they
have pages on Facebook. I didnt explore them
but I noticed they existed girl, 15 years old.
At the end of this section, participants were
asked to give some advice to other youngsters
of their ages on how to use the Internet safely.
By being placed in the role of an experienced
user, it automatically gave them a sense of responsibility and maturity in relation to the others.
Table 3 shows a summary of focus-group participants responses. Both 11-13 and 14-16 groups
mentioned addiction as a problem arising from
Internet usage. Still, when asked whether they
considered themselves addicted to the online
sphere, they offered a clear positive answer. Because they were confident in their skills of using
this medium, or because they had created their
personal strategies of dealing with the negative
online experiences, it was evident that they were
not afraid that something bad might happen to
them: Even while Im doing my homework I
stay logged in on Facebook. This is something
I like even though I know this is not necessarily
healthy. Two hours is not little, not little at all
and Im aware of it but this thing is like a drug!
Thats why it becomes addictive. It is something
that you like and you know it is not healthy, but
still girl, 15 years old.
19
Table 3: Summary of focus group participants pieces of advice for other youngsters of their age
on how to use the Internet safely
Age 9-10
Age 11-13
Age 14-16
Pieces of advice on how to use the internet safely

Dont access unknown information
Dont be curious to explore things you dont know about
Dont upload nasty images
Dont speak dirty with your friends
Dont buy an IPhone if you dont want to be tracked
Be self-confident while exploring the Internet
Dont expose your personal information on Facebook and other SNS
Dont become addicted
Dont use Facebook and the Internet daily
Dont upload important information
Dont upload inappropriate pictures
Ask for parental help
Dont have secrets from your parents
Be attentive because some people can do much harm to others
Use protection settings
Have limits in what concerns the Internet use
Learn when it is time to stop using the Internet
Make a program for computer no more than 1 hour daily
Dont lose personal control
Dont accept unknown persons as friends
Dont think of suicidal
Dont make friends on Facebook, mail, messenger or Skype if you dont know them from the
offline world
Dont trust unknown persons because they might lie about their identities
Use an anti-virus and safe mode
Use strong passwords
Dont leave open your sites or accounts
Dont create a virtual life
Dont give your personal information to anyone even if you know them
Dont become addicted
Learn when it is time to stop using the Internet
Live in the real world
Base: Focus-group participants responses to the questions: We have talked until now about the
good and the bad parts of the Internet and about the best ways in which to use the Internet safely. Is
there something related to these aspects you would like to say to the other youngsters of your age?
Section D. The child parent

Internet relationship
Since the literature speaks about the important role that tutors have in keeping their children away from the online dangers (Duerager
and Livingstone, 2012; Ofcom, 2012; Cankaya
and Odabasi, 2009; Liau, Khoo and Ang, 2008;

Livingstone, 2007; Nikken and Jansz, 2006), it
was considered important to analyze this aspect
within the focus-groups discussions, using participants own voices and opinions. When asked
about the knowledge they had about Internet
and computer and how they handled these instruments, participants declared they were very
20
skilled in this respect. While the youngest group

appreciated themselves as being good enough on
this topic for their ages (There are other people
who can handle it much better. We are still kids
of only 10 years old. For our age we can handle
it very well boy, 10 years old), the older ones
evaluated themselves in terms of knowledge and
self-confidence. They differentiated between
these two dimensions which implied different
evaluations based on separate criteria. In this
sense, they placed themselves on a 0-10 scale, where 0 means having no knowledge and
10 means having very much knowledge. A
similar scale was used for self-confidence (0=
not confident at all; 10= very confident). Respondents answers revealed very high values for
self-confidence and medium values for Internet
knowledge. Girls evaluated themselves as being
better than boys in terms of confidence (mean=
8.6 vs. 5.6), which is opposite of what the EU
Kids Online survey found (Hasebrink et al.,
2011, 30). With regards to knowledge, boys situated themselves on a better position than girls
(mean= 8.6 vs. 6.8). Generally, their evaluations were rather high, showing they considered
themselves able to deal reasonably well with the
online experiences. When compared with their
parents, they also appreciated as better their
competencies (this perception is in line with the
findings of Hasebrink et al., 2011, 30):
I can access faster some sites. My mother
types more slowly and needs more time when
searching for something girl, 10 years old.
My mother uses the Internet only when she
needs to buy things, she doesnt know how to use
it as better as I do boy, 10 years old.
[I can handle it] perfectly! I know way too
many things about the Internet than them. I
mean, when I see my mother typing using only
one finger (she laughs) girl, 15 years old.
Much better because it is harder for them to
get adapted to something that appeared so late.
Also, they spend less time than me and others of
my age on the internet boy, 14 years old.
In spite of the fact that parental skills were
not perceived as being as good as theirs, the youngest respondents recognized that their tutors
helped and gave them advice on how to use the

Internet. The oldest participants received only
recommendations on how to behave online (My
parents have very much faith in me. They consider me a responsible person, which I think I am
girl, 14 years old). Adults were described as
rather permissive and trusting their children, and
started monitoring them only in the situations in
which their school results were affected. Even
when that happened, they were not consistent,
and therefore, youngsters did not take them seriously:
In my case it happens sometimes that they
dont let me log in but I keep insisting and they
allow me to go online for like 10 minutes girl,
10 years old.
Sometimes, when I have homework to do and
I want to play, they block it and I cannot log in
until I finish my tasks girl, 10 years old.
If I take a bad grade they start with threats
like if until now I just told you that I would take
out the Internet, you should be sure now that I
will do that!, but of course it doesnt happen.
Its only the threat and thats it girl, 14 years
old.
Yes, they tell you that you are allowed to play
only for half an hour and you play for like 3 hours boy, 14 years old.
Sometimes my father turns off the Internet so
that we get out from the house because we spent
too much time playing on the Internet girl, 12
years old.
Regarding filters, all respondents reported
not having such things installed on their computers by their parents: No, but they dont even
know what that means boy, 14 years old.
Conclusions
This paper aimed to understand how children and adolescents themselves perceive the
relationship between Internet use and risks,
in an environment governed by new means of
communication and interaction, addressing the
lack of research on youngsters discourses related to their online experiences. Since they
constitute a group whose voice is seldom heard
(Ponte, Simoes and Jorge, 2013; Hundley and

Shyles, 2010; Davidson et al., 2009; Dunkels,
2008), their own reflections were the focus of
this paper. Consequently, this research has not
only paid attention to the types of risks that
involve children and adolescents, but it also
allowed these young users to position themselves in relation to these perils and to speak about
their own understandings of such experiences.
The purpose was to explore whether pupils see
risks as potential dangers affecting their activities and safety online, or they evaluate these as
normal and natural features of the digital space
that can be easily avoided and handled. Throughout the discussions, they were attributed several roles advisors, receivers of online content,
actors involved in risky situations in order to
capture their perceptions and understandings of
the virtual environment from different angles
and perspectives.
The overall picture of these group interviews reveals the fact that young respondents
have positive and strong relations to the Internet, which was emphasized as well in previous quantitative findings (Abraham et al., 2013;
Helsper, 2013; Stages Against Violence, 2012;
Haddon et al., 2012; Ofcom, 2012; Hasebrink et
al., 2011; Livingstone et al., 2011; Valcke et al.,
2011; OSTWG 2010), as well as in some qualitative studies (Optem, 2007; Davidson et al.,
2009; Hundley and Shyles, 2010). Youngsters
appear to be confident and skilled users, rather
than nave and unable to see actual threats. They
are, in fact, very aware of these perils, but tend
to disregard them and resort to various developed solutions for avoiding them, showing, in this
sense, their high levels of responsibility with regards to their safety. In spite their young ages,
they seem to be on their own when it comes to
their Internet knowledge and strategies for dealing with the negative online factors, as their
parents are perceived as occasional and inexperienced users. It was emphasized various times
during discussions that participants were reflexive with their understandings of risk, and responsible for their online activities, rather than innocent victims living among a variety of online
21
dangers that threaten their proper development

(Helsper, 2013; Haddon et al., 2012; Ofcom,
2012; Hasebrink et al., 2011; Valcke et al., 2011;
OSTWG, 2010; Livingstone and Haddon, 2009;
Dooley et al., 2009; ACMA, 2008; Byron, 2008;
Cho and Cheon, 2005). Therefore, experiences
of dangers are normal and fundamental activities within their identity construction processes
(Buckingham, 2008; Hope, 2007; Madge and
Barker, 2007; Marcia, 1980), which can help
them learn how to better adapt and manage risk
in a positive and creative way. Consequently, Livingstone and colleagues recommendations, as
well as European Commissions (Digital Agenda, 2013) purpose to create the paths for every
European to become digital should be very
much considered when it comes to young users.
They should be encouraged to become responsible for their own Internet safety, by developing
the appropriate digital skills and confidence needed for this purpose.
Limitations
Even though this analysis has brought into
evidence significant aspects related to how children and adolescents understand and handle
the digital environment along with its associated risks, it inherently has some limitations that
need to be pointed out. Firstly, due to the small
number of participants, the results are not exhaustive and generalizable, but rather focused
and specific. Another limitation can be stated
in relation to the recruitment process. Children
and adolescents were selected on the base of a
screening questionnaire by the school counselor,
who was responsible both for choosing the respondents and asking for parental consent. This
process might have been based on subjective selections meant to help the focus-group discussions develop in a positive way, which could have
brought other results otherwise. Moreover, no
attempts to control for differences in childrens
socio-economic statuses or parental classes were
done, which could as well reveal different perspectives and understandings of how youngsters
perceive and use the Internet, and how they con-
22
ceptualize online dangers as part of the activities they engage in. In the same lines, another
important limitation that needs to be pointed out
is related to group components. Each group was
equally distributed on gender, which might have
distorted the results since girls and boys experiences and activities might had been different,
and therefore, their conceptualization of risk
might have varied. However, in spite of these
limitations, the present survey has emphasized
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Pe cine alegem online? Criterii ale alegerii

partenerului de cuplu n spaiul virtual
Raluca Buha*
Universitatea din Oradea
Abstract: Although skeptics do not completely accept cyberspace as a modern but natural frame for establishing and maintaining diverse relationships, in the last few years the online environment has become a
common and useful social context for those who have embraced the digital reality in their everyday life. If
we rely on web sites to search information and data, pay our bills on the Internet, go for an online shopping
session, why shouldn`t we search our soul-mate online? The fact that more and more individuals choose to
access the Internet in order to find that special person, assigns the online environment as a popular way
to interconnect with others. Being a relatively new subject of scientific interest on the Romanian sociological
stage, the present investigation has an explorative and descriptive specific. The sociological investigation
addressed in the present paper was conducted by applying an online questionnaire to individuals who form a
couple with partners they have met in cyberspace. We explore and discuss the socio-demographic and cultural
criteria that are standing on the basis of partner selection process in cyberspace. In the end, a synthetized model regarding these socio-demographic determinants is generated. Social homogamy, spatial proximity and
physical attractiveness are outlined as the most important criteria in the online process of partner selection.
Keywords: cyberspace; social determinants; multicriterial homogamy; couple relationship.
Cuvinte-cheie: mediu online; determinani sociali; homogamie multicriterial; relaie de cuplu.
Introducere
Conform statisticilor globale, la nivelul anului 2012 (mai exact la 30 iunie) se nregistra un
total de 2.405.518.376 utilizatori de Internet n
timp ce n Romnia, la nivelul aceluiai an, numrul utilizatorilor ajungea la doar 9.642.383,
iar procentul de diseminare n rndul populaiei era de 44,1% (Miniwatts Marketing Group,
2013). Dinamismul vieii sociale este n mare
msur determinat de evoluia tehnologic, iar
cadrele de manifestare ale socialului se reinventeaz permanent n funcie de noile reguli prefigurate. Relaiile interpersonale, colaborarea
intra- i extra-instituional, activitatea profesional sau cea academic cunosc transformri profunde odat cu adoptarea noilor metode digitale
de comunicare i relaionare.
Cadrul intim de desfurare a vieii individuale este supus de asemenea unor profunde
schimbri socio-culturale. Alegerea partenerului prin intermediul spaiului cibernetic este
o practic din ce n ce mai prezent n societatea contemporan, n special n rndul tinerilor, fiind considerat o modalitate comod de
a cunoate o persoan n vederea stabilirii unei
relaii de cuplu. Ponderea celor care utilizeaz
Internetul n acest scop este n continu cretere
la nivel mondial, aproape 50% dintre utilizatorii
de Internet americani fiind convini c ansele
de a gsi un partener potrivit n mediul online
sunt mai mari dect n mediul offline (Madden
i Lenhart, 2006, iii). Tehnologia Internetului
a generat schimbri majore n ceea ce privete interaciunea uman. Sistemele i procesele
digitale ofer posibilitatea comunicrii rapide,
comode i n timp real ntre doi sau mai muli
* Universitatea din Oradea, Facultatea de tiine Socio-Umane, Str. Universitii nr. 1, Oradea,
Romnia. E-mail: ralubuhas@gmail.com.
indivizi, aflai la o oarecare distan geografic.

Ideea conform creia patternurile de construcie
i evoluie ale unei relaii romantice iniiate n
mediul online sunt diferite fa de cele ale unei
relaii dezvoltate offline, se contureaz la nivel
teoretic i empiric.
Lucrarea de fa i propune s abordeze o
tem mai puin analizat de ctre cercettorii tiinifici de pe scena academic romneasc: identificarea criteriilor de selecie a partenerului de
cuplu n mediul online. O scurt analiz a literaturii de specialitate identific astfel de preocupri tiinifice n special n rndul cercettorilor
americani sau vest-europeni.
n prima parte, lucrarea prezint o sintez
a literaturii de specialitate cu privire la principalii determinani socio-culturali care intervin
n procesul de selecie a partenerului de cuplu
n mediul online prin comparaie cu factorii de
influen identificai pentru contextul offline.
Explicnd structurarea cercetrii din punct de
vedere metodologic, partea a doua a lucrrii se
centreaz pe discutarea rezultatelor obinute n
urma analizei statistice a datelor culese, iar n
final sunt discutate concluziile studiului, fr a
omite ns trecerea n revist a limitelor cercetrii, cu precdere a celor de ordin metodologic.
Cum i pe cine alegem offline?

Homogamia i heterogamia reprezint doi
factori fundamentali ce intervin n procesul de
alegere a partenerului de cuplu. n general, tendina este de a forma uniuni conjugale homogamice, mai exact cu un partener similar din punct
de vedere al clasei sociale, educaiei, rasei, religiei, etniei, nivelului cultural i vrstei; astfel
de cupluri prezint, din punct de vedere statistic,
ponderea cea mai mare din totalul mariajelor
(Ilu, 2005). Valorizarea principiilor homogamiei este explicat de Lamanna i Riedmann (2009)
prin patru mari factori: proximitatea spaio-geografic, presiunea social, raiunea de a te simi acas i schimbul echitabil ntre parteneri.
Optm pentru alegerea persoanelor asemntoare nou pentru a ne simi ct mai confortabil n
relaie i pentru a extrage ct mai multe benefi-
27
cii. Unele studii susin ideea conform creia un

nivel ridicat al homogamiei maritale determin
calitatea i durata relaiei de cuplu (Amato et al.,
2007; Gaunt, 2006).
n cadrul procesului de selecie a partenerului de cuplu intervine o serie de factori i determinani socio-culturali care traseaz liniile
de afinitate ale unui individ fa de un semen al
su. Sintetiznd teoriile existente n literatura de
specialitate, cei mai importani astfel de determinani sunt: vrsta, statusul socio-profesional,
rasa, etnia, religia, proximitatea spaio-geografic (Chipea, 2001), deschiderea spre anumite
comportamente i atitudini, clasa social, aspectul fizic, statusul marital, ataamentul reciproc,
personalitatea sau managementul resurselor financiare (Knox i Schacht, 2010).
n completarea procesului de selecie a partenerului de cuplu, pe lng elementele de natur
socio-cultural opereaz i mecanisme de ordin
psiho-social. Pornind n linii mari de la direcia
trasat de P. Ilu (2005), aceti determinani pot
fi sintetizai astfel: atractivitatea fizic; efectul
Romeo i Julieta; efectul greu de cucerit; similaritatea, complementaritatea, reciprocitatea;
nevoia de afiliere.
Formarea patternurilor n ceea ce privete
alegerea partenerului de cuplu a fost adesea raportat la baza biologic, genetic a individului.
Indivizii urmresc maximizarea potenialului
genetic, asigurndu-se astfel urmai valoroi. Pe
de o parte, este vorba de potenialul reproductiv
prin care se nelege ansamblul de resurse fizice,
materiale sau de alt natur pe care un individ
este dispus s le investeasc n creterea, ngrijirea i educarea potenialilor si urmai (Geary,
2002), iar pe de alt parte se pune n discuie
investiia reproductiv care se refer la utilizarea efectiv i practic a acestor resurse pentru
desvrirea fizic i psihic a urmailor (Geary,
Vigil i Byrd-Craven, 2004).
Cum i pe cine alegem online?

Datorit caracteristicilor particulare ale mediului online, relaiile interpersonale cunosc noi
cadre de manifestare i dezvoltare, ce prezint
28
Raluca Buha, Pe cine alegem online? Criterii ale alegerii partenerului...
particulariti prin comparaie cu interaciunea

uman direct. Descrierea relaiilor interpersonale virtuale exclude din start conceptul de
deprtare fizico-spaial, apropiind, cel puin n
momentul comunicrii, persoanele aflate la un
capt i la cellalt al reelei online.
A. Baker afirm c o relaie romantic mediat de computer reprezint acea diad de cuplu
n care cei doi parteneri s-au ntlnit pentru prima dat n mediul online cu scopul de a iniia o
astfel de relaie (Baker, 2008; Baker i Whitty,
2008). Relaiile romantice iniiate n mediul online difer de cele formate n realitatea efectiv
sub forma patternurilor de construcie/evoluie
i a elementelor implicate n procesul de formare. Urmnd tiparul universal de constituire a diadei intime, o serie de factori sociali, psihologici,
afectivi determin i condiioneaz acest proces.
Considerat ca fiind unul dintre factorii
eseniali determinani ai legturii interpersonale dezvoltate offline, proximitatea spaial sau
distana geografic ntre partenerii de cuplu este
considerat a avea un rol diminuat n interaciunile mediate de computer (Baker, 2008). Mediul online redefinete conceptul de proximitate
spaio-geografic i rolul acesteia n procesul de
formare a relaiilor de cuplu. Internetul are marea capacitate de a conecta n timp real persoane
care se afl n dou coluri diferite ale lumii, prin
comunicare scris sau audio-video (Merkle &
Richardson, 2000). Din punct de vedere al raportrii la spaiul geografic, Internetul mrete
foarte mult plaja de selecie a unui potenial partener, aceasta fiind incomparabil ca dimensiune
cu raza proximitii spaiale specifice realitii
offline (Rosenfeld i Thomas, 2012). Proximitatea virtual presupune coordonarea mesajelor
transmise online ntre cei doi parteneri prin situarea acestora n faa computerului n aceeai
perioad de timp (Latane et al., 1995). n aceste
condiii, proximitatea virtual determin creterea frecvenei contactului ntre cei doi utilizatori. Dou elemente foarte bine conturate pot
fi considerate a fi definitorii pentru relaiile de
cuplu formate n mediul virtual: distana spaiogeografic i apropierea emoional ntre cei doi
parteneri. Avnd la dispoziie doar un computer
i posibilitatea de a comunica, partenerii i mprtesc cele mai mici i nesemnificative evenimente din viaa de zi cu zi n cadrul discuiilor
online (Ben-Zeèv, 2004).
Contrar celor afirmate anterior, anumite studii asupra dinamicii offline a relaiilor iniiate
prin intermediul Internetului au validat rolul pe
care proximitatea spaio-geografic l are n procesul de iniiere a acestor interaciuni (Ellison,
Heino i Gibbs, 2006; Hardey, 2002). Persoanele care prospecteaz mediul online n vederea
selectrii unui potenial partener de cuplu acord
o importan destul de mare distanei geografice,
prefernd ca distana geografic ntre ei i partenerul virtual s fie ct mai redus, n special n
cazul n care relaia are anse mari de a fi continuat n context offline (Barraket i Henry-Waring, 2008).
Avnd n vedere caracteristicile spaiului cibernetic, n cadrul cruia accentul este pus pe comunicarea scris n special, exist o idee unanim
acceptat de teoreticieni conform creia atractivitatea fizic a utilizatorilor joac un rol mai
puin important n dinamica relaiilor romantice
formate pe Internet comparativ cu cele iniiate
n cadru offline (Baker, 2008; Ben-Zeèv, 2004).
n mediul online, prezena slab a imaginii fizice este compensat prin accentul mare atribuit
fenomenului de auto-dezvluire a personalitii,
de prezentare clar i concis a sinelui, considerat a fi poate cel mai important pilon n dezvoltarea unor astfel de relaii (Merkle i Richardson,
2000). Haloul atractivitii fizice este nlocuit cu
haloul personalitii, indivizii fiind evaluai n
funcie de caracteristicile cognitive i emoionale pe care le dein (Ben-Zeèv, 2004).
Cu toate acestea, unele cercetri confirm
importana ridicat atribuit aspectului fizic n
procesul de alegere a partenerului prin intermediul Internetului (Whitty, 2008b; Toma i
Hancock, 2010). Lipsa atractivitii fizice poate
genera disoluia relaiei de cuplu. n general, utilizatorii care se angajeaz ntr-o conversaie online cu un posibil partener de cuplu fac schimb
de fotografii abia n momentul n care gradul de
intimitate i de ataament afectiv ajunge la cote
ridicate. Chiar dac aspectul fizic al partenerului
nu este cel ateptat i dorit, cei mai muli opteaz

pentru continuarea relaiei deoarece comunicarea, sinceritatea, prietenia tind s fie mai valorizate (McKenna, 2009; Kendall, 2002; McKenna, Green i Gleason, 2002).
Importana principiului homogamiei i face
simit prezena i n ceea ce privete iniierea
i dezvoltarea relaiilor n mediul online. Spaiul
cibernetic are marele avantaj de a facilita i eficientiza procesul de alegere a potenialului partener de cuplu pe baza principiilor homogamiei
sociale (Ben-Zeèv, 2004), manifest n special
n cazul unor site-uri matrimoniale; utilizatorul
este deseori ndrumat s selecteze criteriile dorite, n funcie de care plaja partenerilor eligibili se
va ngusta. Interesele i obiectivele comune sau
similaritatea perceput pot reprezenta factori decizionali majori n meninerea unei relaii online
cu o persoan aflat la o mare distan geografic (Barnes, 2003 apud Anderson i EmmersSommer, 2006). Unele studii sugereaz faptul c
utilizatorii care doresc s stabileasc relaii cu
persoane din afara reelei lor sociale pun mare
accent pe existena similaritii rezideniale, valorice i atitudinale (Barraket i Henry-Waring,
2008). De asemenea, este preferat interaciunea
cu persoane similare din punct de vedere al rasei, etniei i religiei (Hitch, Hortasu i Ariely,
2010; Sweeney i Borden, 2009; Hitch, Hortasu i Ariely, 2006; Hwang, 2013). Similaritatea
valoric i interesele comune sunt factorii care
afecteaz n cea mai mare msur stabilitatea
n timp a relaiei i gradul de intimitate dintre
cei doi parteneri (McKenna, 2009). Principiul
homogamiei de vrst (Rosenfeld i Thomas,
2012; Skopek, Schmitz i Blossfeld, 2011b)
alturi de homogamia educaional (Skopek,
Schultz i Blossfeld, 2011a) reprezint factori
determinani n selecia online a partenerului de
cuplu.
Comunicarea are un rol fundamental n iniierea i meninerea unei relaii n mediul online.
Cel mai adesea, partenerii comunic prin mesaje scrise transmise instant, n timp real (instant
messaging), prin intermediul camerelor de discuii (chat rooms) i mai puin prin e-mail sau telefon (Cornwell i Lundgren, 2001). Ben-Zeèv
29
(2004) afirma foarte sugestiv c n contextul social offline ajungi s cunoti persoana din afar
spre interior, n timp ce n mediul online raportul
este invers cunoti persoana din interior spre
exterior. O comunicare deschis, onest, fr
prejudeci i caracter critic favorizeaz dezvoltarea unei relaii de cuplu n mediul online.
Prin urmare, n context online rolul anumitor
factori de influen asupra procesului de alegere a partenerului de cuplu este diminuat pn la
disoluie, n timp ce alte elemente se contureaz drept determinani specifici. Din seria criteriilor elective pe care le putem denumi clasice,
amintite i explicate n capitolul anterior, n ceea
ce privete spaiului virtual literatura de specialitate pstreaz drept criterii elective valide
doar principiul homogamiei socio-culturale i al
atractivitii fizice. Rolul proximitii spaiale i
al factorilor biologici este diminuat la un nivel
extrem de redus, aproape minimal.
Pornind de la contextul teoretic existent i de
la cadrul empiric al domeniului, studiul prezent
realizeaz o incursiune n procesul de iniiere i
formare a relaiilor de cuplu stabile, dezvoltate prin intermediul Internetului, avnd ca scop
conturarea unei imagini ct mai clare asupra aspectelor eseniale specifice acestui tip de relaionare. ntrebrile de cercetare care au stat la baza
stabilirii obiectivelor de analiz au fost urmtoarele: Care este profilul actorilor sociali implicai
n relaii de cuplu iniiate online?; Care sunt criteriile socio-demografice i socio-culturale care
stau la baza alegerii partenerului de cuplu n
contextul mediului virtual?; Se poate vorbi de o
similaritate a acestor criterii elective n funcie
de mediul social existent offline sau online?
Metodologia studiului
Obiectivul general al prezentei investigaii
l reprezint identificarea i descrierea principalelor criterii socio-demografice i culturale care
stau la baza procesului de selecie a partenerului n contextul mediului online. Factura inedit
a temei de studiu alturi de prezena sa relativ
recent n atenia cercettorilor sociali au determinat o abordare explorativ-descriptiv a temei
30
de cercetare. Conturarea unui model cauzal-explicativ al fenomenului nu reprezint scopul actualei analize.
Prin prisma obiectivului general menionat
anterior au fost formulate dou obiective specifice ale cercetrii:
Obiectiv specific 1. Conturarea profilului utilizatorilor de Internet care au dezvoltat relaii de
cuplu n mediul online.
Obiectiv specific 2. Investigarea i descrierea
aspectelor generale i ale patternurilor specifice
relaiilor de cuplu dezvoltate n mediul online.
Eantionare
Anumite condiionri metodologice de natur obiectiv (lipsa unei evidene statistice a persoanelor care au dezvoltat relaii de cuplu prin
intermediul Internetului, att la nivel naional,
dat i mondial) au impus utilizarea metodei de
eantionare non-probabilistic de tip bulgre
de zpad. Procesul de alegere a lotului de subieci s-a bazat pe dou criterii principale: respondenii sunt utilizatori ai mediului online i au
dezvoltat cel puin o relaie de cuplu cu un partener ntlnit n spaiul virtual. Selectarea lotului
de respondeni pentru prezenta cercetare a redefinit ntr-o mic msur regulile eantionrii
de tip bulgre de zpad; subiecii identificai n
prim faz n mod direct au fost rugai nu doar
s identifice la rndul lor ali poteniali membri
ai grupului-int, ci i s-i activeze reeaua de
capital social. Activarea reelei de cunotine s-a
realizat n plan virtual prin distribuirea online
a unui link (https://docs.google.com/forms/d/1
4y_0GqWLTv1KifWQ9Bv3cUThijg63hUWK
Yj82PTFGso/viewform?embedded=true#start
=embed) ce asigura accesul direct ctre chestionar. Subiecii identificai iniial au fost rugai
s trimit acest link prietenilor, cunotinelor i
rudelor prin intermediul reelelor de socializare
online (Facebook, Twitter, Hi5 etc.). Postarea
linkului a fost nsoit de rugmintea de a completa chestionarul de ctre toate persoanele care
se regsesc n categoria celor care au iniiat relaii de cuplu online.
Mrimea final a eantionului a fost de 61 de
subieci, numrul redus fiind n parte cauzat de

dificultatea identificrii subiecilor.
n realizarea analizei s-a recurs la metoda
anchetei sociologice prin chestionare autoadministrate distribuite n mediul online, datorit
faptului c domiciliile subiecilor se ntind pe
un areal geografic larg, unii dintre respondeni
avnd chiar domiciliul n strintate.
Perioada de culegere a datelor nu a fost prestabilit, urmrindu-se identificarea a ct mai
multor persoane din grupul-int. Prin urmare,
datele au fost culese timp de aproximativ patru luni calendaristice ianuarie 2013 aprilie
2013; dup aceast perioad nu au mai fost nregistrate cazuri noi de analiz.
Conturarea criteriilor cu care se opereaz
n procesul de alegere a partenerului de cuplu
n context virtual sunt prezentate din dou perspective diferite. Prin aplicarea chestionarului
am urmrit n primul rnd, surprinderea opiniei
subiecilor n legtur cu aspectele socio-demografice i culturale pe care ei declar c le-au valorizat n procesul de selecie a partenerului de
cuplu n contextul pieei maritale cibernetice. n
al doilea rnd, vor fi prezentate comparativ diferenele i asemnrile care pot fi sesizate ntre
opinia exprimat a subiecilor i datele factuale
nregistrate n ceea ce privete conturarea criteriilor de selecie.
Rezultatele cercetrii
Profilul socio-demografic al
persoanelor care dezvolt relaii de
cuplu online
La nivelul eantionului analizat distribuia n
funcie de genul subiecilor este eterogen, brbaii fiind foarte slab reprezentai (14 subieci)
comparativ cu numrul mare de femei (47 subieci). Prin comparaie cu mediul urban, proveniena rural a respondenilor este foarte slab
reprezentat, ceea ce creeaz o limit metodologic. Nivelul de instrucie mediu superior
(cel puin liceu sau coal tehnic absolvite cu
diplom) caracterizeaz persoanele care au dezvoltat relaii de cuplu n mediul virtual. Situaia
financiar a respondenilor este caracterizat de

stabilitate, acetia autoplasndu-se n clasa de
mijloc-superioar. Dei statusul ocupaional relev faptul c subiecii nu sunt angajai pe poziii
care necesit un grad superior de responsabilizare profesional i autoangajare, acetia se declar mulumii de aspectul financiar.
Consumul de Internet nregistrat n cazul subiecilor supui investigaiei este ridicat, media
zilnic n acest sens situndu-se n jurul a 3,5
ore. Este un interval de timp generos dar justificabil i prin faptul c simpla socializare i ntreinere a relaiilor dezvoltate cu ali utilizatori de
Internet necesit timp. Mare parte a subiecilor
inclui n prezentul eantion declar c au dezvoltat o singur relaie de cuplu cu o persoan
cunoscut pe Internet. Dar procentul celor care
au avut n decursul timpului mai multe astfel de
relaii nu este de neglijat 28,6% (16 cazuri)
dou relaii respectiv 8,9% (5 cazuri) mai mult
de trei relaii.
Criterii de selecie
partenerului de cuplu
online
Similaritatea de vrst este unul dintre criteriile socio-demografice de care subiecii investigai declar c au inut cont n procesul
de selecie a partenerului n contextul mediului
virtual. Astfel, vrsta este considerat ca avnd
un rol principal n alegerea partenerului pentru
61% (36 de cazuri) dintre respondeni. Tendina
evideniat este n conformitate cu teoriile literaturii de specialitate, care identific principiul
homogamiei de vrst ca unul extrem de important n procesul de selecie a partenerului n me-
31
diul online (Rosenfeld i Thomas, 2012). Analiza comparativ efectuat ntre opiniile subiecilor cu privire la importana vrstei partenerului
ca i criteriu de selecie i datele factuale culese
n acest sens confirm faptul c similaritatea de
vrst opereaz drept criteriu electiv n mediul
virtual.
Media vrstei nregistrat n cazul partenerului este de 31 de ani, semnificativ mai mare fa
de media vrstei subiecilor (29 de ani) (coeficient de corelaie Pearson = .868, p = .000), ceea
ce era de ateptat avnd n vedere distribuia subiecilor n funcie de gen procentul majoritar
se evideniaz pentru genul feminin.
Respondenii i-au selectat partenerii de cuplu innd cont de diferenele de vrst sesizate
ntre ei, n direcia unei diferene ct mai reduse n acest sens. Analiza din punct de vedere al
asocierii statistice a evideniat o relaie semnificativ existent ntre genul respondenilor i
tendina acestora de a-i alege un partener similar ca vrst. Att brbaii (Pearson Chi-square
= 105, p = .005), ct i femeile (Pearson Chisquare = 551,36, p = .005) au stabilit relaii de
cuplu cu parteneri care s ndeplineasc criteriul
homogamiei de vrst. Cu toate acestea, asocierea este mai semnificativ n cazul subiecilor de
gen feminin dect n cazul brbailor. Selectarea
partenerului din punct de vedere al similaritii
de vrst este o tendin care se evideniaz i n
cazul subiecilor cu un nivel de educaie superior (dein diplom de absolvire a unei instituii
universitare) (Pearson Chi-square = 608,28, p =
.001). Aceast relaie ns nu este semnificativ
din punct de vedere statistic pentru subiecii cu
un nivel de instrucie mediu.
32

Tabel 1: Manifestarea similaritii religioase
Apartenen
religioas
partener
Apartenen religioas subiect

Ortodox Greco-catolic Romano-ca- Protestant
tolic
55,7%
Ortodox
6,6%
1,6%
1,6%
(34
(4 cazuri)
(1 caz)
(1 caz)
cazuri)
Greco-catolic
0%
1,6%
0%
0%
(1 caz)
R o m a n o - c a - 8,2%
1,6%
0%
0%
tolic
(5 ca(1 caz)
zuri)
1,6%
Protestant
1,6%
0%
0%
(1 caz)
(1 caz)
Neo-protestant 3,3%
0%
0%
0%
(2 cazuri)
Alt cult
3,3%
0%
0%
0%
(2 cazuri)
Neoprotestant
0%
Alt cult
0%
0%
1,6%
(1 caz)
0%
0%
0%
3,3%
(2 cazuri)
0%
0%
6,6% (4
cazuri)
1,6%
(1 caz)
** Pearson Chi-square = 78,03, p = .000

