Sovereignty and Socialism in Tanzania - The Historiography of An African State

SOVEREIGNTY AND SOCIALISM IN TANZANIA: THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF AN AFRICAN STATE
Author(s): Paul K. Bjerk

Source: History in Africa, Vol. 37 (2010), pp. 275-319
Published by: African Studies Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40864627 .
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SOVEREIGNTY AND SOCIALISM IN TANZANIA:

THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF AN AFRICAN STATE'
Paul K. Bjerk
Texas Tech University
I
ObserversoftheTanzanianpoliticalscenewouldpointoutthatthecountry
makesitsowndecisionson matters
andinternational
ofinternal
importance.
The policyof Ujamaa Vijijini[Africansocialisminthevillages],itwouldbe
hereandnotat thedictateofanyforeign
argued,was formulated
power.2
In an editedvolumeentitledThe State in Tanzania,publishedin

1980 just beforethe precipitousdenouementof PresidentJulius
Nyerere'sphilosophyof Africansocialism known as Ujamaa,
HaroubOthmanbeganwiththequestionof thesub-title,
"WhoControlsit and Whose InterestDoes it Serve?" The cover featureda
Othlargeblackquestionmarkon a redbackground.
Provocatively
manasked,"can one say in a specificand definite
sensethatTanzania is buildingsocialism?"Exhibitinga remarkable
level of open
criticism
of thegovernment
in a one-party
state,theessays framed
theirissuesin theMarxisttermsthatwerelongpredominant
in literatureon theTanzanianstate.The book dealtwithan ongoingconshanks to ThomasSpear,FlorenceBernault,Michael Schatzberg,
Ronald Aminzade andanonymous
readersfortheirinput,as well as theJFKandLBJPresidential
theUS andTanzanianNationalArchives,theBritishPublicRecordOffice,
libraries,
theBorthwick
Institute
in York,andtheMwalimuNyerereFoundation.
2HaroubOthman(ed.), The Statein Tanzania: WhoControlsIt and WhoseInterest
Does ItServe?Dar es Salaam. 1980V2-3.
Historyin Africa37 (2010), 275-319

276
PaulBjerk
anddevelopment
cernthatTanzania'sambitious
goals fordemocracy
werenotbeingmetandtheoverarching
nationalist
questionofwhich
sovereigndefinedthosegoals.It was a questionthatcontinuesto vex
ofAfricatodaywhoseektoreconcileWestphalian
politicalscientists
withthelayeredrealitiesof Africanpolities
conceptsof sovereignty
exert
to
sovereign authorityboth internallyand
struggling
externally.3
yearsofscholarReviewinga representative
sampleofnearlyfifty
struck
one
is
Tanzanian
on
the
state,
by thetension
ship
postcolonial
Othman'sessays.Scholarsare tornbetweentheimpulse
enervating
of Tanzania's experience
thetheoretical
to understand
implications
concernto evaluatethecountry's
forsocialismand a morepragmatic
It is clearthatTanzania'ssocialismwas
claimto sovereignauthority.
at thesametimea claimto sovereigntyideological,economic,and
on theTanzanianstatehas not
political.The tensionin scholarship
andradicalsocialismas has oftenseemedthe
beenbetweenmoderate
discourses
case. Ratherdebateshave pittedthediffuseinternational
culturthe
socialistand otherwise,
of modernization,
specific
against
Africanstate.Addressing
al needs of defininga trulyindependent
thatmovesbeyond
willallow a historical
thisdistinction
perspective
obsoletedebatesaboutvarioustheoriesof socialism,and understand
thosedebatesas evidenceof an internationally
compellingnational
of local and forthe
Disentangling complexinterchange
philosophy.
claim
to
Tanzania's
that
constituted
sovereignstateeigndiscourses
concernsof pastgenhood willofferinsightintohow thepresentist
historical
erationscan inform
analysis.
Tanzania's intellectual
The debatesabout socialismrepresented
its claim to an indein globalpolitics,communicating
engagement
For
is tidilyelaboratedin JohnHoffman'streatment.
3Theconceptof sovereignty
Sovvoiceon thisissue.JohnHoffman,
Herbstis a prominent
modernAfricaJeffrey
Herbst,Statesand PowerinAfrica:Comparaereignty
(Minneapolis,1998);Jeffrey
and Control(Princeton,
tiveLessonsinAuthority
2000). See also RobertH. Jackson,
Dual Regimes,and NeoclassicalTheory:International
Jurisprudence
"Quasi-States,
41 (1987), 519-49; Sara Dormn
and theThirdWorld,"International
Organization
et al. (ed.), MakingNations,CreatingStrangers:Statesand Citizenshipin Africa
(Leiden,2007); RobertH. Bates, WhenThingsFell Apart:StateFailure in Late2008).
Africa(Cambridge,
Century

and Socialismin Tanzania

Sovereignty
277
pendentvoice amongthenations.As such,socialistpoliciesmustbe

firstunderstoodwithinthe exercisein sovereignauthority
and its
contestation.
The passionatedebateaboutTanzania'ssocialismhighnot
successful
lights
policy,but rathersuccessfulpolitics.While
followedlogicallyfromindependence,
itwas only
"flag"sovereignty
withvaryingsuccessthatAfricancountries
laid claimto theexercise
of internaland externalsovereignauthority.
The debatethatcame
withNyerere'ssocialistpolicies createdas theircontexta robust
sense of Tanzaniannationhood.Such an approachallows a multifacetedyetcriticalapproachto thediversearchivalmaterialsavailable forpost-colonialAfricanresearch.Documentsin Tanzania's
nationalarchivearedominated
butas state
minutia,
byadministrative
documents
offer
the
voice
of
the
and
the
multi-culturthey
sovereign
al debatesthatshapedits attempt
to garnerlegitimate
At
authority.
thesame time,in post-colonial
Africanpolitics,thereis a necessary
on
outside
observations
of theTanzanianpoliticalscene
dependence
in foreigndiplomaticarchives.Hereas well,a theoryof sovereignty
of theinterchange
in
helpsbringa criticalunderstanding
represented
those perspectivesshaped by overseasconcerns.Oral historycan
to factualnarrative,
butmoreusefully
providea crucialsupplement
offersinterpretive
contextemerging
fromthememoriesof historical
actors.Such memorieshintat potentialanthropological
insightsas
well as how former
intellectual
debatesshapedpoliticaldecisions.A
reviewof pastscholarship
can thushelpthehistorian
siftall of these
voicesandso gleanthekernelsofpastdecision.
II
Scholarsare onlybeginningto articulate
whata historicalperspectiveon theindependent
Africanstatemightlook like,cognizantof
Peter Ekeh's proposalof "two publics" in post-colonialAfrican
distinctmoralfoundations,
and
states,withculturally
"primordial"
"civic."4For a broadoverviewwithsharpcomparative
one
insights,
could do littlebetterthanPaul Nugent's panoramicsurvey,Africa
4PeterP. Ekeh,"Colonialismand theTwo Publicsin Africa:A TheoreticalStateStudiesinSocietyand History17 (1975), 91-112.
ment,"Comparative

