V. - Kassianidou-Libre in Cyprus Iron Age PDF

CYPRUS AND THE AEGEAN IN
THE EARLY IRON AGE

The Legacy of Nicolas Coldstream
Edited by Maria Iacovou
BANK OF CYPRUS CULTURAL FOUNDATION
CYPRUS AND THE AEGEAN IN THE EARLY IRON AGE

THE LEGACY OF NICOLAS COLDSTREAM
Co-ordination: Lefki Michaelidou

Text editing: Ian Todd
Design /Typesetting: Akis Ioannides
Printing /Binding: Kailas Printers & Lithographers
The Bank of Cyprus Cultural Foundation and the

Editor wish to thank the Department of Antiquities
of Cyprus for permission to use on the book cover
photographs of vases from the Departments archive.
2012, Bank of Cyprus Cultural Foundation, Nicosia

Bank of Cyprus Cultural Foundation
Phaneromenis 86 90, 1011 Nicosia
P.O. Box 21995, 1515 Nicosia
www.boccf.com
ISBN 978-9963-42-879-3
CYPRUS AND THE AEGEAN IN

THE EARLY IRON AGE
The Legacy of Nicolas Coldstream
Edited by Maria Iacovou
BANK OF CYPRUS CULTURAL FOUNDATION
Proceedings of an archaeological workshop held in memory of

Professor J. N. Coldstream (1927 2008)
Monday, 13 December 2010
Archaeological Research Unit
University of Cyprus
Cntents
9 Foreword
11 Editors Introduction:
Nicolas the symposiast and his brood of Greek symposiasts
21 Abbreviations
23 Chronological Table
25 John Nicolas Coldstream: a personal appreciation of his legacy
Despina Pilides
33 Phoenicia, Cyprus and the Aegean in the Early Iron Age:
J. N. Coldstreams contribution and the current state of research
Nota Kourou
53 Euboean mobility towards the north: new evidence from the Sporades
Alexandros Mazarakis Ainian
77 Phokis and East Lokris in the light of interregional contacts at the transition
from the Late Bronze to the Early Iron Age
Antonia Livieratou
129 Cretan bronze stands of Cypriot types from sanctuaries and cemeteries:
Cretan society in the Early Iron Age
George Papasavvas
155 Creto-Cypriot and Cypro-Phoenician complexities in the archaeology of
interaction between Crete and Cyprus
Antonis Kotsonas
183 Pondering the Cypro-Phoenician conundrum.
The Aegean view of a bewildering term
Giorgos Bourogiannis
207 External and internal migrations during the 12th century BC.
Setting the stage for an economically successful Early Iron Age in Cyprus
Maria Iacovou
229 The origin and use of metals in Iron Age Cyprus
Vasiliki Kassianidou
261 Cypriot polities in the Early Iron Age
Anna Satraki
285 Cypriot sanctuaries and religion in the Early Iron Age:
views from before and after
Giorgos Papantoniou
321 La production cramique de Kition au Chypro-Gomtrique I
Anna P. Georgiadou
345 Aspects of hunting in early Greece and Cyprus:
a re-examination of the comb motif
Vicky Vlachou
371 The originality of ancient Cypriot art and the individuality of
performing practices in protohistoric Cyprus
Manolis Mikrakis
395 List of Contributors
Foreword
The present volume is a tribute to the memory of an internationally acclaimed scholar and long-time friend of Cyprus; it is published by the Bank of
Cyprus Cultural Foundation as a token of our gratitude for his invaluable contribution to the field of Cypriot archaeology. During a crucial period, when there
was no formal university programme on the history and archaeology of Cyprus
anywhere in the world, Professor J. N. Coldstream had taken it upon himself to
show through his teaching, research and publications the significance of Cypriot
material culture as a vital component of Mediterranean archaeology. In recognition of his work, Professor Coldstream was invited in 1986 by the Bank of Cyprus
Cultural Foundation to give the Second Annual Lecture on the History and Archaeology of Cyprus. This institution, the first that was formally approved by the
Board of Directors, and the oldest of the Foundations annual activities, was initiated in 1985 with a lecture by the late Jean Poulloux, the French archaeologist
whose name has been inextricably linked with the excavations of Salamis. At the
time, Cyprus was trying desperately to heal some of the open wounds (still open
today) inflicted by the invasion of 1974: the occupation of territories had led to
the loss of archives and libraries, monuments and sites of primary cultural and
archaeo-historical value. Given annually by a distinguished personality in the field
of history and /or archaeology, the Annual Lecture and its publication were part
of a policy, the explicit target of which was to remedy these vast loses by updating
the study of the cultural profile of the island with scientifically first rate papers.
Each lecture was published as an elegant booklet that was widely distributed to
LEFKI MICHAELIDOU
libraries in Cyprus and, above all, to academic institutions overseas. In 2003, 18

years and 18 published Annual Lectures later, the Foundations Board of Directors
recognized that the institution had served its purpose well, but it had also completed its cycle.
Founded in 1993, the Archaeological Research Unit of the University of
Cyprus first directed by Vassos Karageorghis and subsequently, and to this day,
by Demetrios Michaelides has gradually incorporated Cypriot archaeology
within a highly specialized academic environment: international conferences,
symposia and cycles of weekly lectures complement the teaching and enhance
the research programmes of the Department of History and Archaeology; at the
same time, they remain open to the international archaeological community and
equally to the interested public as the events sponsored by the Cultural foundation always were and will always be.
In view of these dramatically positive developments that are a result of the establishment of the University of Cyprus, the Board of Directors decided that the time
had come to establish a closer synergy with the Archaeological Research Unit as
the Bank of Cyprus had already done with the University of Cyprus at large. The
specific area, which requires a joint effort, is recognized by both parties: Cypriot
studies may be thriving today but they are in great need of funds for publications
and they also require assistance in the distribution of new publications. With this
objective in mind, the Cultural Foundation has, with great pleasure, undertaken
to publish and distribute the proceedings of the Workshop that was organized
by the Archaeological Research Unit in memory of J. N. Coldstream (1927
2008). We look forward to a long, scientifically sound and fruitful collaboration
that will enrich Cypriot studies with new and original works by senior as well as
young scholars.
Lefki Michaelidou
Director, Bank of Cyprus Cultural Foundation
10
Editors Introduction: Nicolas the symposiast

and his brood of Greek symposiasts
On the 13th of December 2010, a small group of Early Iron Age specialists
from Greece and Cyprus, who represent two generations of Greek scholars that
have followed in the footsteps of Professor J. N. Coldstream, met at the Archaeological Research Unit of the University of Cyprus to honour his memory. With
this meeting, the University of Cyprus and especially the members of the Archaeological Research Unit, which in the last decade has become the base of the School
of Cypriot Archaeology, wished to acknowledge a major debt owed to the late
Professor Coldstream: in the 1990s, as chairman or member of many selection
committees, Coldstream played a decisive role in electing the first professors of
archaeology for the Department of History and Archaeology. This alone would
have been reason enough to devote a Workshop in his memory. There was, however, a less obvious but more intimate purpose behind the meeting which is reflected in, and should also explain, the choice of speakers as we wished to pay
tribute to aspects of his academic contribution that have had a long-term impact
on the archaeology of Cyprus and also on the careers of his Cypriot students. His
productive and creative association with Cyprus, from where he regularly harvested a rich collection of data, which he would then share with his circle of disciples, fostered the opening of channels of communication and collaboration between Greek colleagues working in the Early Iron Age of Greece and Cyprus.
Many years before the establishment of the University of Cyprus (1992), where
the field of Cypriot archaeology finally found a long-deserved home in the Ar-
11
MARIA IACOVOU
chaeological Research Unit of the Department of History and Archaeology, Nicolas

Coldstream, Professor of Aegean Archaeology at Bedford College, London (from
1975), and then Yates Professor of Classical Archaeology at University College,
London (as of 1983), was the only university teacher in Europe to have introduced
regular undergraduate courses and graduate seminars on the archaeology of
Cyprus. Not many scholars, other than a few natives who were struggling to specialise and also stay in Cypriot archaeology in the 70s and 80s (especially doctoral
candidates and post-doctoral researchers, like some of my Cypriot colleagues and
myself), are able to look back and appreciate the significance of Nicolass pioneering academic agenda: he steadfastly, and against the temporal and geographical
constraints of the established Classical Archaeology tradition, considered Cyprus
an integral part of Aegean studies, in as much as he saw the Aegean not in isolation
but as the central part of the Mediterranean world. He taught, and lived by, this
credo to the end: he would travel on either side of the Aegean to study Greek pottery that appeared in assemblages in the Levant, in Italy, or elsewhere. He always
kept one step ahead of everybody else as he had an unmatched ability to sew every
new piece of evidence onto a big canvas where he mapped the multidirectional
movements of artefacts, ideas and influences that speak of human contacts and
are the stuff from which we can begin to approach the history of our shared
Mediterranean landscape in the early first millennium BC.
The Mycenaean Seminar, which he ran so diligently in the Institute of Classical
Studies in London for many years, was not confined geographically or chronologically to the Mycenaean culture or even to the archaeology of Greece: it was
the venue he used so that scholars would lecture in London on research projects
that concerned the whole of the Central and East Mediterranean in the Bronze
Age and Early Iron Age. Thus, promising young archaeologists of many nationalities who had found a haven in his classes and in his tutoring were also urged to
rise to the podium of the Mycenaean Seminar, to present their research and defend their interpretations. But Nicolass tutorial method was not confined to the
Institute; he was a master in developing academic togetherness or what one
could perhaps describe better as good manners and good company in the social
practice of archaeology. Those privileged to know him would agree that organising social gatherings, as a rule in his home, was an integral part of Nicolass scholarly modus operandi. In this, his spouse Nicky Coldstream was his devoted accomplice; nobody can possibly overlook her contribution. Herself a formidable
Mediaeval archaeologist, Nicky deserves an honorary degree in Aegean studies,
not only for her exquisite drawings of the pottery that Nicolas would study and
publish but also for using her cooking skills to prepare what must certainly have
12
EDITORS INTRODUCTION
amounted to a monumentally long list of dinners at their historic house, blessed

