Professional Documents
Culture Documents
1AC
Inherency
Bennett 6/2/15 the Secure Data Act currently has no hope of
passing it has been introduced several times but hasnt seen
any movement
Larson 13 the NSA is currently winning its war on encryption.
Solvency
Wicklander 15 the Secure Data Act prevents the NSA from
forcing companies to insert backdoors into their tech
McQuinn 14 the Secure Data Act eliminates weaknesses
caused by backdoors and restores trust in US companies
T
Extend we meet the aff IS collection of data decryption is a
pre-requisite to manipulating it
Extend the C/I LSHTM 9 saying surveillance is dissemination,
not just collection
We meet the C/I decryption is necessary to be able to
disseminate and interpret information
They say the FISA interp is better, but our interpretation of the
topic shouldnt be decided by just the literature base, but by
what the most debatable version of the topic is. Prefer the
counter-interpretation because they overlimit they take away
core aff ground and make the topic about our methods of
collecting surveillance, not its effects. Our interpretation is
better for debate and policymaking on the topic
Breadth outweighs depth a larger topic is key to education
about different aspects of surveillance and encourages aff
creativity. They still get links to core negative arguments.
Extra T is good it gives the neg more ground.
Competing interpretations is bad because it creates a race to
the bottom it makes the debate about how limiting you can
make the topic.
Reasonability is the framework on which you should evaluate
the T debate if were reasonably topical, were topical. Good
is good enough. We dont explode the topic or make it
impossible for the neg to debate.
DA
1AR DA Cards
1AC ISIS scenario only scenario for radicalizing lone wolves in CX of 1NC
1AC Brooks terrorists afraid perception of strong military primacy
negotiations with the United States in fall 2001, President Musharraf made four key economic requests: (1) improved access of Pakistan's textiles-which constitute around 60 per- cent of the country's total exports-to the Ll.S.
market; (2) a reduction in Pakistan's massive foreign debt, which amounts to 47.5 percent of Pakistan's COP and
for which debt service payments constitute 35 per- cent of the country's exports; (3) an increase in the amount of
develop- mental assistance loans; and (4) the elimination of the economic sanc- tions that were put in place after
Pakistan's 1998nuclear test. After one such negotiating session in October 2001, Secretary of State Colin Pow- ell
told the Pakistani leader: "General, I've got it right here across my forehead, two words: 'debt relief: Say no
more."!'? In response to Musharraf's requests, the Bush administration promptly revoked the 1998 nuclear
sanctions and also arranged for an immediate infusion of $600 million in developmental assistance. It is also
announced in late October 2001 that it would move to reschedule the $3 billion Pakistan owes the United States
globalization gives U.S. policymakers potential leverage for fur- thering its counterterrorism strategy. In the end,
the key question is whether the United States will use economic globalization to its
best advantage in the war on terror. Unfortunately, there are many discour- aging signs in this regard;
this is true concerning the effort to harness economic globalization's full potential for developing capabilities to
count~ract WMDll3and also with respect to the use of globalization- related leverage for influencing the
Security K
Realism Good
Realisms ethic of consequentialism checks unwise action.
