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BRIAN D. HALEY
LARRY R. WILCOXON
N THERECENTLY
RECONSTRUCTED
north
wingofthe
AMERICAN
ISSN1548-1433.? 2005 bytheAmerican
ANTHROPOLOGIST,
Vol. 107, Issue3, pp. 432-445, ISSN0002-7294,electronic
Anthropological
Association.
Allrights
reserved.
Pleasedirect
allrequests
forpermission
tophotocopy
orreproduce
article
content
theUniversity
ofCalifornia
through
Press's
andPermissions
athttp://www.ucpress.edu/journals/rights.htm.
website,
Rights
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readersacceptedour critics'claimsregarding
ancestryand,
ourarguments
and their
as a result,severelymisinterpreted
implications (see, e.g., Boggs 2002; Field 1999:195; King
2003:111-114, 279-280; Nabokov 2002:146-147).1 We responded brieflyto a few of these (Haley 2003, 2004; Haley
and Wilcoxon 2000) but realized we would have to revisit
the question in detail ifthe practical implications of ethnogenesis were going to be widely recognized and discussed.
So far,we have described the documentary evidence that
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434
Colonization
ofMexico
[Europe]
Mexican
Frontier1drao
castes)
(various
California]1
Californios
1820-1848
1820-1848
1848-1960
Present
[Mexico]
"
Gente
Gentede razdn
Northwest.
California
[Africa]
White
Mexicans
White,
American
Spanish
Spanish,
"Chumash"
Californio,
etc.
Chicano,
Mexicanetc.
American,
identities
fromthe same immigrant
and otherCalifornio
FIGURE1. The ethnogenesisof neo-Chumash
deriving
group.
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435
E
F
cH
A
G
B
C
D
E
F
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436
imacy; an association with slave status furtherstigmatized Africanancestry (negros, mulatos, etc.).5 In fact,the
firstmestizos were absorbed by the espailoles, and later
the child of an espaflol and a castizo (idealized as 3/4
espafiol) was also classifiedas espafiol. Record keeping was
not rigorous. Officialsusually "lightened" caste by "correcting" it to correspond to occupation and to approximate spouse's caste as they felt it should (Seed 1982).
Mobility between castes was constrained by one's social
networks. According to R. Douglas Cope (1994), minor
changes, such as indio to mestizo, might reflect marriage or closer association with Spanish patrons, but major shifts,such as negro to mestizo, required new social
networks.
Thenorthern
frontier
offered
suchconditions.Catholic
missions,as well as gentede raz6n soldiersand settlersof
northwestward.
Mission
manycastes,moved the frontier
communitieswerereservedforindio neophytes,whereas
the gentede raz6n settledin presidialcommunities,
minand
towns.
Social
occurred
as
mising camps,
mobility
sionsecularization
turnedprotected
into
tributeneophytes
payinggentede raz6n citizens,and migrationfacilitated
and
hiding one's background.Militaryservice,tenantry,
miningbroughttogetherindios and lower-classgentede
raz6nin commoncommunities
thatfostered
intermarriage
and castemobility,
Officials
who
mutingcastedistinctions.
recordedcaste emphasizeddifferent
criteriaamong skin
color,clothing,hairstyles,
occupation,behavior,a person's
local standing,and knownancestry.
Withskilledindividuals oftenin shortsupplyand authority
farto thesouth,upwardcastemobilitybecamecommonplace(Jackson1997;
was a zone of opportunity,
Radding1997). The frontier
whereindiosbecamegentede raz6nand mestizos,negros
became mulatosand moriscos,and mestizosand mulatos
became espafioles.Caste termson the frontier
on the eve
of California'scolonizationwere termsof statusand respect,and not simplylabelsof presumedbiologicalances1991:196-206;Mason 1998;Weber1992:326try(Gutierrez
329).
In 1769,thecolonizationofCalifornia(AltaCalifornia)
began via a seriesof expeditionslaunched fromfrontier
in Baja Californiadel Sur,Sonora,and Sinaloa.
communities
The Portoldexpeditionof 1769-70 foundedpresidiosand
missionsat San Diego and Monterey.