278
PaulBjerk
SinceIndependence,
withitsdetailednotesand bibliography.5
Given
the euphoria of independence,the bitternessarising from the
intractable
conflictsand corruption
of modernAfricacreateda selfin
crisis
of
much
of a continent.
perpetuating
instability
by
Attempts
Africanpoliticiansto inhibitfractious
dissenthas oftenturnedinto
thesortof precariousauthoritarianism
thathas emergedin thelast
decadein Zimbabwe.The mostprominent
nationalist
figureremains
KwameNkrumah
whosenamestillringswiththedisputedidealsof
and
clash betweenpersonalized
pan-Africanism the oft-repeated
authoritarianism
and military
Because of Ghana'spromioverthrow.
nence thereis the beginningof a deeper historicalperspective
thesis.RichardRathboneandJean
to Ekeh's intercultural
responding
Allman investigatehow a colonially-constructed
state negotiated
in instituwith
traditions
of
authority
sovereignty
longer-standing
tionsof royaltyand populistyouth.6LikewiseElizabethSchmidt's
accountofthecreationofGuieannationalism
offersa methodological foundation
combiningoral historywithinevitablyincomplete
archivalrecordsfor insightinto independentnationalhistories.7
debatesabout
Theseworksallowthereaderto disengageprescriptive
on thevigorperspective
policyand stepintoa morecomprehensive
as newnations.
ous attempts
tore-inscribe
colonialterritories
has largelybeennarratAfricanpoliticalhistory
Butpost-colonial
histoed bypoliticalscientists
whobemoanthelackofa "historian's
the
Because
of
the
of
countries
this,
independent
theystudy.8
ry"
Frankenstein's
polityin Africaoftenappearsas a sortofpostcolonial
ifnotgrotesquely
fromthedead
monster,
awkwardly
piecedtogether
Frederick
state.
of
the
Cooperpresentsthisdispractices
European
state"thatfailedto
inheritance
as a dependent
"gatekeeper
comfiting
5Paul Nugent,AfricaSince Independence:A ComparativeHistory(New York,
2004).
in Ghana,
and theChiefs:ThePoliticsof Chieftaincy
6RichardRathbone,
Nkrumah
1951-60(AthensOH, 2000); JeanM. Allman,The Quillsof thePorcupine:Asante
inan Emergent
Ghana(Madison,1993).
Nationalism
and Class in the
7ElizabethSchmidt,Mobilizingthe Masses: Gender,Ethnicity,
in Guinea,1939-1958(Portsmouth
NationalistMovement
NH, 2005); JayStraker,
and theGuieanRevolution
2009).
Nationalism,
Youth,
(Bloomington/Indianapolis,
and StateFormationin Chad
LimitsofAnarchy:Intervention
8SamC. Nolutshungu,
1996),15.
(Charlottesville,


Sovereignty
279
mobilizeAfricannationalidentityor achieve modernistdevelopment.9More subtlehistoriesemergein scholarlyresponsesto cona welterof

flict,suchthatRwanda'sexperienceof genocidebrought
that
far
the
debate
studies
historical
go
beyond journalistic
admirably
But with
betweenprimordial
conflictand colonial manipulations.10
such
studies
as
their
historical
cannot
genocide
trajectory,
providea
broaderhistoricalparadigmformodernAfricanstates.Withsome
amountof dramaticlicense,MahmoodMamdanihintedat a much
broaderparadigmyettobe defined.11
In therangeof answersthatemergedduringtheanticolonialmovementof
the late fifties,two leaders- Nyererein Tanzania and Kayibanda in
Rwanda- markedthe extremes.Nyererestood fora single unifiedcitizenship,both deracializedand deethnicized[...] Tanzania came to be a
paragonof politicalstabilityin theregion,theone postcolonialstatethat
did notturnentiregroupsintorefugees.
Tanzaniawas nottheonlypeacefuland stablestatein post-colonial

Mamdani's
Africa,Botswanaand Senegalare oftencitedsimilarly.12
FrederickCooper,AfricaSince 1940: The Past of thePresent(Cambridge,2002),
156-190.Cooper's much-cited
introduced
phrasewas apparently
by thenmilitary
dictatorof NigeriaOlusegunObasanjo to describetherole of seniorcivil servants
international
and nationalissues.GeneralObasanjo's phrasewas citedin
mediating
tome.Cooper's explanatory
seemsto
Jean-Franois
Bayart'sinfluential
proposition
arise fromBayart'sdiscussionof the "Unequal State" and his relatedthesisof
Africa's"extraversion."
BothBayartandCooperultimately
buildon TerisaTurner's
of
the
analysis
Nigerianstaterootedin DependencyTheory.Jean-Franois
Bayait,
TheStateinAfrica:ThePoliticsoftheBelly(Cambridge,
80; Ter2009), xvii-xxxvi,
isa Turner,
"Commercial
Capitalismandthe1975Coup,"in: S.K. Panter-Brick
(ed.),
Soldiersand Oil: ThePoliticalTransformation
ofNigeria(London,1978),166-97.
10SeeScottStraus,TheOrderofGenocide:Race, Power,and WarinRwanda(Ithaca, 2006); JosiasSemujanga,OriginsofRwandanGenocide(New York,2003); Alison Des Forges,Leave None To Tell theStory:Genocidein Rwanda (New York,
C. Taylor,Sacrificeas Terror:TheRwandanGenocideof 1994
1999); Christopher
TheRwandaCrisis:Historyofa Genocide(New
(New York,1999); GrardPrunier,
York,1995).
1'MahmoodMamdani,WhenVictimsBecomeKillers:
Colonialism,Nativism,and
theGenocideinRwanda(Princeton,
2001), 32.
12J.
ClarkLeith,WhyBotswanaProspered(Montreal,2005); MomarCoumbaDiop,
(Dakar, 1993); LeonardoA. Villaln,IslamicSociety
Senegal: Essay in Statecraft
and StatePowerinSenegal:Disciplesand CitizensinFatick(Cambridge,1995).