Similaritatea religioas ntre parteneri este
un criteriu electiv valorizat de ctre subiecii
de gen feminin (Pearson Chi-square = 99,65, p
= .000), n timp ce respondenii de gen masculin nu manifest aceast tendin. n contextul
literaturii de specialitate nu au fost identificate
relaii clare n ceea ce privete genul membrilor
populaiei-int i preferinele acestora pentru
anumite criterii de selecie online a partenerului
de cuplu. Din acest punct de vedere, prezentul
studiu poate constitui un punct de plecare pentru
analize ulterioare.
O pondere de 55,2% (32 de cazuri) dintre respondeni apreciaz ca important ocupaia partenerului i declar c acest aspect a reprezentat
un criteriu de selecie important n alegerea companionului de via n mediul online. Literatura
de specialitate subliniaz similaritatea ocupaional ca fiind unul dintre criteriile fundamentale de care se ine cont n iniierea i dezvoltarea
unei relaii de cuplu cu o persoan cunoscut pe
Internet; unele site-uri matrimoniale i reele de
socializare sunt selective n acest sens fiind destinate doar unor anumite categorii ocupaionale
(Sprecher, 2009; Fiore i Donath, 2004). Importana similaritii ocupaionale ntre subieci i
partenerii acestora este evideniat ca asociere
statistic semnificativ (Pearson Chi-square =
134,74, p = .000), ceea ce confirm declaraiile

respondenilor cu privire la rolul acordat de ctre acetia categoriei ocupaionale n care este
inclus partenerul de cuplu. Aprofundnd analiza,
se poate afirma faptul c femeile sunt cele care
pun mai mare accent, comparativ cu brbaii, pe
similaritatea ocupaional dintre ele i partener
(Pearson Chi-square = 129,89, p = .000).
De asemenea, se observ o tendin la nivelul
eantionului studiat de apreciere a homogamiei
ocupaionale de ctre subiecii care se ncadreaz
n categoria celor cu studii superioare i se autoplaseaz pe scala aprecierii situaiei materiale
peste nivelul mediu (amintim faptul c 5 reprezint valoarea medie a scalei). Astfel, respondenii cu nivel educaional superior, care se situeaz
n jurul valorii 7 ncadrai n clasa medie-superioar a ierarhiei sociale din punct de vedere
financiar, valorizeaz similaritatea ocupaional
drept criteriu de selecie online a partenerului de
cuplu (Pearson Chi-square = 43,45, p = .005).
Aceast relaie de asociere este nesemnificativ
din punct de vedere statistic n cazul subiecilor
cu un nivel de instrucie mai sczut, chiar dac
autoplasarea acestora pe scala aprecierii situaiei
materiale se definete tot n jurul valorii 7.
n ceea ce privete proximitatea spaio-geografic, analizele evideniaz importana sczut
a acestui criteriu electiv n contextul mediului

virtual: 77,6% (45 de cazuri) dintre respondeni
declar c nu au inut cont de distana geografic dintre ei i partener, ce s-ar putea impune ca
impediment n cadrul relaiei. Dar, aprofundarea
empiric a datelor sugereaz o neconcordan ntre opinia exprimat de ctre marea parte a subiecilor i realitatea existent n ceea ce privete rolul
proximitii geografice n procesul electiv desfurat online. Cu toate c 41,7% (25 de cazuri)
dintre respondeni declar c partenerul cunoscut
pe Internet are domiciliul n localitate diferit de
a lor, o pondere relativ mare dintre subieci declar c partenerii au domiciliul n aceeai localitate
(40% 24 de cazuri). Prin urmare, chiar dac respondenii par a nu fi interesai de distana fizic
dintre ei i partener, la nivel practic proximitatea
geografic a operat ca un criteriu de selecie.
Contrar ideii general acceptate la nivelul
literaturii de specialitate, conform creia rolul
atractivitii fizice este diminuat n contextul
selectrii online a partenerului de cuplu (Baker,
2008; Ben-Zeèv, 2004), 69,5% (41 de cazuri)
dintre subiecii investigai declar c aspectul
fizic al partenerului a constituit un element important n procesul electiv menionat. Faptul c
atractivitatea fizic este valorizat pozitiv de ctre respondeni este subliniat nc o dat i prin
rspunsurile oferite la itemul: n cazul seleciei
unui partener de cuplu prin intermediul Internetului, atracia fizic are un rol mai redus dect n
cazul seleciei unui partener n mediul offline.
n acest sens 32,8% (20 de cazuri) dintre subieci, reprezentnd cea mai ridicat pondere de
rspunsuri, au declarat c mai degrab nu sunt
de acord cu aceast afirmaie, ceea ce evideniaz tendina acestora de a pune accent pe atractivitatea partenerului i de a include aspectul fizic
n rndul criteriilor de selecie.
Explicaia faptului c subiecii acord o importan major aspectului fizic al unui potenial partener de cuplu trebuie cutat n etapele
de evoluie ale relaiei. Dac ntr-o prim etap
a comunicrii online utilizatorii nu au ca scop
imediat ghidarea conversaiei cu scopul construirii unei relaii de tip romantic, gradul de atractivitate fizic a interlocutorului virtual nu prezint
33
interes. n momentul contientizrii dorinei de a

dezvolta o relaie de cuplu, utilizatorii devin interesai i de aspectul fizic al potenialului partener. Pe de alt parte, pentru persoanele care de la
nceput au ca scop stabilirea unui contact online
cu un potenial partener de cuplu, atractivitatea
fizic se definete nc de la nceput drept un criteriu fundamental n alegerea partenerului. Lipsa
atractivitii fizice poate echivala cu finalizarea
relaiei online. Cu toate acestea, unele studii
empirice au artat faptul c unele persoane se
pot simi ofensate n cazul n care partenerul de
dialog online le solicit o fotografie n faza de
iniiere a relaiei (Ben-Zeèv, 2004).
Sintetiznd rezultatele analizelor efectuate,
tabelul 2 prezint comparativ importana pe care
subiecii o acord, la nivel declarativ, diferitelor criterii socio-demografice i socio-culturale
n cadrul procesului de selectare a partenerului
de cuplu n contextul mediului online. Similaritatea axiologic ntre parteneri se contureaz
drept un criteriu electiv fundamental chiar i n
contextul mediului online, marea majoritate a
respondenilor (90%) punnd accent pe ideile i
principiile de via comune cu ale potenialului
partener de cuplu. Urmtoarele poziii n ierarhia realizat de respondeni cu privire la aceste
criterii elective sunt ocupate de aspectul fizic
(69,5% dintre subieci declar c atractivitatea
fizic a contat n momentul alegerii partenerului
de cuplu n spaiul virtual), nivelul de instrucie
(69% dintre subieci declar c nivelul educaional al potenialului partener de cuplu a contat
n procesul electiv), vrsta (61% dintre subieci
declar c vrsta a contat n momentul alegerii
partenerului de cuplu n spaiul virtual). Aspecte precum proximitatea spaio-geografic (doar
22,4% dintre subieci declar c au inut cont de
distana geografic dintre ei i partenerul virtual) i opinia familiei sau a comunitii cu privire
la relaia dezvoltat online (doar 13% dintre subieci declar c a contat opinia celor apropiai
cu privire la relaia dezvoltat n mediul online)
nu se contureaz drept criterii de o importan
major pentru respondeni n alegerea partenerului de cuplu n context virtual.
34
Tabel 2: Importana acordat de subieci criteriilor socio-culturale n procesul de alegere a partenerului de cuplu n mediul online
n ceea ce v privete, n alegerea partenerului(ei) n mediul online,
a contat...?
Ideile i principiile de via comune
Aspectul fizic
Nivelul de instrucie
Vrsta
Nivelul ocupaional
Etnia
Religia
Distana geografic ntre dvs. i partener()
Prerea celor apropiai despre relaia dvs.
Concluzii
Ideea principal care se desprinde n urma
analizei realizate este faptul c procesul de alegere a partenerului de cuplu se realizeaz, n
principal, pe baza homogamiei socio-culturale
chiar i n cadrul mediului online, similar cu mediul offline. Tendina utilizatorilor de a selecta
parteneri similari este observat prin raportare la
vrst, apartenen religioas i categorie ocupaional. Mai mult dect att, genul se evideniaz ca unul dintre principalii poli de conturare a
criteriilor elective, astfel nct femeile i doresc
un potenial partener similar ca religie, vrst i
ocupaie, n timp ce brbaii prefer o partener
apropiat ca vrst i cu aceeai provenien rezidenial. n acest sens, datele obinute se aliniaz rezultatelor altor studii ntreprinse, conform
crora femeile, comparativ cu brbaii, tind s
i aleag partenerul de cuplu n funcie de statusul socio-economic al acestuia (Buss i Barnes,
1986; Buss, 1989; Kenrick et al., 2001; Buunk
et al., 2002; Buss, 2007; Shackelford, Schmitt
i Buss, 2005). Nivelul de instrucie i poziia
ierarhic a individului pe scara social sunt alte
elemente de conturare a criteriilor de alegere a
partenerului de cuplu. Un nivel educaional ridicat (absolvirea unei instituii de nvmnt
superior) i ncadrarea n clasa social medie-superioar din punct de vedere financiar determin
a tendin mai accentuat de valorizare a simi-
DA
90%
69,5%
69%
61%
55,2%
30%
23,3%
22,4%
13%
NU
10%
30,5%
31%
39%
44,8%
70%
76,7%
77,6%
87%
laritii ocupaionale drept criteriu de selecie

a partenerului de cuplu. Rezultatele sugereaz
faptul c diferitele medii sociale au tendina de a
se reproduce n interiorul lor.
n ceea ce privete rolul atractivitii fizice
n procesul de selecie a unui partener virtual, la
nivel declarativ tendina subiecilor a fost aceea
de a diminua importana acestui criteriu. Dar,
analiza practicilor adoptate n alegerea partenerului au demonstrat contrariul: gradul de atractivitate fizic deine un rol fundamental n acest
proces electiv. Acelai lucru se poate afirma i
despre influena exercitat de proximitatea spaio-geografic: n mediul online, cuplurile tind
mai degrab s se formeze ntre parteneri aflai
la distane geografice relativ reduse.
Comunicarea este elementul-cheie n meninerea unei relaii de cuplu iniiate prin intermediul Internetului. O bun comunicare, caracterizat de sinceritate i autodezvluire garanteaz
dezvoltarea ncrederii ntre partenerii virtuali i
are rol fundamental n evoluia ulterioar a relaiei.
Limitele cercetrii
Particularitatea i noutatea temei de studiu
a condus la caracterul explorativ-descriptiv al
cercetrii, determinnd anumite limite metodologice de cercetare. O prim limit se refer la
reprezentarea inegal a subiecilor n principal
35
n funcie de gen i mediu de reziden. Majoritatea respondenilor sunt de gen feminin,

iar mediul de reziden conturat n majoritatea
cazurilor este cel urban. Mediul rural poate determina apariia unor idei, mentaliti i valori
sociale diferite fa de cele generate n mediul
urban. Distribuia majoritar urban nu permite
surprinderea unor atitudini i comportamente
posibil diferite, specifice populaiei din mediul
rural. Dar, privind din alt perspectiv, aceast
configurare a eantionului poate fi determinat
i de specificitatea temei de cercetare. Internetul
cunoate o rspndire mai larg n mediul urban,
iar n acelai timp, gradul de acceptare social a
noii modaliti online de selectare a partenerului
de cuplu este mai ridicat n acest context social.
O a doua limit a cercetrii este impus de
numrul mic de cazuri analizate, respectiv 61 de
subieci inclui n eantionul final. Metoda de
eantionare tip bulgre de zpad nu permite un
control eficace asupra procesului de selectare a
respondenilor. Pe de alt parte, tema de analiz
este una cu un grad de sensibilitate ridicat i face
apel la intimitatea subiecilor, aspecte ce pot determina refuzul populaiei-int de a participa la
studiu.
n raport direct cu numrul limitat de subieci, se ridic problema reprezentativitii
eantionului analizat, ca o a treia limit a studiu-
lui; prin urmare, rezultatele obinute nu pot fi generalizate la nivelul ntregii societi romneti.
Efectul dezirabilitii sociale trebuie, de asemenea, s fie luat n calcul drept o alt limit
a studiului. Influena acestui factor asupra rspunsurilor acordate de ctre subieci n special
la anumii itemi din chestionar, poate fi una determinant, ceea ce genereaz rezerve cu privire
la validitatea anumitor informaii i limiteaz
interpretarea rezultatelor analizei.
Cu toate c este o analiz incipient asupra
subiectului, studiul de fa poate reprezenta o
deschidere spre varii investigaii empirice n domeniul interaciunilor umane mediate de computer, cu precdere spre relaiile de tip romantic.
innd cont de faptul c lucrarea este o contribuie de ordin explorativ-descriptiv, se impune
formularea unui model cauzal explicativ specific
temei studiate. De asemenea, analizele realizate
pe eantioane reprezentative din punct de vedere statistic i cu o distribuie relativ omogen a
subiecilor n funcie de principalele caracteristici socio-demografice, ar favoriza generalizarea
rezultatelor obinute la nivelul societii romneti. Direciile viitoare de cercetare pot extinde
sfera de analiz, prin integrarea altor elemente
care ar putea aduce o nou viziune asupra temei
sau prin aprofundarea liniilor de analiz prezentate.
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Dezvluirea sinelui n mediul virtual. O analiz

de coninut a profilului de Facebook al tinerilor
din Romnia
Corina Moruan*
Universitatea Babe-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca
Abstract: In the past few years, social scientists were talking more and more of an uncontrolled exposure of
young people in the virtual environment. The fast development of social networking sites and of instant messaging services had radically changed the way we interact, communicate and socialize. If before you needed
time to get to know someone better, to get close to someone, to make new friends, to meet other people who
share your interests and beliefs, now everything seems to be just one click away. An environment where there
are no socio-cultural and spatial-temporal barriers, like the virtual environment, is an environment that encourages disinhibition and self-disclosure in social relationships. Therefore, we could say that the Internet is
offering us an ideal environment for fast self-disclosure. In this context, the present paper proposes to explore
the theme of privacy in the virtual environment, its purpose being to identify the type of personal information
which young people easily disclose online. Therefore, the present study presents a content analysis of 106
Facebook profiles, based upon a classification scheme for the information provided online. In the end, the
study demonstrates that the focus of social researchers should be on the content of the information and not on
the amount of information disclosed online. The study offers an overview of what young people are willing to
reveal in the virtual environment and represents a first step in the research of this complex phenomenon and
its social implications.
Keywords: self-disclosure; Facebook; privacy; information; social interactions.
Cuvinte-cheie: dezvluirea sinelui; Facebook; intimitate; informaii; interaciuni sociale.
Introducere
Expansiunea rapid a reelelor de socializare online a redefinit comunicarea interpersonal
i relaiile sociale, strnind astfel interesul cercettorilor asupra modului n care individul se
prezint n mediul virtual. Este deja un lucru demonstrat faptul c dezvoltarea accelerat a acestor noi mijloace de comunicare a schimbat radical modul n care interacionm, comunicm,
socializm. Dac nainte de apariia reelelor de
socializare online aveai nevoie de timp s cunoti pe cineva mai bine, s te apropii de cineva,
s i faci prieteni noi, s cunoti ali oameni care
s-i mprteasc interesele sau opiniile, acum
totul pare a fi la doar un click distan. Atunci
cnd vorbim despre mediul virtual, putem vorbi

despre efectul de dezinhibare online, ntruct un
mediu n care nu exist bariere socio-culturale i
spaial-temporale este un mediu propice dezinhibrii n relaiile sociale i dezvluirii sinelui.
Internetul ofer astfel un cadru ideal de dezvluire a sinelui, ntr-un mod controlat i accelerat. n ultima decad, tema dezvluirii sinelui
n mediul virtual a captat atenia cercettorilor
din domeniul tiinelor sociale. Exist deja o
serie de studii care trateaz diverse aspecte ale
prezentrii sinelui n mediul virtual, analiznd
izolat anumite particulariti ale acestui proces.
Unele cercetri s-au concentrat exclusiv asupra
modului n care individul se prezint n cadrul
diverselor reele de socializare online, n vreme
* coala Doctoral de Sociologie, Universitatea Babe-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca. E-mail: corina.morutan@yahoo.

com.
ce altele s-au concentrat asupra problemelor de

confidenialitate pe care le ridic utilizarea acestor reele. Specialitii n domeniu semnaleaz
faptul c dezvluirea sinelui, n contextul interaciunilor din mediul virtual, nu mai este n
prezent un proces gradual, iar teoria penetrrii
sociale (Altman i Taylor, 1973), conform creia
ne dezvluim treptat n faa celorlali, pare s se
aplice din ce n ce mai puin n cazul interaciunilor online. n consecin, atenia cercettorilor
s-a ndreptat i asupra problematicii proteciei
intimitii n mediul virtual.
Literatura de specialitate atest faptul c, n
societatea curent, conceptul de intimitate nu mai
pstreaz aceleai valene de acum 10-20 de ani,
iar cutarea unei definiii simple a intimitii ar fi
un pas greit, cci intimitatea va rmne extrem
de sensibil la schimbrile sociale. Progresul
tehnologic impune n mod categoric o reconsiderare a definiiilor tradiionale atribuite intimitii. Ce nseamn de fapt mediul virtual pentru
generaia actual? Sunt reelele de socializare
online ntr-adevr un mijloc real de a crea noi
relaii sociale veridice, de a lega prietenii? Ce
fel de informaii dezvluie tinerii online? Unde
se afl individul la intersecia dintre mediul virtual i viaa real? Toate acestea sunt ntrebri la
care literatura de specialitate nu a oferit nc un
rspuns clar. n condiiile n care mediul online
constituie n prezent o component viabil a vieii sociale a generaiei actuale, consider esenial
explorarea procesului de dezvluire a sinelui n
cadrul reelelor de socializare online. Internetul
ne-a oferit practic mijloacele de construcie ale
unui alter ego, unul virtual, una dintre multiplele
modaliti prin care ne prezentm n societate.
Sinele nostru virtual a devenit o alungire a sinelui real, ca o continuare fireasc, o transpunere a
vieii noastre sociale n mediul virtual. Iar adesea contextele offline i online se intersecteaz
n viaa real. De vreme ce se vorbete din ce
n ce mai mult despre o expunere fr precedent a tinerilor n mediul virtual, consider c un
prim pas n studierea acestei teme ar trebui s l
reprezinte analiza tipului de informaii pe care
tinerii le dezvluie online. n acest context, lucrarea de fa i-a propus s cerceteze ce anume
39
i ct anume din intimitatea lor dezvluie tinerii

n cadrul interaciunilor sociale online. Aadar,
studiul prezint mai nti o abordare teoretic a
conceptului de self-disclosure n mediul virtual, prin revizuirea literaturii de specialitate.
Ulterior este prezentat cercetarea propriu-zis
care const ntr-o analiz de coninut a profilului
de Facebook al tinerilor din Romnia, analiz
pentru care am construit o schem de clasificare
a informaiilor furnizate online. n ultima seciune a lucrrii sunt prezentate n detaliu rezultatele
obinute prin intermediul analizei de coninut i
posibilele direcii urmtoare de cercetare.
Dezvluirea sinelui n mediul

virtual. O abordare teoretic
Exist astzi, n rndul specialitilor, un larg
consens asupra faptului c progresul n domeniul
tehnologiilor informaiilor i comunicaiilor se
reflect cu precdere n structura societii umane, ntruct relaia dintre tehnologie i societate nu este niciodat unidirecional (DiMaggio
et al., 2001, 327). Noua er informaional nu
numai c a deschis noi canale de comunicare ntre oameni, ci a avut i are n continuare un mare
impact asupra modului n care trim, nvm,
muncim, consumm, socializm i ne distrm.
De departe, cel mai fascinant aspect al noii ere
informaionale l reprezint libertatea pe care
internetul o ofer indivizilor: libertatea cunoaterii, a informaiilor, a schimbului de opinii i
nu numai. Aa cum numeroase studii au demonstrat deja, internetul a schimbat n mod profund
experiena uman (Correa, Willard Hinsley i
de Ziga, 2010, 247). n zilele noastre, folosim internetul pentru a afla informaii, pentru a
furniza informaii, pentru a cumpra sau vinde
produse, pentru a socializa, pentru a ne exprima, pentru a fi la curent cu ultimele evenimente
i n multe alte scopuri. Putem spune aadar c
internetul a devenit, fr doar i poate, parte integrant a vieii noastre. Observnd motivaiile
care stau la baza utilizrii internetului, acestea
pot fi clasificate cu uurin n trei mari categorii: social, comercial i informaional. Dintre
aceste trei direcii majore de utilizare a interne-
40
Corina Moruan, Dezvluirea sinelui n mediul virtual. O analiz de coninut...
tului, componenta social pare a avea cea mai

mare nsemntate pentru studiile de specialitate.
Asistm practic la o transpunere fr echivoc a
vieii noastre sociale n mediul virtual. Consecinele sociale ale intruziunii masive a mijloacelor moderne de comunicare n viaa individului
se raporteaz n mod direct la modul de utilizare
a noilor tehnologii. Dac la nceput internetul
era foarte apreciat pentru anonimitatea oferit,
n ziua de azi este sesizabil o tendin a oamenilor de a folosi cu precdere internetul pentru
a socializa cu persoane cunoscute i pentru a-i
extinde cercul de cunotine (Correa, Willard
Hinsley i de Ziga, 2010, 247). Principalele
instrumente care permit acest lucru sunt reelele
de socializare online i serviciile de mesagerie
instant.
Internetul a devenit aadar unul dintre cele
mai pregnante mijloace de comunicare utilizate
n prezent, genernd un nou tip de comunicare
comunicare mediat tehnologic (computermediated-communication). Comunicarea mediat tehnologic se refer n principal la calitatea individului de a comunica n mediul virtual,
respectiv de a tri ntr-o societate virtual prin
intermediul noilor tehnologii. n acest context,
se impune o evideniere a diferenelor existente ntre comunicarea fa-n-fa i comunicarea mediat tehnologic. Erving Goffman, unul
dintre cei mai mari teoreticieni ai interaciunii
sociale, expune n lucrarea sa Viaa cotidian ca
spectacol (1959/2003, 29) unul dintre principiile
de baz ale interaciunii fa-n-fa: cnd un
individ se afl n prezena altora, acetia ncearc n general s obin informaii despre el sau
s scoat la lumin informaii pe care deja le
dein. Acelai principiu al schimbului de informaii ca modalitate de interaciune i cunoatere
reciproc, pare s se aplice i n mediul virtual.
Lucrrile tiinifice care au abordat problema
comunicrii mediate tehnologic au demonstrat
c principiile de baz ale interaciunii fa-n-fa se aplic n mare parte i n cazul interaciunii
ce are loc n mediul virtual. M ntreb ns dac
specificul informaiilor personale mprtite n
interaciunile fa-n-fa este acelai cu specificul informaiilor prezentate n comunicarea me-
diat tehnologic?! Conform teoriei penetrrii sociale (Altman i Taylor, 1973), oamenii se simt
mai apropriai de partenerii lor pe msur ce
dezvluie informaii mai intime i mai personale
despre ei i se ateapt ca partenerii lor s procedeze la fel. n fazele incipiente ale interaciunii
fa-n-fa, indivizii fac schimb de informaii
impersonale, iar ulterior, n timp, se deschid i
mprtesc informaii mai personale. Rmne
de vzut ns dac aceast teorie se aplic i n
cazul interaciunii din mediul virtual. Raportndu-se la progresul tehnologic i la noile forme
de comunicare generate de acesta, principala
ngrijorare a cercettorilor este legat de confidenialitatea din mediul virtual. Alain Westin definete confidenialitatea, dintr-o perspectiv pur
informaional, ca fiind dreptul individului, al
grupului sau al instituiei de a alege cum, unde
i ctre cine vor fi furnizate sau comunicate informaii cu caracter personal (Westin, 1967,
7). Aceast definiie a fost ulterior preluat n
numeroase studii care au tratat problema confidenialitii n mediul virtual. Confidenialitatea
este important pentru c i garanteaz individului controlul asupra informaiilor personale,
ceea ce i permite acestuia s menin diferite
nivele ale intimitii. Tot Westin (2003) face diferenierea ntre cele trei nivele majore la care se
raporteaz conceptul de confidenialitate: nivelul
politic (evideniind faptul c societile democratice valorizeaz i instituionalizeaz confidenialitatea), nivelul socio-cultural (susinnd
faptul c n acest context, confidenialitatea este
adesea determinat de puterea i statutul social
al individului) i nivelul individual (n care individul caut s echilibreze balana ntre intimitate
i nevoia de expunere i comunicare). William
Parent (1983, 1292) definete confidenialitatea
n termeni de control asupra informaiilor personale i se raporteaz la aceasta ca fiind o valoare moral a oamenilor care preuiesc individualitatea i libertatea i nu un drept moral sau
legal. n acelai timp, exist i ali teoreticieni
care consider c o atenie mai mare ar trebui
acordat importanei sociale a confidenialitii,
ca valoare comun, public i colectiv (Regan, 1995, 12), mai ales n contextul actual al
dezvoltrii tehnologice, care impune implementarea unor nivele minime de protecie a intimitii. Este bine tiut faptul c valorile pe care ni le
crem ne influeneaz adoptarea acelor atitudini
i comportamente care ne duc spre ceea ce ne
dorim. Iar n ceea ce privete valoarea confidenialitii, trebuie s ne ntrebm dac n contextul
digitalizrii vieii noastre sociale, intimitatea
reprezint o valoare pentru toi indivizii, sau valoarea acesteia este determinat de diferenele
psihosociale?! Intimitatea individului este fr
ndoial ntr-o continu dependen de controlul
su fa de informaiile personale. Capacitatea
sa de a controla informaia personal nseamn puterea de a decide asupra vieii sale. Dac
o persoan deine controlul asupra informaiilor
despre sine, putem denumi acest fapt un drept
al propriei intimiti. n aceste condiii, ne ntrebm care este motivul pentru care mprtim cu
ceilali, mai mult sau mai puin cunoscui, intimitatea noastr? Ce anume ne determin s nu
avem restricii n ceea ce privete dezvluirea
vieii noastre private n mediul virtual? Este ntradevr pentru noi dreptul la via particular o
valoare fundamental?
Exist o varietate de practici distincte n mediul virtual, n cadrul crora sunt dezvluite informaii personale, att n mod pasiv ct i activ,
iar acestea permit configuraii diferite ale alegerii, controlului i posibilelor consecine pentru utilizatori (Bryce i Klang, 2009, 160). Indiferent de modul n care alegem s abordm i
s conceptualizm noiunea de intimitate, cert
este faptul c intimitatea ne d acea libertate de
a ne defini propriile relaii cu ceilali i de a ne
defini pe noi nine. Analiznd dimensiunile filozofice ale confidenialitii, Schoeman (1984)
susine c aceasta, ca mijloc de control al informaiilor intime despre noi nine, are numeroase
beneficii, nu numai pentru relaiile cu ceilali, ci
i pentru dezvoltarea propriei personaliti i a
sinelui. Literatura de specialitate atest faptul c
exist o strns legtur ntre intimitate i formarea identitii, prin prisma procesului de dezvluire a sinelui. Conceptul de sine se refer
n principal la imaginea pe care o avem despre
propria persoan (Ilu, 2001, 11). Teoreticienii
41
interacionismului simbolic susin c sinele i

mediul social sunt interdependente, se definesc
unul pe altul, i dau contur unul altuia prin
intermediul comunicrii simbolice (Dobrescu
i Brgoanu, 2003, 55). Conform teoriei lui
Mead, sinele se formeaz n cadrul unui proces
social de interaciune cu ceilali (Dobrescu i
Brgoanu, 2003, 63). Drept urmare, putem afirma c procesele de prezentare i dezvluire a
sinelui sunt aspecte importante ale dezvoltrii
relaionale. n ncercarea de a reda mecanismele
de prezentare ale sinelui, Goffman (1959, 4) explic modurile n care un individ se implic n
activiti strategice pentru a lsa altora o impresie care i servete propriului interes. Strategiile de prezentare a sinelui sunt cu precdere
importante n faza incipient a relaiei, de vreme
ce alii (ceilali) vor folosi aceste informaii pentru a decide dac se angajeaz sau nu n respectiva relaie (Derlega et al., 1987). Intimitatea n
relaii este legat de sentimentul de a fi neles de
ctre partener i se dezvolt printr-un proces dinamic n cadrul cruia individul dezvluie altora
informaii personale, gnduri i sentimente, proces definit n literatura de specialitate ca dezvluirea sinelui (self-disclosure) (Derlega et al.,
1993). Aadar, dorina de apropriere fa de ceilali, dorina de a ne simi nelei de partenerii
de interaciune va ncuraja o dezvluire a sinelui
onest i deschis. n luarea deciziilor despre ce
anume i cnd anume dezvluim, indivizii se
strduie adesea s mpace nevoi contradictorii,
precum nevoia de comunicare, de relaionare, de
deschidere pe de o parte i nevoia de independen, de libertate pe de alt parte. n noua er
informaional, internetul pune la dispoziia individului nenumrate mijloace de comunicare
tehnologice, care contribuie la crearea unei realiti sociale uor distincte, ce se desfoar n
mediul virtual. n acest context, putem afirma cu
uurin c internetul ofer multiple i variate
posibiliti pentru o alt dimensiune a sinelui
nostru dezvluirea sinelui, proces care n relaiile fa-n-fa poate ntmpina unele reineri.
Am putea spune c, un mediu n care nu exist
bariere socio-culturale i spaial-temporale, precum mediul virtual, este un mediu care permite
42
dezinhibarea n relaiile sociale i ncurajeaz

ntr-o i mai mare msur dezvluirea sinelui.
Internetul ofer astfel un cadru ideal de dezvluire a sinelui, ntr-un mod accelerat, n care cei
care interacioneaz ar putea nclca una dintre
regulile fundamentale ale dezvluirii sinelui i
anume cea care spune c acesta este un proces
gradual (Yum i Hara, 2006). n timp ce procesul
de dezvluire a sinelui a constituit mult vreme
un element central al cercetrilor din sfera comunicrii, acesta a devenit recent unul dintre
cele mai controversate i criticate comportamente n comunicarea mediat tehnologic. n acest
sens, exist numeroase studii care au abordat, n
mod diferit, subiectul dezvluirii sinelui n comunicarea mediat tehnologic. Pentru crearea
unei viziuni de ansamblu asupra a ceea ce s-a
cercetat pn acum pe aceast tem, voi prezenta n cele ce urmeaz, n mod sintetic, o parte
dintre aceste studii i cele mai concludente rezultate ale acestora. Printre primele cercetri ntreprinse n acest domeniu, se nscrie lucrarea lui
Adam Joinson (2001) asupra dezvluirii sinelui
online. Acesta abordeaz problematica dezvluirii sinelui, comparnd n cadrul a trei studii distincte nivelul de dezvluire a sinelui din interaciunile fa-n-fa cu cel din comunicarea mediat tehnologic. Joinson pornete de la premisa c
indivizii au tendina s dezvluie mai uor informaii personale n mediul virtual, iar rezultatele
celor trei studii confirm acest lucru. Un alt studiu, elaborat n anul 2006 (Yum i Hara, 2006),
surprinde rolul expunerii sinelui n dezvoltarea
relaiilor pe internet, n trei culturi diferite: american, japonez i coreean. Acetia au explorat
legtura dintre dezvluirea sinelui (concentrndu-se asupra profunzimii i tipului de informaii
mprtite) i calitatea relaiilor dezvoltate. Autorii au introdus n studiul lor i teoria penetrrii
sociale (Altman i Taylor, 1973), concluzionnd
mai apoi c multe dintre principiile comunicrii
fa-n-fa se aplic i n cazul comunicrii mediate tehnologic. O alt cercetare (Joinson et al.,
2008) pornete de la premisa c gradul mai mare
al expunerii sinelui n mediul virtual se datoreaz vulnerabilitii reduse (asigurat de presupusa anonimitate a comunicrii mediate tehnolo-
gic). n acelai timp, lucrarea ofer o foarte util

divizare a dezvluirii sinelui, n baza a trei componente principale: cantitatea informaiilor mprtite, profunzimea lor i durata de expunere
a acestora. n plus, autorii testeaz dou modaliti de msurare a gradului de dezvluire a sinelui n mediul virtual. Qian i Scott (2007, 1429)
au tratat problema anonimitii i dezvluirii sinelui n sfera blogurilor. Cercetnd relaia cauzal dintre anonimitatea vizual i discursiv i
dezvluirea sinelui, autorii concluzioneaz c
doar anonimitatea discursiv (n care autorul
blogului nu poate fi identificat) conduce la o mai
mare dezvluire a sinelui, n vreme ce anonimitatea vizual (faptul c autorul blogului nu poate
fi identificat vizual) nu influeneaz expunerea
sinelui n sfera blogurilor. De asemenea, studiul
evideniaz faptul c autorii blogurilor i pun
adesea probleme legate de intimitate, situaie n
care autocenzura devine o norm de baz a acestora. Frye i Dornisch (2010) exploreaz rolul
intimitii percepute a instrumentelor comunicrii n dezvluirea sinelui. Studiul demonstreaz
faptul c sigurana mijloacelor de comunicare,
experiena n utilizarea acestora i ncrederea, ca
trstur de caracter, se coreleaz cu nivelul de
confort n dezvluirea informaiilor personale i
intimitatea subiectului abordat. Attrill i Jalil
(2011, 1) pornesc de la prezumpia c de vreme
ce dezvluirea sinelui (definit aici ca dezvluirea informaiilor personale unei alte persoane)
este o component important a formrii relaiilor, iar relaiile se formeaz din ce n ce mai frecvent n mediul virtual, se impune n mod categoric studierea dezvluirii sinelui online. Articolul
abordeaz dezvluirea sinelui online n comparaie cu mediul offline i ajunge la concluzia c
nu cantitatea sau ritmul informaiei primeaz
aici, ci coninutul acesteia. Se preconizeaz c
ntr-adevr dezvluirea sinelui se produce mai
repede i ntr-o mai mare msur online, ns
doar atunci cnd e vorba de informaii superficiale. Totodat, studiul evideniaz cteva dinte
beneficiile dezvluirii sinelui n mediul virtual,
printre care se numr dezvoltarea i meninerea
relaiilor offline i satisfacerea nevoilor sociale
ale individului de apartenen la grup. n conclu-
zie, toate aceste studii demonstreaz, sub diverse forme, faptul c indivizii care interacioneaz
n mediul virtual, experimenteaz aceleai presiuni i dorine precum cei ce interacioneaz fan-fa, dar au un mai mare control asupra modalitii de prezentare a sinelui, ceea ce le permite
indivizilor s gestioneze mai strategic interaciunile lor online. Graie caracteristicilor comunicrii mediate tehnologic, prezentarea sinelui n
mediul virtual este mai maleabil i permite autocenzura, spre deosebire de prezentarea sinelui
fa-n-fa (Walther, 1996). Utiliznd terminologia lui Goffman (1959), putem spune c n interaciunile ce se desfoar n mediul online,
mai multe expresii ale sinelui sunt mai degrab
date, dect lsate. Controlul mai mare asupra prezentrii sinelui nu duce neaprat la o reprezentare eronat a acestuia n mediul online.
Datorit anonimitii vizuale, prezent n comunicarea mediat tehnologic (Joinson, 2001), n
anumite condiii, mediul virtual poate permite
participanilor s se exprime mai deschis i
onest, dect n contextele fa-n-fa i s prezinte mai bine aspecte ale sinelui lor real. Instrumentele de comunicare, caracteristice noii ere
informaionale, au permis replicarea reelelor
sociale n mediul virtual, prin intermediul reelelor de socializare online. Un studiu recent asupra
mecanismelor de funcionare ale reelelor de socializare online susine c o parte semnificativ a
activitii desfurate n cadrul acestor reele
poate fi conceptualizat sub forma prezentrii
sinelui, n concordan cu premisele teoriei lui
Goffman (1959). Utilizatorii se angajeaz n
procesul de management al impresiilor prin
ajustarea profilelor lor, lund legtura cu prietenii lor, artnd ceea ce le place i ceea ce nu le
place, alturndu-se unor grupuri etc. (Tufekci, 2008, 547). Acelai autor subliniaz faptul
c elementul central al acestor reele de socializare online l reprezint profilul, care pentru
utilizatori se constituie ntr-o reprezentare a
sinelui i adesea, a propriilor reele sociale, cu
intenia de a vedea i de a fi vzui, de a contacta alte persoane sau de a fi contactai de ctre
ceilali (Gross, 2005 apud Tufekci, 2008, 547).
n esen, reelele de socializare online sunt
43
despre recunoaterea reciproc, verificarea

statusului i confirmarea relaiilor sociale
(Boyd, 2006, 11). O lucrare interesant asupra
dezvluirii informaiilor cu caracter personal n
mediul virtual este cea a lui Nosko, Wood i Molema (2010), care demonstreaz c un numr
impresionant de informaii foarte personale,
sensibile i posibil stigmatizante sunt mprtite n cadrul reelelor de socializare online (n cazul de fa Facebook). De asemenea, studiul
plaseaz vrsta ca potenial predictor al numrului de informaii dezvluite, susinnd faptul c
pe msur ce vrsta crete, informaiile personale mprtite n mediul virtual sunt tot mai puine. Adesea, utilizatorii i dezvluie pe reelele
de socializare identitatea real, ceea ce i face n
mod automat vulnerabili. Odat ce aceste date
sunt fcute publice, individul ar putea pierde
controlul asupra lor. ntr-o analiz a practicilor
de dezvluire a informaiilor personale n mediul virtual, Bryce i Klang (2009, 162) le categorizeaz astfel: practici pasive (de exemplu,
postri pe paginile de profil din cadrul reelelor
de socializare, pe bloguri, comentarii etc.) sau
interactive (prin interaciunea cu ceilali prin intermediul reelelor de socializare, e-mail etc.).
Literatura de specialitate din aceast arie nu face
altceva dect s accentueze i mai mult natura
complex a acestui subiect i multitudinea de aspecte care trebuie luate n considerare n abordarea acestuia.
Metodologia cercetrii
Scopul cercetrii. ntrebri de
cercetare
Prezenta cercetare este una de tip descriptiv,
urmrind caracterizarea cantitativ a unor tendine generale ale atitudinii i comportamentelor
tinerilor n mediul virtual. Scopul acesteia este
acela de a arta ce anume i ct anume din intimitatea lor mprtesc tinerii n mediul virtual.
Pentru a realiza acest lucru, urmresc s surprind urmtoarele aspecte ale dezvluirii sinelui
n mediul virtual: cantitatea i profunzimea informaiilor mprtite n mediul virtual. Drept
44
urmare, ntrebrile de cercetare care folosesc

atingerii obiectivelor acestui studiu sunt: ntrebarea de cercetare nr. 1: Ce informaii dezvluie
tinerii n cadrul reelelor de socializare online?
ntrebarea de cercetare nr. 2: Care este nivelul
de intimitate al informaiilor dezvluite de tineri
online?
Definirea i operaionalizarea
conceptelor
Prezenta cercetare utilizeaz o serie de concepte, concepte care au fost n mare parte prezentate n capitolul anterior, destinat cadrului
teoretic. O succint operaionalizarea a acestora ne ajut la stabilirea parametrilor cercetrii.
Drept urmare, conceptele utilizate n studiul de
fa vor fi definite n baza teoriei specifice domeniului studiat i operaionalizate conform sensului atribuit n cercetarea prezent. Unul dintre
conceptele centrale ale lucrrii de fa este cel
de intimitate. Studiul de fa folosete acest concept, n conformitate cu definiia dat de Westin,
ca fiind dreptul individului, al grupului sau al
instituiei de a alege cum, unde i ctre cine vor
fi furnizate sau comunicate informaii cu caracter personal (Westin, 1967, 7). Un alt concept
central al acestei cercetri este acela de mediu
virtual. Prin mediu virtual nelegem aici la acel
spaiu creat de internet, acea reea de reele electronice interconectate, care ofer utilizatorilor
posibiliti de navigare i interaciune reciproc.
n ultim instan, este utilizat i conceptul de
reele de socializare online.
Acest termen face referire la acele reele
electronice care fac posibil interaciunea social n mediul virtual, permind indivizilor s
se prezinte, s formeze i s consolideze relaii
sociale i s stabileasc sau s menin legtura
cu ceilali.
Metoda de cercetare utilizat

