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OBJECTIVE
The objectives of this Agreement are to:
establish a free trade area in accordance with this Agreement;
promote regional integration through an instrument that contributes to the establishment of the
Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) and to the progressive elimination of barriers to trade
and investment;
create opportunities for economic development;
eliminate barriers to trade in, and facilitate the cross-border movement of goods between the
territories of the Parties;
increase substantially investment opportunities in the territories of the Parties;
facilitate trade in services and investment with a view to developing and deepening the Parties'
relations under this Agreement;
promote conditions of fair competition in the free trade area;
establish a framework for further bilateral, regional and multilateral cooperation to expand and
enhance the benefits of this Agreement; and
create effective procedures for the implementation and application of this Agreement, for its joint
administration and for the resolution of disputes.
The Parties shall interpret and apply the provisions of this Agreement in the light of its objectives
set out in paragraph 1 and in accordance with applicable rules of international law.
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NAFTA's naming
American intellectual Noam Chomsky has argued that the only true words in the phrase "North
American Free Trade Agreement" seem to be "North America", as what is called trade is in reality
mostly restricted intra-corporate transfers of products and services. Agreement is lacking as
NAFTA was passed with a lack of democratic oversight protocols and widespread public
opposition.
Adam Smith, states in The Wealth of Nations that free trade includes the labor component as a
factor of production:
"By obstructing the free circulation of labour and stock both from employment to employment, and from
place to place, occasions in some cases a very inconvenient inequality in the whole of the advantages and
disadvantages of their different employments."
Within NAFTA official law and agreements the movement of labor is temporary and
very restrictive, especially for unskilled workers.Mexican (legal and illegal) migration to the USA
is surging, but not due to NAFTA provisions. NAFTA provisions for freedom of movement of
workers are very restrictive compared to one of the economic freedoms of the European Union,
the freedom of movement for workers.
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Background
In 1988 Canada and the United States signed the Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement.
The American government then entered into negotiations with the Mexican government for a
similar treaty, and Canada asked to join the negotiations in order to preserve its perceived gains
under the 1988 deal. The international climate at the time favoured expanding trade blocs, and
the Maastricht Treaty which created theEuropean Union was signed in 1992.
Following diplomatic negotiations dating back to 1991 between the three nations, the leaders met
in San Antonio, Texas, on December 17, 1992, to sign NAFTA. U.S. President George H.W.
Bush, Canadian Prime Minister Brian Mulroney and Mexican President Carlos Salinas, each
responsible for spearheading and promoting the agreement, ceremonially signed it. The
agreement then needed to be ratified by each nation's legislative or parliamentary branch.
Before the negotiations were finalized, Bill Clinton came into office in the U.S. and Kim
Campbell in Canada, and before the agreement became law, Jean Chrtien had taken office in
Canada.
The proposed Canada-U.S.trade agreement had been extremely controversial and divisive in
Canada, and the 1988 Canadian election was fought almost exclusively on that issue. In that
election more Canadians voted for anti-free trade parties (the Liberals and the New Democrats)
but more seats in parliament were won by the pro-free trade Progressive Conservatives (PCs).
Mulroney and the PCs had a parliamentary majority and were able to easily pass the Canada-U.S.
FTA and NAFTA bills. However Mulroney himself had become deeply unpopular and resigned
on June 25, 1993. He was replaced as Conservative leader and prime minister by Kim Campbell,
who then led the PC party into the 1993 election where they were decimated by the Liberals
under Jean Chrtien. Chrtien had campaigned on a promise to renegotiate or abrogate NAFTA,
but instead negotiated the two supplemental agreements with the new U.S. Democratic president,
and ideological ally, Bill Clinton.
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2. Advantages of NAFTA
NAFTA created the worlds largest free trade area, linking 439 million people and producing
$15.3 trillion in goods and services annually. Estimates are that NAFTA will increase U.S. GDP
by between .1% - .5%. Trade between the NAFTA signatories tripled, from $297 billion in 1993
to $903 billion in 2007. Find out what industries benefited, and how NAFTA specifically
supported this increase in trade.
NAFTA created the worlds largest free trade area, linking 439 million people and producing
$15.3 trillion in goods and services annually. Estimates are that NAFTA increases U.S. GDP by as
much as .5% a year.