280
PaulBjerk
a counterpoint
to theconflictsthatdominate
statement,
by offering
the eveningnews,indicatesthebroaderspectrumof experiencein
modernAfricanpolitics,and impliesimportant
questionsabouthow
As Nugentnoted,thegaping
newpoliticalcultureswereestablished.
cause academicscholof resources,
access,connections,
inequalities
whosepriby foreignresearchers,
arshipon Africato be dominated
aremoreattuned
to debatesamongtheirpeers
oritiesandperceptions
The prescient
at homethanto theconcernsoflocal scholars.13
Report
under
the
South
Commission,
Nyerere'schairmanship,
of
produced
Butjustas theforeigner
imbalance.14
soughtto addressthisanalytical
into
Alexisde Tocquevillearticulated
insights Americanculturein a
is not
a
have
done,so theoutsider'sperspective
way nativemightnot
as GregoryH.
a weaknessin foreignscholarship;
rather,
necessarily
it is a dynamicthatdemandsconsciousinterMaddoxdemonstrated,
pretation.15
A recentedited volume on Tanzanian nationalconsciousness
demonstrates
how suchan intercultural
approachopensup a variety
model
thatreachbeyondthedevelopmental
ofhistorical
perspectives
and socialism.16
in bothmodernization
of humanprogressinhering
Tanzaniaas a politicalsystemhad to generatea nationalorderoutof
underthe civilizingmissionof
administered
a trusteeship
territory
theBritishColonialOfficeon behalfof theUN.17The discourseof
Ujamaa offeredvernacularaccess to global hegemonicintellectual
a necand so constituting
thelogicof trusteeship
currents,
reversing
realmgovernedby a
in an international
essaryclaimto sovereignty
The "Dar es Salaam School" represented
logic of neo-trusteeship.18
of Epistemic
13AlsoBethwellA. Ogot,"RereadingtheHistoryand Historiography
StudiesReview52 (2009), 1-22.
andResistanceinAfrica,"African
Domination
K. Nyerereet al., TheChallengeto theSouth:ReportoftheSouthCommis14Julius
sion(Oxford,1990).
H. Maddox,withErnestM. Kongola,PracticingHistoryin CentralTan15Gregory
and Performance
NH, 2007).
zania: Writing,
(Portsmouth
Memory,
H. Maddox,andJamesL. Giblin(ed.),In Searchofa Nation:Historiesof
16Gregory
& Dissidencein Tanzania(AthensOH, 2005).
Authority
A. Dumbuya,TanganyikaUnderInternational
17Peter
Mandate,1919-1946(New
and International
(London,
Trusteeship
York,1995); B.T.G. Chidzero,Tanganyika
1961).
18AntonyAnghie,Imperialism,
Law
and theMakingof International
Sovereignty,
(London,2005); TonyaLangford,
"ThingsFall Apart:StateFailureand thePolitics


Sovereignty
281
university
facultyat Tanzania's influential
by the multi-national
the
modernization
veil
innocence
over
lift
the
of
to
campussought
paradigmthatdrovenotonlycolonialismbutalso worldwidevisions
This sortof intellectual
drivenpost-warworld.19
of technologically
a crucialcapabilidiscourserepresents
intervention
intointernational
a
conthe
code
of
"to
access
sovereignty,"
governing discursively
ty
structed
international
order.20
Ill
HaroubOthman'sessaysthemselves
predatedthecollapseof socialist ideals in Tanzania; they were writtenduringthe heightof
Nyerere's influence.As a postscriptto a caustic critique of
Nkrumah'sGhana,C.L.R. JamespraisedNyerereaftera visitin the
late 1960s:"It is sufficient
has seennothto saythatsocialistthought
the
Lenin
in
like
this
since
death
of
1924."21
Between
1971 and
ing
rural
forced
residents
to
move
into
1975,Ujamaa villagization
policy
newsettlements
in one ofthemostambitiousand flawedsocial engischemes
of modernAfricanhistory.The catalystforOthneering
man's essays was Issa Shivji's socialistcritiqueof Tanzanianstate
andsociety,TheSilentClass Strugglein Tanzania,circulated
firstas
a mimeographed
and
in
then
in
a
1970
essay
published
University
journal called Cheche, meaning"spark," a direct referenceto
VladimirLenin'sIskra.Withelectrifying
effect,
Shivjichargedthat
thestatefunctionaries
posingas socialistswerein realitya "bureaucraticbourgeoisie"withno commitment
to socialistrevolution.22
Preof Intervention,"
International
StudiesReview 1 (1999), 59-79; Saira Mohamed,
"From Keeping Peace to BuildingPeace: A Proposalfor a RevitalizedUnited
NationsTrusteeship
Council,"ColumbiaLaw Review105 (2005), 809-40; William
"A New Colonialism?EuropeMustGo Back to Africa,"ForeignAffairs
Pfaff,
(January/February
1995),2-6.
19Haroub
in Power,"Pambazuka
Othman,"MwalimuJuliusNyerere:An Intellectual
452, http://pambazuka.ore/en/category/features/59505
(accessed24 October2009).
the State,and Symbolic
Weber,SimulatingSovereignty:
Intervention,
20Cynthia
Exchange(Cambridge,1995), 127; HenryBienen,Tanzania:PartyTransformation
and EconomicDevelopment
(Princeton,
1970),252.
21C.L.R.James,Nkrumah
and theGhanaRevolution
1977),223.
(Westport,
in LionelCliffe,andJohnS. Saul (ed.), Socialismin Tanzania,Volumes
22Reprinted
1 and 2 (Dar es Salaam, 1973).