A fewadditionalsoldiersfromMexicowerepostedto Californiathrough1775,
includingthe firstfamiliesin 1774. In 1776,the Anza expeditionbroughtnearly200 soldiers,colonists,wives,and
in California.A
children,doublingSpain'srepresentatives
trickleof postingsoccurreduntil 1781, when the Rivera
y Moncada expeditionbrought62 soldiers,theirfamilies,
and 12 settlerfamilies,who foundedLos Angelesand the
Santa Barbarapresidio.The expeditionigniteda revoltby
Yumasthatclosedthebestland routeto California,
curtailCalifornia's
colonial
ing major colonizing.By 1790,
populationnumberedabout 1,000personsdistributed
among
fourpresidios,two pueblos,and 12 missions;only about
300 morehad arrivedby 1820 (Mason 1998:17-44;Weber
1992:236-265).
CASTE YIELDS TO RAZON
The castes of California's colonists reflectthe diverse and
fluid composition of the colonial military in northwest
Mexico at the time. Table 1 liststhe colonial immigrantancestorsof our neo-Chumash by date ofimmigration.A letter
in the thirdcolumn corresponds to generations marked in
Figure 2 and the text. The immigrantsoriginate primarily
in presidial towns of Sonora, Sinaloa, and Baja California
del Sur. Garrison lists and other sources indicate that at
least 32 of the 34 male immigrantswere soldados at some
point in their lives. Caste can be tallied only fora specific
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Circa1778
1781 RiveraExpedition
1787
Circa1788-1789
Circa 1804-1810
1819 Mazatlan Squadron
By 1820 (prob. 1817)
Individualsand Family
Immigrants:
Groupsby Head
Dominguez,JuanJos6
Cordero,MarianoAntonio
Sinoba,Jos6Francisco
Lugo,FranciscoSalvadorde
Martinez,
JuanaMariaRita
JuanDiego
Verdugo,
Carrillo,MariaIgnaciade la Concep.
Arellano,ManuelRamirez
L6pezDe Haro,MariaAgueda
Boj6rquez,JoseRamon
Romero,MariaFrancisca
Boj6rquez,MariaGertrudis
Lisalde,PedroAntonio
Pico,FelipeSantiagode la Cruz
Bastida,MariaJacinta
Pico,Jos6Miguel
Pinto,Pablo
Ruelas,FranciscaXaviera
Pinto,JuanaFrancisca
Cota,RoqueJacintoDe
JuanaMaria
Verdugo,
Cota,MariaLoreta
Cota,MarianoAntonio
Dominguez,MariaUrsula
Rubio,Mateo
Alanis,Maximo
Miranda,JuanaMaria
Ignacio
Alipaz-Perez,
P&rez,MariaEncarnaci6n
Dominguez,Ildefonso
German,MariaYgnacia
Dominguez,JoseMaria
Feliz,JuanVictorino
Landeros,MariaMicaela
Feliz,MariaMarcelina
Fernandez,
Jos6Rosalino
Quintero,MariaJosefa
JuanaConcep.
Lugo,JosefYgnacioManuel
Sanchez,MariaGertrudis
Lugo,Jos6Miguel
Quijada,Vicente
Quintero,LuisManuel
Rubio,MariaPetraTimotea
Ruiz,Efigenio
L6pez,MariaRosa
Ruiz,Jos6Pedro
AntonioClementeFeliz
Villavicencio,
Flores,Mariade los Santos
MariaAntoniaJosefa
Pifluelas,
Rodriguez,
Jos6Ygnacio
Parra,JuanaPaula de la Cruz
Romero,
JuanMaria
Salgado,MariaLugarda
Romero,JoseAntonio
Guevara,JosephIgnacioR. Ladronde
Rivera,MariaYgnacia
Urquides, Jos6 Encarnaci6n
Espinosa, Jos6Ascencio
Policarpio
Gen.