Analiza de coninut este o metod ce se
refer la analiza cantitativ a documentelor ce
conin informaie complex, cu valoare comunicaional ridicat (Ilu, 1997, 135). n cazul
de fa, pentru a identifica tipurile de informaii

dezvluite cu uurin de tineri n mediul virtual voi utiliza analiza de coninut ca metod de
cercetare, iar unitatea de analiz selectat aici
este profilul utilizatorilor reelei de socializare
Facebook, ntruct acesta conine numeroase informaii valoroase, care cel mai probabil nu ar
putea fi obinute prin intermediul altor metode
de cercetare.
Instrumentul cercetrii. Grila

analizei de coninut
Pentru a rspunde la cele dou ntrebri de
cercetare am optat pentru efectuarea unei analize
de coninut a informaiilor mprtite de tineri
n cadrul uneia dintre cele mai populare reele de
socializare. Drept urmare, unitatea de analiz utilizat n cazul de fa este profilul utilizatorilor
reelei de socializare online Facebook (www.facebook.com). Urmresc aadar identificarea tipului
de informaii fcute publice de ctre tineri n mediul virtual. Structura profilului de utilizator Facebook permite o identificare i clasificare facil
a indicatorilor relevani pentru prezenta analiz.
Aadar, analiza de coninut are la baz nou categorii majore de informaii, furnizate n mod direct
de ctre utilizatorii reelei, pe pagina lor de profil.
Prima categorie, informaii de baz, cuprinde urmtorii indicatori: ora actual, ora natal, genul,
data naterii (zi, lun, an), interesat() de (femei/
brbai), limbi cunoscute i rubrica despre mine.
Cea de-a doua categorie, cuprinde doar poza de
profil. A treia categorie, persoane importante,
cuprinde urmtoarele: stare civil/statutul relaiei, rude, prieteni. n continuare, a patra categorie
educaie i serviciu folosete urmtorii indicatori: loc de munc, studii (facultate, liceu etc.).
Cea de-a cincea categorie, filozofie, conine urmtoarele tipuri de informaii: religie, orientare
politic, persoane care te inspir i citate favorite.
A asea categorie e intitulat art i distracie
i are urmtoarele rubrici: muzic, cri, filme, televiziune i jocuri. n a aptea categorie, gsim
informaii referitoare la sport sporturi practicate, echipe preferate, sportivi preferai. Cea
de-a opta categorie folosete urmtorii indicatori:
activiti i interese. Ultima categorie a acestei

uniti de analiz, date de contact, conine urmtoarele date: adres de e-mail, ID mesagerie
instant, numr de telefon, adres, localitate, cod
potal, cartier i pagin de internet. n continuare
voi explica n detaliu modul n care am codat i
utilizat aceti indicatori. Pentru a putea obine o
imagine de ansamblu asupra cantitii i profunzimii informaiilor mprtite de tineri n cadrul
reelelor de socializare, am realizat o schem de
clasificare a informaiilor furnizate de utilizatorii
Facebook pe pagina lor de profil, n funcie de
nivelul de intimitate al acestora (Anexa 1). Astfel,
am grupat informaiile n cinci categorii principale: informaii personale standard (aceste informaii am apreciat c prezint un nivel minim de
intimitate) nume, gen, data naterii, ora actual
i ora natal; informaii personale facile (aceste
informaii am apreciat c prezint un nivel redus
de intimitate) limbi strine cunoscute, muzic,
cri, filme, programe TV, jocuri, persoane care te
inspir, citate favorite, sporturi practicate, echipe
preferate, sportivi preferai; informaii personale
detaliate (aceste informaii am apreciat c prezint un nivel mediu de intimitate) loc de munc,
educaie, rude, prieteni, seciunea despre mine;
informaii personale sensibile (aceste informaii am apreciat c prezint un nivel de intimitate
accentuat) activiti, interese, religie, orientare
politic, statutul relaiei, orientare sexual i informaii personale specifice (aceste informaii am
apreciat c prezint un nivel mare de intimitate)
adres de e-mail, id mesagerie instant, adres de
coresponden, numr de telefon i pagina de internet. Utilizarea acestei scheme n cadrul analizei de coninut permite structurarea informaiilor
analizate i identificarea att a acelor informaii
personale pe care tinerii le dezvluie cu uurin n mediul virtual, ct i a tipului de informaii
personale n privina crora tinerii au reineri s le
mprteasc online.
Eantionul cercetrii
Pentru analiza gradului de expunere al informaiilor cu caracter personal n mediul virtual,
am inclus n analiz 119 profiluri de utilizator
45
Facebook, cu vrste cuprinse ntre 18 i 30 de

ani. n cazul de fa, am utilizat o metod de
eantionare parial dirijat, bazat pe accesibilitate. Eantionarea dirijat este acel procedeu al crui scop este alctuirea unui eantion
reprezentativ (ca i cnd ar fi fost selectat aleatoriu), prin includerea n mod contient a unitilor considerate reprezentative. n acest sens,
profilurile incluse n analiz reprezint integral
lista personal de contacte din respectiva reea de socializare. Dintre cele 119 profiluri de
utilizator selectate iniial, au fost excluse din
analiz 13, din urmtoarele considerente: dou
dintre acestea reprezint profiluri impersonale,
alte dou sunt profiluri de trupe muzicale, iar
restul de nou profiluri aparin unor utilizatori
care au peste 30 de ani, nencadrndu-se astfel
n grupul int al acestei cercetri. ntr-un final
au rmas 106 profiluri de utilizatori Facebook
valide. Drept urmare, 106 profiluri ale utilizatorilor Facebook fac obiectul analizei de coninut.
Cu toate c subiecii se ncadreaz n tiparul
populaiei studiate al acestei cercetri, acela de
utilizator al reelei de socializare Facebook, cu
vrsta cuprins ntre 18 i 30 de ani, dimensiunea eantionului este una redus i nu permite
extrapolarea rezultatelor la nivelul ntregii populaii studiate. Caracteristicile socio-demografice
ale eantionului vor fi prezentate n seciunea
destinat analizei datelor.
Analiza datelor i interpretarea

rezultatelor
Pentru analiza celor 106 profiluri de utilizatori ai reelei de socializare Facebook, n prim
faz am analizat un ablon al paginii de profil
Facebook, pentru a identifica toate informaiile
care pot fi furnizate n cadrul unui profil de utilizator. Ulterior, pentru a spori eficacitatea analizei de coninut, am realizat o schem de clasificare a informaiilor furnizate de utilizatorii
Facebook pe pagina lor de profil, n funcie de
nivelul de intimitate al acestora (Anexa 1).
Astfel, informaiile au fost grupate n cinci
categorii principale: informaii personale standard, informaii personale facile, informaii
46
personale detaliate, informaii personale sensibile i informaii personale specifice. Mai apoi,
am utilizat aceast schem n cadrul analizei de
coninut, pentru a structura informaiile analizate. n analiza datelor, am transpus indicatorii
celor cinci categorii n variabile dihotomice
(da/nu), ntruct scopul acestei analize
este de a identifica existena acelor informaii
pe pagina de profil. Acolo unde am considerat
oportun, pe lng variabilele dihotomice am
construit i itemi cu distribuia rspunsurilor,
care m vor ajuta s evideniez unele elemente
importante ale analizei. Datele obinute n urma
culegerii informaiilor de pe paginile de profil
au fost supuse unei analize cantitative, n cadrul
creia atenia s-a focalizat pe studierea indicatorilor descriptivi. n cadrul analizei cantitative,
ca metod statistic s-a utilizat calculul de frecven, pentru fiecare din indicatori, rezultatele
acestor calcule fiind exprimate n procente. De
asemenea, pentru fiecare item s-a calculat i o
medie a rspunsurilor oferite. n continuare, voi
prezenta rezultatele analizei de coninut, n concordan cu schema utilizat n clasificare informaiilor existente pe paginile de profil incluse
n analiz. Astfel, pentru fiecare dintre categorii
voi prezenta procentele corespunztoare fiecrui
indicator, amintind faptul c acestea certific
strict existena respectivei informaii pe pagina
de profil a utilizatorilor sau absena acesteia.
Informaii personale standard

Prima dimensiune a acestei analize de coninut nglobeaz informaii personale pe care
un utilizator Faceboook trebuie s le furnizeze
atunci cnd i creeaz un cont pe aceast reea
de socializare. Informaiile personale standard
incluse aici sunt: numele, genul, data naterii,
oraul actual i oraul natal. n cazul de fa, dintre cei 106 utilizatori Facebook inclui n analiza
de coninut, 88% s-au nregistrat cu numele real,
complet, n vreme ce doar 7% s-au nregistrat
doar cu prenumele, iar restul de 5% s-au nregistrat folosind un pseudonim. n privina genului,
toate profilurile incluse (100%) n analiz specific genul utilizatorilor.
Ct despre distribuia utilizatorilor n funcie

de gen, 40% dintre profilurile analizate aparin
unor persoane de gen masculin, iar restul de
60% sunt femei. De asemenea, toi utilizatorii
(100%) au completat pe pagina lor de profil data
naterii complet. n ceea ce privete distribuia pe vrste a eantionului investigat, media
de vrst este 24 de ani, iar segmentul de vrst cel mai bine reprezentat aici sunt tinerii cu
vrste cuprinse ntre 22 i 25 de ani (71% din
eantion). n continuare, 87% dintre utilizatori
au indicat pe pagina lor de profil oraul actual. Informaiile culese arat c n privina distribuiei geografice a respondenilor inclui n
analiz predomin oraele Cluj-Napoca (49%),
Bistria (18%) i Bucureti (6%). Restul localitilor din care provin utilizatorii sunt BaiaMare, Beclean, Braov, Craiova, Galai, Iai,
Timioara etc. Putem spune aadar c distribuia
geografic a eantionului constituit este relativ
variat. Ct despre oraul natal, 86% dintre utilizatori au completat aceast rubric. Aa cum
putem constata din cele prezentate mai sus, tinerii dezvluie cu uurin, informaii personale
standard. Analiznd procentele indicatorilor expui anterior, putem chiar afirma c pentru tineri
informaii precum numele, genul, data naterii,
oraul actual sau oraul natal reprezint informaii personale cu un nivel minim de intimitate.
Ceea ce gsim interesant aici este faptul c dei,
n general, reelele de socializare ar putea constitui un mediu propice de dezvluire a sinelui
n condiii de anonimitate, majoritatea tinerilor
s-au nregistrat cu numele real1, ceea ce indic
faptul c acetia i doresc s fie identificai, s
fie vzui, ntrind astfel ceea ce i alte studii n
domeniu au demonstrat (Tufekci, 2008).
Informaii personale facile

n continuare, cea de-a doua dimensiune a
prezentei analize de coninut cuprinde informaii
personale facile. Am inclus n aceast categorie
urmtoarele informaii: limbi strine cunoscute,
muzica preferat, crile preferate, filmele preferate, programele TV preferate, jocuri preferate,
persoane care te inspir, citate favorite, sporturi

practicate, echipe favorite, sportivi favorii.
Analiza datelor arat c doar 27% dintre utilizatori au menionat pe pagina de profil limbile strine cunoscute. Pe de alt parte n ceea ce
privete muzica favorit, 90% dintre paginile de
profil analizate includeau aceast informaie. n
acelai timp, 38% dintre utilizatori au specificat
n cadrul profilului lor crile preferate, n vreme ce filmele favorite i programele TV favorite
sunt informaii pe care 67% dintre utilizatori leau expus pe pagina lor de profil. Ct despre jocurile favorite, doar 11% dintre paginile de profil
analizate conineau aceast informaie. n ceea
ce privete completarea rubricii alocate persoanelor care te inspir, doar 4% dintre utilizatori au completat aceast rubric, iar seciunea
destinat citatelor favorite a fost completat de
ctre 25% dintre utilizatori. Referitor la activitile sportive, 15% dintre utilizatori au indicat pe
pagina lor de profil sporturile practicate, 12%
echipele favorite i 10% sportivii favorii. Din
cele prezentate mai sus, reiese faptul c, aa cum
era de ateptat, tinerii mprtesc ntr-o foarte
mare msur, n mediul virtual, informaii personale dezirabile din punct de vedere social. n
acest sens, informaii precum preferinele artistice i preocuprile socio-culturale reprezint
pentru tineri informaii personale cu un nivel
redus de intimitate.
Informaii personale detaliate

A treia dimensiune a acestei analize de coninut sintetizeaz informaii personale detaliate.
Drept urmare, n aceast categorie au fost incluse
urmtoarele informaii ale unui profil de utilizator Facebook: loc de munc, educaie, rude, prieteni i seciunea despre mine. n acest sens,
rezultatele analizei arat c 36% dintre utilizatorii inclui n analiz au menionat pe pagina lor
de profil un loc de munc2. n ceea ce privete
studiile, 82% i-au fcut public n cadrul profilului de Facebook nivelul de educaie, mai mult de
jumtate dintre utilizatori (58%) indicnd att
studiile universitare, ct i cele liceale. n ceea
ce privete relaiile sociale, 59% dintre utilizato-
47
rii inclui n analiz au indicat pe pagina lor de

profil persoane cu care se nrudesc i, respectiv,
gradul de rudenie (prini, frai, surori, veriori
etc.). Iar n privina prietenilor, 98% dintre utilizatori au lista prietenilor vizibil. Referitor la
prieteni, media acestora pentru profilurile analizate este de 536, cu un numr minim de 71 de
prieteni i un maxim de 4.695 de prieteni. La o
analiz mai n detaliu, observm c doar 4% dintre utilizatori au mai puin de 100 de prieteni n
cadrul respectivei reele de socializare, n vreme
ce 14% au ntre 100 i 200 de prieteni, 37% au
ntre 201 i 400 de prieteni, 19% au ntre 401
i 600 de prieteni, 15% au ntre 601 i 1.000 de
prieteni i 11% au peste 1.000 de prieteni. Dat
fiind numrul mare de prieteni virtuali pe care
utilizatorii i au n cadrul reelelor de socializare,
concluzionm c noiunea de prieten, n mediul
virtual, are o cu totul alt nsemntate fa de
cea din viaa real. Acest rezultat nu face altceva
dect s evidenieze nc o dat nevoia de relaionare a indivizilor i uurina cu care realizeaz
acest lucru n mediul virtual. n ceea ce privete
seciunea despre mine, doar 30% dintre utilizatori au completat o descriere proprie pe pagina
lor de profil. Se pare c i atunci cnd vine vorba
de informaii personale mai specifice, tinerii nu
au n general reineri n a face public pe internet locul lor de munc, nivelul de educaie sau
membrii familiei.
Informaii personale sensibile

Cea de-a patra dimensiune a analizei de
coninut cuprinde informaii personale sensibile, fcnd aici referire la informaiile din cadrul
urmtoarelor rubrici ale profilului de Facebook:
activiti, interese, religie, orientare politic, statutul relaiei i orientarea sexual. Rubrica destinat activitilor curente a fost completat de
ctre 68% dintre utilizatori, n vreme ce seciunea destinat intereselor era completat n 50%
din cazuri. Trecnd mai departe la religie, doar
27% dintre utilizatori au menionat pe pagina lor
de profil religia de care aparin, iar orientarea
politic este o informaie regsit n 29% dintre
profilurile analizate. n ceea ce privete statutul
48
relaiei, 60% dintre utilizatori au indicat pe Facebook dac sunt ntr-o relaie sau sunt singuri.
n ultim instan, doar 15% dintre paginile de
profil incluse n analiz specificau orientarea sexual a utilizatorilor, 85% prefernd s nu fac
public o astfel de informaie. Raportndu-ne la
acest set de informaii, constatm c, dac indivizii nu au reineri n a dezvlui activitile i
interesele lor, sau chiar statutul relaiei, atunci
cnd vine vorba de posibile informaii stigmatizante, precum religia, orientare politic sau
orientarea sexual, tinerii sunt mai reticeni n
mprtirea acestui gen de informaii n mediul
virtual.
Informaii personale specifice

n ultima categorie a prezentei analize, cea
destinat informaiilor personale specifice, am
inclus informaiile de contact: adresa de e-mail,
ID mesagerie instant, numrul de telefon, adresa
de coresponden i pagina de internet. n acest
sens, rezultatele analizei arat c 91% dintre utilizatorii inclui n analiz i-au fcut public pe
pagina de profil adresa de e-mail. n continuare,
doar 18% dintre utilizatori au menionat un ID
de mesagerie instant pe pagina lor de profil, 8%
au fcut public chiar i un numr de telefon, iar
3% au specificat n cadrul profilului lor adresa
de coresponden. n cele din urm, 17% au indicat i o pagin personal de internet pe profilul lor de Facebook (site, blog etc.). Din datele
consemnate mai sus, reiese c tinerii i fac cu
foarte mare uurin public adresa de e-mail,
n schimb sunt mai reticeni n a dezvlui alte
date de contact, precum ID de mesagerie instant,
numr de telefon, adresa de coresponden sau
o pagin personal de internet (n eventualitatea
n care dein una). ntr-o ultim etap a analizei,
am testat vizibilitatea profilurilor de Facebook,
incluse n analiz. n acest sens am descoperit
c 65% dintre profilurile analizate sunt integral
vizibile tuturor, 27% dintre profiluri sunt parial vizibile tuturor i doar 8% dintre paginile
de profil sunt restricionate, fiind vizibile doar
prietenilor. Avnd cele 27% de profiluri parial vizibile tuturor, am investigat n continuare
ce fel de informaii au fost restricionate i am

constatat c tinerii care i-au modificat setrile
de confidenialitate a paginii lor de profil, au restricionat n general adresa de e-mail, ID-ul de
mesagerie instant, statutul relaiei, religia, orientarea politic i seciunea despre mine. Am
putea spune aadar c aceste informaii sunt n
viziunea tinerilor prea intime pentru a fi mprtite cu toat lumea.
Acest item relev faptul c exist o oarecare
reinere n cazul unora dintre utilizatorii reelelor de socializare online, de a face publice informaii personale, ns dac e s lum n calcul
numrul impresionant de prieteni virtuali (37%
dintre utilizatori au ntre 201 i 400 de prieteni
pe Facebook), putem spune c preocuprile vis-vis de confidenialitate sunt oarecum superficiale.
Concluziile studiului
Analiza de coninut a profilurilor de utilizatori Facebook s-a dovedit a fi o metod foarte
util n procesul de identificare a tipului de informaii pe care tinerii obinuiesc s le mprteasc n mediul virtual. n acest sens, analiza
datelor a reliefat faptul c, pentru tineri, informaii personale precum numele, genul, data naterii, oraul actual sau oraul natal nu reprezint
informaii personale intime. n acelai timp, studiul arat c majoritatea tinerilor au furnizat date
personale de identificare reale n cadrul paginii
lor de profil, confirmnd astfel tendina general
a tinerilor de a deveni ct mai vizibili online i
de a se afirma n spaiul virtual. Aa cum era de
ateptat, principalele informaii dezvluite de tineri n mediul virtual sunt acel tip de informaii
personale, dezirabile din punct de vedere social, precum preferinele artistice i preocuprile
socio-culturale. n ceea ce privete informaiile
personale mai specifice, tinerii nu au n general
reineri nici n a face public pe internet locul lor
de munc, nivelul de educaie sau membrii familiei. Interesant este i numrul impresionant
de prieteni cu care mprtesc aceste informaii, majoritatea utilizatorilor avnd peste 200 de
prieteni virtuali. Activitile curente i interesele
49
intr i ele n categoria informaiilor pe care tinerii obinuiesc s le mprteasc ntr-o foarte
mare msur n mediul virtual. Pe de alt parte
ns, au fost identificate o serie de informaii,
posibil stigmatizante, pe care tinerii le dezvluie
ntr-o mai mic msur n cadrul reelelor de socializare. Printre acestea se numr religia, orientarea politic sau orientarea sexual. n ceea
ce privete datele de contact, surprinztor este
numrul impresionant de tineri care i fac cu
foarte mare uurin public adresa de e-mail. n
schimb, n privina altor informaii de contact,
precum ID de mesagerie instant, numr de telefon, adresa de coresponden sau o pagin personal de internet, tinerii s-au dovedit a fi mai
reticeni n a le face publice pe internet. Un alt
aspect interesant este cel al restricionrii anumitor informaii personale, pentru a nu fi accesibile tuturor. n general, cei care au optat pentru
aceast metod de securitate, au restricionat
adresa de e-mail, ID-ul de mesagerie instant, statutul relaiei, religia, orientarea politic i seciunea despre mine. Putem concluziona astfel,
c aceste informaii sunt n viziunea tinerilor
prea intime pentru a fi mprtite cu toat lumea. Consider aadar c prezentul studiu a oferit
un rspuns substanial ntrebrii Ce anume i
ct anume din intimitatea lor dezvluie tinerii n
cadrul reelelor de socializare online?, fcnd
posibil identificarea acelor aspecte ale intimitii pe care tinerii le dezvluie fr reineri n
mediul virtual i a acelor informaii personale,
care n opinia tinerilor sunt prea intime pentru a
fi mprtite online. n concluzie, studiul de fa
ofer o perspectiv de ansamblu asupra a ceea ce
sunt dispui tinerii s dezvluie n mediul virtual
i a limitelor pe care ei nii le traseaz ntre

viaa real i interaciunile online. Consider c
acesta este un prim pas important n abordarea
temei prezentrii sinelui n mediul virtual i indentificarea particularitilor acestui proces.
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Anexa 1: Schem pentru analiza de coninut
Figura 1: Clasificarea informaiilor de pe pagina de profil a utilizatorului Facebook
51
Beyond Google-Search. Students Uses and

Gratifications of the Internet within Learning
Activities
Ileana Rotaru*
University of Reia, Romania
Abstract: This research study aims to analyze students Internet use within the learning activities in one of
the Romanian state universities. There is evidence that Internet has overcome television in several areas,
including the entertainment one. Taking into consideration these facts and previous researches on Internet
impact, our research focuses on the way that Internet is used as a learning tool. Is the teacher the main promoter for the Internet use to learn? Does the teacher have the necessary competencies to recommend and to
tutor the student in his individual learning activities? How the students efforts are appreciated when using
Internet in the learning process? The research focused on the students perception of the teachers competencies, especially on the communication and media ones. What are the classes that are perceived by the student
as indispensable for the use of the Internet and the new media? How is the teacher representing his/her own
didactic activity when using the Internet? Finally, we analyze whether the students recognize the plagiarism
in the on-line resources they are using. The main hypotheses is that due to the low level of teachers control
on the students individual activity, it results a high use of the plagiarism in the students activities of learning
and of studying. What are potential causes of the students plagiarism? How is the plagiarism perceived and
evaluated by the teachers?
Keywords: students Internet use; plagiarism; media impact; learning process.
Cuvinte-cheie: utilizarea Internetului de ctre studeni; plagiat; impactul media; proces de nvare.
Introduction
Beside family, school, church, cultural institutions (museums, culture centres, etc.) or associative structures, mass-media represents one
of the most important education factors (Rotaru, 2008). Furthermore, media represents a true
social institution offering models that are alternatives to the classic ones (Silverblatt, 2004).
This is even more obvious when we talk about,
and live in an informational society, where the
mass information and communication media
have reached considerable progress. The great
variety of these media (from the written media
books, newspapers, journals to the electronic
ones the computer) require certain utilisation
skills, on the one hand, and certain conducts of

self-defence content use, on the other hand. The
purpose of these media is to influence, to attract
and to grow media consumption. The effects
of the use of mass communication media were
declared noxious in an entire series of research
for many times (for example, the theory of the
magic bullet, the representatives of the Frankfurt School, etc.). The functionalist Uses and
Gratification theory changes the perspective:
the question is not what media are doing to individuals, but what the individual can do with
the medium (Drgan, 1996, 179). The media use
becomes an act of perception according to the
individual needs and necessities; it fulfils certain
tasks for each individual, and the media is used
according to their function. All these perspectives were in se measure of their time, as they
* University of Reia, Traian Vuia Street, no. 1-4, room C32, Reia, Cara-Severin 320085, Romania. E-mail:
i.rotaru@uem.ro, ileana_rotaru08@yahoo.com.
coincided with the scientific development and

research on communication.
There are numerous studies and researches
focused on the media consumption among the
youth, especially the Internet. In the European
Union, cross-border researches were conducted regarding these topics (Livingstone et al.,
2010). Social media have also encountered an
increasing number of users (Horizon Report,
2014) that are mapping the new cyberspace social relations which are developing new types of
community (Boyd, 2014; Rotaru, 2010): virtual
communities.
The Romanian researchers have joined these debates and taken initiatives. In the last ten
years, they have shown a constant preoccupation
in this respect. Such a study on the impact of the
media use in education highlighted the fact that
the Internet ranges first among the media used by
pupils (aged between 11 and 16) for the purpose of learning new things, acquiring knowledge,
but also as evasion or spare time activity (Active
Watch: The Use of Media in Education Romanian Report, 2009).
One of the topics stirring a major interest
was related to an X-ray of the media consumption, an analysis of the weight of the communication media used, in the context of media violence (Drgan et al., 2009; Drgan et al., 2008).
Moreover, some investigations were focused on
the study of the media impact upon the youth,
especially upon children and pupils (Bunescu
and Negreanu, 2005; Rotaru, 2010). Other orientations referred to the introduction of an optional topic entitled Mass media competency
in the curriculum of Social Sciences, in the 12th
grade of high school, in some high schools of
the country (Toma et al., 2004). Recent studies
have also analyzed the students social interactions within the virtual space during the period of
student years, in a comparative and quantitative
manner (Nadolu and Nadolu, 2013).
Analytical framework
Our research presents a quantitative survey
conducted in a Romanian state university regar-
53
ding the use of the Internet by the students in

their learning activities. It is no longer a debate
that the media pressure on the youth is overwhelming, uncontrolled and constant. It is a proven
reality that the Internet, as a mass communication medium, has replaced television in terms of
consumption and credibility (Rotaru, 2010). It is
used as one of the most important entertainment
means among young people. In this context, the
investigation aimed at finding to what extent the
Internet is used as learning medium, as support
for the didactic activity. The first direction of
research was oriented towards the use of the
Internet in the learning activity, as support for
the training-educational process. In this analysis
context, we monitored the degree in which students admit to plagiarism from on-line sources,
starting from the hypothesis that a teachers low
control degree leads to an increased use of plagiarism in the learning activity and in completing
learning tasks. What are the causes of plagiarism? How is plagiarism perceived by teachers?
We investigated if this practice exists in close
connection with the degree of Internet use, or if
it is triggered by a lack of control/competency
from the part of the teacher.
Consequently, we asked some further questions regarding the teachers role in this process:
is the teacher a promoter of the Internet use?
Does he posses the necessary competencies to
recommend it for individual study? How are the
students efforts appreciated when they use this
medium? One of the research hypotheses was
that the teacher plays a determining part in the
students scientific guidance regarding the Internet use in the learning activity. In the relation
between the teacher and the copy-paste phenomenon, we think there are much more profound causes than the superficial interpretations
of blaming students when it comes to the use
of technology or Internet. Starting from these
interrogative directions, the research was also
focused on the students perception about the
teachers competencies, especially the communication and media skills, by the use of the new
information and communication technologies.
In this respect, what are the subjects the students
54
Ileana Rotaru, Beyond Google-Search. Students Uses and Gratifications...
perceive as indispensable in the Internet use?

How do they represent their own learning activity related to the use of Internet?
Plagiarism represents one of the main temptations of youth in accomplishing their didactic
tasks. The causes leading to this form of fraud
are manifold, ranging from causes related to the
young persons cognitive maturity and critical
thinking to those related to the teachers professional competency and professional ethics (Aldeman and Green, 2011). Some causes are found in
the youths poor awareness of the modality and
forms of quotation, the lack of protection of intellectual goods from the part of diverse authors,
in the multitude of information (so called the
informational paradox, Dobrescu and Brgoanu, 2003, 100), ideas and goods circulating
freely on the Internet, that are part of the usefulness and charm of virtual communication. The
copy-paste phenomenon has invaded the educational space in these past years, along with the
informatisation of the educational system. It is a
practice used by young people of all ages, learnt
from the first steps in the use of Internet and social media (Boyd, 2014). The easy reproduction
of the digital content, by free downloads or other
modalities, led to the multiplication of the electronic plagiarism. It represents one of the most
complex pathologies of virtual communication.
Most training programmes lay stress upon creativity and originality. But where is the frontier
between being creative and using a source of
inspiration without mentioning it? The answer
is found in the sphere of plagiarism. The harsh
sanctions, under the form of exclusion from the
system, are only punctual measures that do not
lead to the resolving of the deeds or the comprehension of the operation mode. The repetition of
the deed is very likely. The problem is ensuring
an optimum of creativity through the correct
clarification of the operation mechanisms (of
copy-paste), through the training and exercise
of professional and communicational competencies (both for the youth student and the adult
teacher). We think that certain measures, such
as the use of anti-plagiarism software in universities, are only superficial measures meant to
cope with the phenomenon. The problem should

be treated on a more profound level that must
consider the context determining the student to
resort to this form of learning task fulfilment and
to the forms of fraud through plagiarism: compilation of texts, incorrect citing, copying the entire text, lack of ethical principles, lack of control
the quality of the assessment process. We consider that through (electronic) media education
we can identify an intervention space for an educational mediation (Parola and Ranieri, 2010),
regarding a critical and creative use of the Internet for all the categories of stakeholders in the
educational space.
The research aimed at conducting an investigation regarding the use of the Internet in the
students learning activity.
The research referred to the following main
objectives:
O1 to identify the main uses of the Internet
in the students learning activity;
O2 to identify the students perception about the usefulness of the Internet in the learning
activity (perception of their own activity and of
the teachers competence of using the Internet as
a didactic instrument);
O3 to identify the students degree to accept plagiarism (copy-paste) as educational
practice triggered by certain contexts.
Presentation of the research

methodology
The main research technique was the questionnaire. In the pre-testing phase, a semi-structured interview was applied to a random sample of
20 students enrolled in different specialisations
at the University Eftimie Murgu of Reia, in
order to identify and establishing the main series
of indicators and variables of research, respectively. The final instrument was elaborated with a
number of 14 items containing mixed and precoded questions. The questionnaire consisted of
three levels of indicators: introductive questions
(see the uses of the Internet generalities 5
questions), students perception of the Internet
use within the learning activities (see the In-
ternet in the learning activities 6 questions),

the students perception of the teacher/professor
competency of using the Internet as a didactic
instrument (3 questions), and identification data
of the respondents (speciality, year of study, age
and gender). The structure of the questionnaire
was elaborated based on the close type of questions, in order to facilitate the answers. There
were only two open questions where the students were asked to freely enunciate the risks/
difficulties they confronted on the Internet and,
secondly, the subjects they consider most appropriate for using the Internet within the learning
process. In view of a good deployment of the
research, the respondents were assured about the
anonymity of their answers, and about the importance of their sincere answers in the analysis
of the problem under scrutiny. The questionnaire was applied by using the self-administration
method to a random sample of 75 students majoring in three specialisations within the Reia
University: social sciences, economics and engineering, in the 1st cycle, i.e. bachelor studies.
There sample was divided in three categories of
25 students of all three major specialisations.
The sampling process was conducted during the
courses of Communication (the 1st and the 3rd
year of bachelor studies). The Communication
course is an optional course that the students of
all the Universitys specialisations enlist freely.
The type of self-administration of the survey
was written and it was applied for 10 to 15 minutes during the course activity. The researcher
was available for any information needed to fulfil the task. We chose this category of students as
their average age fell within the young population. The average age was 21. The research investigation was performed in the period February
May 2013. The final questionnaire was applied during April and May, before the students
exams periods and other types of evaluation.
Presentation of results and

interpretation of research
Starting from the main objective of the re-
55
search, the results are the following, according

to the respective level of indicators:
1. The use of the Internet generalities: the
degree of interest for this communication medium; frequency of use; main activities on-line;
locations of use; persons who determined the
use of the Internet.
2. The Internet in the learning activity: perception of the Internet usefulness in the learning
activity; main activities and subjects of study
with formal educational character involving the
use of the Internet; the frequency of the didactic
learning tasks leading to the use of the Internet;
the main difficulties encountered in the use of
the Internet in the learning activity; acceptance
of the use of the copy-paste command and the
context activating it; the perception of the personal assessment of school success resulting from
the use of the Internet in the learning activity.
3. Students perception about the teachers
Internet use competencies in his didactic activity: frequency of the main didactic activities the
teacher performs with the help of the Internet;
perception of teachers appreciation degree about the students activity when the latter use the
Internet in its learning activity.
The use of the Internet

generalities
Numerous studies and investigations proved
an increased interest of the youth of all ages for
the Internet (Turkle, 2008; Livingstone et al.,
2010; Wang et al., 2008). The results of the present investigation also confirm the high interest
of young people, in this case being over 80% of
students which use the Internet as communication medium. Students use the Internet more than
two hours each day in proportion of over 58% of
the interviewed persons, and the lower percentages are encountered among the students majoring in social sciences (only 20%). The most
important activities students carry on online are:
documentation (40% social sciences, 68%
engineering) and socialisation (32% social sciences, 16% engineering, 40% economics).
Most students use the Internet from home (over
56
73%), from school (generic name for the training location) registering an average of values
of 4%. This shows the students preference for
the on-line activities in the family environment,
from home, where there are better comfort facilities. Moreover, a possible explanation could
be that in the educational institution there is no
free wireless network and the only place where students can have free access to the Internet
is the library. Furthermore, most of the interviewed students do not have portable facilities of
Internet access (laptops, tablets, mobile phones),
only 8% of them posses such hardware.
Moreover, over 82% of the persons interviewed mentioned they used the Internet in their
learning activity out of their own initiative and
not urged by teachers or parents (insignificant
answers were recorded). These results are in line
with the theory of self-service education (Moeglin, 2003) under the circumstances imposed by
the development of new technologies and of the
pedagogy of the cultural industries. Some students declare they were guided by friends also,
which can be explained by the traits specific to
the psychological age (when parents and teachers authority is diminished, compared to that
of friends).
This group of indicators aimed at orienting
the study vis--vis the problem under investigation and at establishing the core theme of the
research: the use of the Internet in the learning
activity.
mework/elaboration of reports 16%. The graphic plotting of the results can be seen in Figure
1. As it may be observed in this figure, we underlined that the only students that use the Internet in creative, originally manner are the ones
from Engineering. This fact may be explained
by their exercised competency in using new technologies, including the Internet, even if it is
not a very high score registered (only 8%). As
indicated above, it is our opinion that activities
oriented on documentation more than those oriented on creation are more likely to conduct to
plagiarism.
Among other activities carried on by students, with lower and variable percentages from
one major to the next, we may list networking,
educational forums in a certain field of interest
4%, elaboration of projects/programmes 4%
(only for the social sciences majors); production
of own creations (for instance, the creation of
the personal site/blog, the realisation of a programme, the web presentation of the university/
faculty, editing of n on-line journal or newspaper, etc.) 8% (only for the engineering majors).
The Internet within the learning

activity
Figure 1: Internet Uses in Learning Activities
The second set of indicators started with an

item referring to the personal perception of the
Internet use utility in the learning activity. We
used a close question, with pre-coded answers.
The students from all specialisations considered
the Internet to be useful in their learning activity
(over 70%). The main activities with educational character they carry on with the help of the
Internet are documentation (as action guided
by teachers) 49%; search for information on
a new topic (own initiative) 25%; doing ho-
From the viewpoint of the frequency of

accomplishment of didactic tasks in the students learning activity involving the use of the
Internet, the results show that among the most
frequent tasks we find the following situation, on
the average, among the students from the three
majors: activities with character of analysis and
documentation (homework 41%, essays
50%, search for new information 70%); activities with applied-creative character (practising
competencies/programmes learnt in school
28%, realisation of projects/programmes 31%,

non-formal activities/tasks 36%). These results are detailed graphically in Figure 2. The
questionnaires question was elaborated using a
three step scale (rarely, sometimes and often). In the figure mentioned are presented only
the results that have been registered as often activities by the students from all three major specialities, in order to have a clear representation.
The weight of the activities with applied-creative character is much lower among the students
majoring in social sciences, recording similar
percentages among the economics and engineering students. We consider that this can be
explained by the much more applied character
of the subjects from the curricula, unlike those
from the specialisations afferent to social sciences, where there are preponderantly theoretic
subjects. However, the analytical-documentary
activities occupy a core place in the students
learning activities, which we can consider an explanatory variable of the copy-paste activities
in the performance of their learning tasks.
Figure 2: Frequency of the learning task activities

In the classification of the learning activities with analytic-documentation character and
applied-creative character, we had in mind the
study conducted in the field of media literacy
(Hobbs, 2004) and the programmes of training
in media literacy (DeBenedittis, 2003; Rotaru,
2010).
Among the subjects considered to be the
most appropriate for the use of the Internet, the
economics students list informatics 48% of
the answers; the engineering students think these
are physics and chemistry 24%; and for the
57
students majoring in social sciences, the answers

fell within a range with slight variations, but the
highest percentage of answers were represented
by foreign languages and psychology 20%.
This item was elaborated as an open question.
Among the difficulties/risks freely enounced
by students, those related to the quality and lack
of information on the Internet were the most
frequently mentioned by the respondents of all
majors. There were no significant differences
among specialisations. Moreover, students also
listed the documents download speed, the lack
of dedicated software, the issues related to the
written communication (expression, grammar).
Not the plagiarism was enlisted as a risky activity on the Internet, nor the copyright issue was
mentioned by the students of all three major specialisations. From this point of view, we observe
a lack of the Internet culture preoccupation, in
the sense of exercising the Internet ethics.
As for the acceptance of the copy-paste
activity, the respondents were asked to allot scores from 1 to 5 (where 1 is never and 5 is always)
to a menu of contexts/causes that would trigger
the plagiarism activity in the accomplishment of
the work tasks assigned by teachers. The context
menu that the students had to marked is: whenever I have the opportunity; when I do not
understand the to do homework; when I do
not have access to other resources; when I do
not have enough time; when I know that the
homework is not checked. We resorted to this
type of scale as we intended to avoid the reaction
of prestige, the fact that the copy-paste activity is real, was proved in the pilot interview in
the pre-testing stage of the research, on the basis
of the researchers didactic experience and also
by the answers previously registered in the questionnaire. Furthermore, the use of a 5-step scale
offered the respondents the possibility to choose
the answer appropriate to the situation applying
to them. For a better understanding, we decided
to present separately the significant results for
each specialisation.
The results are the following: the students majoring in engineering (Figure 3) use the copypaste command often (score 4), whenever they
58
have the opportunity, in proportion of 44%; when

they do not understand the assignment to solve
52%; when they have no other resources besides
the on-line ones 56%; when they do not have
time 52%, and when they are aware that the homework is not checked by the teacher 56%. The
lack of teacher control and the lack of resources
appear to be the principal causes for the use of the
copy-paste command by the students in Engineering. The other possible causes did not registered high scores (5 always) or 1 (never).
Figure 3: Engineering majors and the copypaste command