282
PaulBjerk
bannedby thegovcipitatedby thiscritique,Chechewas promptly

a
Yet Shivji's essay was thenpublishedveryprominently
ernment.
fewyearslaterwithofficialassentin Dar es Salaam.23
in thedebateaboutsocialismin Tanzaniawas the
The difficulty
tensionbetweenformalMarxisttheoryand thecontingent
struggles
of decolonizationand state building.Nyerereconfoundedthese
andspeechesandin the1967 ArushaDeclaration
issuesin pamphlets
thatlaunchedUjamaa socialismat theheartof government
policy.
volumeis clearly
his aforementioned
Othman'sessay introducing
burdened
by thistension.CitingNkrumah'sLeninisttitle,Neo-ColoOthmanponderedwhether
nialism,The Last Stage of Imperialism,
of sovereignTanzaniawas trulysovereignor had onlythetrappings
tywhileits economicand politicalpolicyweredirectedby outside
of a new sovereignwas an especially
The establishment
powers.24
task afterthe creationof the new nationof Tanzania in
pertinent
theunionof two brieflysovereignentities:
April1964 representing
and
Zanzibar.25
Tanganyika
s socialismwas nearlyalwayspairedwiththe
After1967 Nyerere'
was thatTanzanianobservers
The difficulty
ideal of "self-reliance."
of decolonization,
yetbecauseof the
clearlysensedthepreeminence
to separatethese
ubiquitouslanguageof socialismit was difficult
in
modernMarxistintertwined
were
questions,whichthemselves
likeTanzaLeninismso familiarto foreignobservers."In a country
of
talk
"before
Othman
socialism,
stated,
complete
nia,"
any
In thisvein,overa decadelater,
has to be effected."26
decolonisation
of so muchscholarKatabaroMitilamentedthesocialistframework
issues aboutthe
broader
table
the
to
and
Tanzania
on
brought
ship
meaningof independence,political and economic control.Miti
in thenarrowsense of state
on "nationalism"
focusedhis argument
sovereignty.
23IssaShivji,Class Strugglesin Tanzania(Dar es Salaam, 1975).

24KwarneNkrumah,Neo-Colonialism:The Last Stage of Imperialism(London,
1965).
25John
(Cambridge,1979); MichaelLofchie,
Iliffe,A ModernHistoryofTanganyika
Zanzibar: Backgroundto a Revolution(Princeton,1965); AnthonyClayton,The
and itsAftermath
ZanzibarRevolution
(Hamden,1981).
26Othman,Stefe,9.


Sovereignty
283
is nationalism
all thesedevelopments
is thatunderlying
Mycontention
and thenationalist
firstat thepoliticallevel,leadingto independence
andsecond,at theeconomiclevelin
to capturethegovernment,
struggle
an attempt
tocontrol
thenational
economy.27
inheredin
This tensionbetweenpoliticaland economicsovereignty
in
African
evinced
the
of
nationalism,
scholarship
twentieth-century
dependencyschool theoristswell-knownin Dar es Salaam in the
was a striking1970s.28Uhuru,meaningfreedomand independence,
to boththe nationalentitybut also
ly double-sidedtermreferring
individuals.
Justwhatit meantwas hardto pin down.The termhad
beenusedto referto themannerin whichEuropeansboughtAfricans
outof slaveryduringtheearlymissionyears.Nyererebeganusingit
in contrastto colonial rule, thatindependencewas analogous to
But tensionbetweenworkand freedomwas mainemancipation.
tainedin Nyerere'
s rhetorical
of theslogan,Uhuruna
manipulation
Kazi, or "Freedomand Work."Attachingfreedomto an idealized
ofworkprofoundly
thenatureofcitizenship.29
category
re-imagined
This overarching
themeabouttheestablishment
of a fullysoverto muchoftheliterature
on Tanzaniathat
eignstatestandsin contrast
is bothmorespecificallylocal and generallyconceptual:thevillagizationdriveof the 1970s and its attempt
to transform
ruralagriculture.The framework
of nearlyall of thesestudieswas modernization
and political
theorythatproposeda pathof industrial
development
democratization
modeledon modernEuropeanhistory.30
On a trip
with
in
the
new
American
ambassador
1962,
upcountry
Nyerere
commentedthat he was impressedseeing all the big highway
machinery
being drivenand supervisedby Africans.Nyererewas
delighted
bythecomment.
27Katabaro
Miti,Whither
Tanzania(Delhi, 1987), 1.
28Walter
Rodney,How EuropeUnderdeveloped
Africa(Dar es Salaam, 1989).
29StevenFeierman,"AfricanHistoriesand the Dissolutionof WorldHistory,"in:
RobertH. Bates et al. (ed.), Africaand the Disciplines: The Contributions
of
ResearchinAfricato theSocial Sciencesand Humanities
(Chicago,1993).
30HughW. Stephens,The Political Transformation
of Tanganyika,1920-67 (New
and Modernization
in AfricanAgriYork, 1968); KennethH. Shapiro,"Efficiency
culture:A Case Studyin GeitaDistrict,
UniTanzania,"PhD dissertation
(Stanford
1973).
versity,