Birthplace
Occupation
B
D
C
C
C
B
B
B
B
B
B
C
C
C
C
D
C
C
D
C
C
D
D
C
C
C
C
B
C
C
C
D
C
C
D
C
C
C
C
D
D
B
B
B
B
C
C
C
D
C
C
C
C
D
D
D
VillaSinaloa,Sinaloa
Loreto,Baja California
CiudadMexico,M6xico
VillaSinaloa,Sinaloa
VillaSinaloa,Sinaloa
El Fuerte,Sinaloa
Loreto,Baja California
Puebla,Puebla
Alamos,Sonora
VillaSinaloa,Sinaloa
VillaSinaloa,Sinaloa
VillaSinaloa,Sinaloa
VillaSinaloa,Sinaloa
San Xavierde Cabazan,Sinaloa
Tepic,Nayarit
San Xavierde Cabazan,Sinaloa
VillaSinaloa,Sinaloa
VillaSinaloa,Sinaloa
VillaSinaloa,Sinaloa
El Fuerte,Sinaloa
Loreto,Baja California
Loreto,Baja California
Loreto,Baja California
SantaGertrudis,
Baja California
Ypres,Flanders(Belgium)
Chametla,Sinaloa
Alamos,Sonora
Mexico
Pueblode Ostimuri,
Sonora
VillaSinaloa,Sinaloa
VillaSinaloa,Sinaloa
VillaSinaloa,Sinaloa
Sinaloa
Cosalhi,
Cosala,Sinaloa
Cosala,Sinaloa
El Fuerte,Sonora
Alamos,Sonora
VillaSinaloa,Sinaloa
VillaSinaloa,Sinaloa
VillaSinaloa,Sinaloa
Alamos,Sonora
Guadalajara,Jalisco
Alamos,Sonora
El Fuerte,Sinaloa
El Fuerte,Sinaloa
El Fuerte,Sinaloa
Chihuahua,Chihuahua
Batopilas,Chihuahua
VillaSinaloa,Sinaloa
Alamos,Sonora
Alamos,Sonora
Loreto,Baja California
Loreto,Baja California
Loreto,Baja California
Queretaro,
Queretaro
SantaCriz del Mayo,Sonora
Soldier
Soldier
Soldier
Soldier
El Fuerte,Sinaloa
Mazatlan, Sinaloa
San Vicente, Baja California
Poss. Soldier
E
E
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Soldier
Soldier
Soldier
Soldier
Soldier
Soldier
Soldier
Soldier
Soldier
Soldier
Soldier
Soldier
Soldier
Soldier
Soldier
Soldier
Armytailor
Soldier
Settlerrecruit
Soldier
Soldier
Soldier
Soldier
Poss. Servant
438
17821785
1790
18501852
indio
1998;U.S.CensusBureau1850.
Gentede raz6nsettlement
grewslowlyaroundthepresidio
in Santa Barbara,wherethe presidiochapel as a focalinstitutionreinforced
separationfromChumashneophytes
at the mission,two kilometersaway (about 1.24 miles).
California'sisolation after1781, aggravatedby Mexico's
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HaleyandWilcoxon* TalesofEthnogenesis439
extendedsets of kin who suppliedsome of the rancho's
labor.At least fiveadultsin generationsC-E plus an unknown numberof theirchildrenwere in such positions
(Allen 1976:19-40). Young men in these ranchingfamilies werevaqueros(cowboys),rancheros,farmers,
laborers,
and shepherds(U.S. CensusBureau1850,1860).We cannot
answerthequestionaboutclassand Californio
definitively
but
identity, we can unequivocallystatethatsome of our
"Spanish"elitesand their"mixedrace"workerssharedthe
same ancestry.
BECOMINGWHITEAND SPANISH
WiththecloseoftheU.S.-MexicanWarin 1848,Californios
themselvesbecame a colonized people. The imposition
by the United States of its policies and cultureprofoundlyinfluencedidentities.Four processesare crucial
in this period: the marginalizationof Californios,negotiationof white racial status,anti-Mexicanprejudice
associatedwith postwarMexican immigration,
and the
of
The
emergence Spanish identity.
postwarmarginalization of Californiosis well documented (Pitt 1966).
took controlof the state'swealth,raAnglo-Americans
their
withclaimsof ManifestDestiny,
actions
tionalizing
racialpurity,and superior"civilization."Land and authority were wrestedfromCalifornios,leavingmost in lowpayingmanuallaborjobs.TheUnitedStateserecteda costly
procedureforpatentingMexican land titlesto meet U.S.
standards.Even rancheroswho securedtheirpatentswere
bankruptedor so weakenedfinancially
by theprocessthat
subsequentcalamitiesruined them (Camarillo 1996:86;
Conrow1993:113).MostlandgrantspassedfromCalifornio
ownershipby 1875 (Pitt1966:250-251).