by the young Mozart, at 180 Ebury Street. There, shy and reserved juniors came
to sit next to, and converse with, senior scholars and each other. Was it not this
that the Greek Symposium was all about? With the Cyprus University Workshop
we attempted to emulate a gathering of old and new symposiasts who cherish the
spiritual bonds that Nicolas nurtured between his students and himself, and likewise among his students.
Like dozens of Nicolass one time students who are today distinguished scholars,
Nota Kourou (University of Athens), Alexander Mazarakis Ainian (University of
Thessaly), Irene Lemos (University of Oxford), Vasiliki Kassianidou (University
of Cyprus) and Maria Iacovou (University of Cyprus), the five Greek professors
who were asked to convene the Workshop (their number was kept to a minimum
so as to give more time and scope to the second generation), had the good fortune
to study and /or work with Nicolas; but the primary force that brought us together
was the fact that it is through Nicolas that, since the 1980s, we have come to know
and respect each other. It was Nicolas who showed us, by his own example, that
we needed each others knowledge and first-hand experience of the intricacies of
all matters Aegean and Cypriot. The years went by, but mutual trust carried on;
we have often relied on each others regional expertise; we have also referred to
each other, and exchanged, promising students who have helped to open up the
Cypro-Aegean web of communication and sustain a lively archaeological dialogue.
The result is an energetic and highly mobile second generation of young Early
Iron Age scholars from Greece and Cyprus who can bridge the geographicaland
academic distance between the archaeologies of a central Mediterranean region
(the Aegean) and an eastern one (the island of Cyprus) with an insightful understanding of regional differences and a sensitive appreciation of local identities.
In one way or another, the eight second generation representatives who were invited to the Workshop belong to this energetic category (the order of names follows the order of papers in the volume). Antonia Livieratou, now in the 9th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities in the Museum of Thebes, did her
doctoral thesis in the University of Edinburgh with Lemos on the transition from
the Late Bronze to the Early Iron Age in the Argolid and Central Greece. George
Papasavvas, Associate Professor of Classical Archaeology in the University of
Cyprus therefore, a senior member of the second generation is the Cretan student of Kourou, who came to Cyprus via Germany to do his doctoral research on
an intriguing subject (the thesis was finished in Cyprus at the newly established
Archaeological Research Unit), which was subsequently defended in the Univer-
13
MARIA IACOVOU
sity of Athens and has since been published by the Leventis Foundation (X
K K, Nicosia 2001). Antonis Kotsonas is another formidable student of Lemos, who did his doctoral thesis in the University
of Edinburgh on ceramic styles in Iron Age Crete, and is now an active post-doctoral researcher at the Amsterdam Archaeological Centre. Giorgos Bourogiannis,
who was also urged to look towards Cyprus by Kourou, received his doctoral title
from the University of Athens, worked for the British Museum and is now postdoctoral research fellow, responsible for the Cypriot collection, in the Medelhavsmuseet at Stockholm. Anna Satraki, my doctoral student since 2005, was claimed
by the Department of Antiquities of Cyprus soon after she had defended her thesis: since 2011, she has been Archaeological Officer responsible for the Larnaca
district. As I write this Introduction, Satrakis monograph,
, is being released by the University of Athens
in the Archaiognosia publication series. This concise interpretation of the political
organization of Cyprus from the Late Bronze Age to the end of the Cypro-Classical
period will serve for many years as the most up to date research guide and history
textbook for teachers and students alike. Where Satraki ends, Giorgos Papantoniou, another one of our cherished University of Cyprus students that went on to
earn his doctoral title under the guidance of Christine Morris in the Department
of Classics at Trinity College Dublin (where he is currently a post-doctoral researcher), picks up the thread: his masterful, Religion and Social Transformations
in Cyprus: From the Cypriot Basileis to the Hellenistic Strategos (Leiden 2012) will
appear in the Mnemosyne Series of Brill any time now. Anna Georgiadou, the
youngest of all contributors, is an Athenian turned Cypriot ceramic expert: after
she had devoted her MA thesis to the problem of Cypro-Geometric II her point
of departure was Nicolass paper, On chronology: the CG II mystery and its sequel
(in Iacovou, M. and Michaelides, D. (eds), Cyprus. The Historicity of the Geometric
Horizon. University of Cyprus, Nicosia, 1999, 10918) she came from Aix-enProvence to Cyprus where, for the last four years, she has been studying CyproGeometric assemblages from all over the island. Georgiadous doctoral thesis (Les
ateliers de la production cramique de la priode Gomtrique Chypre (XIe
VIIIe s. av. J.-C.), which will be submitted jointly to the Universities of Aix-enProvence and Athens, will serve as a much-needed handbook of the Cypro-Geometric pottery, but it will also present a challenging codification of regional
ceramic fingerprints. Manolis Mikrakis, is another student of Kourou, who found
his way to Cyprus, where he has been working for the Department of Antiquities;
in his dissertation, which was defended in 2006 at the University of Heidelberg,
Mikrakis dealt with string instruments and the performance of music in the
Aegean and Cyprus during the Bronze and Early Iron Ages.
14
Livieratou and Bourogiannis were unable to fly to Cyprus for the meeting but
they submitted their contributions for publication in the volume. Conversely,
when due to other pressing commitments, Lemos announced that she could not
meet the deadline for the submission of her contribution, After Nicolas what?
The future of Iron Age studies in the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean, we
decided to accommodate a ninth second generation paper by Vicky Vlachou,
who did her doctoral dissertation with Kourou on the Geometric pottery from
Oropos, excavated by Mazarakis Ainian.
The Workshop was opened by the Director of the Archaeological Research Unit,
Professor Demetrios Michaelides in the presence of our guest of honour: Dr Nicky
Coldstream. It was addressed by the Director of Antiquities of Cyprus, Dr Maria
Hadjicosti, who on the previous day had kindly escorted the speakers and other
guests on a study trip that included Amathus and the Limassol District Museum,
where Nicolas, always accompanied by Nicky, had spent time working on the publication of some of the earliest Aegean imports to Cyprus.The Director of the
Bank of Cyprus Cultural Foundation, Mrs Lefki Michaelides, spoke next and
promised to have the Workshops proceedings published in recognition of Professor Coldstreams early association with the Foundation: back in 1986, he gave
the Second Annual Lecture on the History and Archaeology of Cyprus, on The Originality of Cypriot Art. Little did I know as I returned to Cyprus at the end of 1986
from post-doctoral research under Nicolass aegis at the Institute (made possible
through a BSA Centenary Bursary), that the author of the first book I would
edit as part of my handle-it-all administrative duties at the newly established
Cultural Foundation was going to be Professor Coldstream. Published in
Nicosia in 1987 as a pamphlet, The Originality of Cypriot Art has since been cited
in hundreds of works and, not surprisingly, it has also found its place in many of
the papers in this volume.
Professor Vassos Karageorghis, old friend and associate of Nicolas, talked with understandable emotion of Nicolas Coldstream: The man, the scholar (the content
of his contribution was published in CCEC 38 (2008), 1316). Dr Despina Pilides,
one-time student of Coldstream and now Curator of Antiquities in the Department
of Antiquities of Cyprus, gave a lively presentation of Nicolas as teacher and academic advisor. er contribution, John Nicolas Coldstream: A personal appreciation of his legacy, is a most appropriate opening paper for the volume.
The invited speakers had not been asked to address a specific research problem
but instead to present research topics they were currently working on and wanted
15
MARIA IACOVOU
to share. Thus, the papers do not necessarily talk to each other; they stand on their
own and, had they been presented as individual seminars at the Institute in London
some years ago, we trust that Nicolas would have been there. This created a minor
problem, but a problem nonetheless: the papers order of presentation in the volume. It was easy to put Pilidess contribution first; it was also reasonable to choose
to continue with Kourous Phoenicia, Cyprus and the Aegean in the Early Iron
Age: J. N. Coldstreams contribution and the current state of research. After that,
however, I had to improvise: I introduced a (quasi) geographical approach starting
from the north Aegean, with Mazarakis Ainians Euboean mobility towards the
north: new evidence from the Sporades, and moving south, first on the Greek
mainland, with Livieratous paper, Phokis and East Lokris in the light of interregional contacts at the transition from the Late Bronze to the Early Iron Age, and
then on to Crete: Papasavvass Cretan bronze stands of Cypriot types from sanctuaries and cemeteries: Cretan society in the Early Iron Age and Kotsonass CretoCypriot and Cypro-Phoenician complexities in the archaeology of interaction
between Crete and Cyprus fuelled the endlessly fruitful dialogue between the two
megalonisoi. I then inserted Bourogianniss Pondering the Cypro-Phoenician conundrum. The Aegean view of a bewildering term, so as to begin to sail towards
Cyprus and the East. The next five papers are studies firmly rooted in Cyprus. They
are Iacovous External and internal migrations during the 12th century BC. Setting
the stage for an economically successful Early Iron Age; Kassianidous The origin
and use of metals in Iron Age Cyprus; Satrakis Cypriot polities in the Early Iron
Age; Papantonious Cypriot sanctuaries and religion in the Early Iron Age: views
from before and after; and Georgiadous La production cramique de Kition au
Chypro-Gomtrique I.
I decided to end the volume with two contributions upon which Nicolas would
have looked with a twinkle in his eyes because of their pictorial theme: Vlachous
Aspects of hunting in early Greece and Cyprus: a re-examination of the comb
motif , and Mikrakiss The originality of ancient Cypriot art and the individuality of performing practices in protohistoric Cyprus. When Nicolas dealt with
pictorial pottery, he allowed himself to express joy and humour and became one
with the ancient potter-painter. Nicolass scholarship, writes Gerald Cadogan in
Nicolas Coldstream (19272008), commenting on his unforgettable description
of the hippalektryon vessel, was and is human and humane, often humorous,
blessed with a probing eye [], imaginative and empathetic in his speculations
about what the ancient artists, craftsmen, merchants and patrons thought and
chose (BSA 104 (2009), 18). I left the paper by Mikrakis to the end because it
is a tribute to Nicolas the passionate piano player, who would have a lot in com-
16
mon with Mikrakis in terms of musical interests; also, because the title and content
of the paper is an elegy to the lecture Nicolas gave in Nicosia in 1986.
We asked two very special and long-time friends of Nicky and Nicolas to be chairpersons at the Workshop, and we thank them for the eagerness with which they
accepted. Robert Merrillees, who had travelled with his wife Helen to Cyprus to
share the experience of the meeting with Nicky and the rest of us, chaired the
morning session with his well known gusto. Nadia Charalambidou, a Cypriot
scholar of Modern Greek literature, who had known Nicolas and attended his
classes in the early 1970s, chaired the last session, and gave a touching farewell
note, after which Professor Michaelides asked our guest of honour to the podium.
It was then that Nicky had the Workshops last word, and as she did I realised that
Nicolas and Nicky were last in Cyprus together in the late autumn of 2006 for the
conference, Parallel Lives, Ancient Island Societies in Crete and Cyprus, which was
jointly organised by the British School at Athens and the Universities of Crete and
Cyprus. In fact, the picture on our frontispiece shows Nicolas addressing the Conference with his lecture, Cypriot kingdoms, Cretan city-states: what parallels?,
which will appear posthumously, and almost certainly simultaneously with the
present volume (in BSA Studies 20 (2012), edited by G. Cadogan, M. Iacovou, K.
Kopaka and J. Whitley).
In editing the volume I decided that there was no point in trying to create another
list of Coldstreams publications as this has been admirably compiled by two
eminent colleagues in two parts: the first can be found in the Festschrift Klados;
Essays in Honour of J. N. Coldstream (Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies
Supplement 63, 1995), which was edited by Christine Morris; the second, which
completes the first with Coldstreams publications that appeared after Klados, was
recently compiled by Alan Johnston in an invaluable memoir published in the
Proceedings of the British Academy 166 (2010), 103116. I did think, however, of
putting together a Cyprus bibliography of Nicolas but soon realised that it would
have been against Nicolass own approach to try to isolate the Cypriot (and maybe
also Levantine) papers, when in fact Cyprus and the Eastern Mediterranean
played their part in almost every article and book he published. As Robert Merrillees remarked in Nicolas Coldstream: a personal reminiscence (in CCEC 38
(2008) 1718), Only he could have got away with linking Cyprus to all of its compass points. Robert was referring to Nicolass last public address about Cyprus,
the lecture he gave in London at the inauguration of the A.G. Leventis Gallery of
Cypriot Antiquities in 2007, which was entitled, Cypriot interconnections
North, East, South and West. Finally, I should add that the Chronological Table
17
MARIA IACOVOU
Nicky Coldstream closing the Workshop at the Archaeological Research Unit of the University
of Cyprus on 13 December 2010.
in the volume results from the joint efforts of the contributors, whom I thank
once again for their persistence and patience.
I express heartfelt thanks to Alan Johnston and Nicky Coldstream for guidance
during the preparatory stages of the Workshop, and for sharing important inside
information with me that spared me not a few embarrassing errors. My gratitude
goes to another life-long teacher not only because he once again stood by me, this
time when writing the Introduction, but also because it was he, Gerald Cadogan,
who had first introduced me to Nicolas and Nicky Coldstream in the early years
of the 1980s in the Stratigraphical Museum at Knossos.
I was fortunate not to have to shoulder alone the organisation of the Workshop:
as on many previous occasions, my colleagues at the Archaeological Research Unit,
Vasiliki Kassianidou, Demetrios Michaelides and Giorgos Papasavvas shared the
burden with me, and we all relied on the assistance of Irida Chrysafi, who was the
Units secretary at the time. The meeting and the journeys of those of our guests
that had to come from abroad were financed by the University of Cyprus, and the
speakers dinner by the Cyprus Tourist Organisation. I should also like to thank
Dr Pilides for her immediate response to my request for new and good quality illustrations of Greek imports from Amathus which, in the able hands of a book
18
designer as finicky and as creative as Akis Ioannides, were made into a book cover
that Nicolas would have certainly loved. This book has acquired physical substance
due to the combined efforts of Lefki Michaelidou, who is directing the Cultural
Foundations publication programme, Akis Ioannides, who is enamoured with the
art of book design and Ian Todd, a distinguished archaeologist, who accepted to
read, correct and improve the English, and in one case the French, text (and references) of 14 papers written by Greeks; I thank him for his patience and kindness!
It was my privilege to work with all three of them on this volume.
As I submit the proceedings to be printed, it seems to me that a wonderful cycle,
in which Nicolas was vigilantly following the careers of many of his Greek students, has come to a close. We shall be blessed if we can do half as much for our
students. Syndedemenoi is the title of the Greek edition of a fascinating book by
Nicholas Christakis and James Fowler, which was originally published in 2009
with the meaningful title, Connected The Surprising Power of our Social Networks
and how they Shape our Lives (Little, Brown and Co.). When I came across it in
2011, I immediately knew what I would like one to remember when reading this
Introduction about Nicolas the symposiast and his brood of Greek symposiasts:
the reader should not try to seek in the volume a well-defined connecting theme,
other than the general one of Cyprus and the Aegean in the Early Iron Age; it is
primarily the authors of the papers that form the connection: the first generation
was connected through Nicolas, while the students of Nicolass students form the
second generation and relate to each other through their teachers. Together we
continue to celebrate the lasting impact of his legacy. Consequently, the papers in
this volume are a collection of cameos submitted to the memory of a beloved
teacher that built the network which brought us together.
Maria Iacovou
Summer 2012
19
Abbreviations
Bibliographic
AA
AAA
AASOR
ADelt
AEphem
AJA
AM
Archologischer Anzeiger
Athens Annals of Archaeology, A A A
Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research