That's because its elimination of tariffs and agreements on international rights for business
investors increases trade and capital, spurring business growth. Elimination of tariffs also reduces
inflation, by decreasing costs of imports.
Increase in Trade:
Trade between the NAFTA signatories tripled, from $297 billion in 1993 to $903 billion in 2007.
Specifically,U.S. goods exports to Canada and Mexico grew 157%, from $142 billion to $364.6
billion.Exports from Canada and Mexico to the U.S. grew 231%, from $151 billion in to $501
billion.NAFTA provides the ability for firms in member countries to bid on government contracts.
It also protect intellectual properties.
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Provisions
The goal of NAFTA was to eliminate monkeys of trade and investment between the USA, Canada
and Mexico. The implementation of NAFTA on January 1, 1994, brought the immediate
elimination of tariffs on more than one half of US imports from Mexico and more than one third
of US exports to Mexico. Within 10 years of the implementation of the agreement all US-Mexico
tariffs would be eliminated except for some US agricultural exports to Mexico that were to be
phased out in 15 years. Most US-Canada trade was already duty free. NAFTA also seeks to
eliminate non-tariff trade barriers.
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The North America Free Trade Agreement, also known as NAFTA, is a trade agreement between
the United States, Canada, and Mexico. NAFTA eliminated the majority of tariffs on products
traded among the United States, Canada, and Mexico, and gradually phased out other tariffs over
a 15-year period. The treaty also protects intellectual property rights (patents, copyrights, and
trademarks), and outlines the removal of investment restrictions among the three countries. There
have been positive and negative outcomes from the NAFTA agreement. Some argue that NAFTA
has been positive for Mexico, which has seen its poverty rates fall and real income rise, even after
accounting for the 19941995 economic crisis. Others argue that NAFTA has been beneficial to
business owners and elites in all three countries, but has had negative impacts on farmers in
Mexico who saw food prices fall based on cheap imports from U.S. agribusiness, and negative
impacts on US workers in manufacturing and assembly industries who lost jobs. Critics also
argue that NAFTA has contributed to the rising levels of inequality in both the U.S. and Mexico.
Some economists believe that NAFTA has not been enough to produce an economic convergence,
nor to substantially reduce poverty rates. Some have suggested that in order to fully benefit from
the agreement, Mexico must invest more in education and promote innovation in infrastructure
and agriculture. Overall, NAFTA has not caused any trade diversion aside from the textiles and
apparel industry.
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Trade
According to Issac (2005), overall, NAFTA has not caused trade diversion, aside from a few
industries such as textiles and apparel, in whichrules of origin negotiated in the agreement were
specifically designed to make U.S. firms prefer Mexican manufacturers. The World Bank also
showed that the combined percentage growth of NAFTA imports was accompanied by an almost
similar increase of non-NAFTA exports.
Industry
Maquiladoras (Mexican factories which take in imported raw materials and produce goods for
export) have become the landmark of trade in Mexico. These are plants that moved to this region
from the United States, hence the debate over the loss of American jobs. Hufbauer's (2005) book
shows that income in the maquiladora sector has increased 15.5% since the implementation of
NAFTA in 1994. Other sectors now benefit from the free trade agreement, and the share
of exports from non-border states has increased in the last five years while the share of exports
from maquiladora-border states has decreased. This has allowed for the rapid growth of nonborder metropolitan areas, such as Toluca, Lenand Puebla; all three larger in population
than Tijuana, Ciudad Jurez, and Reynosa. The main non-maquiladora industry that has suffered
from NAFTA is the automobile industry.
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Environment
Securing U.S. congressional approval for NAFTA would have been impossible without
addressing public concerns about NAFTAs environmental impact. The Clinton administration
negotiated a side agreement on the environment with Canada and Mexico, the North American
Agreement on Environmental Cooperation (NAAEC), which led to the creation of
the Commission for Environmental Cooperation (CEC) in 1994. To alleviate concerns that
NAFTA, the first regional trade agreement between a developing country and two developed
countries, would have negative environmental impacts, the CEC was given a mandate to conduct
ongoing ex post environmental assessment of NAFTA.