Williams '05 (Michael Williams, Senior Lecturer, Department of International Politics,
University of Wales, THE REALIST TRADITION AND THE LIMITS OF INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS, 2005, 169)
Over the course of the preceding chapters, I have attempted to show that questions of
the construction of action, and its ethical and political evaluation, lie at the
core of the willful Realist tradition. This final chapter seeks to demonstrate how this is
expressed in two key and continuingly controversial Realist concepts: the ethic of
responsibility and the national interest. The relationship between these two concepts is at
the heart of many understandings of Realist ethics. In its most straightforward form , the
Guzzini '98
Stefano Guzzini, Senior Researcher, research units on Danish and European foreign policy and on
Defence and security, 1998, Realism in International Relations and International Political Economy: The Continuing
Story of A Death Foretold, 30-31
The historical context of Munich and appeasement gave realism, as opposed to the idealist
approaches prevailing in the inter-war period, an enormous appeal. Carr and Morgenthau
contributed to undermining the basic principles of what was dubbed idealism (Carrs
Utopianism). Morgenthau was crucial in securing the ascendancy of realism in the newly
founded academic specialization of International Relations. Carr used realist scepticism to
criticize a great power of his day, his native Britain. He debunked the apparently universal
harmony of interests as a status quo power ideology. Yet Carrs scepticism produces a
restless circle of criticism which is, as he acknowledged, self-contradicting. Moreover, Carrs
scepticism is neither able to define his exact mix of realism and idealism, nor to positively
propose a coherent policy. Morgenthau, in his attempt to teach the diplomatic lessons of the
past, was torn between his earlier criticism (1946) of idealists who confounded politics with
science, and his own attempt to replace idealism by a claim to the scientific superiority of
realism (1948, 1960). The result is a theory which must find conceptual bridges starting from
the eternal laws of human nature, via the state as a unitary actor, to a necessary balance of
power theory. It is much more complex and contradictory than usually acknowledged. To
take just one example, Kenneth Waltz (1959) proposed a famous distinction between three
images for understanding the causes of war. The first image is based on human nature, the
second on the nature of the political regime, and the third on the specific characteristics of
the international realm (anarchy). Waltz plainly placed Morgenthau within the first category.
Yet, although Morgenthau derived power, and hence the essential characteristics of all
politics including war, from human nature, he could also qualify for the other two images. He
argued that the typical war of the gruesome twentieth century was a result of the
democratization, and hence nationalization of international politics. This was how he called
the shift to mass societies whose rulers have to respond to large constituencies. This is a
form of a second image explanation. And finally, although it is true that politics is about the
struggle for power based on human nature, the specificity of the international realm, what
he called multiplicity, explains why the warlike struggle for power, while tamed at the
domestic level, is endemic to the international level. How can Carr and Morgenthau, so
different in style and content, and whose approaches are filled with so many internal
tensions, become major reference points for one school of thought? Obviously they were
perceived mainly through what they had in common, the critique of idealism and the priority
given to power and politics. Hence, this chapter should also serve as a warning: as much as
idealism was often idealized to allow a realist critique, realism has often been demonized by
its adversaries and misused by reactionary friends. The binary opposition of realism and
idealism more often serves to provide observers and practitioners with an identity than it
does to provide analytical clarity. The realist world-view wants to be pragmatic, not cynical.
Its main purpose is the avoidance of great war through the management and limitation of
conflicts by a working balance of power supplemented by normative arrangements.
Nevertheless, for realists, the struggle for power will always arise. Conflicts cannot be
abolished. For realists, foreign policy often brings choices that nobody wants to make.
Diplomats might at times have to gamble, but not because they like doing it. On the stage of
world politics where brute forces can clash unfettered, diplomats enter a theatre of tragedy.
This is the fate of the statesman, who, in the writings of Morgenthau, but also Kennan and
Kissinger, appears as a romanticized heroic figure. Often misunderstood also by selfproclaimed realists, realist policy is not the external projection of a military or even
reactionary ideology; it is the constant adjustment to a bitter reality. For realists, Realpolitik
is not a choice that can be avoided, it is a necessity which responsible actors have to
moderate.
Realism Inevitable
Realism is inevitable. The power politics of realism enter into
any possible system even a critical approach leads back into
realism.
Murray 97 (Alastair J.H., Prof. of Poli. Theory at Univ. of Edinburgh, Reconstructing
Realism: Between Power Politics and Cosmopolitan Ethics, pp. 130)
The other members of the group varied in their emphases, but there are clear parallels to this formulation in
The extent
to which power infuses all social relations, the extent to which all social structures
are marred by relations of domination and subordination, forms a pervasive theme throughout
their work. It was this awareness of the intrusion of power into all social relations that
generated their emphasis on 'the inevitable imperfections of any
organization that is entangled with the world. l 1 " As Morgenthau once put it, the
ideal 'can never be fully translated into political reality but only at best approximated ... there shall
always be an element of political domination preventing the full
realization of equality and freedom'. "9 The principal focus of this critique of the
corrupting influence of power was, of course, international relations. Here, economic and legal
mechanisms of domination are ultimately reduced to overt violence as
the principal mechanism of determining political outcomes. The
diffusion of power between states effectively transforms any such
centrally organized mechanisms into simply another forum for the
power politics of the very parties that it is supposed to restrain. As Kennan put it: The
realities of power will soon seep into anv legalistic structures which
we erect to govern international life. They will permeate it. They will
become the content of it; and the structure will replace the form.' 1:1 The repression of such
power realities is, however, impossible; the political actor must simply
'seek their point of maximum equilibrium '. This conception of the balance of
ultimately aimed, in Morgenthaus words, 'to maintain the stability of the system
without destroying the multiplicity of the elements composing it'. First, it was designed to
their conceptions which suggest its employment as a framework to assist understanding.