American Journal of Archaeology
Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archologischen Instituts,
Athenische Abteilung
AR
Archaeological Reports
ARDA
Annual Report of the (Director of the) Department of Antiquities
ASAtene
Annuario della Scuola archeologica di Atene e delle Missioni
italiane in Oriente
AWE
Ancient West and East
BAR, Int. Ser. British Archaeological Reports, International Series
BASOR
Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research
BCH
Bulletin de Correspondance Hellnique
BICS
Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies, University of London
BSA
Annual of the British School at Athens
BSA Studies British School at Athens Studies
CCEC
Cahiers du Centre dtudes Chypriotes
ClAnt
Classical Antiquity
21
JHS
JMA
Med. Arch.
OJA
PAE
PBSR
PBF
RA
RDAC
SCE
SIMA
SMEA
WA
Journal of Hellenic Studies

Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology
Mediterranean Archaeology
Oxford Journal of Archaeology

Papers of the British School at Rome
Prhistorische Bronzefunde
Revue Archologique
Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus
Swedish Cyprus Expedition
Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology
Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici
World Archaeology
Chronological
The main terms are in some cases preceded by E (Early), M (Middle), L (Late),
S (Sub)
BA
LC
LH
SM
IA
PG
G
EO
22
Bronze Age
Late Cypriot
Late Helladic
Submycenaean
Iron Age
Protogeometric
Geometric
Early Orientalising
Chronological table
1400
CYPRUS
CRETE
GREEK MAINLAND
Late Cypriot IIB
Late Minoan IIIA
Late Helladic IIIA
Late Minoan IIIB
Late Helladic IIIB
Late Minoan IIIC
Late Helladic IIIC
1350
1300
Late Cypriot IIC
1250
1200
1150
1100
Late Cypriot IIIA

Late Cypriot IIIB
1050
1000
950
Cypro-Geometric I
Cypro-Geometric III
Late Proto-Geometric
Proto-Geometric B
Early Geometric
Late Geometric
Early Geometric*
Middle Geometric*
Late Geometric
Cypro-Archaic I
Archaic
600
550
Late Proto-Geometric
Middle Proto-Geometric
750
650
Middle Proto-Geometric
Cypro-Geometric II
800
700
Early Proto-Geometric
Early Proto-Geometric
900
850
Submycenaean
Subminoan
Archaic
Cypro-Archaic II
500
450
Cypro-Classical I
400
350
Classical
Classical
Cypro-Classical II
* Coincides with the Sub-Protogeometric (I III) phases of Euboea and related areas.
23
The origin and use of metals in Iron