284
Paul Bjerk
Oh those big machines,I love them.Every timeI saw one today I felt
good all over. Machines are what we need, big ones. Roads and big
machinesare the answer.Give us big machines,and I will make a new
world.31
are
and"structure"
as "machinery"
The metaphors
ofthegovernment
but
be
in some sense inevitable.Othermetaphors
may substituted,
in societyis abstractand engenders
thefunctioning
of government
it exists.32
wherever
Nyererehimselftookissue withthe
metaphors
imageof themachine.The pre-colonialresidentof a ruralvillage,
Nyereretoldan Americanaudiencein 1960,"neverfelthimselftobe
betweentheorganicparticipation
Thiscontrast
a cog in a machine."33
bornein the machine
of villagelife and the coerciveparticipation
the
central
became
analyticalpointof ruraldevelopment
metaphor
bent of developmentpolicy
policy. Critiquesof the authoritarian
seemtobe distilledin thisimageofthemachine,whichevenin coloof popularparticipation.
withthe cultivation
nial timescontrasted
machinebe builtup," wrotea
"Not onlymustthelocal government
in
the
district
officer
1950s, "but everyopportunity
Tanganyikan
In a subsethepeople themselves."34
mustbe takenof influencing
the
with
conversation
ambassador,
Nyereresignaledhis intent
quent
he
a
forthosemachines.Ifhe had choice, said,"thecitiescouldgo to
on ruraldevelopment.35
concentrated
hell,"whilethegovernment
The unspokenassumptionslying behind the phrase "national
progress"shapedpoliticaldiscourseand practicein the 1960s by
of
of humanaffairstowarda future
theimaginedtrajectory
defining
and technologicalachievement.When
centralizedadministration
neededto
Nyerereexplainedthatthetechniquesof mass production
5 October1962,US National
of Conversation,
31WilliamLeonhart,Memorandum
Archives,
CollegePark,Maryland(NARA),RG 59, Box 2695,File 778.00/8-262.
in MiddleAfrica:Food, Family,and
PoliticalLegitimacy
32MichaelG. Schatzberg,
Father(Bloomington/Indianapolis,
2001).
33JuliusK. Nyerere,
(Dar es Salaam,2000), 13
AfricaTodayand Tomorrow
AdministraJournalofAfrican
inDistrict
34R.H.Gower,"An Experiment
Training,"
tion4 (1952), 7.
of State,3 November1962,
35WilliamLeonhart,Dar es Salaam to Department
NARA,RG 59, Box 2028,778.00/8-262.


Sovereignty
285
be applied to the agricultural

sectorhe told crowds,"we have to
our
and
Government
The accursed
organise
Partymachinery."36
industrialism
thatsparkedtheapocalypticconflictsof Marx's vision
in
Tanzania
and elsewhere,a technological
was,
utopia.In theconflationof industrial
andpoliticalmachinery
thatimbuedinternational
socialismas well as Westerndevelopmentalism
inhereda logic of
that
consolidatedthe politicaland the economicin a
governance
futuristic
culturalvisionof choreographed
citizenactivism.37
Where
Americanswere"sendingtheirrocketsto themoonto exploreother
colonies,"explainedOscarKambona,in his earlyroleas Ministerof
Home Affairs,"the TanganyikaGovernment's
rocketswere to be
sent to the villages witha view of developingthe countryas a
whole."38
It was intothisvisionthatNyereremeldeda nostalgicmemory
of
villagelifecoiningthe stunningly
comprehensive
ideologicalterm,
a
as
translation
for
"African
socialism."
With
thisinvented
Ujamaa
Swahili word suggesting"extendedfamilyhood,"
Nyereredefined
the parameters
fornot onlyTanzanianideologybut also everyday
of his governpolitics.To coincidewithNyerere'sannouncement
ment'sfullcommitment
to thesesocialistprinciplesin theArusha
Declarationin February1967, two volumesof speechesand pamphletswere propagandistically
publishedto consolidatethis deft,
Janus-faced
idiomas a philosophy
of stateand authorizeNyerereas
its philosopher
Another
volume
coincidedwiththeambitious
king.
villagizationdriveof the 1970s thatexemplifiedthe authoritarian
ofdevelopment
implications
theory.39
As mucha tacticalmaneuveras a coherentphilosophy,Ujamaa
proposedthatsocialismwas nativeto Africa,andas suchwas notthe
36Julius
K. Nyerere,
"Socialismand RuralDevelopment,"
(1967) in LionelCliffeet
al. (ed.), RuralCooperationin Tanzania(Dar es Salaam, 1975),28.
37ThomasBurgess,"The YoungPioneersand theRitualsof Citizenshipin RevoluZanzibar,"AfricaToday5 1 (2005), 3-29.
tionary
38OscarKambona,PressRelease, 17 July1962,TanzaniaNationalArchives,Dar es
Salaam (TNA) 593, CB/8/1,
No. 15.
39Julius
K. Nyerere,Freedomand Unity(Oxford,1967); JuliusK. Nyerere,
Freedomand Socialism(Oxford,1968); JuliusK. NyerereUjamaa: Essayson Socialism
Freedomand Development
(Oxford,1968);JuliusK. Nyerere,
(Oxford,1973).

286
Paul Bjerk
Nordid itaccept
socialismofEuropethatwas builton class conflict.
a languageof
It
was
instead
thenormative
of
assumptions capitalism.
thatallowed Nyerereto communicateto
ideologicalsovereignty
the
internal
and externalaudienceswithone languagethattranslated
War
a
set
of
of
into
metaphors family
ideologicaldebatesoftheCold
werefamiliar
andvillage.Thesereferences
enoughto allowTanzanian villagersto engagein thesecosmopolitan
debates;similarly
they
idiom that allowed cosoffereda recognizableanthropological
ofTanzanianvillagers.
thesituation
elitesto appreciate
mopolitan
IV
populatedthelanguageof politicalsciencein
Machinerymetaphors
the bulk of the firstgenerationof
the 1960s, and unsurprisingly,
Tanzania dealt withbureaupoliticalstudiesof post-independence
craticpolicy.Uniquely,RaymondHopkins'studyof theTanzanian
interviews
civilservice,usingextensiveformalized
amongthepolitimethods
cal elite,exemplifiedthe criticalbalance anthropological
But
of
modernization
discourse
the
universalist
to
theory.40
provided
Tanzanianstatewas a
the firstscholarlystudyof the independent
collectionofessays,somewhat
hastilycompiledbyWilliamTordoff,
whichare striking
becauseof thedefiningnatureof his perspective.
to local governto thetradeunionmovement
Fromvillagesettlement
mentand partypolitics,Tordoffs essaysset thestageforthemajor
debatesthatensuedaboutTanzaniannationalpolitics.Like theother
to theone-party
authorsofthisera,he was sympathetic
state,seeking
terms:
debated
much
it
s
on
understand
to
keepingpolitical
Nyerere'
withinthepartywouldreducetheriskof civil conflict
competition
with
stilltingedby itscolonialinheritance
and imbuea government
a
new
state
that
Tordoffs observation "though
nationalist
legitimacy.
had beenborn,thenationofTanganyikahad stillto be created,"has
F. Hopkins,PoliticalRoles in a New State: Tanzania's FirstDecade

40Raymond
J.Liviga,"Tanzanian
(New Haven,1971); also JanKees van Donge,and Athumani
PoliticalCultureand theCabinet,"Journalof ModernAfricanStudies24 (1986),
619-39.