In SantaBarbara,theimpactsareapparentin the 1870
U.S. Census. Forexample,land grantheirGeronimoRuiz
in 1852,a stockraiser(a termap(E) is recordedas a farmer
to
in
in
economic
elites) 1860,and an electionofficial
plied
1864 (de la Guerra1864; Hoar 1852:20;U.S. CensusBureau
1860:196).8By 1870,he was a day laborer(U.S. CensusBureau 1870:475).From1860 to 1870,mostofSantaBarbara's
rancherosand farmers
becamevaqueros,herders,
and teamsters;fromthelate1870sthroughWorldWarI, theysheared
urbanwork(Camarillo1996:83sheepand foundpart-time
100).
Intensified poverty in the 1870s and 1880s drove
women and children into farm, domestic, and laundry
work. Some required public assistance (Conrow 1993:115).
The men of generations F-H and nearly all their collateral
kinsmen worked as farmworkers,day laborers,or laborers,
according to censuses through 1930.9 Afterthe city election of 1874 left Californios with a single representative,
they were an economically and politically weak minority
enclave in Pueblo Viejo, the neighborhood surroundingthe
remains of the old presidio. Households headed by generations E-H were part of the close-knit,intricatelyinterrelated, and endogamous community into the early 20th
A fewhouseholdshelpedestablisha Californioencentury.
clave in the suburbof Montecitobefore1880 but retained
strongtiesto PuebloViejo(Camarillo1996:63,72, 110,185;
etal. 1997:215;U.S. Census
Conrow1993:115;Garcia-Moro
Bureau1850, 1860, 1870, 1880, 1900, 1910).
conventionfulIn 1849, the Californiaconstitutional
filledtreatyprotectionsforthe rightsof formerMexican
Californios(Pitt1966:45,84). At
citizensby enfranchising
thetime,theUnitedStatesgrantedfulllegalprivileges
only
dito personsconsidered"white,"so the phenotypically
2
Californios
became
white.
Table
includes
verse
officially
fourindividualswho have Spanishcasteand U.S. raceclassifications
recorded.In additionto thechangeling,
Maximo
Alanis(C), who previouslywas recordedas mulato,indio,
mestizo,and espafiol,CasildaSinoba's(D) motherand maternalgrandparents
werelistedas mestizosin 1790 (Mason
1998:83, 104). Despiteofficialclassification,
ambiguityremainedin practice.In the 1880s,HubertH. Bancroft
characterizedCalifornios'whitenessas a mere "badge of re(Haas 1995:172). Complicatingmattersand
spectability"
new
to theold divisionbetweenCalifornios
salience
giving
and Mexicanswas growinganti-Mexicansentimentstirred
by labormigrationfromMexico between1890 and 1920.
Santa Barbara'sCaliforniosfeltthisprejudicein 1916-27,
even thoughMexicannewcomerssettledmainlyin other
neighborhoods.Pejorativeuse of Mexicanand greaserby
Some
schoolyardand workplaceconflicts.
Anglostriggered
facilities
orexcludeddarker-skinned
Californios.
segregated
of indigentfamiliesto Mexico to
Voluntaryrepatriations
relievewelfarecostsstartedin 1926; mass deportations
in
1930-33 includedsome Californios.In 1923, membersof
a recentlyformedSanta BarbaraKu KluxKlan chapteraccosted a descendantof a presidiosoldier.Althoughthe
incidentignitedpublic scornof the Klan, the eventwas
searedinto the memoriesof cousinsof generationsG and
H (Camarillo1996:55,142, 161-163,188, 190-195,290 n.
26; Conrow1993:117;Ruizn.d.b).By1910,twohouseholds
F and one in generation
in generation
G increasedtheirseparationfrommostMexicanimmigrants
bymovingto Santa
Barbara'swestside,whereall ofgenerations
H and I in one
chartofFigure2 concentrated
thereafter.
Theothers
shortly
continuedto residein theMontecitoenclave.10
By the late 19th century,assertingSpanish identity
emergedas a strategyto evade anti-Mexicanprejudice.