Age Cyprus
Vasiliki Kassianidou
ABSTRACT
The role of Cyprus as producer and exporter of copper in the Late Bronze Age is well
known and adequately documented. We know the form in which copper was traded:
the preferred type of ingot was the oxhide shape, but plano-convex ingots were also
used. We also know the volumes of shipment that could be sent at any one time: the
Amarna letters mention as many as 500 ingots sent to Egypt on one go, while the ship
that sank at Ulu Burun was carrying 354 oxhide ingots. We even know the distance
that Cypriot copper travelled within the Mediterranean and beyond: recently copper
oxhide ingots whose lead isotope fingerprint is consistent with the Cypriot field were
found as far west as Marseille and as far north as Oberwilfingen in Germany.
At the end of the Late Bronze Age, when trading networks collapse together with
the societies of the Eastern Mediterranean all this changes. What happens, then, with
the Cypriot copper industry in the Iron Age? Was copper still produced on the island,
and where? How did the introduction of iron affect the copper industry and how was
this metal adopted and used in Cyprus? Furthermore, where did Cypriots get other metals, namely silver and gold which, as the evidence shows, were still important to them?
The aim of this paper is to investigate and present the available evidence in an attempt to answer these questions.
229
VASILIKI KASSIANIDOU
Introduction
The first half of the first millennium BC, in other words what is usually referred
to as the Iron Age, constitutes one of the most important periods in Cyprus past
history. This is elucidated both by archaeological excavations on the sites which
once formed the city kingdoms of the island, and by the historical sources of the
Near East and the Greek world. Yet little is known about the production and trade
of Cypriot copper at this time or about the use of iron, tin, lead, silver and gold.
The aim of this paper is address this issue and to bring together archaeological,
analytical and textual evidence on the production and use of metals in Cyprus
during the Iron Age.
Copper
The role of Cyprus as producer and exporter of copper in the Late Bronze Age is
well known and adequately documented. Excavations in practically every Late
Cypriot site have brought to light the remains of the installations and the waste
products of the copper industry (Muhly 1989; for recent discussions see Kassianidou forthcoming, as well as papers in Kassianidou and Papasavvas 2012). Through
their study we can formulate models about the smelting technology of the period
(Knapp and Kassianidou 2008, 14044). We know the form in which copper was
traded: the preferred type of ingot had an oxhide shape, but plano-convex ingots
and oval ingots were also used. These are best illustrated in the cargo of the Uluburun ship which dates to the end of the 14th century BC (Pulak 2000, 14142; 2005,
5963; 2008, 30710). We even have a rough idea about the scale of production:
in the eight letters from Alashiya found in the archives of Amarna (EA 3340;
Moran 1996) dating to the mid fourteenth century BC, 897 ingots of copper are
said to have been sent to Egypt over a period that cannot be greater than thirty
years (Knapp and Kassianidou 2008, 135). The weight of oxhide ingots corresponds roughly to a talent which, depending on the measuring system, weighs
between 2730 kg (Buchholz 1959, 8; Rice Jones 2007, 85). In other words Cyprus
sent to Egypt between 24 to 27 tons of copper metal in a span of less than 30 years
(Knapp and Kassianidou 2008, 135). We also know the size of shipment that could
be sent at any one time: the ship that sank at Uluburun was carrying 354 oxhide
ingots together with other types, totalling 10 tons of copper which according to
the Lead isotope analysis is consistent with a Cypriot provenance (Gale and StosGale 2005, 11922).
We even know the distance that Cypriot copper travelled: oxhide ingots consistent with a Cypriot provenance are known from as far east as the Kassite palace
of Dur-Kurigalzu located near Baghdad (Brinkman 1987, 3536; Muhly 2009,
230
THE ORIGIN AND USE OF METALS IN IRON AGE CYPRUS
27), as far west as Marseille (Domergue and Rico 2002, 141), as far north as Oberwilfingen in Germany (Primas and Pernicka 1998, 42; Primas 2005, 389) and as
far south as Qantir in Egypt (Pusch 1995, 123).
At the end of the Late Bronze Age, when trading networks collapse together
with the societies of the Eastern Mediterranean, all this changes. What happens
to the Cypriot copper industry in the Iron Age? Was copper still produced on the
island, and where? Did the demand for Cypriot copper diminish when iron became established?
In fact, iron never fully substituted for bronze, simply because it could not.
Why this should be so, is clear when one considers the physical properties of the
metal (Giumlia-Mair and Maddin 2004, 50). Although its ores are abundant and
thus iron is readily available, iron could only compete with tin bronze if it had
been turned into steel, through a multi stepped process (Muhly 2006, 2123).
Furthermore, while the hardness of steel rendered it an ideal material for the manufacture of tools and especially weapons, the high melting-point of the metal
(1583 C) made it impossible for ancient smiths to melt and cast it in moulds.
Thus its use was restricted to objects that could be forged. Finally, the vulnerability
of iron to corrosion rendered it a base metal. As eloquently described by Pliny
(Natural History XXXIV.XL. 141): The same benevolence of nature has limited
the power of iron itself by inflicting on it the penalty of rust, and the same foresight
by making nothing in the world more mortal than that which is most hostile to
humanity (Rackham 1968, 231).
Bronze, therefore, continued to be used for the manufacture of vessels, works
of art and other objects. Consequently, copper not only did not cease to be a popular material during the Iron Age but, in fact, it remained a valuable and sought
after commodity. This is fully supported, according to Zaccagnini (1990, 501) by
the numerous references to copper and bronze smiths, as well as, to works of
handicraft such as statues, bas-reliefs, plates, bowls, basins, cauldrons, (ritual)
weapons, etc. in the Neo Assyrian and Neo Babylonian texts. According to Giumlia-Mair and Maddin (2004, 57): As late as the Roman Empire and even later, the
most common metals employed for items of daily use, personal decorations or
precious objects of furniture, were copper-based alloys. Significant quantities of
iron were used for weapons and implements for farming, but copper, together
with its alloys, remained an extremely important and very expensive material for
many centuries. I believe, therefore, that the introduction of iron did not have a
negative effect on the Cypriot copper industry or economy which was always
mainly based on the export of copper.
That there was no recession in the production of copper after the transition to
the Iron Age is fully supported by the archaeological evidence, according to which
231
copper is still being produced in Cyprus in the first millennium BC. The evidence
comes mainly from the cupriferous foothills of the Troodos mountains where
there are the scattered remains of ancient mines and smelting workshops (Fig. 1).
It should be pointed out that it is extremely difficult to date the few galleries
which have survived modern methods of mining. The only exception being those
galleries, which due to the weakness of the host rock, had to be supported with
timber. The environment in the mines is such that the wood is well preserved and
it, therefore, provides suitable material for radiocarbon dating. Wooden supports
were found at the mine of Kokkinoyia in Mitsero, and radiocarbon analysis determined that some date from the 9th 7th centuries BC (Panayiotou 1989, 85).
Zwicker (1999, 195) recorded ancient wood used to support galleries in the mines
of Kambia (Pitharochoma and Peristerka) which are close to the village of Politiko,
ancient Tamassos. A sample of mining timber from Peristerka was dated by radiocarbon and was found to date to 660 110 BC, while two others gave a date of
540 60 BC and 410 40 BC respectively, offering clear evidence that these mines
were being exploited during the Archaic and Classical periods. Similar dates were
found when mining timber from Pitharochoma (Zwicker 1999, 196), as well as, a
piece of mine wood from Skouriotissa (pers. comm.. C. Xydas, CEO of the Skouriotissa mine) were subjected to radiocarbon dating.
Furthermore, during the Sydney Cyprus Survey Project (SCSP) we detected
the remains of two ancient mining spoil heaps, on the section of the modern open
cast mine of Agrokipia (Fig. 2). The nature of the stratified material and the form
of the deposits all indicate that the heaps consist of waste that derives from mining,
mineral dressing and roasting (Kassianidou 2003a, 6469). The stratified deposits
yielded no ceramic sherds but plenty of charcoal which was used to determine
the age of the deposit with radiocarbon dating. Two of the samples gave a date of
1010780 BC while the other two ranged between 835480 BC (all at 93% confidence) (Kassianidou 2003a, 69). From these unimpressive, in terms of archaeological finds, ancient spoil heaps, we have solid evidence for the continuation of
the copper industry in the Iron Age.
On the hill of Kokkinorotsos, which is located ca. 3 km to the southwest of
Politiko, a metallurgical site was also recorded by SCSP dating roughly to the same
period. According to radiocarbon dating the metallurgical processes could be
dated between 830410 BC (at 95% confidence) (Knapp 2003, 13638). Chemical
and microscopic analysis of the slag showed that it represents multiple stages of
the production of black copper from sulphide ores (Kassianidou 2003b, 220).
Slightly later in date is the well preserved smelting workshop of Ayia Varvara
Almyras where a small mine, crushing and grinding tools, slag and a series of
roasting and smelting furnaces have been excavated (Fasnacht 1999, 2002). The
232
earliest phase of production at Almyras dates according to the excavator to around