prevent universal domination, to act as a deterrent to the ambitions of any dominant great power and as a
safeguard against any attempt to establish its sway over the rest of the system.]-'4 Second, it was designed
to preserve the independence and freedom of the states of the system, particularly the small states. 1" I
Only through the operation of the balance of power between great powers can small powers gain any
genuine independence and any influence in the international system.1-" However, as Morgenthau pointed
out, whilst, in domestic society, the balance of power operates in a context characterized by the existence of
a degree of consensus and by the presence of a controlling central power, these factors are lacking in
international relations and, thus, the balance is both much more important and yet much more flawed, the
maintenance of equilibrium being achieved at the price of large-scale warfare and periodic eliminations of
smaller states.] 7
Racism
culture is often misguided, distressingly adrift, naive and tone deaf to the concerns
and harsh realities that many people who suffer its (racism) pernicious effects have
to deal with on a daily basis. Politicians of all races, entertainers and the occasional
athlete or public intellectual locking arms and singing freedom songs from the civil
rights movement more than half a century ago does little if anything to confront the
searing issues that are plaguing many communities of color in the 21st century.
Unarmed Black men (and some women) being routinely shot by police officers.
Students of color and non-White faculty and administrators, college students and
faculty routinely enduring relentless forms of microaggressions from fellow students
and colleagues on their campuses. Our current African American president, since
the day he was inaugurated as president, consistently being subjected to
disgraceful acts of obstruction, personal slights and blatant disrespect. Black college
graduates are more than likely as their White cohorts to be unemployed. Applicants
with Black-sounding names are considerably less likely to be contacted by
employers than applicants with more White-sounding names. Black customers being
disproportionately more likely to be followed by staff and, in some cases, detained
by police officers in stores for suspicion of shoplifting -- "Shopping While Black".
as having the knife because we're more open to the notion of the black man having
a knife than a white man, " Ross says. "This is one of the most insidious things
about bias. People may absorb these things without knowing them." Another
famous experiment shows how racial bias can shape a person's economic
prospects. Professors at the University of Chicago and MIT sent 5,000 fictitious
resumes in response to 1,300 help wanted ads. Each resume listed identical
qualifications except for one variation -- some applicants had Anglo-sounding names
such as "Brendan," while others had black-sounding names such as "Jamal."
Applicants with Anglo-sounding names were 50% more likely to get calls for
interviews than their black-sounding counterparts. Most of the people who didn't
call "Jamal" were probably unaware that their decision was motivated by racial bias,
says Daniel L. Ames, a UCLA researcher who has studied and written about bias. "If
you ask someone on the hiring committee, none of them are going to say they're
racially biased," Ames says. "They're not lying. They're just wrong." Ames says such
biases are dangerous because they're often unseen. "Racial biases can in some
ways be more destructive than overt racism because they're harder to spot, and
therefore harder to combat," he says.
employment over the prior year that included a rising line indicating about a million
jobs had been added. "They were asked whether the number of people with jobs
had gone up, down, or stayed about the same," Ross wrote. "Many, looking straight
at the graph, said down." Ross says it's even more difficult to get smart people to
admit bias. "The smarter we are, the more self-confident we are, and the more
successful we are, the less likely we're going to question our own thinking," Ross
says. Some of the nation's smartest legal minds aren't big believers in racial bias
either, and that could complicate efforts in Ferguson to reduce racial tensions. Some
say they could be eased by hiring more officers of color in Ferguson's police force.