Espafiol or gente de raz6n ancestry became widely interpreted as proof of pure Spanish "blood" and whiteness (Miranda 1981:8, 20 n. 24; 1988). This was risky
for Californios because any other ancestry implied racial
inferiority,as some early Anglo historians declared. Sympathetic scholars, therefore,left caste out of their publications until the 1970s (Mason 1998:45-46). The success of Spanish identity lies in its importance to Santa
Barbara tourism.The City of Santa Barbara spent the 1870s
and 1880s demolishing Pueblo Viejo adobes to create new
streets,yet the city was quickly becoming a tourist destination with Pueblo Viejo one of its attractions.As tourism
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440
grew,Anglosand Californiosalikeexpressednostalgiafor
the town'sdisappearingcharacter(Camarillo1996:38-41,
54-56; Schultz 1993:9-15). These feelingspartookof a
romanticism
of Spanish
creatinglucrativeinterpretations
and NativeAmericanculturesthroughoutthe Southwest
(McWilliams1990:43-50; Thomas 1991). The California
movementcreatedan idyllicpastoralSpanish past with
refinedrancheros,kindly
sweepingmissionarchitecture,
and
contented
missionaries,
yet childlikeIndians.Aftera
1925earthquakeleveledmuchofSantaBarbara,officials
ima
Santa
Barbara
architectural
that
posed
style
Hispanicized
the cityvisually.These moves solidifiedbeing Spanishas
an acceptableidentityeven whenbeingMexicanwas not.
Spanishnesscould help individualsgain accessto thosein
power,escape anti-Mexicanprejudice,and perhapsobtain
a civicappointment(McWilliams1990:43-50).
One of SantaBarbara'sexpressionsof Spanishnesswas
thecreationoftheannualOld SpanishDays Fiestain 1924.
The firstOld Spanish Days FiestaCommitteesoughtthe
participationof local Californiosto lend "authenticity"
to the event(Conrow 1993:115-116,118). Some scholars
suggestthat only Californioelites asserteda Spanish
identity(Camarillo1996:69-70; McWilliams1990:44-50;
Pitt1966:284-296).However,theindividualscreditedwith
into the 1924 Old Spanish
bringingSpanishparticipation
Ruiz's
Fiesta
were
Geronimo
(E) nieces(Haleyin press),
Days
and laboring
and participantsincludedour farmworking
in
G-I.
families generations
The pursuitof Spanish identityby workingclass
Californiosleftmanytraces.Becauseof space limitations,
we offerjust one example (see also Haley in press):descendantsofJoseYgnacioLadr6nde Guevara(D) through
the"lessdistinguished"
family(Miranda1978:189,195 nn.
18, 20) of his Santa Barbara-bornson JoseCanuto Guevara (E; see Table 1). Bytheearly1900s,thehomesteadsof
Canuto'sson (F) and grandson(G) failed,so theyreturned
to vaquero,day laborer,and teamsterwork(U.S. Census
173 Sheet
155 Sheet3A, 1910:District
Bureau1900:District
221
Sheet
1920:District
101
Sheet
District
9B,
13B,
10B).
In 1911,the Morning
PressmemorializedCanuto'sjust deceased son (F) as the "lastof the old vaqueros,"whose faMadrid.So theold
ther[JoseCanuto]"camefrom
Spain,from
old
Castile"
traditions
reached
back
to
(Obituary
vaquero's
Filesn.d.:BookG,emphasisadded).The 1930censusrecords
the race of the grandson's (G) familyas Spanish, presumably as theyreportedit (U.S. Census Bureau 1930:District11
Sheet 26A). His wife,daughters,and granddaughtersmade
Spanish costumes for and participated in the Old Spanish
Days Fiesta formany years. Decades later,a granddaughter
(H) and grandson of the "old vaquero" (F) stated separately
that Canuto had been born in Spain but gave differentlocations (Obituary Files n.d.:Books G and H; Pico
Ruiz
n.d.;
The
also
rationalized
the
"old
n.d.a).
grandson
vaquero's"
(F) physical appearance: He had spent "many hours each
day on horseback caring for the animals. The outdoor life
gave him a tawny brown skin, which contrasted dramatically with his curlywhite hair" (Ruiz n.d.a).