600 BC, namely the Cypro-Archaic Period. Also dating to the Archaic period is a
partially preserved smelting installation that was excavated in the area of South
Mathiatis (Fasnacht and Georgiou 2006, 199).
Some new evidence on copper production in the Classical period has recently
come to light when a number of ancient slag heaps were investigated as part of a
research project entitled Reconstructing woodland vegetation and its exploitation
by past societies, based on anthracological analysis and interpretation. The project
is coordinated by the author and is undertaken by Maria Socratous as part of her
doctoral thesis. It is funded by the Research Promotion Foundation, the Republic
of Cyprus and the European Structural funds for Cyprus. Its focus is the anthracological analysis of charcoal samples collected from ancient copper slag heaps
in order to identify the preferred species of wood used as fuel for the smelting
process, as well as the ancient woodland vegetation in the copper bearing foothills
of the Troodos. In three of the four mining districts that fieldwork was undertaken, namely Mitsero, Troulloi and Kalavasos, evidence of copper production
from the Archaic through the Hellenistic period was revealed.
In the mine of Kokkinoyia in Mitsero the substantial slag heap has already
been recorded by the Sydney Cyprus Survey Project (Van Lokeren 2003, 168)
(Fig. 3), Among the stratified layers of the heap, which currently measures 27.5m
in length and 10m in height, pottery dating to the Archaic and Classical periods
was collected (Van Lokeren 2003, 169). However, no charcoal was collected, which
is why Socratous and the author returned to the site. One of the samples we collected was radiocarbon dated and produced a calibrated date between 409 and
362 BC (at 95.4%). More dates will be procured in the near future but at the moment the evidence shows that the heap dates to the Classical period.
Also dating from the Classical to the Hellenistic period, according to two charcoal samples that were radiocarbon dated (the first produced a date of 420358
BC and the second 329203 BC at 95.4% confidence), is a small slag heap near the
mine of Troulloi. The ore deposit of Troulloi is of great interest as it is the copper
mine that is closest to the city-kingdoms of Salamis and Kition.
Finally, the slag heap north of the village of Kalavasos was recorded as well
during this project. We have not yet received the results of radiocarbon analysis
on our samples but charcoal samples collected by Zwicker (1986, 100) have been
dated and revealed that the copper production dates to the Classical and Hellenistic period. The slag heap is of particular interest as it covers the remains of a building which is clearly of an earlier date (Fig, 4). A small trial excavation by the Department of Antiquities recovered several female figurines indicating that this
building was once a sanctuary which is preliminarily dated to the Classical Period
233
(Flourentzos 2008, 102). Figurines are still visible in the disturbed deposits in
front of the structure. They are female and many form parts of composite models
of women dancing (Fig. 5). Once the sanctuary was abandoned the area was taken
over by an extensive copper smelting industrial workshop, the presence of which
is indicated by the extensive slag heap. Whether the sanctuary was already somehow involved in copper production is something to consider, especially taking
into account the evidence from other contemporary urban and religious centres
discussed below. Apart from the mines and the primary smelting workshops
which are located in the Troodos foothills, within the pillow lava geological formation, metallurgical activities have also been recorded in some excavated Iron
Age urban centres. The most important are the Northern workshops of the temple
complex at Kition, which were still active in the 11th century, thus providing evidence for the continuation of the copper industry into the Iron Age (Karageorghis
and Kassianidou 1999). These workshops were then abandoned, but the French
Mission uncovered limited metallurgical debris during the excavation of the later
Iron Age sanctuary at the locality of Kition-Bamboula. Perhaps the richest deposits
of Iron Age workshops within an urban centre are those recently excavated by
Maria Hadjicosti (1997, 57) at Idalion. Their study and publication will shed much
needed light on the technology of this period.
Recent excavations at the site of Peristeries near Polis tis Chrysochou, ancient
Marion, brought to light the remains of a monumental building dating to the Archaic period. The building consists of a complex of rooms and open spaces (Papalexandrou 2006, 223). In one of the rooms of the building, Room 9, a tuyre
was found in situ in association with a metallurgical installation and small quantities of slag (Papalexandrou 2006, 233). Based on the pottery the building has
been dated to the 6th century BC (Papalexandrou 2006, 234) and based on the
architectural remains it has been argued that this may have been the palace of the
city kingdom of Marion in this period (Papalexandrou 2006, 237). It is significant
that the building is close to the road that leads east from Polis to the rich copper
mines of Limni that are located at a distance of 5km: it has been argued that the
specific location was chosen in an effort to control access to the copper mines
(Papalexandrou 2006, 235). Near the monumental building, at a distance of ca.
180 metres to the northwest, is the contemporary sanctuary of Polis-Peristeries
(Smith 1997). Interestingly, small quantities of slag were recovered from the
temenos of the sanctuary. Apart from these scattered pieces, a deposit of slag was
found buried near the entrance of the sanctuary. As the deposit also included the
skull of a bull, this deposit has been identified as votive in nature (Smith 1997,
91). Furthermore, the excavation of a bothros associated with the sanctuary
brought to light small quantities of slag and probable refractory materials, ceramic
234
wasters and hundreds of broken murex shells (Smith 1997, 9091). As these remains reflect craft production, the excavator was led to the conclusion that workshops associated with the sanctuary would have been located in the direct vicinity
but, have not yet been uncovered.
Metallurgical workshops were also found in association with the sanctuary of
Aphrodite at Tamassos. In the building complex to the west of the temple a variety
of archaeometallurgical debris was collected (Buchholz and Untiedt 1996, 29).
Among the finds were remains of furnaces, tuyres and slag, which seems to have
been derived from the smelting of copper sulphide ores (Zwicker 1999, 19799).
Zwickers study of this material revealed that casting was also taking place in these
workshops. The association of metallurgical workshops with sanctuaries seems
to be a practice which survived since the Late Bronze Age.
Some of the copper produced in the Iron Age would of course have been exported. Is there any evidence to support this statement? At the moment the latest
evidence available for the export of Cypriot copper in the form of oxhide ingots
is provided by the examples found in Sardinia (for a recent compilation of the evidence see Lo Schiavo 2009a). According to Lead Isotope analysis all of the oxhide
ingots found in Sardinia are most probably made of Cypriot copper (Gale 1999,
117; Begemann et al. 2001) and they date to the 12th and 11th century BC (Lo
Schiavo 2009a, 40203). This means that, according to the Lead Isotope analysis
Cypriot copper is still being cast and traded in the form of oxhide ingots until the
11th century. There is no evidence that the use of this type of ingot continues after
the 11th century and unfortunately we do not know what the Cypriot copper ingots looked like in the Iron Age. As a result there is no direct archaeological evidence for the trade of Cypriot copper after the 11th century BC. Moorey (1994,
244) supports the view that plano-convex ingots were still used in the early part
of the first millennium in Assyria, which indicates that this type of ingot is the
one that remained in use after the Late Bronze Age.
Iacovou (forthcoming) recently put forth the suggestion that in the Early Iron
Age perhaps copper was exchanged in the form of obeloi. She bases this proposition on the well-known use of iron obeloi as a form of currency in the premonetary society of Iron Age Greece (Karamessini-Oeconomides 1969, 443) and on
the fact that in Cyprus, as in Greece, obeloi have been found in fractions or multiples of six. The best known example from Cyprus is the inscribed obelos of
Opheltas from T. 49 of the Palaepaphos-Skales necropolis which was found together with two other examples (Karageorghis 1983, 75) (Fig. 6).
Written sources of this period do not offer much information regarding the
trade of Cypriot copper in particular or even the trade of metals in general. The
lack of texts that mention the trade of copper may have to do with the transfor-
235
mation of the trading systems with the transition to the Iron Age. As pointed out
by Sherratt and Sherratt (1993, 362): merchant enterprise rather than state owned
exchange became the dominant mode of trading activity. As a result they argue
that: This had important consequences for the nature of the documentary record,
since trading activity was no longer reflected in state records and the literature of
the ruling class, so that the economic history of the first millennium has been systematically distorted both by the nature of the evidence and the theories which
have grown up to rationalize it (Sherratt and Sherratt 1993, 361).
According to Zaccagnini (1990, 499), however, Assyrian historical sources,
starting with Tukulti-Ninurta II (889884 BC) indicate that the Assyrians procured copper from Cyprus. He goes to on say The main areas whence the Assyrians got their copper were inner Syria and Phoenicia, the Aramean settlements
along the Euphrates and those along the Habr up to the triangle. I surmise that
Cyprus was the original source for the Phoenician, Syrian and Euphrates copper,
whereas the Habr copper could have come from Anatolian deposits (Ergani
Maden?), probably the same source that had been exploited in the second millennium (Zaccagnini 1990, 500).
Interestingly copper is conspicuously absent in one of the few historical documents mentioning Cyprus dating to this period. This is the well known stele of
Sargon II (722705 BC) which was found in Larnaca in 1845, which dates to 707
BC (Stylianou 1992, 382). In this Sargon II speaks of the seven kings of Ia, which
is identified with Cyprus, and states that: (these kings) heard from afar, in the
midst of the sea, of the deeds which I was performing in Chaldea and the Hittiteland, their hearts were rent, fear fell upon them, gold silver, furniture if maple (?)
and boxwood, of the workmanship of their land, they brought before me in Babylon and they kissed my feet (Stylianou 1992, 382). Copper is not among the gifts
that the Assyrian king receives from his Cypriot vassals (Stylianou 1992, 390) but
copper from Yamana, a term which is believed to refer to Cyprus is mentioned
in two mid-sixth century BC texts from Uruk (Moorey 1994, 246).
It is only in later Greek sources that Cyprus mineral wealth and rich copper
mines are praised. The earliest such reference is thought to be a well-known passage from the first book of the Odyssey ( 184) where Athena, disguised as
Mentes, tells Telemachos that: And now have I put in here, as thou seest, with
ship and crew, while sailing over the wine dark sea to men of strange speech, on
my way to Temese for copper; and I bear with me shining iron. Temese was already identified with Tamassos in Later Antiquity. For example Eustathios (Philo.
et Scr. Eccl.: Commentari ad Homeri Odysseam. Volume 1, page 46, line 29), discussing the identity of Temese, states that there is also a Temese in Cyprus where,
according to Strabo, chalcanthes is produced, which is used in the preparation of
236
medicines and the production of ink. In the well known passage where Strabo
praises the fertility of Cyprus (Geography Book XIV.vi.v), in fact, he mentions
Tamassos, while on a different occasion he states that: The next city after Laus
belongs to Brettium, and is named temesa, though some men of today call it
Tempsa People say that Homer has in mind this Temesa, not the Tamassus in
Cyprus (the name is spelled both ways) when he says to Temesa, in quest for copper. And in fact copper mines are to be seen in the neighbourhood, although now
they have been abandoned (Jones 1983, 17). In any case the passage in the
Odyssey has occasionally been used as evidence for the importance of Cyprus
copper mines in the Early Iron Age (e.g. Muhly 1996, 46; Karageorghis 1996, 5).
Furthermore, it has raised some questions because of the exchange of iron for
copper it describes (Karageorghis 2002, 132).
Direct evidence (albeit much later) for the export of Cypriot copper to the Aegean
comes from inscriptions, such as the one found in Eleusis (IG II2 1675) which specifies that copper from Marion was to be used during the building of the Philonios
Stoa (Philios 1894, 18689). The inscription dates to the late 4th century BC.
I believe that the Iron Age trade of Cypriot copper, can, furthermore be indirectly deduced from the flourishing economy of the island during this period. For
example, the tombs of the 11th and 10th centuries BC excavated in the necropolis
of Skales near Palaepaphos, were not only furnished with elaborate bronze artefacts (Fig. 7) and weapons, but they also included a significant quantity of gold
jewellery (Maier and Karageorghis 1984, 12950). As will be argued later on, the
gold must have been imported to the island through maritime trade and in exchange for a local commodity. This most probably was copper.
Iron
The transition to the Iron Age is of course defined by the introduction of a new
metal: iron. The discussions on what led to the transition to the Iron Age are still
going on and the issue has not really been resolved. Muhly (2006, 3031) in a recent article put forth the following radical suggestion: The warriors or freebooters of this period (11th and 10th centuries BC) in reality probably pirates and
plunderers who looted the tombs of their predecessors, represent the very heroes whose exploits are recorded in the Homeric poems, Odysseus is of course
the outstanding example These warlords wanted readily available weapons
close to hand. They were not interested in long distance trade routes bringing
supplies of copper and tin from distant lands. They wanted immediate access to
weapons with good sharp blades, all the better to massacre the opposition. He
concludes: There can be no doubt that iron technology was developed in order
237
to produce a considerable quantity of weapons with good sharp cutting edges