The students majoring in Economics Figure 4
also use the copy-paste command often (score
4) whenever they have the opportunity in proportion of 32%; when they do not have time 40%
and when they know that the assignment is not
verified by the teacher 56%. When they do not
understand the homework to solve and do not have
other resources, they declared a balance (score 3)
of frequency in the use of plagiarism 32%, and
36% respectively. As it may be observed, the lack
of teachers control in students learning activities may explain the students plagiarism. Also, the
students of Economics did not marked the extreme
scores of the scale (1 never) or (5 alaways) for
the causes of using copy-paste command.
Figure 4: Economics majors and the copypaste command

A different situation was recorded from the
answers of the students majoring in Social sciences Figure 5. They declared that when the
homework is not verified, they always resort to
the copy-paste command (score 5 always)
20%, and the same percentage is recorded also
for the score 2 (very rarely). This answer indicates a polarisation of the students in the two types
of manifestations due to the socio-psychological
characteristics of the respondents. Furthermore,
the recorded scores show a balance given by
the high number of answers for the median area
(score 3), and also for the relatively equal percentage, insignificant, distributed along the entire scale. The students majoring in social sciences
granted the highest percentages for the score 3
(sometimes) when they have the opportunity
20%; when the resources are absent 20% and
when they do not have time 20%. The score 4
(often) was given only when they did not understand the homework 20%.
Figure 5: Social Sciences majors and the copy-paste command

We mention that the percentage of non-responses was under 2% of the total sample of students.
These results make us consider that this pathologic
form of accomplishing didactic tasks is manifested
frequently and it is admitted as such by the students, irrespective of the type of didactic activities
and the frequency of Internet use. The main result
indicates that the most important role in fighting
against this pathology has the teacher. If we correlate the students answers, we may observe that the
teachers profile is clearly determined, and it does
not matter his/her speciality. We argue furthermore
that is a duty above a competency, a duty that involves ethics and general human values.
This fact can be caused also by the professional competency of the teacher, the professional
ethics and the relation teacher student in the
process of fulfilling the learning tasks.
The students perception about the

teachers Internet use competency
in the didactic activity
The students from all specialisations in the
sample perceive the teacher as a frequent user of
the Internet in his diverse didactic activity. This
indicates a certain informational and technological competency of the teacher. The teachers uses
the Internet often in the following situations:
bibliographic resources, with references 57%;
additional documentation 50%; elaboration
of homework, reports, projects, designs 46%;
presentation of the courses of lectures 38%;
accomplishment of assignments in non-formal
activities 36%. Only in the presentation of
educational software we recorded a moderate
use, of 40%, as an average of all answers.
Furthermore, 42% of the students declared
that the teachers appreciate their activity very
much when they use on-line resources or educational software in the fulfilment of their learning
tasks. We consider that these answers could be
significantly correlated with the use of the copy-paste command as the positive feed-back
provided by the teacher, combined with the admitted plagiarism activity of students raise serious questions related to the role of the teacher in
the training-educational process, the professional
competency and the possible informational paradox he may exhibit. This is, thus, one direction of analysis triggered by these results. Such
hypotheses can be verified by ulterior researches.
Conclusions
From the methodological point of view, the
research presents certain limits, due to the local
context, the subjects sample and the complex
correlations among different variables. The pur-
59
pose of the research was only to open this line of

research in a Romanian state university, in the
context of intense debates on the topic of plagiarism when it comes to ensuring quality in the
Romanian higher education. From the perspective of the sample size, the research is exhaustive
and it has an exploratory character. Further investigations may open new directions of analysis
by interpreting the correlations among certain
independent variables and the use of the Internet
in the learning process both locally, in the education institutions, and globally, on a macro level.
A possible analyze may connect the use of social media as a mean of communication and feed-back between student and professor, in order
to prevent and combat the plagiarism behaviour; the impact of LMSs (Learning Management
Systems): Blackboard, Moodle, Click2Learn
etc., preventing the online plagiarism and encouraging students honesty (Richards, Busch and
Germanou, 2011). We consider that a refined
research is needed next, in order to investigate
the students use and access to these learning
systems. Our research addressed the investigation to the traditional classroom environment
which is most common for the learning process
within the university courses.
From the epistemic viewpoint, the originality
of research resided in the initiation of an investigation about the issues of plagiarism as a negative
consequence of the inappropriate use of the Internet in the students learning activity. The UG
communication theory was used as a corner stone,
a ground theory. Of course, the problem of plagiarism may be discussed from other theoretical
perspectives: the behavioural ones, the socio-constructivist ones, or the game theory perspective.
The research, however, raises some question regarding the necessity of the teachers media competency. The dangers the student is exposed to due
to the poor exercise of youth competencies regard,
first of all, the scarcity of the means and procedures of performing self-assessment and sufficiently
fine and accurate evaluation of personal necessities; second, the necessity of a hyper-knowledge
for the identification of the necessary resources (it
is necessary to provide at least general orientation
60
frames, and this role is preponderantly assigned to

the teacher); and also the loss of motivation and
interest for learning, in the context of the teachers
replacement by the new technologies or over
saturation, in the context of the excess of media
and informational consumption.
The issue of media literacy and especially of
media pedagogy also describes the deepening of
the comprehension of reading, watching and accessing different media sources in a critical and
accurate manner. The need for media literacy is
also an acknowledgement of the development of
new media and their impact on daily life. The process of literacy is composed, on the one hand, by
a necessary catching up for the great majority
of the adult population who do not posses minimum competencies for using such technologies,
and on the other hand by the initial education of
the youth in the field of the aptitudes of reception,
selection, assessment, etc. of the media content. I
consider such an endeavour, beyond the mere literacy acquisition, only a first stage, falling within
the vast range of media pedagogy (Rotaru, 2010).
Plagiarism, under all its forms, is admitted by
the students as being used in the learning activity. The recent researches have underlined that
plagiarism is a phenomenon that affected most of
the students careers more than once (Gibson and
Blackwell, 2011). The fact that it exists as such,
irrespective of the frequency, form and degree
of use, represents a line of the education system
reform, both individually, and institutionally. It
requires ampler intervention strategies, and, at
the same time, focused on concrete situations.
We think that the positive reforming vision may
trigger more efficient results in the long run, so
that it can reach the creative dimension of the
human nature. In the Romanian National Higher
Education System there are 56 state universities
and 37 private ones that are fully recognized by
the National Ministry of Education. At least as a
declarative level (internal rules and regulation)
most of them declare openly their fight against
plagiarism, especially against the scientific plagiarism of its professors. There are some anti-plagiarism software implemented in order to verify
the students final thesis, but the soft is not always
implemented properly due to several causes: it is

not always mandatory for teachers and students;
it is expensive as there are checked only some of
the free information that is available online; there
is a lack of informational competency of both teachers and students; and nonetheless, the lack of
will. The Romanian Quality Assurance Agency
for Higher Education has suggested some criteria
of preventing the plagiarism, but such an issue is
superficially taking into account when one faculty
specialty or university is being reanalyzed, once
of three or five years, from the perspective of the
quality of its study programmes. The system may
be characterized by an avoiding strategy from
one public institution to another, when plagiarism
occurs. There must be initiated further studies, in
order to picture the depth and the reality of the
plagiarism as a behaviour (individually), or as a
phenomenon (social perspective) that characterize the Romanian Higher Education Area.
For that reason, in the context of contemporary society, I consider that it is necessary for the
educational system to train and develop teachers
media competency. I suggest that the problem
may be confronted at an individual level, as the
plagiarism takes place in the class or within the
learning process. It is an individual choice that
has personal causes, first of all. Furthermore, the
active acquiring and use of media (Internet and
social media), efficiently in the training-educational process and in non-formal education, may
constitute an important indicator of the teachers
professional performance. In my opinion, the
training and exercise of media competency represents a thorough answer given by school to the
challenge of the new media and the (to the) influences of the excessive media consumption on
the young generation. School, as a factor of major
importance in socialisation, has the obligation to
take into account such aspects of social life, in
order to reach the educational goals and ideals.
We hope that this paper can open a line of
research in the field of the students Internet use
in the learning activity and can initiate more thorough investigations about the issues of plagiarism correlated with the use of the Internet in the
training-educational process.
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Online Communication for Electoral Purposes: a

View on Political Practices in Timis County
Mariana Cernicova-Buca*
Politehnica University of Timisoara, Romania
Abstract: The paper aims to present instances of political communication during electoral processes carried
out with new media tools. The high rate of Internet penetration and the spreading of social networks triggered the response on the part of political candidates, interested to reach their publics wherever possible. In
addition, the development of e-democracy, e-governance and e-politics naturally produces effects in electoral
processes. The 2012 parliamentary elections in Romania have as distinctive features the breakdown of constituencies into smaller units and the uninominal vote instead of the previously employed party lists. These
features placed the burden of communication tasks on individual candidates, who had to resort to at least one
web based communication channel during the campaign. The article is structured in five sections, as follows:
the first section is dedicated to presenting the context and tools of the study. The second section views the
digital communication as the new frontier to conquer for political communicators. The third is dedicated to
Romanian politicians and their Internet presence. The fourth section, which is the largest, places the 2012
parliamentary elections in Timis County under the microscope and highlights the choices of communication
tools preferred by the candidates coming from the two political alliances that dominated the elections, the
Social Liberal Union (USL) and the Right Romania Alliance (ARD). Finally, the concluding sections discusses further research to be carried in understanding how digital technologies shape the pillar of political
communication in the years to come.
Keywords: online communication; electoral campaign; social media; interactivity.
Cuvinte-cheie: comunicare online; campanii electorale; social media; interactivitate.
Introduction
Political communication is a key factor for
creating the link between politicians and their
publics of choice. On a day-to-day basis, politicians communicate mainly in the controlled
environment of the political arena: within the
party followers or members, or in contradiction
with their political opponents. The electoral processes increase exponentially the necessity of
communication with persuasive or only informative purposes , and this particular instance
of political communication type elicits special
interest. Social sciences, politology, communication sciences, linguistics with discourse
analysis , look into the recipes for success, while practitioners politicians, political advisors,
political PR practitioners, advertisers try, intu-
itively or knowledgeably, to catch the attention

and to gain the understanding and sympathy of
the electorate. This study is based on a communication sciences approach to the topic of electoral communication, bringing to attention a
case study analysis of electoral communication
based on new media channels, in Timis County,
in the West part of Romania. Most analyses
focus on major political players, such as presidents ranging from candidates to presidency
in the United States of America, who were the
first to use new media channels, up to European
or domestic ones, Romania included , or candidates in Capital cities. We focus, however, on
micro-politics, still of national relevance, since
the analyzed candidates run for a national parliamentary office, but on a particular territory,
Timis County, an area peripheral to the decisi-
* Politehnica University of Timisoara, Faculty of Communication Sciences, Traian Lalescu Street No.
2, Timisoara, Romania. E-mail: mcernicova@gmail.com.
on-making center, but with a symbolic value for

its role in recent politics and famous for its appetite to experiment and incorporate novelty in
all areas of social activity. The aim of the study
is to highlight the salient features of political
communication in the 2012 electoral campaign
in the selected area and to discern which aspects
of new media communication technologies are
more likely to become part of political style
for Romanian politicians, thus anticipating the
electoral campaign strategies in the next electoral cycles. Depending on the penetration of
the virtual political field, analysts of (political)
communication can develop new instruments
for following, recording, and documenting the
efficiency of such campaigns, whether by contrast to direct communication strategies, or in
the context of the Romanian political style relating to global practices in communication.
The paper starts with a brief presentation of
the political uses of the Internet in Romanian
practice, followed by the analysis of the online
presence of Timis candidates to parliamentary
offices in 2012, based on direct observation and
on results provided by such platforms like Facebrands and Zelist Monitor. Finally, the study highlights possible trends and further uses of new
media channels in Romanian electoral communication strategies.
Digital communication the new

frontier
Understanding the need to reach the public
in their communicational medium, politicians
and their advisors develop a 360 radius of channels, sending messages to potential receivers in
all possible forms of human communication:
direct utterance, print, audio, video, multimedia channels. The digital revolution created new
possibilities for carrying the political message,
via SMS texting, but also through the social networks: Facebook, Twitter, Google+, Pinterest,
Instagram, blogs. Andrew Chadwick and Philip
Howard (Routledge, 2009) consider that after
2008, the Internet entered in the postmaturity
phase, tracing back the first incorporation of the
63
Internet platforms in electoral campaigns to the

year 1996. According to these authors, in their
authoritative The Routledge Book of Internet
Politics, the debut of online political communication resorted to candidates website of the
nowadays web 1.0 generation. The sites in this
pioneer stage offered online versions of electoral
leaflets or brochures, merely speaking to the public, without allowing interaction. The maturity
stage began, for American politicians, in 2000,
and the elections for Congress in 2006 together
with the presidential elections in 2008 took the
Internet-based political communication in the
postmaturity stage. Each electoral campaign had
its new element in terms of communication technologies, Barack Obama successfully using a digital communication: mix Online Search & Display Ads, Social media, new media & Widgets
Hub Twitter, Blackberry/mobile compatible site
LinkedIn, Facebook, Youtube, Slideshare Email
Marketing (Rozenoer, 2010). His success in
triggering electoral interest among the typically
inert young voters became the case study of numerous papers and even recommended model
for marketing strategizing.
The technology is available, the platforms
are (at least apparently) free and the public shifts from traditional media to virtual worlds and
develops new habits of handling all types of information. As Paul Levinson signaled as early
as 1998 in his book Marshall McLuhan in the
digital era (Romanian version, 2001), the digital revolution turned upside down the traditional
media models, reinvesting communication with
power and magic. There is an extensive literature on Mediamorphosis (Fidler, 2004) and on the
exponentially growing number of applications
of digital technologies that populate contemporary world. This paper aims to remain anchored
in the documented communication practices
of candidates in the parliamentary elections of
2012 in Romania, acknowledging that further
studies can focus on other aspects of the topic,
such as the content of political communication,
the impact of new media on democratic processes or the reactions of the public to digital
political communication. Instead, we prefer to
64
Mariana Cernicova-Buca, Online Communication for Electoral Purposes: a View...
analyze the repertoire of means of communication in fashion for the elections of 2012, relying
on direct observation, applications developed by
Facebrands PRO and analysis of the new media
tools in use.
There are many reasons for incorporating
online and digital channels into political campaigns. According to technology enthusiasts,
one cannot escape the digital government (West,
2005), digital formations (Latham and Sassen,
2005), and democracy can be saved in globalization times due to e-democracy (Della Porta,
2013). According to international legislative provisions, online communication is the new realm
to conquer. It seems less regulated in content,
more democratic and comprehensive in terms of
production and delivery of messages and better
fit to resonate with the lifestyles of contemporary society. Its possibilities are championed
by authors like Don Tapscott (2011), Anthony
Williams (2010), James Surowiecki (2011) to
name only a few of the influential authors recently translated into Romanian. On one hand,
the Internet may be perceived as enhancing
political involvement and debate (Chadwik
and Howard, 2009, 198), on the other, it is the
home of communication networks that impose
their own set of rules for information flows and
presuppose the understanding of lex informatica (Katzenbach, 2012, 126) established in the
virtual world. Online political communication
can be perceived as a tribute to fashion, but it
is also enforced by global concerns regarding,
for instance, a new wave of rights, digital rights.
During the elections for the European Parliament of 2014, for instance, online activists demanded political candidates to support publicly
digital democracy and to commit to promoting
e-democracy, an action vividly promoted by the
European Digital Rights movement, registered
in Brussels (http://edri.org).
Romanian politicians and the

Internet
Romanian politicians embraced blogs and
websites have been as soon as 2000. The amount
of online political discourse grew significantly

to allow for in-depth analysis of Romanian political blogosphere (Tudor, 2008; Guu-Tudor,
2008). Closer to the investigated period, a study
carried out by the Romanian Asociaia pentru
Tehnologie i Internet, together with Standout
and Facebrands, in March 2010, entitled Romanian parliamentarians on the Internet, presented
an overview of Romanian e-democracy in action. Out of 463 parliamentarians, 45.79% had a
web page or a blog. However, only 48.58% of
the online presence of these politicians were
up-to-date. In 2012, the same study shows that
24.41% of the parliamentarians had a Facebook
account and even less, 9.72%, used Twitter for
communicating political content.
In the analyzed territory, Timis County, according to facebrands.ro, 70% of the population uses
the Internet for various purposes, two out of three
inhabitants of this county being frequent users of
at least one online communication tool. Also in
2012, Facebook accounts in Timis County raised to 275,000, the vast majority belonging to
residents of the capital city, Timisoara (232,000
in 2012, 260,000 in 2014). As the Routledge
Handbook eloquently states, once Internet
penetration reaches some kind of critical mass
(whatever that may be) a decisive political impact
somehow becomes inevitable (2009, 56).
In previous campaigns, the task for electoral
messages laid with the political organization of
the candidates, since Romanian parliamentary
elections were organized on party lists in the
period 1990-2008, and constituencies coincided
with the territory of counties. Web pages, leaflets,
posters, rallies all elements of campaigning
used to be organized and financed in a pool fashion, for the whole list of candidates of a given
party. Televised debates provided the main opportunities for clarifying topics and platforms of the
candidates to a wider public, and actual kiosks for
distributing leaflets, brochures and other electoral
campaign materials were put in place (Dragan et
al., 1998; Cernicova and Buca, 2000).
The elections of 2012 brought an enormous change in the electoral process: candidates
ran for given constituencies, carefully designed
according to geographic and demographic criteria. Thus, in Timis county candidates had to run
in one of the four constituencies for the Senate
or in one of the ten constituencies for the Deputy
Chamber, no longer by party lists, but individually, even if under the banner of a political party
or alliance. Therefore, the task of communicating with the electorate resided with the candidate, and not with the political party organizations.
Such a change of the rules of engagement raises
the research interest regarding the communication style embraced by different candidates. With
an electoral environment prepared to absorb the
online dimension, and with new responsibilities on the part of candidates and their staffs to
communicate with the electorate, it only naturally follows that lessons are to be learned for
future political processes.
Out of the 73 candidates registered for the
14 positions of Timis representatives in the Romanian Legislative body, 28 represented the
main political alliances which ultimately gained
the majority of seats: The Social Liberal Union
(Uniunea Social-Liberal USL) and the Right
Romania Alliance (Aliana Romnia Dreapt
ARD) (www.becparlamentare2012.ro/candidati.
html). We selected 10 candidates for the analysis,
five from each alliance (ARD: Ovidiu Ciuhandu,
Vasile Blaga, Mihai Bojin, Marin Popescu, Alain Florin Rus, and for USL: Sorin Grindeanu,
Matei Suciu, Ion Rducanu, Petru Andea and
Sorin Stragea), to closely follow the extent and
intensity of new media electoral communication. In order to measure the candidates presence in new media we established as a scale the
following: 1 up to 3 activities low frequency;
4 up to 8 activities medium frequency; over 9
activities high frequency. For the purpose of
the present paper we present the corpus of ten
candidates quantitatively and two of the candidates in detail. We selected one politician from
each alliance, by the criterion of their success
in obtaining a mandate in the Parliament: Sorin
Grindeanu (USL) and Vasile Blaga (ARD), the
latter due to the principle of proportionality giving the opposition a bonus in order to ensure
representation in the legislative body.
65
We extend our gratitude to Petru Cojocaru

from TVT89, who helped us keep track of the
online activities of these candidates and provided insights into the combination of the various communication channels employed by politicians during the campaign of 2012 in Timis
County.
Results and discussion on the

new media presence of Timis
candidates in 2012
At the time of parliamentary elections from
2012 Sorin Grindeanu was the executive president of the Social-Democratic Party Timis
County branch and vice-mayor of Timisoara. A
relatively young politician of 41, Grindeanu had
also the advantage of running for office in the
big urban area of Timisoara, therefore communicating with the help of new media tools came
natural and according to the penetration of technology in society. He chose to use Facebook,
Twitter and Youtube. In addition to this, he also
developed a personal website, soringrindeanu.
ro and an electoral website, dareusim.ro (the latter deriving from his slogan Da, reusim/Yes, we
shall succeed.). A skilled politician, he created
a personal Facebook account almost two years
before the campaign, in January 2011, and reached the maximum of friends allowed by the
platform, 5,000. In terms of tools used for electoral purposes, a synthetic image shows that:
Table 1: Tools employed by the candidate Sorin
Grindeanu
Communication
tool
Facebook (official)
Facebook (personal)
Twitter
Youtube
Blog
Frequency
Updates afduring elections ter elections
(2012)
(2013)
high
Up-to-date
low
medium
-
abandoned
abandoned
-
66
As far as the Facebook account is concerned, Grindeanu succeeded to gain 500 new friends during the campaign. In the Likes section,
he posted notes from different areas, connected
with the party campaign: Matei Suciu (another
candidate from USL Timis), the page Da, reusim (his main campaign theme), Victor Ponta
(the party president on the national level). The
high activity during the campaign brought fresh
updates in a timely manner.
Table 2: Result of social media campaign
for Sorin Grindeanu
Number of notes
Appreciations
Comments
Shares
Overall interactions (sum)
72
3,515
501
634
5,354
Sorin Grindeanu used only one tweet throughout his campaign, to announce the launching
of his personal website soringrindeanu.ro, and to
invite visitors to contact him on the INTERACTIV section. The Youtube channel has been created and hosts 13 video clips, 12 from traditional
television appearances and one electoral spot.
They did not stir comments, although they generated 425 visits.
The most intensively used channel was the
personal site, with sections regarding the constituency (Colegiul 2) and the issues raised by
electors during campaign meetings, the political
project, events, profile and photo/video accompanying the campaign. The candidate elicits
reactions from visitors regarding his political
project.
Vasile Blaga, from ARD, aged 56, came to
the campaign from the position of an oldtimer in the Parliament, former minister and acting president of the main political party at the
time, the Democratic Liberal Party. Although
enjoying high public visibility, Blaga entered the
parliamentary race of 2012 with a handicap. He
did not reside in the constituency, so he had to
rely more on mediated communication than his

colleagues from the territory. His choice of tools
proved to be more limited: Facebook and personal site only, the latter under a title not linked
to his name, thus making it less visible for outsiders. Behaving like a top party leader, however, Blaga made sure to provide on his platforms
links to the official party materials (video material, pages, etc.). Concisely, Blaga used the
following tools:
Table 3: Tools employed by the candidate
Vasile Blaga
Communication
tool
Facebook (official)
Facebook (personal)
Twitter
Youtube
Blog
Frequency
Updates
during elections after elections
(2012)
(2013)
high
Up-to-date
The Facebook account was established the

next date after the debut of the electoral campaign and during it this page generated 1,516
friend, and 400 more in the post-electoral period
(December 2012). Although the page attracted
900 likes, 187 comments from other users and
around 300 shares, the candidate did not use his
account to respond and engage in dialogue with
his visitors. His site is also a closed one, only
friends being allowed to post notes, photos or
video material. Blaga proposed three discussion groups, to his party (PDL), the party section
abroad (diaspora) and the political alliance. His
page is not registered in the Facebrands.ro database, therefore some of the comparisons are
difficult to make.
Table 4: Result of social media campaign
for Vasile Blaga
Number of notes
Appreciations
Comments
15
Approx. 900
187

Shares
Overall interactions (sum)
Approx. 300
Approx. 1,387
For a website platform, Vasile Blaga shared

with Traian Ungureanu the privilege of administrators for http://ard.userecho.com, allowing
only platform-registered users to interact with
them and pose to questions. However, the site
allowed for RSS news subscriptions and offered
links to the alliances Facebook account, https://
ro-ro.facebook.com/ARD.TV. This collective
account recreated the memory of party efforts
to sustain candidates, a distinctive communication feature of the previous electoral campaigns
(1990, 1992, 1996, 2000, 2004 and 2008).
On looking at the selected corpus of politicians, we could see that all of them resorted to
Facebook accounts. Two candidates used personal
sites (with their names as identifiers, Mihai Bojin, ARD, and Sorin Grindeanu, USL), two used
blogs (Ovidiu Ciuhandu, ARD and Ion Raducanu,
USL), two used the Twitter (without consistency,
though: O. Ciuhandu, ARD, S. Grindeanu, USL)
and three used Youtube channel possibilities (O.
Ciuhandu, ARD, S. Grindeanu and I. Raducanu,
USL). As for overall interactions, the application
provided by Facebrands Pro allowed for a comparison, considering interactions to be the function of the candidates site to notify friends each
time a new message is posted, but also the visitors
interventions or cross-posting on personal walls:
Table 5: Candidates interactions on the personal site during the 2012 campaign
Ovidiu Ciuhandu (ARD)
Vasile Blaga (ARD)
Mihai Bojin (ARD)
Marin Popescu (ARD)
Alain Rus (ARD)
Sorin Grindeanu (USL)
Matei Suciu(USL)
Ion Raducanu (USL)
Petru Andea (USL)
Sorin Stragea (USL)
274
1,387
140
274
624
5,354
1,949
2,294
830
974
Out of the group, all the five candidates from
67
the Social-Democratic Union gained a mandate

in the Parliament, while from the Alliance Right Romania only Vasile Blaga was successful.
Although communication skills and electoral
success cannot be necessarily tied together, it is
obvious from the above table that the Social Liberal Union used interactions in the virtual world
more intensively and displayed higher mastering
of new media tools. Personal observation showed that candidates relied more on direct communication with the electorate, with visits, rallies,
events aimed at targeting the population from
the selected constituency. Candidates and their
staff chose to rely more on the hard core electorate, middle aged or older prone to consider
that a candidate is worth the vote only if personal contact is made, than on the young generation, which prefers new media interactions. On
the other hand, all politicians used what Ulmanu
calls take-the-votes-and-disappear technique
(Humanitas, 2011), namely, after a vivid online
campaign, with messages tailored to meet the
requirements of new media (friendly tone, personal interaction, high frequency of posts), most
politicians withdrew from the virtual medium.
In 2013, the personal sites were kept active, but
in 2014 new posts cannot be identified.
The conclusions of the study trace the degree of new media communications for electoral purposes to be in the maturity phase, in the
terms described by the Routledge Handbook of
Internet Politics, since all Romanian candidates
from the selected field of research employed at
least one of the tools for making their presence
visible. However, even if tempted by the variety
of tools anchored in the online platforms, candidates and their staff lost momentum and abandoned along the way some of the initially announced possibilities of keeping the public informed,
such as Twitter and blog. On the other hand, the
experience of by-passing mass media channels
and communicating directly with the electorate
is capitalized by politicians and political advisors, and already in the 2014 European Parliamentary elections many candidates developing
web pages with their names as identifiers.
68
Conclusions: towards the

deepening of research on political
communication via new media
New challenges arising from communication revolution are manifold and widespread in
the research regarding political communication during electoral campaigns. The theoretical
and empirical current research focuses mainly
on presidential campaigns worldwide, often by
comparison to the elections in USA, leaders in
innovating the style of political communication
and in bringing in the latest elements of technological support. Due to the globalization of
communication technology and the high penetration of Internet worldwide, communication
strategies via new media spread rapidly, either
due to mimicry and fashion, or to the understanding that the public has new expectations regarding information flows in the digital era. Our
research focused on a peripheral territory, rather
than on the cases usually receiving high visibility, and on an electoral process, which presented characteristics differentiating it from the previous Romanian elections. These characteristics
can be summed up as follows: the breakdown
of county-based constituencies into smaller territories, according to geographical and demographical criteria, uninominal vote, instead of party
lists and possibilities to communicate with the
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Webography
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www.ziare.com/internet-si-tehnologie/acces-internet/intertetul-tot-mai-popular-in-randul-romanilor-1214476
Percepia vedetei de televiziune n spaiul

mediatic romnesc la preadolesceni, adolesceni
i tineri
Biblioteca Central Universitar Carol I din Bucureti
Abstract: A second outcome of my thesis is the study of the Television star perception in the Romanian media
field among pre-teens, teens, and youth. I made a qualitative-comparative study, starting from the semi-directive interview technique, created to explore the way of thinking of three different groups: pre-teens, teens, and
young (a total of 75 participants, of whom 31 were male and 44 were female). The article investigates media
consumerism, the appearance of the new customers being related to their adaptation to new lifestyles and
values. The media consumption becomes a way of building an intelligible universe where the social relations
can be maintained or replaced. Hence, the research has explored the perceived differences among three different groups regarding Romanian star system as well as the opinion convergence levels, making it possible
to understand the experience lived by these people. In this study, documents, questions for interviews, and
explanatory statement to participants are included. This complex analysis is also supported by a comprehensive bibliography and at the same time representative. Unfortunately, the psychologists are concerned with
the level of dependency of different types of media consumption (television, Internet, video games), pointing to
overconsumption. The conclusions of the research shine a new light on the mixing the right to information and
the showbiz sensationalism can destroy public confidence in journalism and discredit the profession.
Keywords: qualitative research; celebrities; consumerism; star system.
Cuvinte-cheie: cercetare calitativ; celebriti; consumerism; star system.
Introducere
n afar de presa tabloid, principalul productor de staruri rmne n societatea romneasc
televiziunea, evoluia acesteia n toate domeniile
netrecnd neobservat. Nu trebuie uitat c prima
instituie, care a avut rol important n fabricarea
starurilor, a fost filmul.
n prezent, starurile/vedetele funcioneaz
ca i constructe mitice, ele avnd un rol-cheie n
mobilizarea audienelor, dar i n viaa de zi cu zi
a fanilor. Astfel, mitul starizrii prin mass media
devine vandabil, multe vedete din Romnia remarcndu-se n film, teatru, muzic, politic i,
mai ales, n televiziune. Acest star sistem a devenit prea popular odat cu ncercarea de a eroiza
i ncununa omul obinuit, ca n emisiunile de

telerealitate (Drgan, 2007, 145).
Spre deosebire de contextele engleze i franceze, fenomenul star system, dei a aprut destul de trziu n societatea romneasc (perioada
anilor 90), a continuat, ulterior, s se dezvolte
n aproape mai toate domeniile (putem vorbim,
aici, de jurnalism, economie, politic, mod
etc.). De regul, abordarea oricrui fenomen social implic, n genere, definirea obiectului su
de studiu. Astfel, n dicionarul englez Oxford
(n variant electronic) sunt oferite dou accepiuni pentru expresia star system:
1) n lumea filmului i a lumii spectacolului
teatral, practica promovrii unui artist eminent
n roluri principale;
* Biblioteca Central Universitar Carol I din Bucureti, Departamentul Comunicare, Str. I.

Boteanu, Sector 1. E-mail: lidia_stan@ymail.com.
2) O larg colecie, alctuit din staruristele, o galaxie.

De asemenea, Dicionarul de media ofer o
nou accepiune conceptului:
Star system-ul este o expresie englezeasc
desemnnd tehnica de personalizare a fiecrui film, datorit unui star cunoscut i apreciat,
pentru a compensa efectul de plictiseal asupra
publicului pe care l-ar avea intrigile banale i repetitive. Acest sistem a fost pus n aplicare de
marile companii productoare de film, n perioada de aur a Hollywoodului, mai ales, dup 1945,
pn la apariia televiziunii, spre anii 1950
(Balle, 2005, 316).
Pe lng lucrrile de referin la nivel internaional, n literatura noastr de specialitate,
Dicionarul explicativ de jurnalism, relaii publice i comunicare, aprut la Editura Tritonic,
propune urmtoarea definiie:
Star system-ul reprezint aciuni planificate complexe aparinnd marketingului, publicitii, RP provenind i trimind la una din formele culturii de mas prin care vedetei (de film,
muzic etc.) i este creat o anumit imagine.
Personajul astfel creat contribuie la identificarea fanilor cu un model de via, cu un model de personalitate n viaa de toate zilele, n
Show Business i n produsul cultural propriuzis. Aceast identificare conduce pe de o parte la
crearea unui adevrat mit (de exemplu, mitul
lui Elvis Presley), iar pe de alt parte contribuie
la sporirea produsului cultural (Popescu, 2002,
361-362).
n lucrarea Engleza productorului de film:
dicionar englez-romn de termeni specifici din
cinematografie i televiziune, autorul Lucian
Pricop explic n ce a constat semnificaia iniial a conceptului:
Star system = sistemul bazat pe actor, n care
studiourile se constituiau n protectorii actorilor i se foloseau de ei; a fost inventat de Carl
Laemmle, proprietarul studioului Independent
Motion Picture Company care a atras-o pe actria Florence Lawrence de la Biograph, studioul
lui Edison, cu dorina de a-l concura pe acesta,
actria devenind astfel star din istoria filmului
(Pricop, 2006, 286).
71
Dup criticul cinematografic ngel Comas

(2004, 12), star system-ul este denumirea care
se atribuie unui sistem de producie de filme, n
care prezena starurilor constituie un factor decisiv care stimuleaz cumprarea, adic prezena
spectatorilor n cinematografe. De asemenea,
ngel Comas ne face cunoscut faptul c acest
concept [star system] a fost adoptat i n Europa,
chiar dac o vedet ar fi avut, n general, mai
multe nsuiri artistice, relaionate cu calitatea sa
ca interpret, dect atribute pur i simplu comerciale, relaionate cu aspectul su, fizicul plcut
sau cu personalitatea sa (ibidem). n schimb,
Susan Hayward (2006) arat c star system-ul
este, n general, asociat cu Hollywoodul, dei
industria filmului francez a fost primul care a
vzut utilitatea n promovarea produselor sale...
n cinemaul timpuriu, filmele au fost producii
anonime, comportnd doar numele studioului
(...). i n 1919, a fost stabilit star system-ul.
Aflat nc n faza de constituire, star systemul romnesc este mai bine concretizat n zonele
televiziunii, publicitii i politicului. Aproape
toate cmpurile mediatice au fost invadate de
aa-numita peopolisation, care ar trebui s
constituie nucleul postmodernitii (Dakhlia,
2010, 8).
Internetul i era informaional au reprezentat pilonii de susinere a acestui fenomen sociocultural, vzut de specialitii media ca un produs
de consum, ce a cunoscut o dezvoltare recent n
societatea romneasc.
Am ales s realizez aceast cercetare calitativ, Percepia vedetei de televiziune n spaiul mediatic romnesc la preadolesceni, adolesceni i tineri, considernd c voi reui s
analizez n profunzime acest subiect, cu detalii
asupra caracteristicilor procesului de vedetizare
per ansamblu, dar i a conceptelor ce-l definesc.
i aceasta deoarece, poate, vieile noastre personale i profesionale sunt relativ agitate, i, de
asemenea, deoarece diversitatea coninutului
programelor TV este adesea aspru criticat, discuiile se vor concentra pe descrierile indivizilor
i pe practicile media.
72
Elena-Lidia Dinu (Stan), Percepia vedetei de televiziune n spaiul mediatic...
Prin urmare, noile tehnologii au propulsat

vedeta, care nlocuiete astzi omul obinuit,
afirmarea ei ducnd la dezvoltarea rapid a unei
noi industrii industria loazirului (Constantinescu, 2001, 33). Dup cum observm, cultura
global a consumului constituie un element integrator n consolidarea star system-ului.
Cercetarea are drept scop cunoaterea percepiilor consumatorilor de media cu privire la
dezvoltarea fenomenului de star system n societatea media din Romnia. n acest sens, am
propus ca obiective particulare urmtoarele:
determinarea surselor de informare referitoare la formarea imaginii despre vedetele TV;
testarea percepiei asupra vedetei de televiziune la nivelul subiecilor de interviu;
identificarea preferinelor n rndul grupurilor studiate;
i schiarea profilului subiecilor de interviu (profilul fanului romn).
Background i semnificaie
Tema aleas poate fi studiat att prin utilizarea metodelor cantitative (aspect exemplificat
prin cercetrile pe care le voi aminti n continuare), ct i prin utilizarea celor calitative.
n luna iulie a anului 2005, n cadrul cercetrii Analiza comportamentelor de consum TV
ale elevilor (7-10 ani, 11-14 ani, 15-18 ani), a
fost realizat, prin metode cantitative, clasamentul vedetelor de televiziune preferate de elevii
din Romnia (Drgan, 2007). Cercetarea a fost
organizat de Centrul de Cercetare Urban i
Regional CURS-SA i Centrul de Studii Media
i Noi Tehnologii de Comunicare (CSMNTC).
Rezultatele analizei comparative a vedetelor TV
preferate de copii i adolesceni au relevat preferine pentru moderatoarele emisiunilor de divertisment i pentru cele ale reality-show-urilor,
pe primul loc aflndu-se Andreea Marin (Surprize, surprize), iar cele ale analizei comparative a cntreilor preferai au indicat pe primele
locuri cntreii de manele (Nicolae Gu, Adi
de Vito).
O alt cercetare cantitativ s-a desfurat n
luna iunie a anului 2006 i s-a referit la evalu-
area performanei principalelor emisiuni de televiziune i a principalelor personaliti de televiziune de ctre Centrul de Cercetare Urban i
Regional CURS-SA, beneficiarul fiind Consiliul Naional al Audiovizualului (Cna.ro, 2006).
n vederea obinerii principalelor rezultate, liste
de emisiuni i personaliti de televiziune au fost
supuse procesului complex de evaluare.
Pe lng alte ntrebri (ce au atins obiectivele cercetrii), sondajul a inclus cteva ntrebri referitoare la impactul televiziunii, precum
i unele ntrebri solicitate expres de beneficiar,
referitoare la percepia celor mai ndrgite i a
celor mai respinse emisiuni, persoane de televiziune i invitai din 2006, aprecierea emisiunii
No Comment.
Rezultatele au variat n funcie de problematica dezbtut (ceea ce m-a interesat a fost percepia celor mai ndrgite i a celor mai respinse emisiuni, persoane de televiziune i invitai
din anul 2006). Dei s-a nregistrat un numr
foarte mare de nonrspunsuri, rezultatele s-au
clasat astfel:
a) percepia celor mai ndrgite (plcute)
emisiuni pentru anul 2006 Surprize, surprize
(8%);
b) percepia celui mai ndrgit om de televiziune (vedet, moderator, prezentator) n anul
2006 Teo Trandafir (10,1%);
c) percepia celor mai respinse emisiuni pentru anul 2006 Vacana mare (5,1%);
d) percepia celei mai neatractive persoan
de televiziune Andreea Marin (5,0%);
e) percepia celor mai plcui invitai n anul
2006 Gigi Becali (7,4%);
f) percepia celor mai neatractivi invitai n
anul 2006 Gigi Becali (5,1%).
Aadar, se observ de-a lungul timpului o
diversificare a preferinelor subiecilor o dat
cu creterea n vrst, atunci cnd vorbim de un
potenial clasament al emisiunilor/vedetelor preferate.
O investigaie similar cercetrii noastre a
fost realizat de Benson P. Fraser i William J.
Brown n anul 2009, care au cercetat influena
starului Elvis Presley asupra fanilor Elvis Presley.
Dimensiunea eantionului a fost de 35 de

fani care au fost, cu grij, selectai i intervievai.
Cele mai multe interviuri au fost realizate n
Virginia Beach pe parcursul a 5 ani consecutivi
de festivaluri Elvis. Spicuite de la 5 ani de interviuri i observaii, datele pentru acest studiu
au fost examinate n cele mai mici detalii.
Rezultatele studiului au scos la iveal mai
multe aspecte interesante:
doar doi dintre subieci au ntlnit personal
artistul i doar civa l-au vzut evolund pe scen n persoan;
participarea la festivaluri i concerte Elvis
a condus la o mai bun nelegere a culturii locale Elvis;
expui n mod repetat la muzica lui Elvis
(prin nregistrri, casete, compact discuri, radio,
televiziune i filme, de obicei pe perioade lungi
de timp), participanii la studiu mrturisesc c au
fost atrai de artist n timpul tinereii lor;
motivele pentru care subiecii s-au identificat cu o celebritate ca Elvis Presley au fost dintre
cele mai incitante: cei mai muli fani Elvis s-au
identificat cu artistul n calitate de iubitori de
muzic (unul dintre subiecii i-a creat propriul
show, numit El-Vez, ncorpornd sunete latine
i oferind interpretri hispanice la multe dintre
melodiile lui Elvis); o alt identificare s-a produs
i la grania gender (ca iubit/partener romantic,
dar i ca tat ori rud);
n privina valorilor i a comportamentelor, Elvis Presley a fost perceput ca un icon
al acelei epoci, reprezentnd valorile unei viei
mai simple cnd rolurile de gen au fost mai pronunate.
Interesant n cercetarea pe care am demarato va fi analizarea percepiei fenomenului de vedetizare de ctre cele trei categorii de subieci
alei.
Metodologie
Perioada de realizare a investigaiei: 13-30
martie 2012. Locul de desfurare: Municipiul
Piteti coala Nr. 15 Adrian Punescu, Liceul Teoretic Ion Barbu, Universitatea din
73
Piteti. Grupurile studiate: 25 de preadolesceni

(10-12 ani), 25 de adolesceni (15-18 ani), 25 de
tineri (26-29 de ani). Metoda de selecie a celor
trei grupe studiate a fost aleatoare (a se vedea
Tabelul 1):
Tabel 1: Repartiia subiecilor investigai dup
gen
Nr.
crt.
Grupuri studiate
Gen.
masc.
Gen.
fem.
Total
1.
Preadolesceni 13
(10-12 ani)
12
25
2.
Adolesceni
(15-18 ani)
Tineri (26-29
ani)
TOTAL
14
11
25
21
25
31
44
75
3.
ntrebrile cercetrii au fost:

a) n ce proporie se vizioneaz canalele de
televiziune preferate?
b) Cum este percepia preadolescenilor i
adolescenilor despre vedetele TV, comparativ
cu percepia tinerilor?
c) n ce msur, efectele mediei televizuale
se rsfrng asupra subiecilor de interviu i care
ar fi impactul acestora?
Pentru colectarea informaiilor, am utilizat
dintre metodele calitative tehnica interviului semidirectiv pe baza unui ghid de interviu, precum
i tehnica observaiei participative.
Alctuirea ghidului de interviu

Interviul semidirectiv este o tehnic de ordin cantitativ, dar i de ordin calitativ, destinat s
produc att date statistice, ct i date calitative.
Ca lungime, acest tip de interviu este variabil.
Noiunea de interviu semidirectiv este legat de lucrarea lui R. Ghiglione i B. Matalon
(Les enqutes sociologiques. Thorie et pratique, 1985) i utilizeaz o schem prestabilit
sub forma unui ghid, care conine principalele
teme care vor fi abordate sau o list de ntrebri
(Dafinoiu, 2002, 162).
Interviurile au fost realizate fa n fa, n
biblioteca colii/liceului/universitii, cu acordul
74
directorilor i a cadrelor didactice. Durata intervievrii: 15-20 de minute.