In response to this mandate, the CEC created a framework for conducting environmental analysis
of NAFTA, one of the first ex post frameworks for the environmental assessment of trade
liberalization. The framework was designed to produce a focused and systematic body of
evidence with respect to the initial hypotheses about NAFTA and the environment, such as the
concern that NAFTA would create a race to the bottom in environmental regulation among the
three countries, or the hope that NAFTA would pressure governments to increase their
environmental protection mechanisms. The CEC has held four symposia using this framework to
evaluate the environmental impacts of NAFTA and has commissioned 47 papers on this subject.
In keeping with the CECs overall strategy of transparency and public involvement, the CEC
commissioned these papers from leading independent experts.
Overall, none of the initial hypotheses was confirmed. NAFTA did not inherently present a
systemic threat to the North American environment, as was originally feared, but NAFTA-related
environmental threats instead occurred in specific areas where government environmental policy,
infrastructure, or mechanisms, were unprepared for the increasing scale of production under trade
liberalization. In some cases, environmental policy was neglected in the wake of trade
liberalization; in other cases, NAFTA's measures for investment protection, such as Chapter 11,
and measures against non-tariff trade barriers, threatened to discourage more vigorous
environmental policy.[16] The most serious overall increases in pollution due to NAFTA were
found in the base metals sector, the Mexican petroleum sector, and the transportation equipment
sector in the United States and Mexico, but not in Canada.
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Agriculture
From the earliest negotiation, agriculture was (and still remains) a controversial topic within
NAFTA, as it has been with almost all free trade agreements that have been signed within
the WTO framework. Agriculture is the only section that was not negotiated trilaterally; instead,
three separate agreements were signed between each pair of parties. The CanadaU.S. agreement
contains significant restrictions and tariff quotas on agricultural products (mainly sugar, dairy, and
poultry products), whereas the MexicoU.S. pact allows for a wider liberalization within a
framework of phase-out periods (it was the first NorthSouth FTA on agriculture to be signed).
The overall effect of the MexicoU.S. agricultural agreement is a matter of dispute. Mexico did
not invest in the infrastructure necessary for competition, such as efficient railroads and
highways, creating more difficult living conditions for the country's poor. Still, the causes of rural
poverty cannot be directly attributed to NAFTA; in fact, Mexico's agricultural exports increased
9.4 percent annually between 1994 and 2001, while imports increased by only 6.9 percent a year
during the same period.
Production of corn in Mexico has increased since NAFTA's implementation. However, internal
corn demand has increased beyond Mexico's sufficiency, and imports have become necessary, far
beyond the quotas Mexico had originally negotiated. Zahniser & Coyle have also pointed out that
corn prices in Mexico, adjusted for international prices, have drastically decreased, yet through a
program of subsidies expanded by former president Vicente Fox, production has remained stable
since 2000.
The logical result of a lower commodity price is that more use of it is made downstream.
Unfortunately, many of the same rural people who would have been likely to produce highermargin value-added products in Mexico have instead emigrated. The rise in corn prices due to
increased ethanol demand may improve the situation of corn farmers in Mexico.
In a study published in the August 2008 issue of the American Journal of Agricultural Economics,
NAFTA has increased U.S. agricultural exports to Mexico and Canada even though most of this
increase occurred a decade after its ratification. The study focused on the effects that gradual
"phase-in" periods in regional trade agreements, including NAFTA, have on trade flows. Most of
the increase in members agricultural trade, which was only recently brought under the purview
of the World Trade Organization, was due to very high trade barriers before NAFTA or other
regional trade agreements.
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Mobility of persons
According to the Department of Homeland Security Yearbook of Immigration Statistics, during
fiscal year 2006 (i.e., October 2005 through September 2006), 74,098 foreign professionals
(64,633 Canadians and 9,247 Mexicans) were admitted into the United States for temporary
employment under NAFTA (i.e., in the TN status). Additionally, 17,321 of their family members
(13,136 Canadians, 2,904 Mexicans, as well as a number of third-country nationals married to
Canadians and Mexicans) entered the U.S. in the treaty national's dependent (TD) status.
[22]
Because DHS counts the number of the new I-94 arrival records filled at the border, and the
TN-1 admission is valid for one year, the number of non-immigrants in TN status present in the
U.S. at the end of the fiscal year is approximately equal to the number of admissions during the
year. (A discrepancy may be caused by some TN entrants leaving the country or changing status
before their one-year admission period expired, while other immigrants admitted earlier may
change their status to TN or TD, or extend earlier granted TN status).