But the conservative majority on the U.S. Supreme Court, led by Chief Justice John
Roberts, has been suspicious of efforts to achieve diversity in workforces, believing
that they amount to reverse racism or racial preferences, legal observers say. Some
fear the court is about to get rid of one of the most effective legal tools for
addressing racial bias. The court recently took up a fair housing case in Texas where
the conservative majority could very well rule against the concept of "disparate
impact," a legal approach that doesn't try to plumb the racist intentions of
individuals or businesses but looks at the racial impact of their decisions. Disparate
impact is built on the belief that most people aren't stupid enough to openly
announce they're racists but instead cloak their racism in seemingly race-neutral
language. It also recognizes that some ostensibly race-neutral policies could reflect
unintentional bias. A disparate impact lawsuit, for instance, wouldn't have to prove
that a police department's white leaders are racist -- it would only have to show the
impact of having all white officers in an almost all-black town. Roberts distilled his
approach to race in one of the court's most controversial cases in 2007. The court
ruled 5-4 along ideological lines that a public school district in Seattle couldn't
consider race when assigning students to schools, even for the purposes of
integration. "The way to stop discrimination on the basis of race is to stop
discriminating on the basis of race," Roberts said in what is arguably his most
famous quote. Roberts has equated affirmative action programs with Jim Crow laws,
says Erwin Chemerinsky, author of "The Case Against the Supreme Court." "Chief
Justice Roberts has expressly said that the Constitution and the government should
be colorblind," Chemerinsky says. "He sees no difference between government
action that discriminates against minorities and one that benefits minorities." What
that means for Ferguson is that any aggressive attempt to integrate the police force
could be struck down in court, says Mark D. Naison, an African-American Studies
professor at Fordham University in New York City. Unless a lawyer can find smokinggun evidence of some police department official saying he won't hire blacks, people
won't have much legal leverage to make the police department diverse, he says.
The
There is
evidence to suggest that if a student appears to have a positive and promising
future, schools will overlook relatively minor violations such as weapon possession,
and will not expel the student. Instead the schools will deliver a lesser punishment
in the hopes of rehabilitation, but there are inequalities in the application of this
school discretion. Often, the minority students do not receive the benefit of this
second chance and tend to suffer more devastating consequences. Racial discrimination
case-by-case basis and may deliver a less severe punishment if mitigating circumstances permit.
affects more than disparate test scores and overall unequal treatment in the schools. One effect is addressed
indirectly in CAT; however, because of the United States' limited definition of "torture," the CAT's implications are
According to the United States, the government need only deal with
mental suffering caused by torturous acts in very few circumstances. These
situations do not deal with any intentional racial discrimination that takes place in
the schools but rather they address situations when the victim is in the custody of
an official in the criminal setting or in a mental institution. The United States
appears to ignore the times when children are under the control of the state during
schools hours. Children are under the school's control during much of the day, for five days a week. Yet this
severely limited.
time of responsibility is not considered time during which the United States accepts a responsibility to ensure that
long-term effects will cause severe mental pain as the students begin to believe they are inferior to their white
peers. The United States has not acknowledged the possibility that the suffering of the students under the
everyone from acts of racial discrimination and laws that either discriminate or have the effects of discrimination.
Under CAT, the United States must prevent torture of all forms, including mental torture. Under ICCPR, the United
States must protect every child, regardless of his/her race, as a minor in the society. These requirements are not
currently being met.