Sovereignty
287
It
remaineda fundamental
analyticalpointforTanzanianpolitics.41
the
Tanzathe
between
formal
tension
sovereignty
granted
captured
an undisnia in theinternational
realm,thechallengeof establishing
and
the
within
the
distant
territory, finally
goal of a
putedsovereign
rootedsenseofnationamongthepopulace.
A subsequentstudyby HenryBienendisputedTordoffsevaluaTANU (Tanganyika[laterTanzania]African
tionofNyerere'sparty,
NationalUnion),as an effective
key to nationalconsolidationand
weaknessas beingtheprimary
identified
institutional
factorin shapdebatesaboutthestatein
ing Tanzanianpolitics,presagingcurrent
Africa.42
the
same
as
Askingmaterially
questionaboutsovereignty
Bienen's questionprovokeda different
context.
Tordoff,
interpretive
WhereTordoffsquestionsuggestedTANU was progressing
towards
in
a
a
nation
founded
on
set
values
of
deeperpopularparticipation
definedbytheparty,
Bienen'sapproachaskedwhether
thepost-colonial statecould everconvincingly
takerootin theruralupcountry.
The modernization
themetakenforgrantedin theseearlyworksis
also evidentthroughout
thelaterliterature
on villagization.
But the
of
state
rural
into
communities
was
not
question extending
authority
aboutmodernization,
butsovereignty.
It concernedthestate'sreach
intoruralcommunity.
This issue of sovereignty
focusesanalysisof
thechangingrelationsof stateand proto-nation
on a realistperspective of local powerpoliticsas well as an anthropological
view of
politicalcosmology.43
AndrewMaguire'sToward"Uhuru"in Tanzania: ThePoliticsof
froma
Participation
approachedthequestionof internal
sovereignty
local
that
docuprofoundly
perspective he deemed"micropolitics"
41WilliamTordoff,Government
and Politicsin Tanzania: A Collectionof Essays
I960 toJuly1966 (Nairobi,1967),98. See also
CoveringthePeriodfromSeptember
International
Journal17
Leys Colin,"Tanganyika:The Realitiesof Independence,"
(1962), 251-68.
42Bienen,Tanzania.This is a centralissue in Herbst,States,butwas also raisedby
JohnLonsdalearoundthetimeBienenwas writing.
See JohnLonsdale,"The TanzanianExperiment,"
67 (1968), 330-44.
African
Affairs
43Suchapproachesappearin Liisa H. Malkki,Purityand Exile: Violence,Memory,
and National Cosmologyamong Hutu Refugeesin Tanzania (Chicago, 1995);
WilliamReno,Corruption
and StatePoliticsinSierraLeone (Cambridge,1995).

288
PaulBjerk
of moredeeplyrootmeriting
politicalchangein a ruralenvironment
ed culturalhabits.In thiscontext,
theauthoritarian
qualityof develmovement
opmentpoliticsbeganto comeintoview."The nationalist
in
life
traditional
certain
dislocations
beforeindependence
exploited
local
itthoroughly
forpoliticalends.Afterindependence
reorganized
and
non-traditional
in
line
with
a
uniform
institutions
political
identifiers
of "traditional"
nationalpattern."44
The anthropological
culturallifedid notlive and die as whole pieces,rathertheywere
subsumedintoattitudes
thathad verysubtleeffectson institutions
and politicsmodeledafterEuropeanpractices.Maguire'sworkprovidedan earlyaccountofdissentin local politicsas Tanzaniapressed
forward
towardsa stronger
sovereignstate.But he wroteat a time
local agencyand
whensuch dissentwas takennotas praiseworthy
as is oftenthecase today,but
thepublication
of"hiddentranscripts,"
rather
thechallengeoflocal intransigence.45
represented
Like Maguire'swork,JoelSamoff'sstudyTanzania: Local Polithatoffered
ticsand theStructure
ofPower,provideda perspective
a
to
detail
of
local
practice dispute simplisticapplicationof
enough
the relationship
of
modernization
theories.Seekingto understand
of powerand politicalchange,Samoffexploredthe
local structures
bureaucratic
of urbanpoliticswitha level of detailthat
complexity
theideologicalveneer.Samoffpointedout thatscholars
penetrated
oftenmissedthelocal debateson "thenatureand formof political
issuesperceivedof acadethatoverrodethetheoretical
community"
micdebates."Ideologues,and especiallyideologueswho are radical
in theTanzaniancontext,are simplynotfoundin Kilimanjaropolilantics."Insteadpartydoctrinewas littlemorethana legitimating
"all evaluata patrimonial
perspective,
guagewhilepoliticsreflected
theprismof whatthecandidatecan be expectedto do for
ed through
hisconstituents."46
44G.AndrewMaguire,Toward'Uhuru'in Tanzania: The Politicsof Participation
(Cambridge,1969),1.
45JamesC. Scott,Dominationand theArtsofResistance:HiddenTranscripts
(New
Haven, 1990). See critiquein Frederick
Cooper,Decolonizationand AfricanSociety:TheLabor QuestioninFrenchand BritishAfrica(Cambridge,1996), 10.
46JoelSamoff,Tanzania: Local Politics and the Structureof Power (Madison,
1974),164-65.