Structura ghidului. Ghidul de interviu a cuprins dou ntrebri filtru, care au acoperit
subiectul general i care au urmrit obinerea
unor informaii generale cu privire la opiniile
i atitudinile subiecilor: De cte ori v uitai la
televizor?, Care dintre urmtoarele canale de televiziune v plac cel mai mult? (se aplic doar n
cazurile 1, 2, 3).
Temele, n numr de patru (a se vedea Anexa 1), au ncercat s acopere subiectul tratat, pe
larg, n ntreaga lucrare, iar ntrebrile subsumate acestora au vizat, n mod special, aspecte ce
in de activitile de informare asupra vedetelor,
de celebritile TV, de percepiile asupra televiziunii i asupra celebritilor TV, precum i
de efectele emisiunilor cu i despre vedete asupra fiecrui grup studiat, cci scopul interviului
este de a-l face pe participant s reconstruiasc
experiena proprie n cadrul temei investigate
(Agabrian, 2004, 110).
Pe parcursul cercetrii calitative, am redus
datele culese la mai multe etape (aa cum se poate vedea n Figura 1):
La nivelul etapei a treia, am decis s condensez rspunsurile participanilor n mai multe

paragrafe succinte i s elimin anumite comentarii care nu fceau obiectul ntrebrilor din ghid.
La etapa de analiz, am ncercat s fac o
selecie a temelor tratate, mai pe larg, n interviuri [2. Celebriti TV (prezentatori, actori,
cntrei, vedete de televiziune). Vizionarea de
emisiuni consacrate lansrii de vedete, dar i
prezentrii unor vedete; 3. Emisiunile cu i despre vedete, lansarea i prezentarea de vedete cu
efecte asupra tinerilor i adolescenilor].
n final, la nivelul de raportare, constrngerile impuse de lungimea rspunsurilor au condus
la selectarea restrns a datelor care au fost prezentate ca puncte-cheie n cercetarea noastr. Cu
toate acestea, au existat i rspunsuri evazive,
rspunsuri expeditive, nonrspunsuri (nu mi
amintesc, nu tiu).
n consecin, ntreaga tematic a ghidului de interviu a fost conceput n scopul de a
sonda percepiile subiecilor i, n acelai timp,
de a oferi posibilitatea schirii unei imagini de
ansamblu asupra star system-ului, ntlnit i
practicat de societatea media din Romnia.
Prezentarea selectiv a
rezultatelor corpusului de
interviuri pe tematici i discutarea
lor
Figura 1: Reducerea datelor n analiza calitativ tematic (Irvine, 2011, 213)

n prima etap, datele au fost generate n
urma intervievrii a 75 de subieci n zile diferite pentru ca interviurile s fie nregistrate cu un
reportofon, fiind, ulterior, audiate i transcrise de
autor a doua etap. n acest caz, Microsoft
Excel 2003 a servit ca o platform pentru a dezvolta o baz de date a transcrierilor.
nainte de a face cunoscute pe scurt rezultatele acestei cercetri, doresc s aduc n egal
msur mulumiri doamnelor Cristina Mutu (Liceul Teoretic Ion Barbu din Piteti), Elisabeta
Oproiu (coala Nr.15 Adrian Punescu din
Piteti), precum i ntregului Colectiv al Bibliotecii Universitii din Piteti, care s-au ngrijit
att de bine n asigurarea condiiilor optime ale
ntregului demers metodologic.
De cte ori v uitai la TV?
Mai rar
6%
ntrebrile filtru
Sptmnal
6%
Care dintre urmtoarele canale de televiziune v plac cel mai mult?

Sociologie Romneasc, volumul
XIII,(se Nr.
3, 2014, pp. 70-85
aplic n cazurile 1, 2, 3)
75
Mai multe canale, n ordinea

preferinelor
36%
Niciodat
0%
De 2 sau 3 ori pe
sptmn
23%
TVR
0%
Naional TV
4%
Altul. Care?
12%
Cartoon Netw ork

4%
Antena 1
26%
n fiecare zi
65%
Figura 2: Frecvena vizionrii TV la

preadolesceni
Disney Channel
4%
Pro TV
26%
Figura 5: Frecvena urmririi canalelor de

televiziune la preadolesceni (I)
(se aplic doar n cazurile 1, 2, 3)
Romnia TV, Discovery tiin,
Cartoon Netw ork, Naional TV
4%
(10-12 ani)
Discovery Channel, Cartoon

Netw ork, Kanal D, Pro TV
4%
Altul. Care? 13%

TVR 0%
Mai rar
12%
Niciodat
0%
Pro TV, Antena 1

4%
Nat Geo Wild, Pro TV, Antena 1
4%
Antena 1 24%
preferinelor 32%
Sptmnal
12%
Antena 1, Cartoon Netw ork,

Disney Channel, Nat Geo Wild
4%
Disney Channel, Cartoon
Netw ork, Bumerang, Kanal D
4%
De 2 sau 3 ori pe
sptmn
4%
Pro TV 26%
Disney Channel, Animal Planet,

TVR 1
4%
Pro TV, Kanal D, Disney
Channel, Cartoon Netw ork
4%
n fiecare zi
72%

televiziune la preadolesceni (II)
Figura 3: Frecvena vizionrii TV la
adolesceni (15-18 ani)
Care dintre urmtoarele canale de televiziune v plac mai mult?


Mai rar 4%
Sptmnal 0%
De 2 sau 3 ori pe
sptmn 0%
Pro TV
32%
Antena 1
0%TVR 1
0%
Niciodat 0%
Altul. Care?
5%
Discovery Channel
5%
Mai multe canale, n

ordinea preferinelor
64%
n fiecare zi 96%
Figura 4: Frecvena vizionrii TV la tineri (2629 de ani)

Din punct de vedere al frecvenei vizionrii
TV, apar diferene semnificative ntre cele trei
grupuri studiate. Astfel, tinerii vizioneaz zilnic
ntr-o proporie mai mare 96%, comparativ cu
celelalte dou grupuri, preadolescenii 65% i
adolescenii 72%.

televiziune la adolesceni (I)
76
elor (36%, respectiv 64%), n timp ce tinerii

prefer Pro TV-ul (59%). Se concluzioneaz c
adolescenii se afl, la ora actual, ntr-o nou
etap, cea a dezvoltrii cunoaterii individuale
i a provocrilor.
Temele incluse n ghidul de interviu

1. Cunotine/activiti de informare asupra vedetelor.
De unde v formai o imagine despre vedete? TV, Internet, reviste, din
discuiile cu colegii, de la rude?
Nonrspuns
4%
Discuii cu colegii
12%

televiziune la adolesceni (II)
Internet
0%
Rude
0%
Reviste
16%
TV
68%

(se aplic doar n cazurile 1, 2, 3,)

preferinelor
29%
Antena 1
4%
TVR 1
0%
Altul. Care?
8%
Investigation Discovery
4%
Acas TV
4%
Figura 11: Distribuia tipologiei surselor n

vederea formrii imaginii despre vedete la preadolesceni
Pro TV
59%

televiziune la tineri (I)
Care dintre urmtoarele canale de televiziune preferate v plac cel mai mult?
Antena 1 4%
Altul. Care? 8%
0%
TVR 1
Pro TV, Antena 1, TVR 1

4%
Pro TV, Antena 1, TVR 1
4%
Kanal D, Antena 1, Pro TV
4%
Mai multe, n ordinea

preferinelor 29%
Pro TV 59%
Investigation Discovery,
Discovery Travel & Living
live 4%
AXN Crime, Pro TV 4%
Pro TV, Antena 1 4%
Pro TV, Antena 1, TVR 1,
Acas TV 4%

televiziune la tineri (II)
Ca frecven pentru urmrirea canalelor de
televiziune, preadolescenii i adolescenii au
declarat Mai multe canale, n ordinea preferin-
Nonrspuns
1
1
Din discuiile cu
colegii
Fete
2
Baiei
7
TV
10
2
2
Reviste
10
Figura 12: Distribuia tipologiei surselor n vederea formrii imaginii despre vedete n funcie
de gen (preadolesceni)
77
De unde v formai mai curnd o imagine despre vedete? TV, Internet, reviste, discuii cu
colegii, de la rude?
De la rude
4%
Din discuiile cu colegii
8%
TV i, apoi, Internet
8%
Internet
16%
TV
64%
Figura 13: Distribuia tipologiei surselor n

vederea formrii imaginii despre vedete la adolesceni
TV i, apoi, Internet
Fete
10
TV
Baiei
Internet
De la rude
0
10
de gen (adolesceni)
De unde v formai mai curnd o imagine despre vedete? TV, Internet, reviste,
discuii cu colegii, de la rude?
4%
Reviste
4%
TV i reviste
12%
TV
52%
Internet
28%
Figura 15: Distribuia tipologiei surselor n vederea formrii imaginii despre vedete la tineri
de gen (tineri)
Pentru toate categoriile de grupuri studiate,
principala surs care contribuie, n proporii diferite, la formarea imaginii despre vedete, este
televiziunea (preadolesceni 68%, adolesceni
64% i tineri 52%), secondat de Internet,
ntlnit la numai dou din cele trei grupuri analizate (adolesceni 16%, tineri 28%).
Ca industrie, la nivel naional, televiziunea,
asociat cu Internetul, a devenit sursa dominant de informare i de relaxare n Romnia (programele de tiri i de divertisment), ncercnd
prin emisiunile educative s aduc oamenii mai
aproape de valorile umane. De la apariie i pn
n prezent, aceasta a promovat i a difuzat diverse formate de emisiuni pentru atragerea publicului de toate vrstele. Prin puterea sa nemrginit,
televiziunea influeneaz percepiile, schimb
atitudinile i comportamentele publicului larg.
Cu toate acestea, dezvoltarea acestui tip de media, ca produs al societii postmoderne (televiziunea privat i, n special, televiziunea digital), a fost spectaculoas n domeniul tehnologic.
Asemenea realitii, religiei, politicii construite la televizor, i Internetul a devenit spectacol. Vinovat de toate aceste lucruri care se
ntmpl ar trebui s se fac postmodernismul,
curent cultural, care a introdus componenta ludic n planul existenial.
78
2. Celebriti TV (prezentatori,
actori, cntrei, vedete de
televiziune). Vizionarea de emisiuni
consacrate lansrii de vedete, dar i
prezentrii unor vedete.
Ct de des privii astfel de emisiuni?
Nonrspuns
4%
Cteodat
4%
Mai rar
12%
n fiecare zi
40%
De 5 ori/spt.
4%
De cteva ori/spt.
24%
O dat/spt.
12%
Figura 17: Frecvena vizionrii de emisiuni

consacrate lansrii de vedete, dar i prezentrii
unor vedete la preadolesceni
De 2 ori/spt.
4%
De cteva ori/spt.
8%
Rar
32%
Foarte rar
16%
Mai rar
16%
n fiecare zi
24%

unor vedete la adolesceni
Rar 4%
Mai rar 4%
O dat/spt. 8%
De cteva ori/spt.
36%
n fiecare zi 20%
Foarte rar 28%

unor vedete la tineri
Se constat tendina pregnant a ptrunderii

divertismentului n toate segmentele televiziunii, impactul lui asupra oamenilor fiind impresionant.
n ultima vreme, evenimentele media (deschiderea unor ceremonii speciale, desfurarea
alegerilor electorale, transmiterea live a nunii
vedetelor mai cunoscute, nmormntarea altora
.a.m.d.) au acaparat atenia fiecruia dintre noi.
Prin importana contextual, ele atrag, n mod
clar, audiene mari, tendina fiind de a se menine o cretere constant a audienei canalului
respectiv.
Cei mai muli subieci sunt fideli emisiunilor
de divertisment difuzate de canalele comerciale
Pro TV, Antena 1, Kanal D, Prima TV, emisiunilor de desene animate (Cartoon Network, Disney Channel), dar i emisiunilor muzicale ale
canalelor MTV. ns nici emisiunile culturale i
documentarele nu sunt excluse din preferinele
acestora.
Implicarea publicului n jurul dramelor familiale i personale, povestite de protagoniti,
reprezint un obiectiv precis a fiecrei categorii
de emisiuni predilecte.
Evidenierea a dou piese-cheie privatul
i privatizarea publicului constituie specificul
acestor emisiuni. Spectatorul, respectiv telespectatorul, devine personaj central, actor activ
sau pasiv n desfurarea emisiunilor:
n emisiunea Acces Direct, vin oameni
simpli sau vedete cu poveti de via incredibile,
expuse n platou sub moderarea flexibil a prezentatorului. Fiecare dintre acetia destinuie
mai cu rezerve sau nu realitatea reconstituirii
faptelor ntmplate (Alina, 27).
Rul social ca tire senzaional face
obiectul unor astfel de emisiuni de divertisment.
Frecvent, se pune accent, uneori prea exagerat,
pe victimizarea personajelor principale (Andreea, 29).
La nivelul vizionrii de emisiuni consacrate
lansrii de vedete, dar i prezentrii unor vedete, se remarc o cretere ridicat n rndul preadolescenilor care urmresc zilnic (40%) astfel
de emisiuni, comparativ cu adolescenii care se
uit rar (32%) i tinerii de cteva ori/sptmn

(32%).
Televiziunea, constat R. Kubey nu numai
c ofer relaxare, dar ofer, totodat, relaxare rapid. Dup cteva sptmni petrecute ezut sau
ntins, dup ce s-a apsat butonul telecomenzii,
numeroi telespectatori afirm c sunt mult mai
relaxai dect se simeau nainte. i pentru c
instalarea strii de relaxare se produce cu rapiditate, oamenii nva s asocieze vizionarea cu
relaxarea (Gheorghe, 2005, 173).
3. Percepii asupra televiziunii i

asupra celebritilor TV.
Care este prerea voastr despre canalele de televiziune din Romnia?
Nonrspuns
4%
Proast
4%
Mai puin bun
12%
Foarte bun
12%
Bun
68%
Figura 20: Investigarea preadolescenilor

privind percepia canalelor de televiziune din
Romnia
Foarte proast
4%
Proast
4%
Unele sunt bune, altele
mai puin bune
20%
Bun
40%
Mai puin bun

32%
Figura 21: Investigarea adolescenilor privind

percepia canalelor de televiziune din Romnia
79
Unele sunt bune,

altele mai puin bune
4%
Foarte proast 8%
Mai puin bun 16%
Proast 40%
Bun 32%
Figura 22: Investigarea tinerilor privind percepia canalelor de televiziune din Romnia
La nivel de percepie a canalelor de televiziune din Romnia, opiniile celor trei categorii
analizate sunt diferite. Astfel, 68% dintre preadolesceni i 40% dintre adolesceni au o prere
bun despre inflaia canalelor de televiziune din
Romnia n comparaie cu tinerii care au o prere proast n proporie de 40%.
La ntrebarea Dintre vedetele pe care le
vedei la televizor de care v place att de mult
nct ai vrea s fii ca ea/el?, au fost menionate nume diverse de cntrei, actori, prezentatori
TV i sportivi din ar i strintate. ns, cele
mai multe rspunsuri ale preadolescenilor i
adolescenilor conin relatri n legtur cu numele a trei vedete consacrate Andra, Rihanna,
Mihaela Rdulescu.
ntr-un articol din ziarul Libertatea (14 iulie
2007, 14), s-a scris despre idolii/personalitile admirate de ctre adolesceni la acea vreme.
Motivarea alegerii lor a fost clar justificat:
CTLIN FLUTURA, 18 ani: Idolul
meu e fotbalistul Roberto Carlos, pentru c este
cel mai muncitor sportiv, d tot ce poate pe teren
i nu se las i nu se las nvins aa usor.
GABRIELA DUMITRU, 18 ani: Eu o admir cel mai mult pe Andreea Marin, deoarece
zmbete tot timpul i e foarte drgu. n plus,
este deteapt i o persoan de succes.
LUMINIA DUMITRU, 18 ani: Eu o admir pe Monica Columbeanu, pentru c are puterea de a tri alturi de un om mai n vrst.
MDLINA CENCU, 17 ani: Mie mi pla-
80
ce mai mult de Britney Spears. E idolul meu,

mai ales pentru ce a fost i sper s revin.
ALEXANDRU CHIMIGERU, 17 ani: Idolul meu este hip-hoperul Jay Z. mi place de el ca
om, ca muzician i l apreciez pentru show-urile
pe care le face pe scen i n viaa de zi cu zi.
ALEXANDRU BALOSIN, 17 ani: l admir
pe Steven Seagal pentru c este un om religios i
un sportiv de performan. mi place c a fcut
multe acte de caritate.
RZVAN, ALBU, 17 ani: Eu l consider
idolul meu pe antrenorul Mircea Rednic pentru
c a renunat la contracte din afar pentru a antrena la echipa lui de suflet.
ANA CENCU, 17 ani: Cel mai mult mi
place de Nicoleta Luciu pentru c e admirat de
toat lumea i are un succes nebun oriunde.
n consecin, idolii alei sunt personaliti
din lumea monden, dorina fetelor, ca i a bieilor, fiind aceea de a-i face un nume cunoscut
n lumea showbizului. Dac preadolescenilor
i adolescenilor le place, ntr-o anumit msur, o vedet naional sau internaional (Andra
15%; Mihaela Rdulescu 16%; Rihanna
16%), 56% dintre tineri au declarat c nu le place niciuna extrem de mult.
2. Emisiunile cu i despre vedete,

lansarea i prezentarea de vedete
cu efecte asupra tinerilor i
adolescenilor.
V influeneaz modul de via, de a v mbrca, comporta n diferite ocazii?
Nu
16%
Da. Modul de via

4%
Da. Modul de a m comporta

32%
Da. Modul de via i de a m

comporta
8%
Da. Modul de a m mbraca

20%
Da. Modul de m mbrca i

de a m comporta
20%
Figura 23: Investigarea

preadolescenilor privind gradul de influen a
vedetei asupra lor
Da. Modul de via i de a

m comporta 4%
Da.Modul de via 4%
Da. Modul de a m mbrca
16%
Nu 32%
Da. Modul de a m
comporta i de a m
mbrca 20%
Da. Modul de a m comporta
24%
Figura 24: Investigarea adolescenilor privind

gradul de influen a vedetei asupra lor
Oarecum
12%
Nu
44%
Uneori
24%
Da
20%
Figura 25: Investigarea tinerilor privind gradul de influen a vedetei asupra lor
Influena vedetelor asupra stilului de via a
adolescentului este, de multe ori, determinant.
n acelai timp, codurile, valorile i tipurile de
comportamente impuse rstoarn ideile tradiionale, tinerii intrnd permanent ntr-un conflict
social. Aa cum se remarc grafic, 32% dintre
preadolesceni consider ca i influeneaz cel
mai mult modul de comportare a vedetelor,
comparativ cu adolescenii i tinerii care au afirmat c nu i influeneaz nimic (32%, respectiv
44%):
mi place foarte mult Andreea Marin, mai
ales, modul de comportare (Alexandra, 10).
Dintre vedetele de la televizor, Alina Eremia mi place. Modul de comportare i vestimentaia. Pentru mine, ea e ca un model (Bianca, 11).
Mihaela Rdulescu este vedeta care mi
place n cea mai mare msur. ns nu m influeneaz cu nimic (Iuliana, 26).
Da. Modul de via i de a m comporta

(Marina, 18).
Studiile ntreprinse de Benson P. Fraser i
William J. Brown (2009) au avut ca obiectiv
principal de examinat influena starului Elvis
Presley asupra fanilor Elvis Presley. Influena
muzicii artistului asupra fanilor a fost covritoare, dar a existat i o influen de factur social. Redau cteva percepii ale participanilor la
aceast investigaie:
L-am ascultat pe Elvis n fiecare zi din viaa
mea, de cnd aveam cinci ani. Am avut un pickup vechi, General Electric, care a avut 8 sau 10
plci. Le puneam continuu i adormeam cu Elvis
zi i noapte (Dennis Wise, 3 iunie 1995).
Noi nu am avut un televizor. Am fost singura din familia mea cruia i-a plcut Elvis.
Tuturor celorlali le plcea James Brown, aa
c a trebuit s-l ascult pe Elvis de una singur
(Clarence Giddens, 2 iunie 1995).
A fost visul oricrei adolescente i ne-am
ndrgostit de el... Prima dat cnd m-am cstorit, fostul meu so era foarte gelos pe Elvis. Am
zis, Acel om [Elvis] ar putea s-i pun pantofii
sub patul meu oricnd. Din acea zi i pn n
ziua n care am divorat, nu l-am vzut niciodat
pe Elvis, nu am vzut niciodat filmele lui Elvis,
nu am ascultat niciodat muzica lui Elvis. El a
81
spart toate plcile pe care le-am avut. Adic,

era incredibil de gelos pe Elvis... el a considerat situaia ca i real (Carol Miller, 13 august
1996).
nsoite de studii, rezultatele investigaiei
sunt consistente, iar concluzia principal, care
se desprinde din ntreg studiul, este urmtoarea:
identificarea cu celebritile poate produce profunde consecine psihologice i comportamentale (Fraser i Brown, 2009, 201).
Spre deosebire de tineri, care s-au declarat cu
preponderen antifani (56%), n cazul preadolescenilor i adolescenilor, putem vorbi despre
conturarea unui profil specific fanului (profilul
fanului romn). Pentru anul 2012, la nivel naional, preadolescenii i adolescenii sunt, n studiul nostru, fani Andra i, respectiv, Mihaela
Rdulescu, iar la nivel internaional, fani Selena Gomez i Rihanna (a se vedea Tabelul 2).
Identificarea subiecilor cu aceste vedete are
loc nu numai sub aspectul profesiei (ca artist,
moderator TV etc.), ci i sub cel al vieii personale, al intimitii (ca persoan, iubit, mmic, soie). Acest proces de identificare la o lume
mediat rezid n rezultarea unor schimbri
comportamentale, emoionale i cognitive. Prin
urmare, efectele de identificare cu o vedet sunt
att pe termen scurt, ct i de durat.
Mihaela Rdulescu (4%) Andi Moisescu (4%)

Inna (4%)
Andra Mru (8%)
Simona Gherghe
Andreea Mantea (4%)
Andreea Marin (4%)
Teo Trandafir (4%)
Tineri
(26-29 ani)
Eminem (4%)
Justin Timberlake
Johnny Depp (8%)
Steven
Spielberg
(4%)
Beyonc (8%)
Angelina Jolie (8%)
Rihanna (16%)
Shakira (4%)
Simona Gherghe (8%)
Mihaela
Rdulescu
(16%)
Adolesceni
(15-18 ani)
Dan Negru (4%)

Mihai Petre (8%)
Justin Beeber (4%)
Lionel Messi (4%)
Smiley (8%)
Mihai Tristariu (4%)
Paul Rusescu (4%)
Andreea Marin (4%)

Alina Eremia (12%)
Andra Mru (15%)
Selena Gomez (8%)
Angelina Jolie (4%)
Simona Gheorghe (8%)
Jennifer Lopez (4%)
Andreea (Bulgroaica)
(4%)
Preadolesceni
(10-12 ani)
Vedetele/Starurile preferate din showbizul naional i internaional

I. Aspiraie
Categorii de su- 1. Erotic
bieci
a) Femei
b) Brbai
Beyonc (8%)
Angelina Jolie
(12%)
Mihaela Rdulescu (16%)
B. Comportare
a) Femei
Andra (15%)
Alina
Eremia
(12%)
Selena Gomez (8%)
Angelina Jolie (4%)
Jennifer
Lopez
(4%)
Mirela
(4%)
Oprah
(4%)
Winfrey
Boureanu
Hugh
Laurie Beyonc (8%)
(4%)
Rihanna (16%)
Mihai Bendeac Shakira (4%)
(8%)
Simona Gherghe
Johnny
Depp (8%)
(8%)
Mihaela Rdulescu
(16%)
2. Nevoia de realizare
A. Situaie
a) Femei
b) Brbai
Andreea Esca Mihai Tristariu
(4%)
(4%)
Andra Mru Smiley (8%)
(15%)
Al Pacino (4%)
Hugh
Laurie
(4%)
J u s t i n Ti m b e rlake
Steven Spielberg
(4%)
b) Brbai
Paul
Rusescu
(4%)
Lionel
Messi
(4%)
Justin
Beeber
(4%)
Tabel 2: Profilul fanului romn (13-30 martie 2012)
b) Brbai
Oprah Winfrey (4%)
Beyonc
(8%)
Angelina Jolie (12%)
Mihaela
Rdulescu
(16%)
Al Pacino
(4%)
Eminem
(4%)
Johnny
D e p p
(8%)
Steven
Spielberg
(4%)
A n d r e e a Mihai PeEsca (4%)

tre (8%)
Andra Mru (15%)
Andreea Marin (4%)
a) Femei
II. Realitate
1. Social
82
N.B.: Dei, n ghidul de interviu nu a fost

gndit o delimitare a vedetelor n aspiraii
erotice, aspiraii nevoia de realizare i realitate social (categorizare stabilit de Barna,
1971, 876-877), tabelul evideniaz exemple de
vedete (preferate de subiecii studiului) care pe
baza descrierii i a constatrii (din perspectiv
comparativ) ofer o diversitate tipologic a lor;
frecvena anumitor nume, n rubrici diferite, este
pe deplin evocatoare. n anumite perioade, aceste vedete incluse ntr-o categorie ct mai precis constituie produse specifice, a cror apariie
i definire condiioneaz cadrul mediatic.
Rolul mediei n construirea imaginii vedetelor este edificator. Astfel se poate explica de
ce subiecii notri adopt valorile i comportamentul de la alte persoane/vedetele preferate
cu care ei caut s menin o relaie n timpul
vieii sau chiar dup moarte. El (fanul) este ncurajat s colecteze, s produc i s consume
media i produse mediatice. Dac la nceputul
apariiei televiziunii, fanul era pus doar ntr-o
relaie imaginar cu vedeta sa, n prezent, Internetul nlesnete accesul la crearea/integrarea
n cadrul/unor comuniti de fani, dar i la crearea unor asociaii ntre fani i vedete. Charles
Soukop (2006, 323) consider c acesta nu mai
este doar un privitor, ci i un productor activ i
cunosctor al capitalului cultural.
Ca i ocupaii mai apreciate, se remarc
prezentatorul TV la preadolesceni (17%), meseriile din domeniul IT (18%) la adolesceni i
modellingul la tineri (23%). Putem conchide c,
dei sunt nc n trend, aceste ocupaii au devenit
mai apreciate n rndul acestor categorii de grupuri din trei motive: se ctig mai muli bani
cred preadolescenii (22%); presupun mai mult
munc intelectual sunt de prere adolescenii
(36%) i sunt mai promovate au afirmat tinerii
(48%). Din nefericire, 8% dintre tineri au considerat c cea mai apreciat ocupaie modern ar
fi i cea de vedet, ei confundnd conceptul de
vedet cu ocupaia n sine.
83
Concluziile cercetrii
Pentru a putea nelege anumite experiene,
evenimente sau situaii, n cercetarea de fa
am dorit s investighez, prin numrul de ntrebri formulate n ghid, credinele i percepiile
subiecilor, care stau la baza comportamentului
lor. Astfel, n aceast cercetare, eantionul a fost
limitat la persoane tinere i foarte tinere, nu i
la persoane mai n vrst, care dezvluie din experienele referitoare la consecinele vedetizrii.
n urma interpretrii rezultatelor, se desprind
cteva concluzii pertinente:
foarte muli dintre preadolesceni au menionat numele de rol n momentul intervievrii,
neamintindu-i numele real al vedetelor preferate. Deci, la preadolesceni, accentul star systemului romnesc cade pe numele vedetelor mai
cunoscute n detrimentul coninutului televizual.
Acest lucru este controlat de audien, principalul factor decizional care face ca vedetele s se
nasc, s triasc i s moar ntr-o perioad
mai scurt ori ndelungat.
apariia i popularitatea Internetului a ctigat un loc privilegiat n rndul adolescenilor i
tinerilor de azi, aflndu-se printre alte activiti
de consumerism.
o alt constatare a fost cea legat de nelegerea individual i comun a identitii tinerilor. Tinerii i nsuesc o cultur de tip media,
care, pe de o parte, contribuie la modelarea unei
concepii generale asupra valorilor societii, iar
pe de alt parte la promovarea ideilor i opiniilor, n urma crora iau natere identiti individuale i colective.
dup cum au demonstrat-o graficele, percepia celor trei grupuri studiate, n aceast cercetare, este diferit. Asemenea preferinelor, i
gusturile lor.
dac preadolescenii i adolescenii mai
sunt fani ai anumitor vedete naionale sau internaionale, tinerii nu se mai regsesc n aceast
ecuaie, preocuprile lor fiind cu totul altele.
Analizarea persoanelor create de mass media
din perspectiva postmodern a facilitat identificarea temporar a publicului, trecerea de la ficiune la realitate prnd a fi destul de mic atunci
84
cnd ne referim la construcia realitii ca proces. Acest demers investigativ a condus la conturarea unei imagini holistice, bogat detaliate
asupra preferinelor persoanelor din eantionul
selectat. Modul n care subiecii acestui studiu
(realizat n anul 2012) achiziioneaz valorile
morale i, respectiv, sociale de la persoanele
mediatice (naionale i internaionale, naionale/
internaionale), funcionnd ca modele de rol, a
fost firete un interes de cercetare personal.
Construirea mediatic a devenit o industrie

major i n Romnia de dup anii 89 ncoace,
unde cererea de informaii despre viaa personal a vedetelor a crescut uimitor. n consecin,
evoluia universului Web 2.0 i a social media
determin, n prezent, expunerea nelimitat a
celebritilor din ntreaga lume (vizibilitate i
particulariti considerabile la profilurile publice
ale vedetelor) la publicul de mas, atribuindu-le
un statut puternic.
Bibliografie
Agabrian, M. (2004) Cercetarea calitativ a socialului: design i performare. Iai: Institutul European.
Balle, F. (coord.) (2005) Dicionar de media. Bucureti: Univers Enciclopedic.
Barna, I. (1971) Lumea filmului, (vol. 2). Bucureti: Minerva.
Brdi, C. i Purgaru, D. (2007) Care este idolul
tu? Libertatea, 5453, 14, 14 iulie.
Cna.ro. (2006) Cercetare privind evaluarea performanei principalelor emisiuni de televiziune i a
principalelor personaliti de televiziune, 2006. Publicat n 20 iunie 2006. Disponibil la http://www.cna.
ro/-Sondaje.html#pagination_art_last. Accesat n 20
iunie 2011.
Comas, . (2004) El star system del cine espaol
de posguerra: 1939-1945. Madrid: T&B Editores.
Constantinescu, M. (2001) Vedeta: eseu n psihosociologia multimedia. Bucureti: Cartea Romneasc.
Dafinoiu, I. (2002) Personalitatea: metode calitative de abordare. Iai: Polirom.
Dakhlia, J. (2010) Mythologie de la peopolisation. France: Editions Le Cavalier Bleu.
Drgan, I. (2007) Comunicarea: paradigme i teorii (vol. 2). Bucureti: RAO.
Fraser, B. P. i Brown, W. J. (2009) Media, Celebrities and Social Influence: Identification with Elvis
Presley. Mass Communication & Society, 5, 2, 183206. Disponibil la http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/
abs/10.1207/S15327825MCS0502_5. Accesat n 22
iunie 2012.
Gheorghe, V. (2005) Efectele televiziunii asupra

minii umane. Bucureti: Evanghelismos.
Hayward, S. (2006) Cinema Studies: the key
concepts. Disponibil la http://books.google.ro/
books?id=S_UhBbyJFI0C&pg=PA329&dq=star+s
ystem+concept+cinema+studies&hl=ro&ei=zuX_
TNiWLcjssgbOjvjyDg&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=r
esult&resnum=1&ved=0CCUQ6AEwAA#v=onepag
e&q&f=false. Accesat n 8 decembrie 2010.
Irvine, A. (2011) Duration, Dominance and Depth
in Telephone and Face-to-Face Interviews: A Comparative Exploration. International Journal of Qualitative Methods, 10, 3, 202-220. Disponibil la https://
ejournals.library.ualberta.ca/index.php/IJQM/article/
view/10276. Accesat n 19 septembrie 2011.
Oxford English Dictionary. Disponibil la http://
dictionary.oed.com. Accesat n 7 noiembrie 2010.
Popescu, C. F. (2002) Dicionarul explicativ de
jurnalism, relaii publice i comunicare. Bucureti:
Tritonic.
Pricop, L. (2006) Engleza productorului de film:
dicionar englez-romn de termeni specifici din cinematografie i televiziune. Bucureti: Fundaiei Pro.
Soukop, C. (2006) Hitching a ride on a star: celebrity, fandom and identification on the World Wide
Web. Southern Communication Journal, 71, 4, 319337. Disponibil la http://web.ebscohost.com/ehost/
detail?vid=7&hid=123&sid=c489531f-31aa-47ae8658-910ce62d3d5e%40sessionmgr110&bdata=J
nNpdGU9ZWhvc3QtbGl2ZQ%3d%3d#db=a9h&
AN=23633143. Accesat n 19 septembrie 2011.
Anexa 1
Ghid de interviu semidirectiv
ntrebri filtru:
1. De cte ori v uitai la televizor?
1. n fiecare zi
2. De 2 sau 3 ori pe sptmn
3. Sptmnal
4. Mai rar
5. Niciodat
2. Care dintre urmtoarele canale de televiziune v plac cel mai mult? (se aplic doar n
cazurile 1, 2, 3)
1. TVR 1
2. Pro TV
3. Antena 1
4 Altul. Care?
5. Mai multe canale, n ordinea
preferinelor
Ghid de interviu
Interviul va fi structurat pe patru domenii:
1. Cunotine/activiti de informare asupra vedetelor:
De unde v formai mai curnd o imagine
despre vedete? TV, Internet, reviste, discuii cu
colegii, de la rude?
85
Enumerai, dac v amintii, numele unor

vedete din Romnia i din strintate.
2. Celebriti TV (prezentatori, actori,
cntrei, vedete de televiziune). Vizionarea de
emisiuni consacrate lansrii de vedete, dar i
prezentrii unor vedete.
Avei vreo emisiune de televiziune preferat ? Dac da, care?
Putei meniona nume de vedete de la TV?
Dac da, care?
Credei c nmulirea acestor emisiuni cu
tot felul de vedete urmrete atragerea publicului?
3 Percepii asupra televiziunii i asupra
celebritilor TV.
Care este prerea voastr despre canalele
de televiziune din Romnia?
Dintre vedetele pe care le vedei la televizor de care v place att de mult nct ai vrea s
fii ca ea/el?
4. Emisiunile cu i despre vedete, lansarea
i prezentarea de vedete cu efecte asupra tinerilor i adolescenilor.
Ce meserii/profesii/ocupaii credei c sunt
mai apreciate de tineri i adolesceni?
Cum explicai faptul c aceste meserii/profesii/ocupaii au devenit mai apreciate de tineri
i adolesceni?
STUDII
Murales Bolognese: Visual Representation of
Italian Urban Culture
Eugen Glvan*
Institute Research for the Quality of Life, Romanian Academy, Romania
Abstract: The city of Bologna (Italy) is mainly known for the rich and well-preserved history, the left-wing
political opinions of its inhabitants and for the one of the lowest child birth rates in a European city. These
aspects, combined with the fact that the city has the largest university in Europe in terms of number of students, shapes the local urban culture in a particular way. This paper investigates the visual manner in which
some inhabitants of Bologna, collectively known as graffers, express themselves in an attempt to identify
the characteristics of their public voice. Such expression is often in contradiction with the way in which the
town officials wish to promote a certain image of Bologna based on historical tradition. The methods of visual
sociology are used to analyse the graffiti in terms of locations and content, in an attempt to explain the process
of socialisation in a stable and prosperous society.
Keywords: graffiti; subculture; Bologna; visual sociology.
Cuvinte-cheie: graffiti; subcultur; Bologna; sociologie vizual.
Introduction
There is a lot of debate over the graffiti in the
urban landscape: is it art or vandalism? In social science, we talk about it in relation to petty
crimes, urban decay or a symbolic form of resistance, and it is a significant way to investigate
the characteristics of a social body. This paper
investigates how the graffiti on the buildings
and infrastructure of the city of Bologna (Italy)
communicates the tensions, aspirations and
moods of the local residents who feel that their
perspective does not fit into the canonical and,
sometimes, restrictive mainstream standpoint.
By doing so, the paper also speaks about the Bolognese inhabitants, part of a rich and culturally
developed society, who try to comprehend the
contrasting aspects of various cultural phenomena with which they have contact. This research
approaches graffiti from a structural point of
view, considering it an unobtrusive measure to

reveal patterns of customs and attitudes of a society (Stocker et al., 1972, 356) and accurate
indicator of the social attitudes of a community
(Gonos, Mulkern and Poushinsky, 1976, 41).
The challenges of cultural diffusion in Bologna
represented by modern processes of production,
American media and the high rate of immigrants
from northern Africa, Eastern Europe and Asia
are balanced by tradition. Whether we talk about
the Bolognese spaghetti, the oldest university in
the world or the cultural heritage, the tensions
between old and new are always present in the
life of the city.
Theoretical Approach
Graffiti, as a public expression of a person or
a group, written or drawn on the surface of the
building is not something new in human society.
* Institute Research for the Quality of Life, Romanian Academy, Calea 13 Septembrie Street, no. 13, Bucharest,
Romania. E-mail: eugen@iccv.ro.
Some of the oldest may be found in the ancient