(Muhly 2006, 31).
What is the evidence for the use and production of iron in Cyprus? Maria
Michael, a graduate student in the Department of History and Archaeology of
the University of Cyprus has recently submitted her Masters thesis which is a database recording all the iron objects that date from the Late Bronze Age down to
and including the Geometric Period. With her permission I will use her work to
discuss the production and use of iron in Cyprus during the Iron Age. The first
iron objects appear in the Late Bronze Age. Between LC I and LC IIC only 11
artefacts are recorded (Michael 2010, 22). Most are knives that were deposited in
burials (Michael 2010, 23). The iron knife with bronze rivets is according to Sherratt (1994, 60) one of the earliest and most prominent manifestations of early utilitarian iron (Fig. 8). In the LC IIIA there is a marked increase in the number of
recorded iron objects which rises to 27, most of which are still knives (Michael
2010, 2930). Although the majority were found in burial contexts more are beginning to show up in settlements. This increase in number of objects in general
and in the settlements in particular led Sherratt (1994, 69) to the conclusion that:
these objects were neither kept solely for purposes of funerary display nor carefully guarded against the possibility of accidental loss.
In the LC IIIB the number of iron objects increases again to 40 and although
most of them are still knives, the first weapons begin to appear. Among them are
swords, knives and daggers from Idalion which are some of the earliest known
examples made of steel (Tholander 1971; strm et al. 1986). In the Geometric
period, which spans the period from 1050750 BC, a total of 260 artefacts were
recorded, many of which are weapons such as arrow heads, swords (Fig. 9) and
spearheads. Knives are still the predominant type of tool but new types of objects
appear such as obeloi (Michael 2010, 3637).
The significant number of early iron artefacts which sometimes outnumber
those made of bronze, as well as the presence of some of the earliest known artefacts
made of steel, led Snodgrass (1982, 290) to the conclusion that Cyprus was one of
the first areas to make the transition to the Iron Age. This proposition is also accepted by others (Muhly 2006, 29; Sherratt 1994, 71). Furthermore, it has been argued that the island played a leading role both in the development and the dissemination of iron metallurgy (Muhly 2003, 145; Sherratt 1994, 60). Some scholars,
however, have expressed their doubts on the matter for a number of reasons.
The first was the established belief that there are no iron ores on the island
and, therefore, iron could not have been produced in Cyprus, thus it could not be
the instigator of this new technology (Muhly 2003, 146; Karageorghis 1994, 5). I
have argued elsewhere that, on the contrary, ochre and umber which are abundant
238
in the Troodos foothills qualify as good iron ores (Kassianidou 1994, 76)! There
is absolutely no need to suggest that iron was produced in Cyprus from, either,
re-smelting of copper slag (Snodgrass 1982, 292; contra Kassianidou 1994, 78), or
ores imported from Italy (Snodgrass 1980, 361) or from pyrite (Snodgrass 1994,
168), an iron mineral which even today is only used for the production of sulphuric acid.
The other problem is the absence of iron smelting furnaces and iron slag from
the archaeological record of the island. However, this is not really a valid argument, if one considers the fact that even today we know of only two workshops,
Almyras and Phorades, at which copper smelting furnaces have been found: yet
the production of copper cannot be questioned. This is of course due to the immense amounts of copper slag that are found on the island, while no iron slag
heaps have yet been discovered. If, however, iron was smelted in the same areas
as copper, as the ochre and umber deposits are associated with the chalcopyrite
orebodies, then iron slag may be mixed or obscured by those deriving from copper smelting: the two can only be differentiated by chemical and microscopic
analysis (Maddin 1982, 311). It is, therefore, entirely possible that within the multiple layers of the large slag heaps, iron smelting slag is present which has not yet
been identified. To this day the only excavated iron smiths workshop on Cyprus
is the one found in Agios Georgios (PA.SY.DY) in Nicosia which has been dated
to the Hellenistic period (Pilides et al. 2007, 27475).
Finally, there is also the fact that ancient sources scarcely mention iron as one
of Cyprus products: iron is only mentioned in a passage by Pseudo Aristotle (Ph.
266) describing the mineral wealth of the island, while Strabo (Geography
XXXIV.ii.vii) informs us that the Telchines, the mythical creatures who were the
first to work iron and copper, came to Cyprus from Crete before moving to
Rhodes. However the scarcity of literary references can also be accounted for. Because of the abundance of its ores, even in the Roman period when the metal is
widely used, the ancient sources rarely specify known sources for iron, as was the
case with copper, gold or silver. According to Pliny (NH XXXIV. XLI. 142): Deposits of iron are found almost everywhere (Rackham 1968, 231). Perhaps the
metal was not associated with Cyprus in historical sources because Cypriot iron
was not destined for export.
In other words, there are no real reasons why Cyprus could not have been at
the forefront of the development and dissemination of iron technology. As argued
first by Wertime (1980, 17) and then by others (e.g. Snodgrass 1994, 168), Cyprus
had both the expertise and the necessary materials to do so. The fact that the treatment of iron is so very different from that of copper, indicates that iron smithing
cannot have been developed in a bronze metalworking workshop: the bronze
239
smith could not apply his expertise to produce the same object in a the new metal.
It would have been developed in a smelting workshop where the primary product,
the spongy amorphous mass of iron, would already have had to be hammered in
order to free itself from slag and other inclusions. Cypriot metallurgists who already had almost a thousand years of expertise with sulphide ore smelting, during
which some iron may have been accidentally produced, would have been the first
to come across this new material and the first to have tested it employing the tools
and skills of their trade (Charles 1980, 167; Gale et al. 1990, 188; Pickles and Peltenburg 1998, 90; contra Merkel and Barrett 2000). This seems to be confirmed
by recent excavations at the site of Tell Brak (Shell 1997, 121).
Lead and tin