Sovereignty
289
A fundamental
andcontinuing
taskoftheTANU statehas beenits
botheconomically
defenseof a non-racialdefinition
of citizenship,
andpolitically,
againstpopulistadvocatesforcertainprivilegesto be
extendedonly to "Africans,"raciallydifferentiated
fromAsians
(Indians)andEuropeans.TANU, and itssuccessorCCM (thecurrent
have
rulingpartyChamaCha Mapinduzior PartyoftheRevolution),
buthave respondedto populist
avoidedtheuse of racialdistinctions
racialismwithpoliciesthateffectively
as
targeted
wealthyminorities
well as "foreigners"
and "capitalists,"
that
included
some
categories
Africansas well.47The beststudieson theTanzanianstatehave paid
close attention
to itsculturalsettingand soughtto construct
theories
its
of
with referencethe mutableand discontiguous
functioning
social imaginations
of thepeople who wereboththe initiators
and
of
state
In
action.48
constructed
such
a
Ujamaa, Nyerere
recipients
notfortheabstractneedsof socialisttheory,
theoryof governance,
butfortheimmediate
needsofbindingan equitablenationalcommunity.
Ujamaa bridgedreligious,political,and culturaldivides.49
Ignorit mingledpromiscuously
withreligiousdisingsocialistorthodoxy,
courseleavinga fertile
s phipopulardiscourseseededwithNyerere'
his
own
brand
of
African
communalism
while
losophy.50
Preaching
47RonaldAminzade,"FromRace to Citizenship:
The Indigenization
Debate in PostSocialistTanzania,"Studiesin ComparativeInternational
38 (2003),
Development
44-63; James R. Brennan,"Realizing CivilizationthroughPatrilinealDescent:
AfricanIntellectuals
and theMakingof an AfricanRacial Nationalismin Tanzania,
1920-1950,"Social Identities12 (2006), 405-23.
48James
R. Brennan,"Blood Enemies:Exploitationand UrbanCitizenshipin the
Nationalist
PoliticalThoughtof Tanzania,1958-1975,"Journalof AfricanHistory
47 (2006), 387-411; StevenFeierman,
PeasantIntellectuals:
and HisAnthropology
"'A VeryReal War': Popular
toryin Tanzania(Madison,1990); MichaelJennings,
in Development
inTanzaniaDuringthe1950sand 1960s,"InternationParticipation
al JournalofAfricanHistoricalStudies40 (2007), 71-95.
49WilliamR. Dugganand JohnR. Civille,Tanzaniaand Nyerere:A Studyof Ujamaa and Nationhood(Maryknoll,
1976).
50SeePaul K. Bjerk,"Buildinga New Eden: LutheranChurchYouthChoirPerformancesin Tanzania,"Journalof Religionin Africa35 (2005), 324-61. Thereare
numerous
tractslinkingtheologyand Ujamaa. Forexample,PeterAluteS. Kijanga,
1977."Ujamaa andtheRole of theChurchin Tanzania,"PhD dissertation
(Aquinas
Institute
of Theology,1977); David Westerlund,
Ujamaa na Dini: A StudyofSome
AspectsofSocietyand ReligionIn Tanzania,1961-1977(Stockholm,1980); Lauren-

290
Paul Bjerk
a devastating
at thesametimeoffering
critiqueof Europeansocialist
a
new
tailored
ideologyto his needsof governance.
dogma,Nyerere
His government
treatedthereligionsmuchlike othersocial movethemintoumbrellaorganizations
and
ments,
soughtto incorporate
While
forthegovernment.51
as quasi-ministries
thatwouldfunction
of
the
avoid
to
worked
appearance religious
assiduously
Nyerere
theoutsized
in statepolitics,his prominent
favoritism
Christianity,
in thecivil service,and the
Christians
presenceof mission-educated
mainland
of
Christianization
Tanganyikain the post-colonial
rapid
era generatedconsternation
amongcoastal Muslimswho felttheir
shedlighton the
Said critically
Mohamed
culturalinfluence
eroding.
decisiveroles of Muslimsin the earlyindependencemovement.52
AlthoughNyerereacknowledgedtheseconcernseven beforeindecontinueto addresstheseissuesvery
pendence,Muslimcommunities
in practice
established
creeds,Ujamaa initiated
Trumping
critically.53
of socialism.It cres interpretation
a secularfaithbased on Nyerere'
ethicalstanated a modeof civil religionthatimposedenforceable
dardsin theformof a socialistleadershipcode forTanzanianpolitiradicalswho soughtto align
cians,whilecoincidentally
constraining
TanzaniamorecloselywithChinaandtheSovietUnion.54
PhD dissertiMagesa,"Ujamaa SocialisminTanzania:A TheologicalAssessment,"
offersmuchhistorical
tation(St. Paul University,
1985); JohnSivalon's dissertation
withtheCatholicChurch.JohnC. Sivalon,"Roman
detailof Nyerere'srelationship
Catholicismand theDefiningof TanzanianSocialism,1953-1985:An Analysisof
of theRomanCatholicChurchin Tanzania,"PhD dissertation
theSocial Ministry
ofToronto],1990).
(St. Michael'sCollege [University
5FriederLudwig,Churchand Statein Tanzania:Aspectsofa ChangingRelationship,1961-1994(Boston,1999).
52MohamedSaid, AbdulwahidSykes.1924-1968: The UntoldStoryof theMuslim
(London,1998).
StruggleagainstBritishColonialismin Tanganyika
MusNimtzand AbdinChandeofferscholarlyaccountsof contemporary
53August
in Tanzania.AugustH. NimtzJr.,Islamand Politicsin East Africa:The
limhistory
SufiOrderin Tanzania(Minneapolis,1980); AbdinN. Chande,Islam,Ulamaa and
Community
Developmentin Tanzania: A Case Studyof ReligiousCurrentin East
the
Africa(San Francisco,1998). Hamza Njozi and LawrenceMbogoniexemplify
and
Mwembechai
The
Mustafa
Hamza
debate.
this
nature
of
Killings
Njozi,
polemic
the Political Futureof Tanzania (Ottawa,2000); LawrenceE.Y. Mbogoni,The
Cross and theCrescent:Religionand Politicsin Tanzaniafromthe 1880s to the
1990s(Dar es Salaam,2005).
54WilliamTordoff,
in Tanzania,
and Ali A. Mazrui,"The Leftand theSuper-Left
JournalofModernAfricanStudies10 (1972), 427-45.