Roman city of Pompeii, which was destroyed
by the eruption of the Vesuvius volcano in 79
AD. In one of the first systematic descriptions
of the ruins of the city, Thomas Dyer described
the messages on the walls made by chalk, coal or
paint. The content of these messages varies from
poetic verses to scurrilous, indecent texts, names,
and, in the case of interior graffiti, memorandums of domestic transactions. Noting the volume and diversity of the graffiti found in the city,
Dyer concludes We have already alluded now
and then to the rude etchings and caricatures
of these wall-ar sts, but to enter fully into the
subject of the Pompeian inscrip ons and gra
would almost demand a separate volume, and
we must therefore resume the thread of our descrip on (Dyer, 1867). The term graffiti (singular: graffito) means to scratch, and it originates from the Italian word graffiare. In modern
times, it covers any lettering or images on public
or private property made by scratching, painting,
sketching or marking that is visually accessible
to the public. A particular aspect of graffiti is the
ambiguous nature of interpretation in terms of its
legal or illegal status, which is often not clearly
defined. In such cases, we talk about interstitial
practice (Brighenti, 2010, 316) between art and
design, criminal law, politics and the market.
Source: personal archive at www.sociologic.

ro/repository/items/show/12
Figure 1: According to the tag, a piece done by
Rusty and Steno, famous graffers from Bologna,
on the railway bridge on Libia Street
87
The characteristics of modern graffiti originated in the 1960s in American urban environments such as Philadelphia and New York. The
history retains the pseudonym of TAKI 183 who
started to cover the entire city with his name
written in or outside the cars of the New York
subway. By doing so, he shaped the tag, the
first form of expression of modern graffers or
writers (the person who executed the graffiti),
done extremely quickly, sometimes with marker pens, scratched on the surface, but often
with spray cans (Othen-Price, 2006, 7). Tagging
evolved into lettering, a customised shape for
a name, nickname or text, made in a particular
and easily recognisable form, often a trademark
of a graffer. Graffiti was often associated with
the hip-hop music culture as a means of visual expression, and along with other elements,
such as MCing (rapping), DJing and B-boying
(break dancing), was encountered from the start
with resistance and misunderstanding, due to the
counter-cultural expression of the graffers and
the secrecy of their identity (Eglash, 2010). The
clash with local authorities soon emerged; the
painting of the trains and subways of New York
turned to whole train (a method by which all
surfaces are covered with drawings), forcing
MTA (Metropolitan Transit Authorities) to spend
over US$300,000 dollars in the 1960s and 1970s
to remove it (ARPONE, 2001). The illegal and
antagonistic character of graffiti is also shown
by the use of a militaristic theme in the language
of the young people involved, who are organised
in crews (organised groups of writers), bombing (cover an area with tags, throwups, etc., in
an attempt to let the public and the other graffers
know that the control of the area is claimed) or
to front (to hassle someone, to want to fight;
probably from confront) (Chad, 2010).
The competitions for fame divides writers
into kings, muralists and taggers (ironically
called toys, the lowest graffers in ranking or
prestige). Sometimes, the aim is to fully cover
something with tags, throwups (graffiti executed
very quickly with reduced complexity) or pieces (a painting with at least three colours), with
88
Eugen Glvan, Murales Bolognese: Visual Representation of Italian...
the competition degenerating into confrontations (Othen-Price, 2006, 8). Nevertheless, there
is little violence between writers because Whatever their class, race, ethnicity, religion, or
age, writers define themselves not by what they
look like, or what language they speak, or what
clothes they wear, but by what they do. Their
identities are as writers first, and as members of
ethnic, religious, and other subgroups second
(Snyder, 2009).
The majority of the writers are young males (Macdonald, 2001; Othen-Price, 2006) in
the search for a voice, masculinity and status
(Macdonald, 2001, 228), in a time when different style of life generated by social stratification increased misunderstanding between social
groups. From New York, the graffiti spread and
evolved to become a global phenomenon. In
Europe, graffiti arrived in the mid-1980s. It was
promoted by the media as part of the hip-hop
culture, becoming increasingly popular and moving from subculture to mainstream. The focus
of the European writers became wall paintings,
but things were slightly different due to the increased possibility of achieving legitimate notoriety through exhibits or paid works. The interest
of the cultural market in graffiti led to its appreciation as a form of art, and this was consistent
with changes in the content and techniques used
for graffiti. This evolution is outlined by Daniel
and Timothy Gross in three phases of the visible
form in the historical development of graffiti.
They refer to: (i) the imitative phase, which is
pictorial; (ii) the transition phase where letters
and words become increasingly important; and
(iii) the apocryphal phase which depicts words
in disguise (Best, 2003, 839).
In social science, the theoretical approach to
graffiti is hindered by the visual manner of expression, which leads to a variety of interpretations. In contrast with the reliance on more and
more advanced techniques for image construction in fields such as medicine, astronomy or criminology, the theoretical, empirical and analytical use of images in social sciences is scarce.
The lack of reflection about the functions of the
images in society, their mode of production and
the channels of distribution could have generated the dead eye (Durand, 1999, 202), the
passive and uncritical reception of the images.
From cartoons to images of wars and natural disasters, this is an attitude representative of, but
not limited to, television watchers. In particular, Durand speaks about the anonymity of the
images fabrication, and this is also valid for
graffiti. No wonder this mode of expression is
depicted in Marxist theory as a symbolic form
of resistance, as a counter-hegemonic response
to hegemonic categories (Best, 2003, 829). For
Howard Becker, graffiti is the result of a number
of individuals and local situations, and not just
a result of macro political and ideological dialectics (Becker, 2008). From a feminist point of
view, the masculinity profile of the graffiti presents dire consequences on womens inclusion
in public space and therefore need to be understood as important public policy concerns (Rosewarne, 2004, 31). A psychoanalytic approach
presents the hypothesis that wall writing is an
act of revenge provoked by feelings of being
left out, neglected or separated (Lomas, cited
by Othen-Price, 2006, 15). These different explanations are apprehended by some authors
beyond the values of the various writers aiming
to identify ways in which individuals are considered to demonstrate attachment to particular
beliefs and values through conformance with or
rebellion against prevailing mores (Sliwa and
Cairns, 2007, 75). Finally, the poststructuralist
approach is concerned with graffitis multiple
meanings and the potential to mean anything
that its wide audience wants it to mean (Best,
2003, 830).
89
Communist Party. Nevertheless, Bologna has a

major industrial sector based on private firms,
such as Ducati and Lamborghini in the automobile field, Conserve Italia in food processing or
Coesia in machinery. Complemented by financial services and exhibition capabilities (the Fiera
District is one of the largest exhibition centres
in Europe) and facilitated by the dense network
of highways and railways that cross the city, the
city of Bologna maintains a high level of quality
of life.
Figure 2: The San Donato Market, one of the
places in Bologna most covered with graffiti
Presentation of Research Field

The city of Bologna is situated in Northern
Italy in the Po Valley and is the capital city of
Emilia-Romagna. In 2007, 377,320 people were
residing in Bologna of whom 46.7% were male,
and 53.3% were female (ISTAT, 2010). Two facets of demographic structure should be noted,
the per cent of minors and immigration. In the
first case, Bologna has one of the lowest percentages of children and teens across Italian cities
(12.86%, compared with the Italian average of
18.06%), and for the second facet, the highest
number of immigrants 20,872 (89.47% of the
population was Italian) (ISTAT, 2010). Most of
all, three aspects of the city retain attention and
are commonly expressed as La dotta, la grassa,
la rossa. La dotta means the learned one being a reference to the oldest university in the
world, founded in 1088. Today, Bologna has one
of the largest universities in Europe, with the
population of the students in session exceeding
400,000. La grassa is a reference to the high level of development of the local cuisine and the
degree of refinement that is involved in dining.
La rossa is an attribute depicting the colour of
the roof in the historic centre and the left wing
political orientation of the city; after the Second
World War, the city was a bastion for the Italian
Methodology
The research methods comprise techniques
from visual sociology that are able to capture
the features of graffiti. As an image category
that contains textual meanings, sometimes explicit, other times hidden in codes, graffiti includes the great paradox of visuality in the social
sciences: the omnipresent image is not suitable
for analysis and for communicating knowledge.
It is not the aim to deepen the controversy, but
it must be said that the structural approach that
we chose to analyse the graffiti from Bologna is
the direct result of efforts to develop new ways
of interpreting a significant category of pictures
from urban areas.
One of the limits of this research is the insufficient coverage of certain aspects. If we adopt the recommendation to take into consideration the plain text and symbols, the authors,
the purpose, the audience and the context of the
graffiti (Sinnreich, 2004, 54), we find that the
development of graffiti is largely uncovered,
due to the limited time available and the superficial knowledge of the Italian language. Also,
peoples attitudes towards this phenomenon are
unknown, because there is a lack of information
obtained through representative research. One
thing is certain: if we consider that the Italian
city of Bologna has the highest expenditure on
graffiti removal we can assume that the attitude of the authorities reflects the position of the
inhabitants. For example, Reparto Sicurezza Urbana e Antidegrado (The Department of Urban
Security and against Deterioration) of the muni-
90
cipal police is very active in a campaign launched in 2013 by the Mayor Virginio Merola called Stretta contro i writer (Hold against the
writer) (Marceddu, 2013). In addition, many
travel guides specify that the historic buildings
of the city are marred with graffiti.
The graffiti has been visually sighted throughout the city of Bologna, most often in the Old
City and the main streets, as well as certain inaccessible, areas such as railway lines or football
stadiums. Access routes can be easily identified
due to the typical circular medieval fortress architecture of the city centre. Therefore, the researcher used the architecture of the city to catalogue all the graffiti found on the main streets
connected by access gates or medieval city walls
to the centre of the city, such as Via San Donato,
Via Stalingrado, Via Zanardi, Via A. Saffi, Via
Andreea Costa, Via Saragoza, Via Murri and Via
Massarenti. In the centre, or interior wall, medieval buildings and sinuous networks of roads
do not allow easy identification of the main arteries, therefore it was decided to catalogue graffiti from all streets. Graffiti sites were categorised
by photo shooting, using a Fuji FinePix 5100
camera. Managed with Adobe Lightroom, the
database contains 2,638 images taken between
May and October 2010. It is difficult to determine the precise number of graffiti, but it is probably enough to say that over 90% of the buildings are marked with graffiti. In many cases,
they overlap, the result of a throwup, or lack of
space, partial deletion, etc. The processing of the
images revealed a loosely estimated number of
4,500 graffiti drawings, excluding the tags and
the small and incomprehensible throwups.
Given the specificity of the graffiti material,
content analysis combined with interpretative
techniques were chosen as the research methods.
Content analysis is a method of study in which a
collection of available data is subject to quantitative and qualitative analysis. The object is to find
distinctive qualities in the data, such as repetitive
patterns, and to determine the frequency within
the content. This will include a specific content
type, presence or absence of qualities, types and
sorting by type, origin or source and degree of
intensity. For Mucchielli, content analysis falls

into the category of quasi-qualitative analysis as
a method targeting measurement, while qualitative methods aim to target reading, meaning
discourse comprehension (Mucchielli, 2002,
34). The research design follows the steps recommended for this approach (Rose, 2001, 5663), with certain limitations due to the difficulty
in identifying some graffiti:
Step I Find pictures: choice of images. In
this case, each graffito was recorded by photography without make a selection. We mentioned
that certain areas of the city were not accessible,
such as railway tracks or football stadia, but the
graffiti pictured are representative of the visible
part of the city.
Step II Developing categories for coding.
Coding means attaching a set of descriptive
labels; rigorous content analysis lies in the structure of categories used in the encoding process.
Codes must be: (a) exhaustive every aspect of
the image should be covered with a single category; (b) exclusive categories cannot overlap;
and (c) enlightening each class must produce
a breaking point of the image that will be interesting, analytical and coherent (Slater, cited by
Rose, 2001, 60). Codification must be dependent
on the theoretical connections between the images and the cultural context in which they are
produced; for some codes that will describe the
theories on which they were chosen. Connections between text, context and code require a careful choice for the integrity of this connection
to be judged as valid (Krippendorff, 1980).
Step III Encoding. The process of encoding of the results must be replicable. For example, Lutz and Collinss research coding was undertaken independently by two coders, resulting
in 86% overlap (Rose, 2001, 62). Applying any
set of codes must be done carefully and systematically. The codes used to analyse the graffiti are
shown below:
91
Table 1: The codes used for analysing the graffiti from Bologna
Support
Height
Dimensions
Format
Colour
Content
Message
1. Wall. 2. Fence. 3. Shop window/glass. 4. Street furniture. 5. Billboard. 6. Sidewalk. 7.

Blind.
1. At street level, 2. 24 meters high.
1. Small (less than 10 cm). 2. Average (50 cm1 m). 3. Large (over 1 m).
1. Drawing. 2. Written. 3. Written stylised three-dimensional. 4. Drawing and written.
1. One colour. 2. Two colours. 3. Three colours. 4. Four or more colours.
1. Intelligible. 2. Partly understandable. 3. Unintelligible.
1. Politics. 2. Personal. 3. Philosophical. 4. Marketing. 5. Personal ads. 6. Simple signatures
(single colour). 7. High volume signature, filled with colour. 7. Not applicable (unintelligible
content).
Step IV Analysis. Results must able to be

related to similar research. Explaining the studied phenomenon must follow the following
directions:
1. Codification authentic reformulation of
reality experienced and manifested or expressed;
release essential part of the testimony offered or
observed situation. Given the reduced scheme
of codes, perhaps the most important aspect to
mention is the fact that it only captures characteristic features, not the specific ones. An in-depth
analysis should include, in the first place, an interpretation schema for tags or lettering due to
the high number present in Bologna.
2. Categorisation word or phrase that
means, at a high level of abstraction, a cultural
phenomenon, social or psychological as perceived in a corpus of data. The process consists
in concise, fair and adequate defining, finding
properties, isolating the distinctive elements
and identifying the conditions of existence. Specific levels of categorisation come from within
the graffers subculture (such as lettering versus
pieces) or external (e.g. codes of context such
as the support, visibility or colour), as does the
necessity to integrate visual speech in a coherent
message, where it exists.
3. Putting the relationship and highlights
answer the questions Does what we have here,
correspond with what we have there? Are the
graffiti from Bologna a form of expression that
can be understood and integrated into the visual
discourse of the city? What is the main issue carried out by graffers?

Figure 3: In the left of the image a blind from
the marketed category and in the right side
tags graffiti; it is worth noting that the piece is
not capped
5. Modelling reproduce, as faithfully as
possible, the organisation of structural and functional relationships that characterise the phenomenon, mainly limited to the end of the operation of integration. What are the properties of this
phenomenon, why are there so many graffiti in
Bologna? What is the history behind the transformation of the city into a host for renowned
graffers and their work? Can we outline the evolution and its consequences?
6. Theorising processes: theoretical sampling, analytical induction and verification of
theoretical implications. Given the above-mentioned limitations of the paper and the emphasis
92
on the description of visual representations in

the form of graffiti from the city, this component
is only explored to a limited degree.
Results
In terms of location, in Bologna the patterns
reported by researchers when analysing European graffiti were found on walls, buildings or
fences, detrimental to moving vehicles, such
as trains. In any case, there are no subways in
Bologna, but no buses or other transportation is
covered with graffiti. The main locations where graffiti are drawn are the bridges over the
railroad north of the town, Piazza San Donato,
the fruit and flower market or Liceo Scientifico
Copernico Nicolo. In addition, approximately
90% of downtown buildings are labelled with
at least one graffito, probably favoured by the
narrowness of streets and specific porticoes architecture, which creates many blind spots.

Figure 4: Pieces, tags, lettering and stencils on
the Railway Bridge on Via San Donato
The involvement of the authorities in removing the graffiti is visible, with most pieces bearing the mark of the year 2009 or 2010 as the
time of execution. The problem is that removing
the graffiti with a uniform layer of paint creates
a space conducive to the performance of a new
graffiti. In addition, an initiative has triggered a
fierce debate, when a civic organisation trying

to remove graffiti was accused of destroying
historic buildings by using a poor quality of
paint. Most of the decision-making personnel
for the institutional buildings (City Hall, museums, kindergartens or schools) are involved in
controlling the phenomenon either by removing graffiti or by installing surveillance cameras
and the use of security personnel. One exception
is the street furniture installed by the Catholic
Church to collect donations. In most cases, this
urban furniture is inscribed with graffiti on all
sides and there is no sign that someone has tried
to remove it.
Talking about types of graffiti, one particular
aspect is that stencils, a reusable template which
can be painted fast with a paint-brush or spraycan (Manco, 2002, 7), are almost entirely missing
from the Bolognese graffers repertoire. Only
two models which appear more than ten times
were identified and could be spotted in larger areas, and they refer to attachment to leftist political
ideals, Antif a sempre (which means antifascist
forever) and the exhortation to learn (Stay on the
barricades for a better education). One explanation could be that there are no groups in the city
that try to promote their ideas in this manner, considering the fact that stencils are used to quickly,
recognisably and uniformly spread a particular
message. Another explanation may be attributed to the possible involvement of the authorities
who can assign these messages to individuals or
groups that they can then prosecute.
In terms of content, analysis of the elements
of graffiti found that the vast majority of them
are composed of tags or lettering. Because only
items with comprehensive content were taken into account, the graffiti with figuratively
or obscure content will have to be cleared up
following a discussion with writers or graffers
in another research approach. A salient category
is represented by institutional or marketed
graffiti, which is located on the blinds of downtown shops. Given the fact that almost all shops
have blinds, the personal interpretation is that
could be a marketing action of space owners
who wants to portray a specific image of their
93
business. The content of this graffiti is explicit,

and it is consistent with the profile of the stores,
most of them small businesses, such as pizzerias.
Judging from the labelled data, this category is
relatively recent, since 2008, and is respected by
others graffers since most of them are not capped (to put a line through, or tag over, anothers
graffiti; this is considered a deep insult).

ro/repository/repository/items/show/32
Figure 6: An example of political graffiti. The
message written in Italian says To kill the
fascist is not a crime, it is the justice of the proletariat

Figure 5: An example of marketed graffiti, a
blind from a pizzeria
Political graffiti messages reflect the leftist options of the majority of the population
of the city, for instance Ne servi, ne padroni,
EZLN, Ste libero, Bush ladro, Morte al
fascio, etc. There are just a few tens of such
political posts, representing the largest category of explicit graffiti messages. In Figure 6 is
photographed an example from current antiglobalization protest (Cover, 2002, 285), a form
of appropriation of the public space of the city
and protection against the official discourse. The
most relevant aspect is that they reflect the political attitude of the majority of the population,
and they are consistent with the leftist political
opinion of the Bolognese inhabitants.
In the love category, the number of explicit

messages is reduced, confirming the identity of
the male graffers (messages addressed mostly to
females); also, messages containing references
to drugs, sports (which refer more to other football teams and players, not to the locals), and
immigrants are scarce.
A particular feature is the absence of the territoriality of graffiti, the characteristic of turf
ownership (Ley and Cybriwsky, 1974, 496)
found in the early culture of the illegal street
imagery. Just two texts Lime and SWOC
were identified in different areas of Bologna
(and both are classic expressions), a thing that
is likely to allow us to say that the subculture
nature of graffiti is diminished in the city.
Discussion
Further inquiries are necessary to develop
a complete picture of public images from Bologna. Whilst the art component of graffiti is
consistent in the market category or figurative
94
pieces, the very large number of tags instils a

sense of abandonment. The investigation of attitudes of the inhabitants regarding graffiti may
be valuable, taking into account the existence
of three distinct components of the public: the
Italian or immigrant population, the temporary
students and the tourists. Each of them perceive
the graffiti differently, and the change of dynamics in style or number is possible considering
the resources they can mobilize.
Graffiti analysis in the city of Bologna does
not locally confirm the subculture character of

the phenomenon. Authors seem rather to make
their presence visible without sending a clear message; there is no territoriality expressed
aggressively. There are several areas in town
that could qualify to be preserved and promoted
for tourism, such as the flower and fruit market
or San Donato Bridge. In this category we can
place graffiti made, it seems, by BLU (BLU,
n.d.), a famous concealed writer that supposedly
lives and creates in Bologna.
Source: personal archive at www.sociologic.ro/repository/items/show/33

Figure 7: A piece supposedly done by BLU, which could be classified as street art and preserved
for touristic purposes
95
The punitive action of local authorities aiming to prevent the drawing of graffiti in the
town of Bologna is not accompanied by proactive measures able to create some space for
graffers to express themselves. In terms of Banksy (Banksy, n.d.), it would probably be an asset
for the city that young people are attracted to
using fewer graffiti tags and more personal sign
and logos, stylised pictograms that challenge the
corporate branding (Manco, 2004, 8). The fact
that graffiti is dominated by tags and lettering
in Bologna can be an indicator that the young

people are ignored by society and they feel the
need to express themselves and become famous in this way. In Los Angeles and other cities
the effort of local authorities to remove graffiti,
including imprisonment or fines, made no difference (Alonso, 1998, 11). The Mayor of Bologna
should therefore be prepared to make alternative
arrangements to integrate the vision of graffers
into the citys public image.
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Criticndu-l pe Bourdieu n mod pragmatic1

Nicolas Maslowski
Universitatea Carolin, Praga, Republica Ceh
Abstract: This article tries to sum up some elements of the critic of the Bourdieus critical theories done by
the representatives of one current in the French sociology the pragmatic sociology. Among other things,
this current criticises the privileged position in Bourdieus sociology of the sociologist himself. Thanks to
the reflexivity, he is able to liberate himself from the illusio. For the pragmatic, the capacity to criticise is
distributed among the citizens and makes sense. Instead of proposing a critical sociology, we should consider
to explain sociologically the social critic of usual and unusual actors. Another critic is the determinism of its
structural explanation. The society, the social forces, the structural explanation are explaining everything.
And everything can be translated in terms of fields, habitus, illusion, structure. The social forces are deciding
about everything, according to Bourdieu. But they are not more visible and scientific than Gods hand, when
we take them for granted. We have to listen to the actors to understand their actions, even if their beliefs are
different than the ones of the social scientist. The actors and their competences should be taken seriously, and
they have the feeling that it is not the case in Bourdieus sociology.
Keywords: Bourdieu; critical sociology; pragmatic sociology; illusio; structure.
Cuvinte-cheie: Bourdieu; sociologie critic; sociologia pragmatic; illusio; structur.
Dezvoltnd o sociologie critic a dominaiei recunoscut internaional, Pierre Bourdieu

(1930-2002) a dominat el nsui, n mod progresiv, sociologia francez. Adepii i prietenii
sociologiei sale sunt prezeni n comisiile de
redacie ale revistelor de tiin, n comisiile de
specialiti care ofer posturi etc. n acest context
se face dificil dezvoltarea unei alternative la
gndirea bourdieusian. Acest articol este dedicat unei laturi a sociologiei mai puin cunoscute
n regiunea noastr, neatribuit n mod direct lui
Pierre Bourdieu. Articolul se axeaz asupra criticii lucrrilor sale i asupra criticii sociologiei
critice. Mai exact, acest text se refer la autorii
aa-numitei sociologii pragmatice, n special la
cei mai influeni reprezentani francezi: Luca
Boltanski i colaboratorii si pe de o parte i
cercul de sociologi din jurul lui Bruno Latour,
pe de alta. Aceti sociologi devin deosebit de
influeni n ultimii ani att n Frana, ct i n ntreaga lume, iar importana i influena lui Pierre
Bourdieu i a colii sale rmn indubitabile, ntruct lucrrile acestor sociologi pragmatici sunt
n mare parte realizate n baza criticii gndirii
bourdieusiene.
S ne amintim c deja din primele sale lucrri Boudieu mbin ntr-un mod specific ideile
lui Karl Marx, Max Weber i mile Durkheim.
Analiza lui Bourdieu a rolului religiei i va servi
ca matrice pentru a nelege funcionarea societii i a rolului a ceea ce el numete sistem simbolic. Religia reprezint pentru Marx opiumul
omenirii (Marx, 1979, 44). Religia, ca ansamblu
a practicii i interpretrii, era unul din fundamentele care menineau ordinea social. mile
Durkheim (2013) continu n aceast direcie
prezentnd religia ca instrument intermediar
al relaiilor sociale. Bourdieu (1971) plaseaz
religia ntr-o categorie mai larg a sistemelor
simbolice, creia i aparin de asemenea limba,
arta sau cultura. Toate aceste sisteme simbolice
legitimeaz diferenele sociale i voaleaz conflictele sociale.
* Facultatea de tiine Umane, Universitatea Carolin, U Krize 8, 158 00 Praga 5, Republica Ceh. E-mail:
nicolas.maslowski@gmail.com.
98
Nicolas Maslowski, Criticndu-l pe Bourdieu n mod pragmatic
Bruno Latour (2005b) nainteaz o puternic

critic a acestei abordri2. Rnduirea n aceleai
categorii sociale (habitus/socializare) i descrierea conform unor principii identice a indivizilor
care au probleme interne legate de copilrie i a
celor care vorbesc cu Dumnezeu sau cu ngerii
sunt, potrivit lui Latour, mari greeli. Convingerea unor sociologi despre neexistena Cerului nu
ar trebui s le influeneze observaiile i opiniile
mai mult, dect credina altora n existena lui.
Potrivit abordrii critice a lui Latour, credina
ntr-o lume organizat de Dumnezeu sau de o
alt putere de exemplu piaa liber, nu are nici
o nsemntate i nu influeneaz comportamentul indivizilor. Indiferent de faptul dac e omul
contient de acest lucru sau nu, comportamentul su, n opinia sociologilor critici, e dirijat de
structura social. Conform analizei lui Latour
ns, comportamentul oamenilor motivai de credina n Dumnezeu (Latour, 2005a, 55) difer n
ntregime de cel al persoanelor influenate, spre
exemplu, de complexe din copilrie. Din punct
de vedere tiinific nu putem decide dac habitus, complexul lui Oedip sau Dumnezeu exist
deoarece nu sunt direct observabili. Putem ns
observa comportamentul provocat, dup Latour,
de o eventual disput cu Dumnezeu. Pentru a
o nelege pe Ioana dÀrc, Dumnezeu ar trebui
plasat n explicaia sociologic, indiferent dac
credem n el sau nu. Iar dac la Fecioara Maria
oamenii veneau cu trenul, atunci este cazul s
vorbim i despre o minune: pe Fecioara Maria
nu o vedem, spre deosebire de rezultatul aciunilor ei. Explicaia o implic pe Maica Domnului, fie credem n ea, fie nu (Latour, 2005a, 70).
Sociologia critic propune un model care explic comportamentul prin cutarea dominaiei i
prin structurri sociale. Dac indivizii vorbesc
despre influena Sfintei Treime asupra aciunilor
lor, a refuza de a-i crede i a crede mai degrab
n o for invizibil a structurilor sociale nu poate fi considerat n nici un caz tiinific (Latour,
2005a, 148-149). Religia trateaz alte lucruri dect dreptul, politica sau economia. Unete aceleai lucruri, ns n mod religios. Abordarea
lui Latour a problematicii religioase parcurge
ntreaga critic a lui Bourdieu (precum i a lui
Marx i Durkheim) conform creia sistemele

simbolice instituionalizate sunt o legitimizare a
relaiilor de putere.
Putem constata c problema unei abordri
nepotrivite a religiei este, potrivit lui Latour, rezultatul unei percepii greite a societii. Aceast critic l depete pe Pierre Bourdieu i poate
fi aplicat i asupra autorilor clasici. Ideea care
sugereaz explicarea a ceea ce se ntmpl n
societate prin intermediul fenomenelor ,,sociale, care i au cauzele i consecinele n relaiile
dintre oameni, precum i propriile legi, proprieti, reprezint, conform lui Latour, o greeal. ncercarea de a explica aciunea uman prin
legi ,,sociale este o abordare greit, deoarece
societatea, n nelesul tradiional sociologic nu
exist. Pentru a nelege natura comportamentului, omul ar trebui s analizeze absolut tot
ce condiioneaz acest comportament (inclusiv
lucruri, metafizic .a.m.d.) fr a elimina vreun element. Limitarea explicaiei doar la relaii
interumane ar nsemna neglijarea factorilor care
explic comportamentul uman3.
n aceast direcie, critica lui Luc Boltanski
(1990) ncearc s ajung la rdcina greelii. n mod fundamental a prelucrat critica lui
Pierre Bourdieu n cartea Lamour et la justice
comme comptences [Dragostea i dreptatea
ca competene] (Boltanski, 1990), n capitolul
Competene, care se refer nemijlocit la Pierre
Bourdieu (Dnonciations ordinaires et sociologie critique Denunri obinuite i sociologie
critic) (Boltanski, 1990, 37-53), chiar dac la
nceput nu l citeaz n mod direct. Ca baz a argumentrii sale i structurrii propriei sale sociologii, Luc Boltanski (1990) prezint n mod critic lucrrile altor sociologi. Observ cum lucrul
tiinific al sociologului este n mod tradiional
neles ca lucru asupra nlturrii iluziei sociale, cu scopul de a scoate n eviden adevrata
esen a relaiilor sociale (iar asta la diferii autori: Karl Marx, mile Durkheim, Max Weber,
Vilfredo Pareto .a.). Boltanski (1990) urmrete
continuitatea ntre gndirea lui Karl Marx, mile Durkheim i Pierre Bourdieu n contextul crerii i n istoria gndirii sociologice. Interesant
este i faptul, c dei i dedic n aceast carte o
bun parte criticii lui Pierre Bourdieu, nu l citeaz direct. Aceeai critic ne arat ns c se
refer fr ndoial anume la Bourdieu.
De ce atia francezi ncearc s gseasc
un compromis ntre mile Durkheim i Karl
Marx?, se ntreab Luc Boltanski. Este o influen a comunismului, ba chiar a marxismului
intelectualilor francezi i o ntoarcere la mile
Durkheim prin Claude Levi-Strauss (Boltanski,
1990, 41), fiecare din ei nelegnd comunismul
diferit. n istoria gndirii Luc Boltanski identific originea acestei percepii n filozofia lui
Henry de Saint-Simon, potrivit cruia o lege real a funcionrii societii exist. Societatea e
perceput ca un organism natural de ctre aceti
autori. Aceast idee o mprtete i Karl Marx,
care explic realitatea relaiilor prin diferene i
conflicte de clas. mile Durkheim apoi explic realitatea prin consens, ns dup cum singur
noteaz, n timp ce dreptul civil reprezint o
creaie a legislatorului, ,,legile naturale ale societii sunt de o alt natur. La aceasta Boltanski adaug c Durkheim i ali autori neleg
societatea c pe o creaie abstract, care exist
indiferent de ceea ce vedem sau credem, consider de asemenea c anume din aceast cauz o
putem msura, caracteriza prin curbe ale graficelor, calcula medii .a.m.d. O urmare a acestei
metode de gndire este presupunerea, conform
creia legile realitii sociale descoperite de cercettor scot n eviden un adevr mai profund
i mai real dect ceea ce ne ofer cunoaterea
normelor unor aspecte individuale ale realitii
sociale (de exemplu a dreptului civil). Astfel,
autorii care mprtesc modul de gndire a lui
Boltanski ajung la o distincie ntre infrastructuri
i superstructuri, iar prin urmare i la o oarecare profund dezvluire (unveiling n englez,
dvoilement n francez). Pe de o parte exist
elemente create de oameni, precum sunt statul,
dreptul, ideologiile etc., pe de alta ns avem
adevruri profunde, care nu aparin lumii contiinei. Gndirea, iniial legat de concepia religiei (la Marx), este rspndit asupra a tot ce este
perceput. Cuvntul iluzie n-ar trebui, potrivit
lui Marx, folosit sistematic, i totui aceti cercettori acioneaz n cadrul acestei paradigme.
99
Dac Durkheim consider c pierderea valorilor

are ca consecin anarhia i, n esen, rzboiul,
alte abordri, mai mult influenate de marxism,
ghideaz spre concluzii contrare i n mod ironic
critic oricare valori. n acest context, oricine
vorbete despre valori tie c mai devreme sau
mai trziu va fi criticat. Deci tot ce este social
este credin, ns n acelai timp doar o credin raportat la relaiile sociale. Prin aceast
abordare fiecare valoare este criticabil i doar
o abordare tiinific, bazat pe legitimitatea
sociologului, i ofer posibilitatea de a interveni
n viaa public (Boltanski, 1990, 43-44) .
Controlul Matrixului i poziia

sociologului
Dac privim mai ndeaproape Les hritiers:
les tudiants et la culture (Bourdieu i Passeron,
1964), La reproduction (Bourdieu i Passeron,
1970), La distinction (Bourdieu, 1979) putem
generaliza n modul urmtor metoda lui Perre
Bourdieu: exist o lume a percepiei noastre,
care este de fapt o mare iluzie. Aceast lume n
realitate nu exist. n spatele iluziei unei ordini
sociale (de exemplu la coal) exist adevrul,
conform cruia pturile nalte n mod incontient (uneori ns i contient) se ocup de reproducere. Este ns prezent i dublul mecanism al
efectului i strategiei, contientului i incontientului, cu o conexiune ntre netire (freudian)
i negare (sartrian) (Rancire, 1984, 30-32).
Pturile joase sunt, n mod incontient, manipulate de ctre gruprile superioare. Cuvntul
cheie strategie i pierde aici sensul tradiional,
deoarece nu se refer la o planificare contient,
ci de facto la o reacie natural a gruprilor sociale (aa-numita strategie incontient) (Elster,
1982, 445).
Bourdieu i colegii si aici doar indic faptul
c dup simul normalitii se ascunde nedreptatea (inegalitatea, dominarea .a.m.d.). Luc Boltanki i Bruno Latour numesc aceast sociologie
sociologie critic: critic nedreptatea.
n cazul lui Luc Boltanski nu se vorbete
despre o critic tradiional a sociologiei critice, creia i reproeaz relativismul su moral i
100
faptul c refuz ceea ce este din punct de vedere