Lead and tin are the two other base metals that would have been essential to the
Cypriot smiths. This is especially true of tin, as it is the metal with which copper
is mixed to produce bronze. Neither of them are present in the metalliferous zones
of the island and, therefore, both of them would have had to be imported. The
provenance of lead can be rather easily addressed, as there are known rich deposits
both in Anatolia and in Attica, namely in Laurion. These two metalliferous areas
were most likely the sources for lead for Cyprus, as for the rest of the Eastern
Mediterranean. Analysis of a few lead artifacts from Cyprus dating to the Late
Bronze Age indicates that this assumption is most probably correct. Lead Isotope
analysis indicates that three lumps of lead excavated at Hala Sultan Tekke and dating to the LC IIIA are consistent with a provenance in the mines of the Taurus
Mountains, while a lead ring from Alambra dating to the MC I is consistent with
a Laurion provenance (Stos Gale and Gale 2010, 392396). From the LC IIC onwards and particularly in the LC IIIA a number of lead artefacts were found to be
consistent with a Sardinian or even perhaps a South-Western Iberian provenance
(Stos Gale and Gale 2010, 398399). This is not surprising and is a rather welcome
development in the study of the metals trade. The strong relations of Cyprus and
Sardinia, especially as regards the copper trade but also metalwork, in the 12th
and 11th century are well known and have been the subject of numerous papers
(Lo Schiavo 1995; 2003; Lo Schiavo et al. 1985; Kassianidou 2001; 2006). Clearly
Sardinian lead was one of the commodities that were given in exchange for the
imported Cypriot copper. What comes as a total surprise is the identification of
the Massif Central in France as the source for lead artefacts dating to the EC III
and the MC I (Stos Gale and Gale 2010, 39798), a period where there is no evidence whatsoever for contacts between Cyprus and the Western Mediterranean.
These results, therefore, I believe are rather problematic.
240
The question of the provenance of the tin is even more complicated and is
one that has been discussed in detail over the last forty years and since the pioneering doctoral thesis of J. D. Muhly entitled Copper and Tin. The Nature of the
Metals Trade in the Bronze Age, published in 1973. It is beyond the scope of this
paper to discuss this issue (for a recent review see Pigott 2011). Suffice it to say
that both the textual evidence and recent archaeological discoveries in the East
seem to indicate that in the Late Bronze Age tin came to the Eastern Mediterranean from the East (Maddin et al. 1977, 41; Muhly 1999, 21; Weeks 1999, 60
61; Weisgerber and Cierny 2002). With the collapse of the trading systems of the
Late Bronze Age, this trade network was disrupted and eastern tin was no longer
available, either in the coastal regions of the Eastern Mediterranean or in Cyprus
(Zaccagnini 1990, 498). This is what may have created the incentive and the need
for the search for metals in the West. I have suggested in the past that the strong
contacts between Cyprus and Sardinia at the end of the Late Bronze Age may
have had to do with the need for Cypriots to find new tin sources which, according to the literature, were available on Sardinia (Kassianidou 2001, 110). This I
later withdrew (Kassianidou 2006, 11) as Valera et al. (2005a, 363), have convincingly argued that Sardinian tin deposits could not have been exploited in Antiquity. Like Cypriot gold and silver (see below), Sardinian tin is only a product of
the recent mining industry. There are, however, rich tin deposits in the Iberian
Peninsula (Meredith 1998, 2931) and recent excavations at the site of Logrosan
have brought to light a Bronze Age mine and tin smelting site (Rodriguez Diaz et
al. 2001).
It has long been argued that Phoenician expansion to the West in the first millennium BC was driven by the need to search for new metal sources, not only of
silver but also of tin. The pressure to procure metals, especially precious metals,
came from Assyria who according to Aubet (2001, 90) appeared on the Mediterranean coast during the ninth century and demanded payments of tribute. She
notes that the Assyrian tribute lists start with metals, followed in importance by
ivory, cloth, wooden furniture and perfumes. According to Zaccagnini (1990,
498): The annals of Tiglath-pileser I are totally silent regarding tin imports/tributes, contrasted to the record of notable tributes of copper and bronze (cf. ARAB
I, 222, 223, 232) from non-western areas, i.e., areas not supplied by Cypriot
copper. In other words, it is reasonable to surmise that the Late Bronze Age disturbances caused a two-way interruption in the trade routes that brought tin to
Syria and the Levant and, vice versa, copper (and bronze) from Cyprus to upper
Mesopotamia via Syria. He argues that as Assyrian power on the Mediterranean
coast became more pronounced from the 10th century onwards the availability
of tin from the East for the coastal areas and Cyprus would have been even more
241
curtailed. This negative development would have made the need to search for
new sources in the West even more pressing (Zaccagnini 1990, 498).
What the archaeological evidence from Sardinia shows is that Cyprus already
had strong trading links with the Central and perhaps Western Mediterranean (if
we consider the oxhide ingots that have been found on the coast near Marseilles
and in Corsica (Lo Schiavo 2009b and 2009c)) in the 12th and 11th centuries BC,
namely long before the Phoenician expansion to the West which for Iberia is generally placed sometime in the eighth century BC (Aubet 2001, 210). I have, therefore, argued elsewhere, that perhaps it was the Cypriots who first ventured west
in search for tin and silver (Kassianidou 2003c, 166; 2006, 11), a trade route that
was then followed by the Phoenicians but never abandoned by the Cypriots (on
the relations of Cyprus and the Western Mediterranean see Kassianidou 1992;
Crielaard 1998). To conclude, it is, therefore, most likely that in the Iron Age tin
from Iberia was imported to Cyprus.
Precious metals
Precious metals, namely gold and silver, were important (if not essential) commodities for the Late Bronze Age and the Iron Age society of the island. It is in
the Late Bronze Age that significant quantities of gold jewellery begin to be deposited in tombs in order to demonstrate the high status of the occupants (Papasavvas 2012). This tradition continues well into the Iron Age with its most evident manifestation being the Archaic limestone sculptures (Yon 1974, 12337)
and terracotta figurines (Laffineur 1991) of women who are richly adorned with
gold jewellery (Fig. 10). There are two pieces of evidence that provide support for
the idea that most of the jewellery depicted is actually made of gold. One is the
discovery of a gold necklace in Arsos, now in the Cyprus Museum, practically
identical to the one worn by many of these figures (Nicolaou 1990, pl. XXVIIIa)
and the other is that in the case of a number of terracottas where the colours are
preserved, many pieces of jewellery are painted yellow (Laffineur 1991, 17375).
As for silver, the archaeological record shows that in this period, in Cyprus as
in neighbouring regions, it was mainly used for the manufacture of vessels and
jewellery (Kassianidou 2009, 49) (Fig. 11). However, there were generally fewer
objects of silver deposited in the tombs than gold or bronze (strm 1972, 565).
This was clearly demonstrated by Keswani (2004, 22448) who compiled in tables
the types and quantities of grave goods made of different materials, deposited in
tombs of the Early through Late Cypriot period. As pointed out by Sherratt and
Sherratt (1991, 360) who discuss a similar apparent absence of silver vessels in
the Cretan archaeological record: The absence of surviving precious metal vessels
242
from Crete is no indication of the absence of such items from palatial tables
it is rather the indication of the extent to which it was retained in circulation and
mobilised when necessary. The absence of silver objects may, therefore, be due
to the fact that silver was regularly recycled, perhaps even more so than other
metals, and this is because silver served another very important role throughout
the Middle East. Already from the Akkadian period, silver was used an index of
value (Moorey 1994, 237). Namely already since the Late Bronze Age, the value
of raw materials and finished objects was commonly expressed relative to that of
silver. That silver objects were systematically removed from circulation and transformed to ingots is clearly seen in the texts of the Near East where, according to
Moorey (1994, 238): When payments were received in temples or palaces in uncoined silver currency (rings, wires, cut pieces, objects, fragments, etc.) they were
dropped into a box the contents of which were then smelted in the official
foundry. When refired the metal was cast as ingots of standard size and fineness
and deposited in the treasury.
Over the last twenty years archaeological excavations in the Levant have
brought to light a significant number of silver hoards consisting of broken jewellery and pieces of hacksilber namely broken pieces of silver ingots (for a series
of papers on the subject see Balmuth (ed.) 2001). It is clear that in some cases the
hoard in fact consisted of small batches of silver, stored in linen pouches (Thompson 2003, 78). It has been argued that because some of the bags were clearly tied
and sealed they must have formed a type of currency that was used in the earlier
part of the Iron Age and before the introduction of coinage (Kroll 2003, 315;
Thompson 2003, 8790). Interestingly such hoards are also known from Cyprus,
the best example being the one found in omb 198 in Amathus excavated by the
British Museum at the end of the 19th century (Thompson 2003, 7173; Smith
1900, 102) (Fig. 12).
Cyprus, therefore, took part in this pre-monetary economic system which
used silver, (and not always copper) for economic transactions. I have argued elsewhere that this was probably the case also in the Late Bronze Age (Kassianidou
2009, 5253). The absence of silver objects may, therefore, be due to the fact that
silver was regularly recycled, perhaps even more so than other metals, to be turned
into bullion. The collection of silver and gold bullion would have been imperative
for the city kingdoms of Iron Age Cyprus: as vassals to the Assyrian kings they
were obliged to pay tribute in the form of precious metals (Stylianou 1992, 390).
Let us now consider probable sources for these metals. Searching through the
web one may come across a table published by the Cyprus Mines Service which
shows the amount of silver and gold produced in Cyprus in modern times
(http://www.moa.gov.cy/moa/Mines/MinesSrv.nsf/all/8586AC4EB8686A2EC225
243
74EA0031B407/$file/Gold%20and%20Silver%20exports.pdf?openelement). According to their records, between 1935 and 1982 Cyprus exported just over 4.5
tons of gold and 26.3 tons of silver. This may lead someone to the conclusion that,
in Antiquity, Cyprus produced precious metals as well as copper. In fact this was
not the case. Gold and silver are present in a geological deposit that modern miners
called Devils mud because of its extremely corrosive nature: it contains a high percentage of sulphuric acid (Bear 1963, 184). This deposit, which contained exceptionally high values of gold and silver containing (up to 286 gr/ton of gold and
466 gr/ton of silver), was located between the sulphide ore deposit and the underlying un-mineralised basaltic upper pillow lavas (Constantinou 1992, 352). The
precious metals, however, are in colloidal form (Bear 1963, 185) and they are not
visible nor can they be collected by panning. Instead they have to be extracted
through a series of fairly complex metallurgical procedures, none of which are
recorded on the island. Furthermore, it is clear that this geological stratum was of
no interest to the ancients: their galleries usually cut through it, in an effort to
reach the copper deposits below (Bear 1963, 186).
As gold and silver were not locally available they would have had to be imported from elsewhere. Thus an equally well developed exchange system for precious metals must have been operating in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Near
East parallel to that for base metals. The study of this form of trade, however, is
not easy, mainly due to the scarcity of archaeological evidence: gold and silver ingots are rare. Thus, if we want to identify probable sources for the precious metals
found in Cyprus, we need to turn to economic geology.
The most significant gold deposits in the Eastern Mediterranean are those of
Egypt and Nubia (Mller and Thiem 1999, 3641). This was a well-known fact
among the rulers of the Eastern Mediterranean, at least since the Late Bronze Age,
as is candidly illustrated in the letters of the Great Kings to the Pharaoh of Egypt
found at Amarna (Kassianidou 2009, 54). An excerpt from letter EA 16 sent from
the King of Assyria to the king of Egypt summarises all of the above: Is such a
present that of a Great King? Gold in your country is dirt; one simply gathers it
up. Why are you so sparing of it? I am engaged in building a new palace. Send
me as much gold as is needed for its adornment (Moran 1992, 39). Important
deposits of gold are also located in Anatolia, within Lydia, the land of king Croesus
well known in Antiquity for his wealth, along the Black Sea coast in the Pontus
area (ancient Colchis, where Jason and the Argonauts sought the golden fleece)
and elsewhere (Bayburtolu and Yildirim 2008, 4345). In the Aegean, auriferous
deposits are known from the Cycladic islands of Siphnos and Thasos, and in
Macedonia and Thrace (Williams and Ogden 1994, 13). However, I believe that
Egypt is the most likely source for the gold imported to Cyprus in the Iron Age.
244
What about silver sources in the Eastern Mediterranean? Anatolia possesses