Alloftheancestorsofourneo-Chumashlivingbetween
1850 and 1930,includingthe oldestfutureneo-Chumash,
were recordedas whitein U.S. and statecensuses:67 of
those in generationsC-I in Figure2. This includesall of
generationsF-I in one chart(excludingtwospouses),even
as tensionsoverimmigration
heightened.Evenin the 1930
census-the onlyone withMexicanas an official
race-this
is
as
recorded
white
or
Most
census
enugroup
Spanish.
meratorsin SantaBarbarafrom1910 through1930 distinfromrecentMexicanimmiguishedSpanishor Californios
Suburban
Montecito,however,wheregenerations
grants.
F-H in the otherchartin Figure2 lived,was polarizedbetweenwealthyelitesand theirservantsand laboringclasses
(Camarillo1996:63). In 1910, 13 of these were recorded
as Other,with "Mex" writtenin the form'smargin.In
1920, theywererecordedas white,but in 1930, fourwere
low-classstatusofgenrecordedas Mexican.The persistent
erationsF-I in both chartsand theirlong-standing
assertions of Spanishancestrysuggesttheyall facedrepeated
challengesto sustainingwhitestatus.GenerationsH and
I were still identifying
themselvesas whiteby 1946 on
Social Securityforms.All continuedto associateprimarily
withotherSpanish-Californios
(Conrow1993:116;Schultz
1993:13).
CLAIMING CHUMASH IDENTITY
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GenerationJparticipants
wereencouragedto ex-
environmental
disputes;there,Chumash identityproved
valuable to developmentopponents.These environmental disputes,ofteninvolvinginterventions
on behalfofthe
neo-Chumashby anthropologists,
earnedthemwiderlegitimacy(Haleyand Wilcoxon1997; O'Connor 1989). The
coalitionalso soughtfederalacknowledgment
as an Indian
tribeforneo-Chumashmembers.Becausefederalacknowltheproedgmentrequirespoliticaland socialcontinuities,
cess fosteredclaimsthatearliergenerations"had to hide
theirIndianness,"went"underground,"
or had "passedas
Mexican."However,the push forfederalacknowledgment
stalledwhenthecoalitionranoutoffundsand a secondgethe lackof Chumashancestryin neonealogistconfirmed
Chumashhistory.
In a recent study, Martha Menchaca uses her
"Chumash"in-lawsto supporther "unconventionalview
thatMexicanAmericanswerepartof the indigenouspeoples of the AmericanSouthwest,"because "by the turnof
the nineteenthcenturya largepart of the mestizocolonial populationwas of southwestern
AmericanIndian descent" (2001:2, 17). However,Menchaca makesa serious
error:She assumesthatcastes,races,and currentidentity
assertionstransparently
reflect
her
ancestry.
Unfortunately,
in-lawsare amongthe neo-Chumashin Figure1, so much
ofMenchaca'sworkis simplyuntenable.Nevertheless,
the
of
Menchaca's
of
neo-Chumash
significance
legitimizing
is its reassertion
and racializingof territorial
primacy-as
when theirCalifornioancestorscalled Mexicans"foreigners."Previously
an advantageofSpanishidentity,
territorial
is
reasserted
now
in
form
to
counterprimacy
indigenous
acttherenewedimmigrant
in
the
loathingrampant
region.
Bornintoan immigrant
Menchacahas both
familyherself,
experiencedand studiedCalifornia'santi-Mexicanprejudice.Ourownresearchconfirms
itsseverity
(Haley1997),so
to a scholar'smotives
againwe findourselvessympathetic
althoughnot necessarilyher scholarship.Menchaca does
not challengetheideologicalbasisofanti-immigrant
prejuitagainstothercategories
dice;instead,shesimplyredirects
ofpeople.
NORMALIZINGNEO-CHUMASHETHNOGENESIS
Froman arbitrary16th-century
startingpoint, we have
tracedchanges in culturalidentitywithinrelatedfami-
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purity.