normativ corect (statul, legile, religia etc.). Luc
Boltanski mprtete opinia lui Bruno Latour.
Este corect s critici societatea i s-i exprimi
prerea. n cazul n care un sociolog observ nedreptatea, trebuie s se expun. Problema ns
apare odat cu ntrebarea caracterului tiinific
al metodei i cea a reducionismului.
Grupul tinerilor sociologi care activeaz n
jurul lui Pierre Bourdieu n anii 60-80 (printre
care Luc Boltanski i viitoarea lui soie Elisabeth
Claverie) a devenit treptat foarte influent n Frana. Sistemul de organizare a tiinei, inclusiv a
tiinei sociologice a avut ca efect crearea unei
tabere ostile n jurul personalitilor de la conducere (aa-numitul mandarinat4) i pornirea unui
rzboi pentru ocuparea diferitor poziii n tiin.
Potrivit criticii tradiionale n rndul sociologilor
bourdieuvieni o oricare alt abordare dect cea a
lor este netiinific. Cercetrile soldailor i
a ostailor armatei sociologice conduse de Bourdieu au avut ca scop analiza unei anumite lumi
sociale, descoperirea adevrului ascuns n spatele
iluziei (ilussio) i identificarea fenomenelor dominrii, inegalitii i rivalitii n gruprile sociale. Corcuff (1998) numete aceasta sociologie
buldozer. Se refer la intenia lui Bourdieu i a
discipolilor si de a explica prin intermediul unor
concepte fundamentale i de a nu lsa spaiu pentru un alt tip de explicaii. i mai ales, dup utilizarea acestor concepte, toate aceste situaii devin
asemntoare, de parc ar fi nivelate de explicaia
nsi. n realitate ns, exist multe situaii diferite n lume (Corcuff face referin la Goffman).
Iar deseori situaia joac un rol mai important n
explicarea comportamentului dect structura.
Critica dirijat de Luc Boltanski i de Bruno
Latour poate fi perceput ca o reacie n perioada
unei colosale dominaii a sociologiei boudieusiene, ca o ncercare a crei scop era reflectarea
criticii generalizate adresat celorlalte curente
ale gndirii sociologice, unde caracterul tiinific
al lucrrilor este decis de poziia sociologului.
Exista deci aproape un rzboi mpotriva monopolului pentru metoda de explicaie. Adesea ns
acest monopol nu era vizibil dincolo de hotarele
franceze. Dup modelul sociologiei bourdie-
usiene prezentate mai sus simplificat n mod

intenionat din motive euristice putem constata c trim ntr-o lume unde majoritatea membrilor societii nu-i exerseaz reflexivitatea i
nu este contient de ceea ce se ntmpl sau de
ce face greit, i totui are o strategie incontient incredibil de complicat. Spre exemplu,
atunci cnd un brbat se cstorete, i spune
c o face pentru c i iubete soia. Nu tie ns
c o face pentru ca grupul lui social s-i menin o poziie nalt. O femeie poart un pulover i consider c o face deoarece e albastru,
iar culoarea albastr i se potrivete. Nu tie c l
poart pentru ca prin diferenierea sa social s
se nale asupra altora. Ar putea desigur exista i
alte motive pentru un singur comportament, metodele reducioniste ale lui Pierre Bourdieu ns
genereaz necesitatea de a alege ntre fenomene
fundamentale i secundare. Din acest considerent se face posibil o clasificare a problemelor
complicate n altele mai mici i mai simple.
Sociologia lui Pierre Bourdieu nu este, n
esen, o sociologie istoric. Autorul totui reflect (Bourdieu, 1982) influena istoriei n dou
platforme interconectate:
istoria obiectivizat n lucruri, sub forma
instituiilor;
memoria istoric modelat sub forma sistemului dispoziiilor de lung durat, aa-numitul
habitus.
Istoria obiectivat este rezultatul diferenierii societii n cmpuri sociale diferite, analizate n spiritul tradiiei weberiene. Cmpurile
individuale i au o proprie logic (de exemplu
cmpul economic, politic, intelectual .a.) i
sunt structurate de ctre relaiile de putere n
jurul unui scop comun pentru cei care au neles regulile jocului adic concurena pentru
capital. Aici exist i funcioneaz diferite capitaluri n dependen de istoria care se desfoar
n cmpuri separate. Aceast prea simplificat
concepie, care utilizeaz metafora pieii, nu ne
permite ns s observm elementele colaborrii
ntre actori i nici compasiunea, fapt criticat de
Philippe Corcuff (Corcuff, 1999), care aici preia
argumentarea lui Alain Caill (Caill, 1988).
Pe de alt parte, relaiile de putere din trecut
las urme n interiorul omului. Memoria propriei

experiene este un tip de oglind, o practic util
pentru dezvoltarea personal n cadrul structurii
sociale n momentul dobndirii acestei experiene. Explic similaritatea i unicitatea persoanelor
care provin din acelai mediu. Aceste urme au
ca efect un comportament incontient asemntor oamenilor care mprtesc acelai habitus.
Pierre Bourdieu (1980) ns nu definete doar
habitusul de clas, ci i pe cel individual care,
din acest punct de vedere, explic diversitatea lumii noastre. Bourdieu a ncercat s marginalizeze intelectualismul i s resping ideea, conform
creia comportamentul indivizilor este planificat
n mod intelectual. S-a pronunat deci mpotriva influentului sociolog francez de dreapta Raymond Boudon, adept al teoriei alegerii raionale.
n mod similar, Bourdieu a luat o poziie i mpotriva lui Harold Garfinkel .a. Susine c omul
acioneaz n baza automatismului, nu conform
unui calcul complicat. Critica ns i reproeaz
lui Bourdieu faptul c a ajuns prea departe n
campania sa (Corcuff, 1999), deoarece aceast
percepere plaseaz omul ntr-o poziie strict pasiv naintea puterii structurii (cmpului) sau memoriei acestei structuri (habitusului). Mai mult
dect att, actorul ar trebui considerat la plural:
omul are n acelai timp mai multe moduri de
gndire i repertoare de aciune, precum i mai
multe moduri de justificare (Boltanski i Thvenot, 1991). Boltanski, Thvenot i ali pragmatici
ncearc s creeze un model alternativ, unde n
dependen de regimul de aciune omul folosete un element mai mult sau mai puin real-argumentativ. Nu se refer n acelai fel la chestiunile
legate de dragoste ca la acelea legate de rzboi,
sau la cazurile unde exist nevoia ndreptirii.
n lumea oamenilor, aa cum o descrie Bourdieu asemenea celei din filmul Matrix ,
indivizii acioneaz fr a ti de ce i cum. Iar
acel sociolog, care i folosete reflexivitatea,
are aici o poziie special5. Este greu de crezut
c un sociolog ca Bourdieu, care n ultimii ani
ai vieii sale ntr-att s-a angajat n schimbarea
structurilor i a habitusului n viaa public i
n diferite micri sociale, era chiar el convins
de o dominare att de viguroas a structurilor i
101
de existena unei cuti incontiente n care indivizii sunt nchii6. Sociologul este acela care
tie. Doar el este capabil s neleag motivele
comportamentului uman mpreun cu fenomenele fundamentale care le scap oamenilor. Ce
anume i ofer aceast capacitate suprauman?
Att dup prerea lui Boltanski, ct i n opinia
lui Latour, nimic. Reprezint pe scurt arogana
sau orbirea cauzat de o limitat sau, din contr,
de o exagerat ambiie.
Chiar dac acest lucru nu figureaz n crile
lui Pierre Bourdieu, n conferine sau n abordrile discipolilor si, Bourdieu recunoate n una
din crile sale (Science de la science et rflexivit, 2001), ct de neobinuit de complicat este
pentru un sociolog s priveasc lucrurile de la
nlimea unui zbor, adic s nlture n baza
unei extreme reflexiviti de toate viziunile singulare, s se limiteze la o alt viziune, dect cea a
unui agent social, s suporte o alt iluzie absolut (Bourdieu, 2001; Latour, 2005a, 203; Latour,
2005b, 209). Boltanski i Thvenot (Boltanski
i Thvenot, 1991; Boltanski, 1990) aici propun
o alt abordare, apreciat i de Latour (Latour,
2005a, 301; Latour, 2005b, 209). Pentru Latour i pentru sociologia cunoaterii este necesar
de a lua n consideraie relaiile ntre individ i
mediul su. Nu este doar o iluzie, pe care sociologul trebuie s o descopere, ns mai ales o
lume, creia omul are competena de a-i oferi un
neles. Fiecare e un creator, i nu doar interpretator. Poate ns n baza sensului oferit societii
s justifice sau s nainteze propria descoperire
a nedreptii critice. Atunci sociologia devine
hermeneutic, iar structuralistul devine interpretativist (Latour, 2005a, 303).
Structur sau situaie?

Cea mai puternic critic a accenturii structurii vine din partea unui alt fost coleg a lui Pierre
Bourdieu de la Centrul sociologiei europene, care
la fel ca Boltanski i alii a renunat la paradigma
bourdieusian n scopul orientrii spre sociologia
pragmatic. Michael Pollak (1990) lucreaz cu
complicata tem a experienei lagrului de concentrare. n cartea sa, care a avut un mare succes,
102
ntrebarea criticii metodologice a lui Pierre Bourdieu nu reprezint o prioritate, ci mai degrab
un product ulterior al cercetrii sale. Critica ns
cuprinde i aprecieri sistematice a considerrii
bourdieusiene, lsnd impresia unui autor care ar
simi nevoia de a explica i justifica schimbrile
metodologice, provocate de cercetarea n teren.
Aceast dezbatere este mai apoi redeschis de ctre Cyril Lemieux (Lemieux, 2008).
Bourdieu critic interacionismul ca metod
n ochii creia capitalul simbolic e slab instituionalizat, ierarhiile sunt pluraliste, neclare, variabile, iar accesul la cunotinele caracteristicilor
obiective puin cunoscute (Bourdieu, 1980, 240).
Pollak aici vede din contr puterea interacionismului i prin urmare greeala lui Pierre Bourdieu.
Analizele care folosesc concepte ca habitus
i capital sunt fondate pe cercetri n situaii stabile. Situaii extreme, precum experiena lagrului de concentrare, se refer la oamenii unei lumi
unde acumularea i stabilizarea elementelor acumulate nu este posibil (Pollak, 1990, 288). Utilizarea conceptelor capital sau habitus duce la
cutarea continuitii acolo unde domin pluralitatea ierarhiilor, identitilor, resurselor interne,
inexactitii, presiunii i ncercrilor. n lagrul
de concentrare nu habitusul, ci situaia (iar de
aici interaciunea) explic comportamentul i
identitatea. Descrierea unei situaii extreme nu
poate fi fondat pe concepte care accentueaz n
special continuitatea i reproducerea.
Analiza lui Pollak deriv din proximitatea
fenomenologic dintre habitus i identitate. Inexactitatea i pluralitatea identitilor au ca urmare o constatare asemntoare celei pe tema
habitus (Lemieux, 2008, 196). Habitusul este
rezultatul unui lucru continuu realizat de indivizi, facilitnd gsirea continuitii i a coerenei. Continuitatea nu este fireasc, universal.
Schimbarea i transformarea sunt condiii naturale. Atunci cnd se gsete continuitatea n habitus sau n identitate, ar trebui cutate sursele
lor. Memoria, nvmntul i socializarea sunt
concepte capabile s nlocuiasc n mod avantajos conceptul habitusului, fr a purta cu sine
aceleai probleme metodologice. Aici ar trebui
luat n considerare lucrul cu sine, care cere de
la indivizi coeren i identitate i care nu este

natural, uneori nu se realizeaz deloc, alteori se
execut cu ntrziere. Memoria, socializarea i
nvmntul sunt uneori mobilizate, pentru ca
n mod contient s nfrunte anumite situaii.
Identitatea poate deveni pluralist atunci cnd
nu rspunde obinuitei gramatici a comportamentului7. Situaiile prea nedrepte i de neneles duc la incapacitatea individului de a le
include ntr-o proprie schem interpretativ i
just a lumii. Analiza cazului extrem a lagrului de concentrare aduce autorul la o concluzie
clar: situaia, mai mult ca structura, ar trebui s
reprezinte nucleul analizei. Iar cnd situaia se
schimb nesemnificativ, se ajunge la o confundare cu structura, ceea ce este greit.
Problema dreptii
Majoritatea cercetrilor sociologice franceze
a anilor 60-90 vizau inegalitile, fapt util din
punctul de vedere a criticilor pragmatici ai lui
Pierre Bourdieu. Boltanski ar putea fi considerat
un entuziast al simului dreptii, care exist deci
la sociologi, susinnd c aceast abordare ar
trebui cultivat. Una dintre probleme ns const n faptul c nu fiecare are acelai sim pentru
dreptate, fiecare o vede n mod diferit. Dect s
hotrasc ce este tiinific i ce nu, un sociolog
ar trebui mai nti s neleag i s descrie ce
este just pentru el i ce nu este, felul n care
structureaz dreptatea sau cum este perceput
de subiecii cercetai. Dac admitem c fiecare
individ este capabil s creeze o noiune printr-o
analiz critic a lumii care l nconjoar, atunci
trebuie s considerm i influena concepiilor
profane asupra comportamentului uman. Imaginaia i raiunea reprezint baza aciunilor indivizilor, ceea ce neag ns conceptele strategiilor
incontiente i aspiraia ctre dominare. n acest
context, Boltanski, mpreun cu Thvenot i alii, sugereaz n locul sociologiei critice, care
indic ce nu ar trebui s fie pornirea de la sociologia criticii, care ar explica n baza cror
principii oamenii observ lucrurile din jurul lor
i acioneaz. Cele dou ramuri ale sociologiei
pragmatice menionate reprezentate de Lato-
ur i Boltanski susin prerea, conform creia

nu exist o viziune neutr asupra lucrurilor, nu
exist nici o viziune de sus. Sociologul trebuie
s neleag intersubiectivitatea, i nu criteriile
obiective. O alt tem a criticii acestor autori e
problematica dominrii, fundamental n lucrrile lui Pierre Bourdieu. Violena simbolic, care
este esenial pentru teoria lui Pierre Bourdieu,
explic de ce oamenii au de fapt capaciti critice cu dispoziii integrate limitate, care rezult
n iluzie (cultural dope H. Garfinkel). Dup un
astfel de model acioneaz mai degrab structurile dect persoanele. Situaiile nu reprezint
un obiect esenial al cercetrii, adic analiza se
orienteaz fie asupra structurii, fie asupra dispoziiilor. ns individul care nu este sociolog are
acces doar la situaii, structurile i dispoziiile
rmn monopolul sociologilor. Sociologia critic, care n mod tradiional se orienteaz asupra
structurii dominaiei, transform statul ntr-un
instrument al acestei dominaii, un stat care ofer posibilitatea realizrii cercetrilor sociologice, crearea categoriilor .a.m.d. Cum ar putea fi
atunci sociologia critic ncrezut n faptul c
doar ea deine monopolul criticii, cnd ea nsi
se situeaz n astfel de situaii incerte? Cum ar
putea fi sociologia critic o alternativ a normativismului n asemenea circumstane (Boltanski,
2009, 37-45)? Boltanski vede n limitarea la
explicaie prin dominare doar o construcie teoretic, sociologia ns ar trebui s se sprijine
pe observarea fenomenelor sociale, chiar dac
acestea nu se ncadreaz n model. Aici Latour
i Boltanski consider c comportamentul uman
are mai multe dimensiuni dect doar competiia
pentru dominare. Sistemele credinei n dreptate
au o oarecare funcionalitate, iar interpretarea
sistemelor simbolice doar ca o iluzie reprezint o greeal fundamental. Exist totui familii
care se iubesc, iar la coal cineva nva ceva
nou etc.
ntrebarea angajamentului
sociologului
n articolul Ce fel de critic pentru Bourdieu? (Barthe i Lemieux, 2002) Ynnick Barthe
103
i Cyril Lemieux i generalizeaz abordrile.

nti se definesc ca sociologi, care consider
angajamentul sociologilor cerut, ba chiar necesar. Un sociolog trebuie mai mult s contribuie
la dreptatea social i la democraie. S-ar prea
ns c n Frana sociologul trebuie s aleag ntre neutralitatea axiologic nchis n turnul sau
tiinific de filde, sau s urmreasc calea angajamentului, calea lui Pierre Bourdieu. Aceasta
reprezint o neglijare a existenei altor ci definite de Michel Crozier, Alain Tourain sau calea sociologiei pragmatice (Barthe i Lemieux,
2002, 33).
Aceti autori l citesc pe Pierre Bourdieu ca
pe un proiect de emancipare a societii. Sociologul identific relaiile dominrii. Prin faptul c le
exprim, ofer oamenilor posibilitatea de a realiza existena determinismelor sociale i de a lucra
asupra eliberrii de acestea. Prin contientizarea
structurilor ofer oamenilor posibilitatea de a
ajunge n poziia sociologului. Acest proiect de
emancipare poart n sine i o consecin nefast. mparte societatea n cei care cunosc, cei care
s-au eliberat de incontiena lor social8, i cei
care cel mai mult se afl sub influena incontiinei9. Totui autorilor acestei categorii le lipsesc
cei care cred c tiu. Pentru ei sociologul Pierre
Bourdieu are o arm, care poate fi folosit mpotriva inamicilor de clas i nu numai. Gndirea
lui poate fi interpretat ca pe un slogan. Cei care
sunt social dispui s critice pot obine de la Bourdieu nu habitusul eliberator al sociologului, ci
perceperea parial a mecanismelor sociale, fapt
care le ofer ocazia de a ataca i mai puternic.
Cu alte cuvinte, indivizii sunt ideologizai de o
sociologie critic precum cea a lui Bourdieu, n
scopul unei lupte pentru libertate. Adevrata eliberare ar veni mai degrab o dat cu capacitatea
de a gndi pentru sine i de a nelege lumea. Din
programul de emancipare al lui Bourdieu astfel
rmne mai degrab presiunea asupra criticrii,
pedepsirii, a aprrii propriilor interese sociale
(Barthe i Lemieux, 2002, 34-35).
Sociologia pragmatic ofer o alt abordare. Atribuie oamenilor competene critice, pe
care ulterior le observ. Oamenii reacioneaz
i critic nedreptatea, chiar dac nu cunosc so-
104
ciologia. Sociologul deci trebuie sa fie umil i s

observe felul n care oamenii percep nedreptatea,
sau s urmreasc factorii care i mpiedic s-i
exprime atitudinea critic. Aceast atitudine nu
reprezint o eschivare de la angajament, ci oblig efectuarea unui pas n direcia realizrii unor
schimbri, datorit crora sociologia critic ar fi
efectiv din punct de vedere politic. ncercarea
de a preda societii ntr-un mod fidel gndirea i
argumentarea nu reprezint n nici un caz acelai
lucru ca i neutralitatea politic. Aceast abordare ofer cuvntul celor mici, celor care nu sunt
sociologi sau intelectuali, ns care au simul justiiei. Deschide de asemenea oportuniti pentru
folosirea criticii mai vechi i consolidarea puterii
ei argumentative. n concluzie, critica revoluionar nu trebuie neaprat s poarte o viziune extern a sociologului, ci poate porni din interiorul
societii (Barthe i Lemieux, 2002, 38).
n lucrarea dedicat comparaiei ntre sociologia critic i cea pragmatic, Thomas Bnatoul
(1999) analizeaz sociologia lui Pierre Bourdieu
ca pe un proiect de emancipare. n opinia lui,
acesta este ntr-o oarecare msur cel mai ambiios dintre cele trei proiecte critice (Jacques Derrida, Michel Foucault, Pierre Bourdieu). Reieind
din critica sa scolastic, bazat pe divulgarea
iluziei, Bourdieu este considerat un sociolog angajat. Potrivit lui Bnatoul, sociologia lui Bourdieu are o dimensiune politic, deoarece contest
i critic legitimitatea sistemului. Deja dup felul
n care alege criteriile dup care realizeaz comparaia diferenelor sociale, i creeaz o proprie
abordare a definiiei dreptii. Este n mod obsesiv reflexiv i adnc fixat n analiza material.
Puterea abordrii pragmatice const n ncercarea de a nelege strategia i gndirea actorilor.

colile sociologice parial se neal atunci cnd
refuz s observe aspectele n care oponenii lor
au dreptate. Bnatoul (1999) se identific cu
Bernard Lahire (2001) n constatarea faptului
c o mare greeal a sociologiei pragmatice este
prerea, conform creia proiectul lui Pierre Bourdieu este complet diferit, iar teoria ar trebui
citit prin strategia epistemologic a autorilor.
Att teoriile pragmatice, ct i teoriile constructiviste ale lui Pierre Bourdieu, care se refer la
contiin, practic reflexivitatea i pun ntrebarea utilizrii sociologiei. Reprezint domenii,
zone ale unei negocieri discursive; sociologia
pragmatic ar obine, potrivit lui Bnatoul, mai
mult dac ar include n modelul ei teoria critic.
Aceste dou sociologii ar putea ncepe n acest
fel o obiectivizare reciproc.
Sociologia pragmatic i sociologia critic
ofer spaiu pentru dezbateri i pentru o nelegere reciproc. S-ar prea c n afara diferenelor
paradigmatice, un rol n critica teoriei critice a
dominaiei lui Pierre Bourdieu l-a avut i dominaia sociologiei sale. Cert este ns c att Bourdieu ct i criticii si au contribuit la crearea unei
noi faze de reflecii asupra sociologiei franceze.
pn i n ziare (Latour, 1998). Aceeai atitudine

o avea i Bourdieu fa de Latour (Bourdieu, 2001;
Bourdieu, 2012).
3
Dac facem abstracie de aceast metod de
percepere a societii, atunci habitus, aa cum l
nelege Bourdieu, devine un concept potrivit. Iar
aceasta n cazul, n care vom accepta analizele ca
fiind pluri-pragmatice i explicaia comportamentului
omenesc multifactorial (Latour, 2005a, 307). Pentru
o nelegere mai profund ar trebui citit un ntreg
ansamblu al crilor sale, un bun rezumat ns ofer
cartea sa din anul 2005, citat mai sus.
4
Se refer la descrierea francez metaforic a unei
grupri organizate ntr-un mod foarte ierarhic i
care se consider o cast privilegiat. Este o metod
obinuit de descriere a sistemului de funcionare a
tiinelor sociale franceze.
5
Criticile n aceast direcie nu-i aparin exclusiv lui
Bourdieu. A avut ns n lumea sociologiei franceze
o poziie att de dominant, nct toate criticile i-au
revenit anume lui.
6
O critic asemntoare gsim i n literatura ceh. n
critica sa, J. ubrt (2011, 56-58) explic faptul c dei
teoria lui Bourdieu e uneori evaluat ca concepie, care
Note
Articolul a fost scris n cadrul proiectului GAR
. 13-29861P efectuat la Universitatea Carolin din
Praga, Facultatea Studiilor Umaniste, Centrul pentru
cercetarea memoriei colective.
2
Critica lui Latour, adresat lui Bourdieu n mod
direct sau indirect, a fost multilateral, fiind publicat
1
105
are c scop depirea dualismului dintre abordarea

individualist i cea holistic, eueaz n aceast
direcie, deoarece habitusul e un concept colectivist,
care ignor chestiunea voluntarismului individual i
a liberei voine.
7
Pentru Pollack, precum i pentru Boltanski, aciunea
este perceput i planificat n dependen de logica
discursiv care formeaz o gramatic a aciunii.
8
Cei care practic reflexivitatea sociologic.
9
Cei care nu o practic.
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Bourdieu? Libration, 9.
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Nrodohospodskho stavu Josefa Hlvky.
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Thvenot, L. (2006) Laction au pluriel: sociologie des rgimes dengagement. Paris: La Dcouvert
ntoarcerea la imaginaia sociologic. Provocrile

sociologiei publice pentru Romnia
Delia Bdoi*
Universitatea din Bucureti, Bucureti
Abstract: The present article starts with a discussion detached from the academic community of American sociologists, which is based on public sociology, with reference on relevancy and utility of sociological
knowledge production: Sociology for whom; What kind of sociology? Through the scientific studies, the
hypothesis of this article shows that sociology as science is at this moment unable to contribute to the use of
its own results, due to the lack of a truly interested audience in the extra-academic sphere. The development
of a critical and reflexive theory based on the relationship between academic sociology, public sociologist and
the public sphere represents an important step in this research about public sociology. The thesis that we want
to demonstrate contains, on the one side, critical explanations about the current issue of the sociologist as a
public intellectual and on the other side, it refers to the scientific production of sociology in a knowledge society. However, the new risk society born in the recent era of modernity, have devoted a new type of challenges
for sociology as science. In the French sociology, Pierre Bourdieu opened an important chapter on the issue
of sociology as science and his reflexivity Science of science and reflexivity (2001) and also in the American sociology, Charles Wright Mills in The Sociological Imagination (1959) introduces a critical theory
of scientific knowledge and the abstract empiricism of sociological research of the 1950s. More recently, the
debate about the engagement of sociology as a public science continued in the American academic space,
when historical controversies in the development of critical theories was resumed by Michael Burawoy in For
sociology (2004). The social significance of the article theme consists in the answer of two questions: How
does a public science look like? (1) What public for public sociology? (2) From the epistemological perspective of this article analysis, the interest of exploring the public reality of sociology is an important objective
for giving an explanation about sociological knowledge in the current social construction. In conclusion, we
propose to analyze the development of the practices of sociologists as public intellectuals in international academic context, especially to illustrate the challenges of public sociology for Romanian professional sociology.
Keywords: Public sociology; sociology of science; reflexivity; sociological knowleadge; knowleadge society.
Cuvinte-cheie: sociologie public; sociologia tiinei; cunoatere sociologic; societatea cunoaterii.
Introducere
Articolul de fa i propune s dezbat tema
controverselor epistemologice ale dezvoltrii
sociologiei ca tiin social i vizeaz o analiz
a teoriilor critice ale sociologiei contemporane.
Tema articolului abordeaz un subiect de actualitate tiinific i intens criticat n cadrul comunitii academice a sociologilor care se afl n
plin dezbatere din 2004 pn n prezent, acela
al sociologiei publice (public sociology1), prin
invocarea principalelor argumente critice venite

din partea sociologilor americani i europeni cu
privire la utilitatea sociologiei publice lansate n
cadrul Asociaiei Americane de Sociologie de
ctre Michael Burawoy (2004). Pentru a explica
i justifica semnificaia social a sociologiei publice, ne propunem s rspundem la dou ntrebri fundamentale: (1) Cum arat sociologia ca
tiin public? (2) Crui public i se adreseaz
sociologia public?
Contextul analizei ne poziioneaz n centrul
* Facultatea de Sociologie i Asisten Social, Universitatea din Bucureti, Str. Schitu Mgureanu nr. 8, sector
5, Bucureti. E-mail: delia.badoi@sas.unibuc.ro.
abordrii teoretice a lui James Coleman (1990),

despre noua societate a cunoaterii2 n care
tiina, tehnologiile i nsi cunoaterea tiinific ajung s influeneze viaa social a indivizilor genernd astfel riscuri (risk society3) i
provocnd sociologia s ofere rspunsuri despre
aceste controverse ale organizrii i funcionrii
sociale pentru diferite grupuri sociale sau organizaii. n acest context, justificm faptul c
analiza modalitii de exprimare a sociologiei
publice devine un proces de actualitate tiinific. Interesul pentru investigarea rolului pe
care l ocup sociologia ca tiin social ntro societate bazat pe cunoatere devine astfel o
tem de cercetare emergent pentru sociologia
romneasc. Societatea cunoaterii despre care
vorbete Coleman (1990, 610-611) este dedicat relaiei dintre sociologie, aciunea social a
indivizilor i noua structur social4 care configureaz misiunea important a teoriilor sociale
pentru explicarea schimbrilor sociale tot mai
rapide ale societii moderne. n aceeai msur,
intervine urmtoarea ntrebare: Poate fi o teorie
social att de relevant n realizarea de predicii despre viitorul societilor? Astfel, Coleman
merge mai departe n ncercarea de a da un rspuns acestei ntrebri: nu exist un rol specific
al cunoaterii sociologice n a realiza predicii
despre schimbarea social, teoria nu poate conta
pe procesul de teoretizare contra ei nsi. Teoria
nu are ca scop s realizeze predicii pentru c
atunci ea va deveni contradictorie (Coleman,
1990, 611).
Din perspectiva analizei pe care o urmrim
n acest articol, interesul explorrii expresiei
publice a sociologiei ca tiin reprezint un
scop principal n cadrul investigrii utilitii cunoaterii sociologice pentru construcia social
actual (conform termenilor utilizai de Thomas
Luckmann i Peter Berger, 1966). n continuare, obiectivele acestei analize critice evideniaz
importana dezbaterii despre prezena i rolul
sociologiei publice ntr-o societate bazat pe
cunoatere, prin surprinderea unor cadre epistemologice ale dezvoltrii sociologiei contemporane printre celelalte tiine sociale i aducerea
acestor controverse tiinifice n interesul comu-
107
nitii academice a sociologilor din Romnia.

Relevana temei sociologiei publice const n
ncercarea de a rspunde la ntrebarea: Ce se ntmpl cu rezultatele i cu producia tiinific
a sociologiei romneti, dar i internaionale?
Ipotezele de la care pleac analiza pe care o
propunem n acest articol au fost constituite n
urma unor ntrebri de cercetare despre utilitatea
produciei tiinifice a sociologiei i rolul sociologului n spaiul public. Constatm astfel c
sociologia, prin intermediul produciei sale tiinifice, este n prezent incapabil s contribuie
la conturarea unei cunoateri instrumentale n
care rezultatele sale tiinifice ar putea conduce
la elaborarea de politici publice i sociale, din
cauza lipsei unor publicuri interesate de rezultatele sale tiinifice. n construirea obiectului de
studiu, vom pleca de la analiza schemei diviziunii muncii sociologice, pe care o vom dezbate
pe larg n continuare, care a fost inventat de
Michael Burawoy n 2004 i care este compus
din patru sociologii care construiesc disciplina
i care reflect reflexivitatea cunoaterii sociologice: sociologia profesional, sociologia critic, sociologia fundamentat n politici publice
i sociologia public. Tema sociologiei publice,
parte component a diviziunii muncii, care corespunde unei cunoateri reflexive, este relevant i actual pentru dezvoltarea unei sociologii
a crei rezultate devin publice prin implicarea
direct n elaborarea de politici bazate pe rezultatele cercetrii i care astfel ar rspunde cerinelor sociale actuale. Nu n ultimul rnd, sociologia public se va integra n aceast schem pe
care o propunem pentru a arta un portret ideal
al prezenei cunoaterii sociologice n societate
prin vizibilitate, accesibilitate i utilitate a rezultatelor cercetrii.
Prezentul articol este structurat n ase capitole: (1) Capitolul de introducere n tematica articolului unde prezentm contextul i importana
temei studiate, precum i ntrebrile i ipotezele
de la care pleac analiza propus; (2) Capitolul
despre Controversele n dezvoltarea sociologiei
ca tiin social prezint o analiz a contextului
istoric al sociologiei americane din anii 19601970 care au marcat apariia teoriilor critice
108
Delia Bdoi, ntoarcerea la imaginaia sociologic. Provocrile...
despre sociologia public, prin contribuiile lui

C. W. Mills i Alvin Gouldner asupra modului
n care se realizau cercetrile sociologice (teoria empirismului abstract, critica teoriei aciunii
sociale, sociologia radical etc.); (3) Sociologia
academic are o misiune public este titlul celui
de-al treilea capitol n care am realizat o metaanaliz asupra sociologiei academice, (prezent
n universiti i n institute de cercetare) care
nu are o vizibilitate public n prezentarea rezultatelor cercetrii i care corespunde unei sociologii profesionale cu o audien academic; (4)
Perspectivele critice asupra modelului sociologiei publice reprezint ncercarea de a pune n
chestiune relevana schemei diviziunii muncii
sociologice cu cele patru tipuri de sociologii
propuse de Michael Burawoy i utilitatea ei pentru conturarea unei sociologii publice; (5) Capitolul de concluzii i reflecii personale care i
propune s realizeze un portret al sociologiei publice pentru Romnia i ncercarea de a formula
cteva predicii despre prezena i utilitatea unei
sociologii publice n societile est-europene.
Controverse n dezvoltarea
sociologiei ca tiin social
Articolul trateaz un subiect dezbtut n lumea academic a sociologilor din ntreaga lume,
acela al sociologiei publice, cu referire pe de o
parte, la vizibilitatea public a cunoaterii sociologice, care este reprezentat prin publicarea de
cercetri i studii n reviste de specialitate i de
cealalt parte, la implicarea sociologiei profesionale (din centrele de cercetare i universiti) n
dialoguri publice i n fundamentarea de politici
publice.
Astzi sociologii consider c tehnologiile i
mijloacele media au devenit importante pentru
configurarea cunoaterii tiinifice n lumea public. Sociologia, dei a fost o tiin reflexiv
nc de la nceputul ei, dar aa cum preciza Steve
Bruce (2000), ea totui nu a urmat aceeai traiectorie ca tiinele exacte care nu au admis prezena reflexivitii n cadrul procesului de producie a tiinei. Controversele istorice pe care
le evideniem n acest articol aduc n discuie o
dezbatere recent instalat asupra regndirii misiunii publice a sociologiei. Sociologia public pe
care o invocm, reprezint o noiune relevant
pentru cunoaterea sociologic contemporan,
ea aprnd pentru prima dat n discursul prezidenial din 1988 al lui Herbert Gans Sociology in
America: The discipline and the public, unde se
propunea ncurajarea rolului intelectualului public, noiune iniiat de Russell Jacoby (1987),
cnd anuna dispariia intelectualilor din America. Sociologul public ns trebuie s fie, n concepia lui Herbert Gans, un cercettor, un analist
sau un teoretician cu un impact n spaiul public
prin intermediul muncii pe care o realizeaz i
de asemenea, avnd rolul de a revitaliza sociologia clasic promovat de sociologi precum Robert Merton, Paul Lazarsfeld sau Talcott Parsons
n cadrul colilor de sociologie din Universitile Harvard i Columbia. n 2004, sociologia
public a fost preluat de actualul preedinte al
Asociaiei Internaionale de Sociologie, Michael Burawoy, care a lansat o dezbatere ampl n
sociologia american i n cea internaional ce
cheam sociologii la un exerciiu de reflexivitate
i autocritic asupra practicilor lor profesionale.
Premisa de baz dezvoltat de Michael Burawoy
este c sociologia are menirea de a informa public despre problemele sociale i trebuie s rspund provocrilor date de schimbrile sociale
i de dezvoltrile riscurilor i tehnologiilor din
societile actuale.
Sociologia public a fost aspru criticat de
unii sociologi americani, nc de la lansare, ntruct a fost considerat ca fiind succesoare a
acelei sociologii radicale din anii 1960-1970
pe care o promova un sociolog precum Alvin
Gouldner. Alvin Gouldner (1970) n The Coming Crisis of Western Sociology admitea faptul c sociologia este i trebuie s fie radical
deoarece cunoaterea despre lumea social nu
poate fi dezvoltat fr cunoaterea sociologilor
despre ei nii, poziia lor n aceast lume, sau
n afara eforturilor lor de a o schimba (Gouldner, 1970, 489-490). Pentru a exemplifica i mai
bine atitudinea sociologilor fa de sociologia
din anii 1970, John ONeil (1972) era de prere
c sociologia a devenit un joc mult prea aproape
de simul comun care poate fi practicat de oricine din afara tiinei nsi: Sociologia este studiul oamenilor. Este o distracie omeneasc cu
pretenii de tiin. Sociologia poate fi fcut n
fotoliu sau autobuz, la cafenele, de pe trotuar sau
la universitate. Sociologia aparine scenelor de
familie, de vecintate i de gac. n viaa de zi
cu zi sociologia aparine vicleniei vnztorului
i escrocului, proverbialului barman sau unui ofer de taxi. Asta e o mare jen pentru sociologie,
care odat aspira s fie tiin, s prospere i s
se organizeze. Cnd e practicat serios, sociologia este o profesie, ca preoia sau ca prostituia
(ONeil, 1972, 5-7).
Contextul sociologiei critice americane a
favorizat deschiderea cutiei Pandorei dup cum
afirm Friedrichs (1970), care a devenit iminent mai ales dup apariia Imaginaiei sociologice
(1959) a lui C. Wright Mills care avea s readuc n discuie teme importante i controversate
ale teoriilor sociologice americane dezvoltate
n principalele coli de sociologie din America
(coala de Chicago, Universitatea Columbia sau
Harvard). Logica tiinific a sociologiei devine
mai important ca oricnd mai ales dup rsturnarea paradigmei dominatoare a funcionalismului structural (teoriile aciunii sociale) dezvoltate de Talcott Parsons i de succesorii lui ctre
o perspectiv tiinific i mai orientat ctre
individ, mai ales prin abordrile microsociologice, ncepnd cu sfritul anilor 1960, ale lui Herbert Blumer, Erving Goffman, George Homans,
Harold Garfinkel sau Harvey Sacks.
Michael Burawoy (2008) afirma ntr-o scrisoare post-mortem adresat lui C. W. Mills, n
Open Latter to Wright C. Mills, (n care i scuza
familiaritatea cu care scrie aceast scrisoare), c
noiunea de public sociology a fost inspirat din
Imaginaia sociologic unde Mills susine emergena sociologului care trebuie s vorbeasc diverselor tipuri de publicuri. Cu o ironie aparte,
scrisoarea dorete s evidenieze amploarea de
care se bucur dezbaterile din ntreaga lume prilejuite de renaterea sociologiei publice, cu precdere odat cu ntlnirea Asociaiei Americane
de Sociologie din 2004 (San Francisco) care, n
opinia lui Burawoy, seamn izbitor de tare cu
109
cea din 1950 cnd a participat i C. W. Mills.