United States, it just jumped into my face. Its very striking, and
not just in job marketsthere are racial differences in health, in life
expectancy, in education. No matter where you look, race is a really
important predictor of how well people do in life. Indeed, Spenkuch and his coauthors
find that black job seekers are offeredand acceptless compensation than white job seekers. In fact, racial
discrimination among employers could account for at least a third of the
raw wage gap between black and white workers. A New Lens on Racial Bias The
came to the
researchers began by considering the limitations of previous economic approaches to explainingor explaining
awayracial wage disparities. The so-called Mincerian approach, Spenkuch explains, uses statistical regression
methods to assign an impact to various observed variables affecting wages, including race. This approach crucially
relies on high-quality data in which there is no variable you could possibly think of that is correlated with race and
also affects wageswhich is of course never true, he says. Another approach uses structural models of the labor
market, which can generate results that are highly dependent on initial assumptions used to construct the model
and if those assumptions are implausible, the results are suspect. Spenkuch and his coauthors attempted to
combine the strengths of these two approaches while avoiding their shortcomings. The strength of the structural
approach is that theres a model of how people make decisions, he says, and the strength of the first approach is
that we can control simultaneously for a lot of different variables. The researchers also obtained access to a novel
and uniquely rich set of data which observed the job-seeking activity of approximately 5200 recently unemployed
black and white workers in New Jersey over twelve weeks in 2009basically yesterday in economic terms,
Spenkuch says. Crucially, this data also included wage offersand not just the offers that applicants accepted, but
also ones that they rejected. Spenkuchs empirical test became a matter of finding pairs of job-seekersidentical
in every aspect except race, including the wages they received at their last joband comparing the set of offers
they each received while searching for a new job. (The researchers model also included two initial assumptions:
that whites and blacks draw job offers from a similar set of possible openings, and that blacks are not
systematically overpaid in their previous positions compared to whitesin other words, that strong affirmativeaction policies do not artificially prop up black workers wages in spite of lower productivity.) Seeing Is Believing The
against, Spenkuch adds. Finally, and surprisingly, the researchers found that wage gaps narrow over time as black
workers stay at the same job. As an employer I may discriminate against you by offering a lower wage when I first
hire you, Spenkuch explains, but over time as you work for me, I come to know how good you really are as an
individual, and I adjust your wage accordingly. By taking these variables into effect alongside race, the researchers
found that the raw wage gap between black and white workerswhich we observe at around 30 to 35 percent, if
we dont adjust for anything, Spenkuch explainsnarrows to between ten and twelve percent. This means that
racial discrimination must account for at least a third of the factors that
contribute to black workers receiving lower wages than whites. It follows
intuitively from the two assumptions in our model, Spenkuch says. Those assumptions are not necessarily
innocuous, but we feel confident that they are plausible. Bias by the Numbers The kind of racial bias that drives
this effect, says Spenkuch, is called statistical discriminationwhich has nothing to do with any emotional
distaste for working with minorities, he adds. In our model, employers are purely profit-seeking. The employer
says, I dont care why blacks are less productive on average; I know that they are, because of the lower SAT scores
and other data that are observable. Therefore, if I dont know anything else about the candidate, I have to treat him
as I would the average candidate in that racial groupthat is, less favorably. Of course, by law employers are not
allowed to do that. But the data show that its happening. Spenkuch is quick to assert that we havent necessarily
overturned the last twenty years of research on discrimination in the labor market with one study. After all, if a
third of the wage gap between black and white workers is due to racial discrimination, that means that the majority
of the gap is still being driven by other factors, such as disparities in education quality and other so-called premarket skill differentials. Those factors clearly matter, Spenkuch says. What we want to argue is that its wrong
not to pay any attention to discrimination, too. These results suggest that its still going onand enforcing existing
legislation would substantially reduce the wage gaps we observe in the labor market. It wouldnt eliminate them.
But it would narrow them.
of seven years of FBI data, which claims around a quarter of the 400 annual deaths
reported to federal authorities by local police departments were white-on-black
shootings. What's more, the analysis indicates that 18% of the black suspects were under
the age of 21 when killed by the police, as opposed to just 8.7% of white
suspects. Throughout much if not all of America, black people are disproportionately more
likely to be killed by the police. The background: Statistics like these may help explain why Pew polls
have demonstrated continued low confidence among non-whites in the police and justice systems. Police in general,
All too
often, cases of abuse and excessive force are simply swept under the rug.
and white cops in particular, have a pattern of disproportionately directing force against black people.