numerous important argentiferous ore deposits that were extensively exploited
in Antiquity (Bayburtolu and Yildirim 2008, 4345; Moorey 1994, 235). The
Aegean, especially the Cycladic islands, are rich in silver and lead (Gale and StosGale 1981, 18595) The silver ore deposits of Siphnos, one of the Aegean islands,
were already exploited by the Early Bronze Age (Gale and Stos-Gale 1981, 195
203; Pernicka et al. 1985, 195). The island of Thasos is also rich in silver. It was
thought that the exploitation of the silver deposits there only started in the Archaic
period (Grabolle 1988, 262) but recent archaeological research has revealed evidence for silver production already since the Final Neolithic (Papadopoulos 2008,
64). The most important Aegean silver-lead deposit, however, is that of Laurion
in Attica. It was believed that silver production at Laurion, at the site of Thorikos,
began in the Mycenaean period (Conophagos 1980, 58). More recent excavations,
however, have shown that the date needs to be pushed back to the end of the Neolithic, namely the second half of the fourth millennium (Kakavogianni et al.
2008, 45). Small scale production continued at the same site all through the Protogeometric period until the end of the 9th century BC (Conophagos 1980, 62).
The production was intensified after the 6th century reaching its peak in the 5th
and 4th centuries BC. In the 3rd century BC Laurion began to decline and it was
finally abandoned in the 1st century BC (Conophagos 1980, 22).
It is, therefore, believed that during the Late Bronze Age, one of the main
sources for silver and lead for Cyprus was Laurion, something which seems to be
supported by the Lead Isotope analysis. The well-known silver ingots from PylaKokkinokremos (Inv. No. 113 and 114) dating to the end of the 13th century BC,
which are believed to have been part of a silversmiths hoard (Karageorghis and
Demas 1984, 6465), were found to be have an isotopic fingerprint consistent
with the Laurion mine (Gale and Stos-Gale 1984, 97; Stos-Gale and Gale 2010,
396). What happens in the early part of the first millennium BC? It is generally
assumed that production must have been disrupted or curtailed after the fall of
the Mycenaean palaces. The demand for silver, however, was even greater in the
Iron Age, because the Assyrian Empire to which Cyprus had submitted, demanded tribute in precious metals, namely gold and silver (Stylianou 1992, 390).
According to Aubet (2001, 94): Assyria demanded from Tyre things it could not
obtain easily in other territories: at first iron for its war machine and later silver,
gold and bronze. From the end of the eighth century BC Phoenicia was to be the
main supplier of raw materials in the east, implying that Assyrian demand now
determined the expansionist tendency that was Tyres habitual policy, turned this
time towards the Mediterranean. It has been argued that this is what urged the
Phoenicians to sail west and to settle in areas that are well known for their silver
245
deposits (Aubet 2001, 80 and 84). The richest such deposits are located in the so
called Iberian Pyrite Belt which extends in an East-West manner from somewhere near Seville to the south of Lisbon, covering an area some 150 km long by
about 30 km wide (Salkield, 1987, 1). Indeed Lead Isotope analysis of silver included in some of the Hacksilber hoards found on a number sites of the 1st millennium Near East indicate the import of silver from Spain (Stos-Gale 2001, 72).
I have argued elsewhere that the search for silver is what may, in fact, have led
Cypriots to Sardinia, which was known to the ancient Greeks as the
, the island of the silver veins (Kassianidou 2006, 1011). This is because
Sardinia possesses significant argentiferous lead-zinc ore deposits (Valera et al.
2005b, 4347). As stated above, according to the Lead Isotope analysis, Cypriot
copper was exported in significant quantities to Sardinia. In Cyprus, however,
there are no visible Sardinian imports such as pottery (the first Sardinian pot has
only just been discovered in recent excavations at Pyla-Kokkinokremmos (Karageorghis 2012) or other finished objects in quantities that would show a reciprocal
commerce, although clearly something must have been given in return for copper.
I believe that it is highly probable that the Cypriots exchanged their copper for
Sardinian silver (Kassianidou 2006, 11). And once in Sardinia they would also
venture further west to the even richer Eldorado of the Iberian Peninsula. The
archaeological evidence for contacts between Cyprus and Iberia in the Iron Age,
although not extensive is significant (Kassianidou 1992) and it is very likely that
in the first millennium Spanish silver was, either directly or through the Phoenicians, imported to Cyprus.
Conclusions
Clearly there is still much to learn about the production, trade and use of metals
in Cyprus in the Iron Age. In the coming year the University of Cyprus, through
a research project entitled New Archaeological Research Network for Integrating
Approaches to Ancient Material Studies, which is a Marie Curie Initial Training
Network funded by FP7 will offer a doctoral and a post-doctoral fellowship the
aim of which will be to address some of these issues. Thus hopefully in the near
future the Iron Age metallurgy of the island will be as equally well known as that
of the Late Bronze Age.
246
Acknowledgements
I consider myself very privileged to be counted amongst those who have been taught Cypriot
Archaeology by Nicolas Coldstream. During the Cyprus seminar of 1991 Prof. Coldstream decided that it would be a good idea if his graduate students got some hands-on experience, and
thus he suggested that we should publish the finds from a plundered Late Bronze Age tomb
excavated at Kaimakli in the 30s and donated to the Institute of Archaeology by Joan Du Plat
Taylor. This collaborative effort was published in the Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies.
I took over the small finds and thus I got my first publication. I am, therefore, much indebted
to Nicolas Coldstream with whom I stayed in touch even after joining the faculty of the Archaeological Research Unit of the University of Cyprus. This workshop and this paper are a
small thank you for everything he has done for Cypriot Archaeology, the University of Cyprus
and for me personally.
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253
list of figures
Fig. 1. Map of Cyprus with sites mentioned in the text.
Fig. 2. Ancient mining spoil heaps at the mine of Agrokipia dating to the Iron Age.
Fig. 3. Ancient copper slag heap at the mine of Kokkinoyia near Mitsero dating to the
Classical and Hellenistic period.
Fig. 4. The slag heap of Kalavasos-Skouries covering the remains of an older structure
most probably a sanctuary.
Fig. 5. Figurines associated with the structure at Kalavasos-Skouries.
Fig. 6. Three copper obeloi from Palaepaphos-Skales T.49 dating to the early Iron Age. The
longest (no. 16) is the one inscribed with the name of Opheltas (Cyprus Museum).
Fig. 7. Bronze tripod cauldron from Palaepaphos-Skales T.58, dating to the early Iron Age
(Cyprus Museum).
Fig. 8. Iron knives with ivory handles and bronze rivets from Amathus Tomb 310 dating
to the end of the 11th century BC (after Karageorghis 1981, 148, pl. XXIV).
Fig. 9. Iron swords from Palaepaphos-Skales T.76, dating to the early Iron Age (Cyprus
Museum).
Fig. 10. Limestone Archaic sculpture from Arsos (Cyprus Museum).
Fig. 11. Silver Cypro-Phoenician bowl said to be from Kourion, now in the Cesnola Collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York (after Gjerstad 1946, pl. VII).
Fig. 12. Pieces of gold and silver (identified as Hacksilber) from Amathus Tomb 198 (British
Museum).
254
Fig. 1
Fig. 2
255
Fig. 3
Fig. 4
256
Fig. 5
Fig. 6
Fig. 7
Fig. 8
257
Fig. 9
Fig. 11
258
Fig. 10
Fig. 12
259

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CYPRUS AND THE AEGEAN IN

THE EARLY IRON AGE

BANK OF CYPRUS CULTURAL FOUNDATION

CYPRUS AND THE AEGEAN IN THE EARLY IRON AGE

Co-ordination: Lefki Michaelidou

The Bank of Cyprus Cultural Foundation and the

2012, Bank of Cyprus Cultural Foundation, Nicosia

CYPRUS AND THE AEGEAN IN

Edited by Maria Iacovou

BANK OF CYPRUS CULTURAL FOUNDATION

Proceedings of an archaeological workshop held in memory of

libraries in Cyprus and, above all, to academic institutions overseas. In 2003, 18

Editors Introduction: Nicolas the symposiast

chaeological Research Unit of the Department of History and Archaeology, Nicolas

amounted to a monumentally long list of dinners at their historic house, blessed

Journal of Hellenic Studies

Late Cypriot IIB

Late Minoan IIIA

Late Helladic IIIA

Late Minoan IIIB

Late Helladic IIIB

Late Minoan IIIC

Late Helladic IIIC

Late Cypriot IIC

Late Cypriot IIIA

The origin and use of metals in Iron

THE ORIGIN AND USE OF METALS IN IRON AGE CYPRUS

THE ORIGIN AND USE OF METALS IN IRON AGE CYPRUS

earliest phase of production at Almyras dates according to the excavator to around

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to produce a considerable quantity of weapons with good sharp cutting edges

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Lead and tin

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THE ORIGIN AND USE OF METALS IN IRON AGE CYPRUS

THE ORIGIN AND USE OF METALS IN IRON AGE CYPRUS

What about silver sources in the Eastern Mediterranean? Anatolia possesses

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THE ORIGIN AND USE OF METALS IN IRON AGE CYPRUS

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