Dezbaterile despre sociologie public au ajuns
n ntreaga lume, n ri precum Africa de Sud,
Finlanda, China, Ungaria, Frana, Rusia, Portugalia, Brazilia, Germania sau Anglia i s-au
transformat, conform lui Burawoy, ntr-o micare social mondial. n Imaginaia sociologic,
capitolul despre intelectualul independent se
refer la un anumit tip de intelectual care se afl
n slujba cunoaterii superioare, un slujitor al
puterii. Mills se temea de faptul c acetia accept doar termenii impui de clieni, rezolv
problemele lor i i primesc apoi remuneraia
(Burawoy, 2008, 372). ns lumea de astzi pare
a fi mai puin entuziasmat de sociologie, poate pentru c el (C. W. Mills) a avut prea mult
succes n a-i da o culoare radical. n scrisoarea ctre Mills, Burawoy l acuz de elitism mai
ales n elaborarea ideii despre lipsa unui public
extraacademic al sociologiei i pe care o ncadreaz mai degrab ntr-o sociologie public de
tip tradiional creia i corespunde o cunoatere instrumental5. Dar nici lumea cercettorului
independent a lui C. W. Mills nu pare a fi mai
incitant, problemele concrete l plictisesc
repede pe sociolog, cu att mai mult discuiile
despre relaia metod-teorie. Criza sociologiei
americane de dup Parsons i gsete nceputul n sociologia critic formulat de C. W. Mills,
acesta din urm fiind considerat principalul promotor al criticilor empiriste practicate ndeosebi
la Universitatea Columbia i care s-a exprimat
mpotriva teoretizrii promovate de Talcott Parsons la Harvard.
Dar nu ne putem gndi la sociologia public
fr a ne referi n primul rnd la reflexivitatea
cunoaterii sociologice prin apariia sociologiei reflexive n 1970, aa cum am precizat deja,
mai ales prin contribuiile lui Alvin Gouldner. O
tiin reflexiv trebuie s reflecte condiiile propriei sale existene. Dar este capabil o disciplin academic s neleag reflexivitatea? Pentru
Gouldner (1973) reflexivitatea este capacitatea
de a fi contient de prezena subiectivitii sociologilor n lucrrile sociologice, de a fi contient
de condiiile sociale care au dus la incapacitatea
sociologilor de a se stabili n cadrul societii
110
i nu n ultimul rnd de implicaiile publice ale

teoriilor sociologice (Gouldner, 1973, 77-78).
Totodat, o sociologie reflexiv este o sociologie
a sociologiei, de care este nevoie pentru a rectiga libertatea sociologiei i puterea ei public.
Preocuparea pentru sociologia sociologiei, nu
este una nou, ns ea s-a adncit pe msur ce
sociologia i-a pierdut din credibilitate i, deci,
din audien. Sociologia se confrunt acum cu o
nou perspectiv ce corespunde modernitii reflexive: Este vorba despre agenda reinventrii
teoriei sociale prin nlocuirea fragmentrii, concentrrii sau particularizrii cu conectarea, extinderea sau universalizarea (Vlsceanu, 2007,
98).
n continuare vom prezenta pe larg argumentele critice din literatura clasic ncepnd cu anii
1960-1970 pe tema sociologiei publice pn la
dezbaterile actuale despre utilitatea public a
sociologiei, preciznd caracteristicile importante ale sociologiei moderne care conduc la anumite explicaii consistente pentru existena n
cadrul mediului academic a sociologiei publice.
Ne aflm ntr-o epoc a cunoaterii, cum facem
fa noilor ei provocri tiinifice i tehnologice? Criticile aduse sociologiei contemporane
sunt numeroase i vin mai ales din perspectivele
postmoderne ale tiinei sociale, dou opoziii
fiind n centrul analizei noastre: distincia dintre
teoretic i empiric i relaia dintre sociologie ca
tiin academic (profesional) i ca tiin extraacademic (public).
Sociologia academic are o

misiune public
Sociologia public a lui Burawoy va fi un
rspuns i o alternativ a condiiei postmoderne
a sociologiei, mai ales n ncercarea de a rspunde la ntrebarea pe care ne-am propus-o la nceput: Cum arat sociologia ca tiin public?
Primul dezavantaj al sociologiei reflexive pe
care am invocat-o anterior a fost nsi deteriorarea capacitii critice i reflexive a profesiei
de sociolog, deoarece n cadrul departamentelor
de sociologie a avut loc o instituionalizare hegemonic a profesiei i o perspectiv margina-
lizat unde cantitativul depete cu mult calitativul, concretizndu-se astfel n teorii formale
care au fost publicate n una sau mai multe reviste de top, ceea ce a adus sociologiei un prestigiu printre celelalte tiine sociale (Boyns i
Fletcher, 2004, 17).
La mijlocul anilor 1980, sociologia se afla
ntr-o poziie vulnerabil, devenind dependent de existena sa doar, sau mai ales, n cadrul
universitilor. Ca reacie la tot acest demers, sociologia s-a acomodat prin extinderea formelor
sale antreprenoriale i profesionale pentru a se
legitima din punct de vedere profesional. Toate
aceste aspecte au ndeprtat sociologia de extinderea sa public i au diminuat misiunea sa n
rezolvarea problemelor publice sau sociale. Restabilizarea vitalitii disciplinei cere sociologiei
de a-i reclama publicul. Pentru a fi posibil acest
lucru, schimbrile ar trebui s fie fcute n cadrul
profesiei, pentru a ncuraja rolul intelectualilor
n spaiul public, de asemenea eforturile ar trebui s fie fcute pentru a extinde spaiile publice
unde discursul i aciunea social pot avea loc
(Black, 1999). Actualmente, una dintre cele mai
presante probleme ale sociologiei nu este faptul
c i-ar pierde spaiul, ct faptul c i pierde audiena, publicul. De ce sociologia se afl ntr-o
poziie vulnerabil? A. K. Erikson (1989) sugera
faptul c profesia de sociolog se distinge de celelalte profesii din tiinele naturii prin faptul c
ea implic o mare sensibilitate epistemologic.
tiina sociologic a cunoscut o extindere mult
prea mare n ultimii ani, am putea vorbi chiar de
o fragmentare, de o cretere a subdisciplinelor, a
sociologiilor (...) n detrimentul unei ncurajri
a dialogului critic sau a stimulrii argumentelor
interpretative. Vulnerabilitatea sociologiei se
mai datoreaz i lipsei unei ocupaii n afara universitii i spaiului academic, pentru a se putea
ancora singur din punct de vedere profesional
aa cum ceilali specialiti din tiinele sociale
i-au gsit rolul lor n societate, de exemplu economitii i psihologii. S-ar prea c sociologii
demonstreaz o incapabilitate de a se adapta cu
aceeai uurin: Muli sociologi se angajeaz
n domenii ca asistena social cnd n realitate
sociologii au fcut mari eforturi n istorie de a

face distincii ntre cele dou domenii (ibidem).
n timp ce misiunea public a disciplinei rmne o important parte a sociologiei contemporane, formele aplicate ale cercetrii sociologice au crescut, dar profesia de sociolog pare
s fi realizat prea puini pai pentru a ncuraja o
practic ce ar fi putut duce ctre o aplicabilitate a
cunoaterii sociologice. Angajarea public cere
un set de aptitudini care i oblig pe sociologi s
scrie ntr-o manier accesibil publicului educat
i aici intervine problema traducerii limbajului
tiinific care ar trebui s se transforme ntr-o misiune a sociologiei nsi, astfel nct s trateze
probleme legate de grupuri, societate civil sau
organizaii.
Crui public i se adreseaz

sociologia public?
Pentru a rspunde la cea de-a doua ntrebare
pe care ne-am propus-o n introducere, Crui
public i se adreseaz sociologia public?, ar fi
nevoie s nelegem care sunt premisele de la
care pleac modelul sociologiei publice i cum
ar putea funciona acesta nuntrul cmpului
academic. Lumea social, de exemplu, n viziunea lui Pierre Bourdieu, este divizat n cmpuri
care sunt spaii de competiie social i care au
la baz luptele fondate pe opoziia dintre agenii
dominani i agenii dominai. Bourdieu (1984)
realizeaz o anchet asupra puterii n facultile
de litere i de tiine umane n care i pune o
problem epistemologic important: diferena
dintre cunoaterea practic i cunoaterea savant. Cmpul universitar este definit ca un loc
n care are loc o lupt pentru a determina cine
produce capitalul sau profituri specifice. Discursul tiinific al cmpului universitar cere o
lectur tiinific, iar relaiile dintre persoanele
111
care produc tiin, n opinia lui Bourdieu, sunt

caracterizate de indicatori legai de prestigiu.
Posesia puterii este caracterizat prin: puterea
universitar, titlu, poziie, apartenena la instituie, putere tiinific i notorietate intelectual.
n urma anchetei, s-a ajuns la concluzia c acest
cmp universitar al facultilor de litere i tiine
umane se organizeaz n jurul unei opoziii ntre
dou spaii de putere: puterea universitar pe de
o parte i prestigiul i notorietatea intelectual
de cealalt parte.
n continuarea acestei analize realizate de
Pierre Bourdieu, Burawoy (2004) a aezat n
antitez sociologia public cu sociologia profesional, form a sociologiei academice pe care
o regsim n universiti i centre de cercetare.
Autorul mpreun cu ali promotori ai sociologiei publice din cadrul A.S.A. au ncurajat disciplina s se angajeze n forme politice i publice
cu accente pe politici publice, pe activism politic, micri sociale, societate civil. Teorie inspirat din Imaginaia sociologic a lui C. W. Mills,
sociologia public va fi menit s revitalizeze
disciplina sociologiei prin metodele sale empirice i teoretice asupra societii: ca o oglind
i contiin a societii, sociologia trebuie s
defineasc, s promoveze i s informeze public
despre clase sociale, inegaliti rasiale, degradarea mediului, violen statal i nonstatal
(Burawoy, 2004), ea fiind definit ca o form de
comunicare ntre sociologi i restul persoanelor
din afara sociologiei. n concepia lui Michael
Burawoy, sociologiei actuale i corespund patru
componente: profesional, critic, public i fundamentarea politicilor publice. Aceast schem
este modelul sociologiei i cristalizeaz portretul disciplinei n patru posibile forme: sociologia
profesional, sociologia fundamentat n politici
publice, sociologia public i sociologia critic.
112
Tabel 1: Diviziunea muncii sociologice

Audien academic
Cunoatere instrumental
Sociologie profesional
Cunoatere reflexiv
Sociologie critic
Audien extraacademic
Sociologia fundamentat n politici
publice (policy)
Sociologie public
Sursa: Michael Burawoy, 2005

n continuare vom ncerca s explicm aceast schem prin definirea celor patru tipuri ale disciplinei. Sociologia profesional pune accentul
pe munca Peer-Review i pe acumularea cunoaterii din analizele empirice. Sociologia profesional este orientat ctre problemele sociale,
dar n acelai timp se identific mai mult cu sociologia din cadrul universitilor i al institutelor
de cercetare. Ea este reprezentat de producia
tiinific a sociologiei academice i se afl ntrun raport de dominare, dar i de hegemonie fa
de celelalte tipuri de sociologii pentru c este n
strns legtur cu cmpul muncii sociologice.
Sociologia fundamentat n politici publice are
o parte aplicativ i folosete cunoaterea sociologic pentru a ntlni nevoile clientului, dar este
n strns legtur cu cea profesional pentru c
vine ntr-o imediat aplicabilitate a diferitelor
teme i probleme de pe agenda public sau politic. O astfel de sociologie va fi centrat pe
o viziune neutr fa de cercetarea tiinific.
Sociologia public, aa cum precizm n acest
articol, pune accentul pe publicul interesat de
problemele de zi cu zi i pe promovarea sociologiei n mediul extraacademic, dar mai ales prin
revitalizarea intrinsec a tiinei. Sociologia public i ia angajamentul de a transmite publicului cunoaterea sociologic ca o coresponden
a adevrului despre diferite probleme sociale.
Sociologia critic chestioneaz viziunea moral
a celorlalte sociologii i este reflexiv prin examinarea fundamentelor construciei teoretice
a sociologiei (Burawoy, 2005; Turner, 2005).
n concluzie, sociologia public va fi astfel comunicativ, relevant, proiectat spre public i
spre dialog public. Burawoy ne ofer un numr
de exemple ale publicului sociologiei: sociologii
sunt primii, urmai de persoanele din asociaiile

profesionale i grupurile comunitare.
Majoritatea dezbaterilor din sfera sociologiei
publice duc mai degrab n direcia crerii unei
discipline extraacademice, pentru a informa
publicul despre problemele emergente ale unei
societi. n acest sens, sociologii au un rol foarte important n mbuntirea unor probleme ale
comunitilor i societilor prin contribuia la
elaborarea politicilor publice i prin crearea de
dialoguri: un dialog nuntrul sociologiei, un dialog ntre sociologi i public i un dialog nuntrul publicului nsui, putnd astfel s discutm
despre mai multe tipuri de publicuri. Asociaia
Sociologiei Americane (ASA) a dezvoltat o aanumit invitaie spre sociologia public ncercnd s includ ct mai multe tipuri de public.
Sociologia public apare n mai multe forme i
corespunde mai multor publicuri, astfel c putem distinge: dialog mediat, nemediat, unilateral, bilateral, multilateral sau prin diferitele tipuri de public: naional, local, hegemonic, activ,
pasiv etc. (Burawoy, 2004). Cu toate acestea, ne
ntrebm, care sunt premisele dezvoltrii modelului sociologiei publice?
n anul 2004, n cadrul Asociaiei Americane
de Sociologie, s-a nfiinat consiliul Task Force
on Institutionalizing Public Sociologies axat n
cea mai mare msur pe promovarea dezvoltrii
i validrii sociologiei publice n cadrul universitilor i instituiilor de profil. n cadrul acestui
consiliu s-a dezbtut ideea unei sociologii care
are menirea de a fi mai aproape de public, dincolo de spaiul academic i care promoveaz dialogul despre problemele care afecteaz societatea
n ansamblul ei (Burawoy, 2004, 104). Sociologia public, n viziunea sociologilor americani,
se distinge ntre tradiional i organic, cea
tradiional interacioneaz direct cu publicul,

iar sociologia organic se afl n strns legtur
cu publicul vizibil i activ (Burawoy, 2005, 7).
Aceast distincie dintre organic i tradiional se
refer n primul rnd la diversitatea publicurilor
active i pasive ale sociologiei.
Dezbaterile din cadrul acestui consiliu care
privete instituionalizarea sociologiei publice,
au fost concretizate ntr-un raport oficial Public
sociology and the roots of american sociology:
re-establishing our connections to the public6,
principalul scop al raportului Task Force fiind
acela de a arta c instituionalizarea sociologiei
trebuie realizat astfel nct munca sociologilor
s devin vizibil, folositoare i influent, iar
sociologia ca i disciplin s ias de sub umbrela
academicului i s se adreseze mai mult diverselor tipuri de public. Tezele aplicrii modelului
sociologiei publice vizeaz dou tipuri de manifestaii: tradiional i organic. Prima, aa
cum am amintit deja, se bazeaz pe o angajare
public providenial i accidental, iar sociologia organic este bazat pe o angajare public
intenionat care lucreaz cu indivizii i diferite grupuri din sfera public. Sociologia public
organic se poate gsi n proiecte precum Boston Colleges7 sau Media Research and Action
Program8, proiecte care aduc mpreun sociologii i specialitii din media n ncercarea de a
descoperi care este cea mai bun soluie pentru
a prezenta problemele sociale n media, dar i
n dezbaterile de tipul Task Force. O alt tez
important, consacrat n articolul For public
sociology se refer la localizarea sociologului,
astfel c Kang (2003) a analizat distribuirea sociologilor pe piaa muncii i a ajuns la concluzia c 70% dintre doctoranzi predau n cadrul
universitii sau conduc cercetri, pe cnd doar
30% erau angajai n afara universitii. Pe lng
proiectele sociologiei publice, un pas important
deja a fost realizat prin revista Contexts9 care
promoveaz ncercri de scriere de articole de
sociologie public i de asemenea newsletterul
Footnotes10 sau Global Dialogue.
113
Perspective critice asupra

modelului sociologiei publice
Modelul sociologiei publice nu a scpat de
numeroasele critici venite din partea sociologilor
i specialitilor din domeniu. Astfel, Burawoy
admite faptul c pluralismul n sociologie e posibil s lucreze mpotriva succesului politicilor
publice, dar sociologia are nevoie de o reconstrucie a epistemologiei i de o reorientarea a
clienilor i ctre cunoaterea sociologic i mai
mult dect att, sociologia trebuie s demonstreze utilitatea cunoaterii sale (Turner, 2005, 29).
Strategia lui Burawoy, n opinia lui Turner, va
expune publicului n mod inevitabil, nclinaia noastr ideologic, o consecin care va fi
dezastruoas pentru disciplin pe termen lung,
pentru c publicul s fie interesat de modalitatea
prin care sociologii cerceteaz realitatea social, iar sociologia s genereze un anumit tip de
cunoatere relevant att pentru academic ct i
nonacademic (Turner, 2005, 31) Totodat, nelegem c un public al sociologiei exist, dar el
este fie local, fie aparine doar cmpului tiinific. Adevrata problem intervine atunci cnd
publicul larg este influenat mai ales de ceea ce
este vizibil prin intermediul mass-mediei. Ar fi
util ca sociologii s ctige ct mai mult credibilitate din partea mai multor tipuri de public:
Pur i simplu nu putem fi propria noastr prjitur pe care o mncm, admite Turner, sociologii trebuie s se opreasc din a cuta rspunsuri
despre cum este lumea, ci ar trebui s se centreze pe cum anume lumea ar putea fi.
Sociologia public este perceput de principalul oponent al lui Michael Burawoy, Mathieu
Deflem (2007), ca fiind sociologia rea (bad sociology) pentru c aduce n eviden importana i utilitatea public a tiinei, mai mult sau
mai puin nedorit de ctre diferite publicuri.
Mathieu Deflem argumenteaz faptul c sociologia public declaneaz un rzboi al micrii
care demonizeaz sociologia, de exemplu, spre
idei marxiste care vor fi foarte greu de asociat cu
o orientare profesional-academic a sociologiei.
114
Concluziile articolului i reflecii

personale
Care este totui viitorul sociologiei? este
o ntrebare pe care i-o pun sociologii americani
care prezic un declin al sociologiei ca tiin. Implicaiile acestei analize critice au artat tocmai
dificultatea de a realiza o prognoz asupra viitorului sociologiei ca tiin. Articol i-a propus
s dezbat problema supus ateniei comunitii
sociologilor din Romnia despre sociologia public i implicarea sociologilor ntr-o diviziune a muncii care s cuprind patru perspective
prin care tiina ar trebui s acorde rspunsuri
despre probleme sociale emergente ale unei societi, comuniti, grupuri sau despre individ:
sociologie critic, sociologie public, sociologie
fundamentat n politici publice i sociologie
profesional, acestea corespondnd cunoaterii
instrumentale i cunoaterii reflexive.
Sociologia a supravieuit mai mult de un
secol i de-a lungul istoriei sale prin instituionalizarea n cadrul mediului academic. Astzi,
sociologia a devenit o disciplin insular, care
este vzut ca un turn al flecrelilor cu intrrile i ieirile dependente strict de mediul academic. Chemarea sociologiei publice promovate
ndeosebi de sociologia occidental nu va rezolva problema sociologiei academice din societile est-europene i, mai mult dect att, dac
sociologia nu poate fi vzut ca fiind relevant
pentru lumea de astzi, alte discipline vor putea
adopta elemente ale cunoaterii sociologice pentru a le integra n cadrul cunoaterii lor de baz.
Dei tema prezentului articol este actualmente
controversat i criticat n cadrul sociologiei
americane, ea deine un potenial de cercetare
foarte important mai ales pentru spaiul est-european, n aceeai msur ea va trebui tratat cu
multe precauii, sociologia public fiind n mare
msur o creaie a mediului academic american
care a avut traiectorii de dezvoltare a sociologiei diferite fa de rile postsocialiste. Michael
Burawoy, unul dintre promotorii acestui model,
a dezbtut din 2004 i pn n prezent aceast
tem n toat America, precum i Europa n ri
ca Anglia, Norvegia, Canada, Taiwan sau Africa
de Sud, n 2012 ajungnd chiar i n Romnia.

De asemenea, au aprut numeroase articole n
ediii ca Social Problems, Social Forces, Critical Sociology, cum i n newsletterul Asociaiei
Internaionale de Sociologie Global Dialogue.
Este de ajuns o cutare pe Google a noiunii de
public sociology i vom vedea numeroase bloguri, site-uri dedicate promovrii sociologiei
publice. Din 2004, n cadrul ASA au loc ntlniri anuale, de tipul Task Force, despre care am
discutat deja n acest articol, care se bucur deja
de o audien foarte mare n SUA i au creat numeroase reacii pozitive de ncurajare a acestui
demers. n mod clar, este o pist pentru sociologi
ca s se angajeze public i s fac munca sociologic mai relevant n afara universitii.
Herbert Gans (2009) constata faptul c sociologia public a rezistat pn n prezent n faa
unor provocri interdisciplinare uriae mai ales n
legtur cu celelalte tiine sociale. Munca unor
economiti, numii de Levitt i Dubner (2005)
freaknomics, ofer concluzii contra-intuitive
despre aspecte de la sine nelese ale vieii de
zi cu zi tocmai pentru c au acces mult mai uor
la publicul general dect sociologii, ns lupta nu
se oprete aici (Gans, 2009, 123). Herbert Gans
nelege prin sociologie public o tiin care
ajut oamenii n cadrul unui public general, care
nelege societatea. Dar n locul acestor scopuri,
tiina ar trebui s produc sociologie public
pentru publicul pe care l consider relevant pentru cele mai utile sectoare ale societii.
n ultimii ani, dezbaterea critic din sociologia american se refer, aa cum am descris
anterior, la aceast sociologie public ca o tiin social pentru cunoaterea public11. ns
limitele unei astfel de analize ne arat tocmai c
exist confuzii terminologice n aceast dezbatere care demonstreaz dificultatea de a crea o
nelegere clar a rolului complicat al activitilor caracteristice instituiilor academice, aa
cum preciza Calhoun (n Kalleberg i Eliaeson,
2008, 6-7). Craig Calhoun a observat totui c
n cadrul tiinelor sociale exist multe apeluri
pentru academici s informeze discursul public i politica public despre tiin. Autorul se
ntreab: care sunt diferitele canale de comuni-
115
care pentru a se putea populariza tiina i mai

ales cum se poate crea cadrul pentru discursul
public despre tiin? Care sunt legturile dintre
academici i diferii intermediari, incluznd
jurnaliti, ONG-uri, politic public sau experi?
Care sunt implicaiile proiectelor intelectualului
public pentru avansarea tiinei sociale nsi?
Toate aceste ntrebri nu i gsesc un rspuns
direct n modelul sociologiei publice, pentru c
academicul opereaz cu rolul de diseminator al
cunoaterii tiinifice n diferite contexte culturale i este un critic n discursul public democratic. Contextul instituional al unui intelectual
este o parte din forumul public, sau un jurnal
citit de un public larg, un ziar cu o deschidere
pentru discursul public, un forum n cadrul unei
universiti, un comunicat n forumuri unde argumentele sunt eseniale. Academicul trebuie s
dea noi subiecte agendei publice (Calhoun, n
Kalleberg i Eliaeson, 2008, 3-5). Concluzionnd, acelai Craig Calhoun admite faptul c tiina social public depinde de problemele publice i de informarea despre nelegerea public
a acestora. Ideea de a mbogi publicul nu este
singurul punct important al sociologiei publice.
Unele tiine sociale ar trebui s fie direct rspunztoare de probleme publice care sunt deja
subiecte n dezbatere sau n formularea de politici. Ar trebui s fie legat de real time social science (Calhoun, 2008), adic aducerea mpreun
a cunoaterii i a dezbaterii publice ntr-un timp
actual. De acest tip de tiin social ar depinde

cercetrile pe termen lung, dar n acelai timp ar
cere o angajare n dezvoltarea unei noi cunoateri n contextul schimbrilor sociale actuale.
Tema sociologia public n Romnia are un
potenial foarte mare de dezvoltare a unor cercetri sau analize critice, mai ales c pe aceast tema
s-au publicat foarte puine studii relevante. Analiza noastr arat ns c o viitoare cercetare despre
sociologia public s-ar desfura ntr-o perspectiv tradiional, corespundnd unei cunoateri
instrumentale, care reclam publicuri private, dar
care n acelai timp accede la acumularea unui
capital academic al cercetrilor sociale. Iar sociologia public organic poate oferi o alternativ
postmodern asupra implicrii tiinei n spaiul
public, ns aceasta va chema un nou angajament
public al tiinei care ar fi greu de susinut n cadrul sociologiei romneti. Sociologia public
fiind analizat n acest articol prin intermediul
practicii profesionale a sociologului i a vizibilitii rezultatelor cercetrii prin formularea de politici publice, ea nu poate corespunde unui singur
public, ci mai multor publicuri, de la audiena academic pn la cea extraacademic, reprezentat
prin ONG-uri, asociaii, actori instituionali sau
privai. Diferenierea dintre cele patru tipuri de
sociologii nu va fi una strict, astfel nct sociologia public poate fi critic, aa cum sociologia
profesionalacademic ar putea deveni public.
Note
. Public sociology este noiunea iniiat de Michael
Burawoy n cadrul Conferinei Asociaiei Americane
de Sociologie din 2004. (Burawoy, 2005). 2004
American Sociological Association Presidential
address: For public sociology. The British Journal of
Sociology 2005 Volume 56 Issue 2).
2
Societatea cunoaterii aa cum apare explicat n
cartea lui James S. Coleman (1990) Foundations of
Social Theory. Cambridge: The Belknap Press of
Harvard University Press.
3
Noiune care aparine lui Ulrich Beck (1986).
4
Teoria Agency-structure (Anthony Giddens) vs.
teoriile stratificrii sociale bazate pe clase sociale
(Karl Marx, Max Weber).
5
Conform schemei diviziunii muncii sociologice, un
tip de cunoatere tiinific care acord instrumente
pentru dezvoltarea societilor.

6
Raportul integral este disponibil pe site-ul ASA Task
Force http://pubsoc.wisc.edu/.
7
Pentru mai multe detalii despre Simposionul Boston
College http://burawoy.berkeley.edu/PS/Social%20
Problems.pdf.
8
Pentru mai multe informaii despre Media Research
and Action Program http://www.mrap.info/index.
html.
9
Revista Contexts http://contexts.org/.
10
Newsletterul Footnotes http://www.prosserlibrary.
info/library_newsletter_footnotes.htm.
11
Social science for public knowleage noiune
introdus de Craig Calhoun n R. Kalleberg i S.
Eliaeson, 2008. Academics as public intellectuals.
Newcastle, Cambridge Scholars Publishing.
116
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RECENZII
Robert W. McChesney, Digital Disconnect. How Capitalism is Turning the Internet against Democracy, The New Press, New York, 2013.
Digital Disconnect represents the last book

of the professor Robert W. McChesney from
the Urbana-Champaign University, Illinois,
following a very consistent series of six books
related with social, economical and political implication of the Internet:
Dollarocracy: How the Money-and-MediaElection Complex is Destroying America (2013);
The Endless Crisis: How Monopoly-Finance
Capital Produces Stagnation and Upheaval
from the USA to China (2012); The Death and
Life of American Journalism: The Media Revolution that Will Begin the World Again (2010);
The Political Economy of Media: Enduring Issues, Emerging Dilemmas (2008); Communication Revolution: Critical Junctures and the Future of Media (2007).
The paper is structured in seven chapters: 1.
What is the Elephant in the Digital Room? 2.
Does Capitalism Equal Democracy, 3. How can
the Political Economy of Communication Help
us Understand the Internet, 4. The Internet and
Capitalism I: Where Dinosaurs Roam? 5. The
Internet and Capitalism II: Empire of the Senseless 6. Journalism is Dead! Long Live the Journalism? 7. Revolution in the Digital Revolution?
The entire text has inserted plenty of examples, practical references and statistics, and thus it
is very accessible and attractive for large audience.
Starting from a classical distinction between the
celebrants and the skeptics, the author make a preview of the recent history of the Internet from the
early of 1990s with the text based communication,
MUD and e-mail, until in present, at the Web2.0
universe, social media and user-generated content.
All over these disputes professor McChesney makes an equilibrate approach, with advantages and
disadvantages of each of them: More generally,
the global medium of the internet would shrink the

universe, promote dialogue between nations, and
faster global understanding. In brief, the internet
would be an unstoppable force: like the invention
of print and gunpowder, it would change society
permanently and irrevocably. (2%)
Of course, all these fundamental changes do
not have only positive implication. The voice of
skeptics is still present and is based on several
very important facts: the young people today
constitute the dumbest generation, shockingly
ignorant of civics, history, geography, science, literature, the works. To Bauerlein, the emergence
of digital media is the main culprit in this sudden
transformation. Dwelling in a world of puerile
banter and coarse images, they are actively cut
off from world realities like no other generation (Mark Bauerlein, The Dumbest Generation:
How the Digital Age Stupefies Young Americans
and Jeopardizes Our Future, New York: Penguin, 2008, apud Robert McChesney (4%).
And, because you are not a gadget author
stresses that: skeptics argue that the emergence
of Facebook and other social media, ironically
enough correlates with a marked increase in loneliness (5%).
And it is for young people everywhere, especially in my beloved America. If there is any
conclusion to be drawn from what follows, any
take away from the digital revolution, it is the
heightened importance indeed the necessity
of the famous slogan from May 1968: Be realistic, demand the impossible! (Robert McChesney, Madison, Wisconsin, September 2012).
The book is available on Amazon in kindle
format (at 17 USD) or in hardcover (20 USD).
Bogdan Nadolu
119
Kawamura Yuniya, Fashioning Japanese Subcultures, Bloomsbury, 2012, 192 p.

The reason why I recommend Fashioning
Japanese Subculture is the interest which I manifest, and share with the author, for the studies
of subcultures from a perspective which differs
from the Euro-american one. Continuing the
work of Hilary Pilkington, this book seeks to be
original both through the way in which it defines its theoretical framework (Part I and II), and
through the underdeveloped research field which it targets (Part II): Thus, the purpose of this
book, is to fill the void between academic and
nonacademic perspectives since Japanese youth
subcultures and their unique stylistic expression
as a research topic deserve scholarly and intellectual consideration... (p. 1). Stated otherwise, we cannot apply the western conceptual framework for groups of youngsters in other areas
than the West, taking into account the different
socio-economic background of these societies. Most studies of anglo-saxon origin ignore
crucial components in the construction of social
groups, such as: race, gender or sexual orientation (McRobbie and Garber, 1993).
From the first pages of the paper, Yuniya
Kawamura formulates her hypothesis, according to which the Japanese subcultural phenomenon is an ideological one constitute an
institution and establish an alternative fashion
system that goes against the mainstream system
of fashion. In the first part of the book, what
is surprising is the theoretical component which
draws on the neo-structuralist approach of the
Birmingham School. The author intends to overview the fashion of CCCS1-like youngsters where bricolage becomes essential: my task is to
discern the hidden messages inscribed in code of
the surface style, to trace them as symbols.
What is surprising to a reader or researcher
in the field of youth cultures or subcultures is
the courage which the author has to use such
an approach in post-modern times. CCCS is
profoundly critiqued nowadays by more recent
approaches, such as that of neo-tribalism (Mafe-
solli, 1996), Bennett (1999) or of liquid modernity (Baumann, 2000), which the author ignores.
She defines the term subculture as being ...
constitued by groups of individuals who share distinct values and norms that are against
dominant or mainstream society... (p. 7). But
the following chapters, and in particular those
which target and describe cultural practices of
certain groups (Chapters 4, 5, 6, 7, 8) reveal that
this definition is not in good fit with the realities
studied by Kawamura. Thus, none of the groups
described in the second part of the paper do not
display any distinct subcultural characteristics,
being specific to post-modern fluidity of neo-tribes.
None of the groups exhibit elements of class
belonging or class subordination, a distinctive element for the neo-marxist interpretation
of Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies.
Although the book is riddled with numerous
quotes on consumers of these cultures, what
is missing are elements of ethnographic study,
which would facilitate an insider explanation
to more profound hermeneutic interpretations on
the subversion of senses of objects which these youngsters fetishize, as Hebdige does when
she refers to punk subculture in Subculture:
The meaning of stye (1979). In other words, the
author builds a good description of the state of
affairs of young Japanese fashion groups, without going into a deeper decoding of their potentially-subcultural signs.
At the same time, the author underlines the
fact that belonging to a group is not grounded in
structural determination, as is the case with skinheads and a large part of the classical 70s subcultures, but in voluntary affiliation to a certain
set of brands and consumer lifestyle, an element
which is particular to neo-tribes. In some instances, even cases of migration from a culture to
another are displayed (Mori Gyaru, Lolita and
Cosplayers), which goes against the theory of
subcultures that the author uses.
In the concluding remarks of the book, the
120
author reminds us of the existence of a strong,

yet ironic, correlation between the growing
number of subcultural groups with distinct appearance and Japanese long-lasting recession.
Structural changes in Japans economy and labour market have contributed to this phenomenon. Unfortunately, this hypothesis is not brought to the surface more throughout the work,
and the argument which proves the existence of
a clear correlation between these two variables
is missing, as the large number of youth cultures
can also be traced to a deeper globalization of
Japan, a tendency to move closer to the Western
World and an increase in media and socialization networks, or many other elements.
Also, the elements of rebellion and going
against mainstream claimed by the author for
the groups which she researches are questionable. From the standpoint of a rebellion against
the dominant class, my intuition is that these are
an integral part of it, as instead of being opposed
to it. You cannot discuss subcultural affiliation,
anti-system elements or silent revolt, when the
members of such a community (Lolita): are

from wealthy families, and the girls spend about
50.000-60.000 yen (aprox. 625-759 USD) per
visit. Many of them attend private schools and
take lessons in violin and piano (p. 92).
For a better methodological argument, I consider that the theoretical component of the paper
should be revised and the studied groups reframed in the area of neo-tribes, of scenes, or of
youth cultures.
Beyond these remarks, the style is clear and
easy to lecture, even for a reader which is not
familiar with cultural studies or sociology.
Kawamura is a pioneer in the study of subcultures from a perspective which transcends the
borders of classical theories, stimulating through this paper an imporant debate on the way in
which we can sociologically look at subcultures.
This is the reason why this book is important
for researchers in the field, because it opens up
an important field of interpretation and study of
youth communities and cultures, from another
perspective than the Euro-american one.
Note
One of the first theoretical approaches that have
tried sketching models for studying youth subcultures
is the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies
(CCCS) that has emerged in Birmingham in the
70s. The concept of subculture that has developed
throughout CCCS will usually represent a group of
young people that are in class subordination to the
dominant culture. Subcultures can be understood as
collective answers to the working class communities
break of the British post-war society, as a latent
function of subculture, as Cohen, (1972, 23) underlies

as an express and resolve, albeit magically trait, the
contradictions which remain hidden and unresolved
in the parent culture to retrieve some of the socially
cohesive elements destroyed in parent culture. The
concept of subculture will replace the functionalist
concept of youth culture, inadequate in explaining
the diversities of youth cultures that emerged after the
Second World War.
Dinu Guu

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SUMAR

SOCIOLOGIA SPAIILOR VIRTUALE

SOCIOLOGIA SPAIILOR VIRTUALE

mentaritate i nu n opoziie cu spaiul social

* Universitatea de Vest, Facultatea de Sociologie i Psihologie, Departamentul de Sociologie, B-dul V. Prvan

The Virtual Environment: Dangerous or Not?

that media, especially the Internet, no longer

Sociologie Romneasc, volumul XIII, Nr. 3, 2014, pp. 6-25

Ionela-Maria Rctu, The Virtual Environment: Dangerous or Not? Perceptions...

tively childrens proper development (Valcke et

situation in which the child passively receives or

Sociologie Romneasc, volumul XIII, Nr. 3, 2014, pp. 6-25

risks. Users may learn how to face those more

Ionela-Maria Rctu, The Virtual Environment: Dangerous or Not? Perceptions...

in order to avoid unpleasant moods or feelings,

With regards to childrens opinions about the

Sociologie Romneasc, volumul XIII, Nr. 3, 2014, pp. 6-25

Discussion on the method

Ionela-Maria Rctu, The Virtual Environment: Dangerous or Not? Perceptions...

ce and information from various websites and

Results and discussions

Sociologie Romneasc, volumul XIII, Nr. 3, 2014, pp. 6-25

next to some cultural and educative dimensions,

Section B. Focus on the Internet

most powerful source of information that ever

Ionela-Maria Rctu, The Virtual Environment: Dangerous or Not? Perceptions...

tified, pointing to the fact that youngsters were

It is addictive and harmful. If you use it very

Table 1: Internet evaluation by the focus-groups participants

There is a site for everything

Technical problems (it blocks up, jerks or shuts down)

Not too fast for doing multiple things at once

It gets you addicted

You can do multiple things at once

Contains wrong and untrustworthy information

It has an answer for everything

Contains misleading information

Contains a large array of complex information

It gets you informed

It is free to call/talk with someone

Bad for the health (contains radiations)

Allows you to socialize/communicate

Bad for the eyes

You can get acquainted with the news

Strangers can approach you

Sociologie Romneasc, volumul XIII, Nr. 3, 2014, pp. 6-25

Base: Focus-group participants responses

Section C. Internet use related

Ionela-Maria Rctu, The Virtual Environment: Dangerous or Not? Perceptions...

Methods of using the Internet safely

Use protection settings

Use anti-virus protection

Misuse and damage the connection

Post un-provocative pictures

Accept unknown persons in their friends list

Be sure and confident on what you are doing online

Being asked for the e-mail account

Be approached by unknown and suspicious persons

Ask for help if there are things you do not understand

Block the access of unknown people on your profile

Do not post your personal information

Seeing violent sites

Use only the official sites

Use privacy settings