University of Nebraska criminologist Samuel Walker told USA Today that the lack of a comprehensive national
repository on use of force has been a "major failure" for oversight, while USC colleague Geoff Alpert pointed out
that around 98.9% of excessive force allegations are ultimately ruled as justified. In just one of many examples,
care: The statistic on white-cop-on-black-suspect shootings is alarming in and of itself. But while race plays a critical
black and white Americans economic opportunities. Fifty years later, that gulf
hasnt changed much. By some measures it has widened. In 2011, the median
income for black households was about fifty-nine per cent of the median
income for white households, up slightly from fifty-five per cent in 1967, according to Census data
analyzed by the Pew Research Center. But when you consider wealththat is, everything a family owns, including a
trend is unsettlinghard to believe, evenparticularly given the progress black Americans have seen on some
fronts. In a 1961 poll, forty-one per cent of respondents said they wouldnt vote for a generally well-qualified man
from their party if he happened to be black; five years ago, Americans elected a black President. In 1964, white
students graduated high school at almost double the rate of their black peers; today, graduation rates for blacks
are only a couple of percentage points lower than for whites. Yet black Americans have moved ahead littleand by
some measures have fallen behindwith regard to the one standard that matters most to Americans: making
money. How did this happen? How do we fix it? Back in 1963, the Washington marchers made these four economic
demands: a higher federal minimum wage, a law barring discrimination by employers, a massive job-training
program, and an increase in the areas of employment covered by the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938the law
that established standards such as overtime pay. The policy changes brought about by the protesters demands,
and the civil-rights movement at large, were significant, if not as numerous as King and his allies sought. In January
of 1964, President Lyndon B. Johnson launched the policies that became known as the War on Poverty; that July,
Congress enacted the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Through the sixties and into the seventies, the government started
job-training programs and deliberately hired more black people into government jobs, among other measures.
African-Americans increasingly found white-collar and skilled blue-collar work that provided decent wagesnot only
in northern cities like Baltimore and Detroit, which had drawn black workers earlier in the century, but also in the
South. Black Americans seemed to be getting a foothold in the economy; by 1978, the black median income rose to
fifty-eight per cent of the white median income, according to Pew. Then came the early nineteen-eighties, when
corporations began going abroad for lower-cost labor and cutting domestic manufacturing jobs. That coincided,
roughly, with a Reagan-era backlash against public spending that led to cuts in many of the earlier government
programs. The gap between black and white incomes widened again. (The black-to-white income ratio would not
surpass its 1978 high until the nineties.) The people who went to Baltimore, who went to Detroit, were the gogetters of the African-American community, Dedrick Muhammad, the senior director of the economic department
of the N.A.A.C.P., told me. They were willing to work hard. These people, who have become demonized as the
permanent underclass, became the permanent underclass when the jobs died. Because of the dearth of pre-1984
wealth information, researchers have had a hard time studying the racial wealth gap in the years immediately after
the civil-rights movement. They have, however, come to better understand what has happened over the past
twenty-five years. When researchers compare todays situation with that of 1984, they find that a greater share of
blacks than whites have ended up in low-paying service positionsfor instance, assisting in nursing homesthat
dont offer benefits that help compound peoples wealth, such as retirement plans. Black families are less likely to
receive inheritances; black students both graduate college at lower rates and are more likely to be saddled with
college debt; and blacks are incarcerated at disproportionate rates, reducing their ability to earn good wages even
when those who are imprisoned become free. But the wealth gap mostly comes down to home ownership.
Researchers at Brandeis University recently tracked the same group of black and white families from 1984 to 2009.
During that period, a smaller proportion of black families bought homes, and those who did bought them later in life
than their white peersand that meant they benefited less as home values rose, according to Thomas Shapiro, a
professor at Brandeis University. When one compares white families whose wealth grew over the years to black
government helps people pay for food with the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. Families can even lose
deduction only if they itemize their deductions, which higher-income taxpayers are likelier to do, and the deduction
gets bigger when you have a larger mortgage or are in a higher tax bracket. There are solutions. The government
could, for instance, turn the deduction for homeowners into a flat amountand one, Shapiro said, that could apply
only to a first home and wouldnt require taxpayers to fill out an extra form. EARN, a San Francisco nonprofit, offers
savings accounts in which the nonprofit adds two dollars or more for every dollar a person deposits. The
government could emulate that approach to encourage people to save. Four years after the March on Washington,
King became frustrated with the governments focus on the Vietnam War at the expense of the War on Poverty. He
organized a kind of sequel to the 1963 marchthis time called the Poor Peoples Campaign. We ought to come in
mule carts, in old trucks, any kind of transportation people can get their hands on, he said. People ought to come
to Washington, sit down if necessary in the middle of the street and say, We are here; we are poor; we dont have
any money; you have made us this way and weve come to stay until you do something about it. In April of