Canadian authorities estimated that, as of December 1, 2006, the total of 24,830 U.S. citizens and
15,219 Mexican citizens were present in Canada as "foreign workers". These numbers include
both entrants under the NAFTA agreement and those who have entered under other provisions of
the Canadian immigration law. New entries of foreign workers in 2006 were 16,841 (U.S.
citizens) and 13,933 (Mexicans).
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The United States and Canada had been arguing for years over the United States' decision to
impose a 27 percent duty on Canadian softwood lumber imports, until new Canadian Prime
Minister Stephen Harpercompromised with the United States and reached a settlement on July 1,
2006. The settlement has not yet been ratified by either country, in part due to domestic
opposition in Canada.
Canada had filed numerous motions to have the duty eliminated and the collected duties returned
to Canada. After the United States lost an appeal from a NAFTA panel, it responded by saying
"We are, of course, disappointed with the [NAFTA panel's] decision, but it will have no impact on
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U.S. deindustrialization
An increase in domestic manufacturing output and a proportionally greater domestic investment
in manufacturing does not necessarily mean an increase in domestic manufacturing jobs; this
increase may simply reflect greater automation and higher productivity. Although the U.S. total
civilian employment may have grown by almost 15 million in between 1993 and 2001,
manufacturing jobs only increased by 476,000 in the same time period. Furthermore from 1994 to
2007, net manufacturing employment has declined by 3,654,000, and during this period several
other free trade agreements have been concluded or expanded.
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Language
A uniform Certificate of Origin is used in all three countries and is printed in English,
French or Spanish. The Certificate shall be completed in the language of the country of
export or the language of the importing country, at the exporter's discretion. Importers
shall submit a translation of the Certificate to their own customs administration when
requested.
Scope
A Certificate of Origin may cover a single importation of goods or multiple importations
of identical goods. Certificates that cover multiple shipments are called blanket
certificates and may apply to goods imported within any twelve-month period specified
on the Certificate. Although a Certificate of Origin may cover goods imported over not
more than a twelve-month period, it remains valid for NAFTA preference claims made up
to four years from the date upon which it was signed.
A machine made in Canada qualifies for NAFTA tariff treatment and is exported with a
Certificate of Origin signed on January 1, 1995. The U.S. importer does not enter the
machine for consumption but instead places it in a customs bonded warehouse. He
overlooks the Certificate of Origin and fails to claim NAFTA treatment for the machine
upon entry into the warehouse. If the U.S. importer withdraws the machine from the
warehouse for consumption on January 17, 1999, he will be barred from claiming NAFTA
treatment upon withdrawal because the Certificate is over four years old and is no longer
valid.
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Importers' Obligations
Importers claiming NAFTA preferential tariff treatment shall make a declaration, based
on a valid Certificate of Origin in their possession, on the import documentation. Where
no claim for preferential tariff treatment is made at the time of importation, importers
may request preferential tariff treatment no later than one year after the date on which the
good was imported, provided a Certificate of Origin for the goods is obtained.
Importers must provide the Certificate to the importing country's customs administration
upon request, and must submit a corrected declaration and pay the corresponding duties
whenever there is reason to believe that the Certificate contained inaccurate information.
The customs administration of the importing country may deny preferential tariff
treatment to the goods if the importer fails to comply with any of the customs procedures
set out in Chapter Five of the NAFTA.
Importers must maintain records pertaining to the importation for five years or such
longer period as may be specified by their country.
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NAFTA 2006
In the later years of the 1990's it
appeared that NAFTA was responsible
for Canada doing more and more trade
with the U.S. - and therefore increasing
our vulnerability to swings in the U.S.
economy and reducing our business
with the ROW (rest of the world).
However, as the U.S. economy began
to slow in the "Bush" administration,
Canadian companies have sought more
business with the rest of the world,
which is reflected in an updated chart
showing Canadian exports to the U.S.
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How
NAFTA
was
in
2006?
since 2001, we have done much better diversifying away from exporting mostly to the U.S. and
are improving our exports to Asia-Pacific and Europe
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Exports, which expand domestic production, increase the number of U.S. industrial
jobs, while imports, which replace goods that could have been produced in the United
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Overall, Obama opposes many current trade agreements, which he says are bad for the economy
because they provide perks for businesses but don't protect workers.
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- www.google.com
-www.wikipedia.org
-www.yahoo.com
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