The historicaldata we have presentedare the same sort
officialsuse to evaluate federal acknowledgment applications. Barringa major change in policy,our findingssuggest
that federalacknowledgment is unlikely to be achieved by
these neo-Chumash. This is one potential consequence of
historical social analysis to which we alluded in our introduction. The best option neo-Chumash may have for retaining public identitiesas local indigenes may be what Les
Field (1999) calls a "culturalist"strategy,
which eschews federal acknowledgmentin favorofadopting practicesthought
to be central to a particularidentity.This permitstheir "re-
and
alness"to derivemorefromtheirlevelofcommitment
usefulness
to others(Barth1969). Thishas proveneffective
in establishingand maintainingneo-Chumashlegitimacy
Theongoingdenialor
locallyand in certainwidernetworks.
concealmentofthehistoricalrecordby neo-Chumashand
suggeststhatthingsarenot at thepointreached
supporters
after1790 in Spain'scolonieswhenauthorities
precipitated
caste'scollapseby decliningto declarepeople's caste.We
see no scholarlyneed to demonizeneo-Chumashformakingtheirclaims,and we do not seekto defendtheveracity
and exof theirclaims.Theirsocial historydemonstrates
continuous
reformulation.
Neo-Chumash
plainsidentity's
arewho theyarenow,but not who theyhave alwaysbeen
orevenwho theyarelikelyto alwaysbe. Nevertheless,
with
newsaliencein thecontextofimmigration,
indigenization
ofidentityin theSouthwestis unlikelyto end soon.
BRIAND. HALEYDepartment of Anthropology,State Uni-
ofNewYorkCollegeatOneonta,Oneonta,NY 13820
versity
LARRYR. WILCOXON
Wilcoxon and Associates,Santa
CA
93101
Barbara,
NOTES
Olivera
thebasicgenealogical
Acknowledgments.
Phyllis
compiled
dataforWilcoxonin 1986.Weresumedthestudyin 1999.Research
wasfunded
ofCalifornia
forMexicoand
Institute
bytheUniversity
theUnitedStatesandtheStateUniversity
ofNewYorkCollegeat
Wethank
Oneonta.
thestaffs
oftheSantaBarbara
Mission
Archive
SantaBarbara
Presidio
ofAnthropolArchives;
Library;
Department
MuseumofNatural
GledhillLibrary,
ogy,SantaBarbara
History;
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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
HaleyandWilcoxon* TalesofEthnogenesis443
persons who began claiminglocal aboriginal-or Chumashin thelate 1960swho lackthisancestry.
identity
6. Sources:Allen1976:15,18; Anonymous1834; Bancroft188489, 1964; Barrios1999-2000; Bean and Mason 1962:60; Crosby
1994:418,420-421;Eldredge1912; FranciscanFathers1999,n.d.a,
n.d.b, n.d.c, n.d.d, n.d.e; Geiger1972; Gillingham1983; Layne
1934; Lo Buglio1977, 1981; Mason 1998; Northrop1984, 1986;
Ortega1781,1939.
7. Wehavenotfoundcastesfornineimmigrants.
Threeothersnot
recordedin 1790wererecordedat othertimesas espafiol,mestizo,
and indio.See N. 5 forinformation
on terms.
8. Ex-grantees
Josede la Asenci6nDominguez(E) andJoseRam6n
Romero(F) werelistedas laborersin 1860 and 1880,respectively
82, Sheet
(U.S. Census Bureau1860:181, 1870:475,1880:District
16).
9. Two in generationF ownedland thatdid not produceenough
to supportthem.
10. See Santa BarbaraCity Directory1943. Also U.S. Census
150 Sheet5A,District154 Sheets13Aand B, District
1900:District
155 Sheet3A; 1910:District166 Sheet9B, District172 Sheet5A,
District173 Sheet13B,District221 Sheet9B; 1930:District
8 Sheet
16A,District54 Sheet6B.
11. See Bancroft1964:122-123;FranciscanFathers1999: July4,
1793; Gillingham1983:86,191-192,392; Layne1934:202;Mason
1998:78;Northrop1986:125,289.
12. We have mentionedcountercultural
influencespreviously
(Erlandsonet al. 1998:505; Haley 2002:116) withoutexplaining
theroleofthosecommunities'
beliefs.Reference
hereis notto the
communeofthelateSemuHuaute.
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