Sovereignty
291
Fully committedto the unorthodoxideals of Ujamaa, Nyerere

maintainedhis insistenceon international
non-alignment,
marking
in theinternational
realmduring
outa sovereignideologicalterritory
us betterthanthe
theCold War. "The Easterncountriesunderstood
Westernones," recalled Nyerere'
s loyal vice president,Rashid
as now."55An
Kawawa, "but we were completelyindependent,
Americanambassadorin the 1960s,seekingto arrangea meetingfor
NyererewithAmericanpresidentLyndonJohnson,explainedhis
of thestrategic
illustratunderstanding
timingof theannouncement,
s multi-faceted
ingNyerere'
approachto politicsandhisidiosyncratic
in
the
Cold War. Confirmingretrospective
ideological position
Hartmann
ofJeanette
and othersthattheArushaDeclaration
insights
and strategy
from
ratherthandisememerged
politicalnegotiation
bodied theory,the memo signalsthe presenceof tacticalpolitical
in Ujamaa whereonlyideologicalideals and development
strategy
economicsarenormally
acknowledged.56
underthe bannersof socialismand self reliance,
Alwaysproceeding
maneuvered
themostdoctrinaire
andconvinced
leftist
Nyerere
politician
in Tanzania,Abdulrahman
Babu,intoa positionof nearpoliticalimpotenceandhas maneuvered
Tanzania'smostpopularradicalleader,Oscar
relations
with
Kambona,rightoutof thecountry.
[...] So faras bilateral
US areconcerned,
hascontinually
extended
a friendly
hand.[...]
Nyerere
he is knowntoharbor
doubtsabouttheUS roleinViet-Nam.57
Although
OkwudibaNnolisuggesteda morenuancedanalysisof foreignpolicy, positingthe Arusha Declarationwith its emphasison "selfreliance"as a turningpoint intendedto free Tanzania of donor
in itsforeign
ButTandependenceto allow moreautonomy
policy.58
zania's prominent
rolein Africanand international
affairshas other-
55RashidKawawa,interview
withauthor.Dar es Salaam. Seotember2006.
56Jeanette
Hartmann(ed.), Re-Thinkingthe Arusha Declaration (Copenhagen,
1991).
57Dares Salaam to Department
of State,28 August1967,LyndonBaines Johnson
Austin,Texas (LBJ),NSF/CF 100,File 6, No. 15.
Library,
58Okwudiba
Nnoli,SelfRelianceand ForeignPolicyin Tanzania:TheDynamicsof
theDiplomacyofa NewState,1961 to 1971 (New York,1978).

292
PaulBjerk
wise receivedonlypreliminary
analysis,lackingarchivalsources.59
to the broaderchalKatabaroMiti criticizedthislack of attention
lenges of nationalismduringthe Cold War by groupingtogether
Cranford
Pratt,BismarckMwansasu,S.S. Mushi,and GoranHyden,
fora myopicfocuson socialism.It is
citingthemsomewhatunfairly
notablethattheconcluding
essaysbyMwansasuandPrattin an edits
ed volumeon socialismin Tanzaniaexhibitedthistension:Pratt'
thedebatebetween"Marxistsocialistsand democessayhighlighted
while
raticsocialists"in regardsto policyand government
structure,
the
issue
of
Mwansasu's essay focused on the more particular
in policyforof thepartyoverthegovernment
increasedsupremacy
how democraticprocesscould be
mation.60
Both soughtto identify
retainedwithina socialistparadigm.Miti's critiquehintedat the
ofTanzaniaas an experibroadertensionbetweentheobjectification
to establisha
mentin ThirdWorldsocialismand theongoingeffort
and ideas economically,
newnationand itsgovernment
politically,
ologicallysovereign.
V
GoranHyden's two majorstudiesof Tanzanianruraldevelopment
bookendsto theclosely-watched
polipolicyprovidetwoinfluential
of
thousands
when
in
the
of
1970s,
peovillagization
cy compulsory
into
moved
were
hastilyplannedUjamaa villages.
forcefully
ple
Hyden's firststudy,TANU Yajenga Nchi (a partyslogan meaning
was written
TANUBuildstheCountry)
duringtheheightofthepopular self-helpfervorof the 1960s and insightfully
groundedUjamaa
He showedhow Tanzanian
in local culturalhistory.61
development
and S.S. Mushi,ForeignPolicyof Tanzania 1961-1981:A Reader
59K.Matthews,
and East AfricanIntegra(Dar Es Salaam,1983);JosephS. NyeJr.,Pan-Africanism
tion(Cambridge,1965); MariaNzomo,"The ForeignPolicyofKenyaandTanzania:
PhD dissertation
The Impactof Dependenceand Underdevelopment,"
(Dalhousie
PoliticsofEast Africa(ManThe International
1981); RobertPinkney,
University,
chester,
2001).
^BismarckMwansasuandCranford
Pratt,TowardSocialismin Tanzania(Toronto,
1979).
61Goran Hyden,Tanu Yajenga Nchi: Political Developmentin Rural Tanzania
(Lund,1968).


Sovereignty
293
builton long-standing
local culturalconceptsand
policyalternately
with nationalpolitical
underminedlocal practicethat interfered
goals.
Hyden'ssecondworkon Tanzaniacame afterthedisappointments
and excesses of villagizationin the 1970s.62His conceptof the
forpoliticalscienceon
"uncaptured
peasant"becamea catchphrase
a
Africa.63
contrasted
economyof production
Hyden
metropolitan
witha rural"economyof affection"
rootedin culturalvalues that
His acknowledgement
maskedclass differences.
of thesocial benefitsof villagizationwentdeeperthanthe matter-of-fact
asides of
withUjamaa was palpable.In addiotherscholarswhosefrustration
motivationto water,schools,andclinics,whichhad beena primary
tionforvillagizationsincethebeginning,
Hydennotedthepositive
increased
the
social
interaction,
changes broughtby
particularly
forruralwomen.In thisrespectHydenpresagedstudies
important
thatframedTanzanianpolicies in a broaderenvironmental
history
thatis stillrichwithpotential.64
Hyden'sworkalso beganto illuminate the effectsof villagizationthatwould outlastthe debateover
ruraleconomicdevelopment.
Issa Shivji'sworkin the1990s,following his leading involvementin land reformlegislation,echoed
Hyden'searlyperspective.
Shivjinotedthat"thepoliticalor governance side of the villagisationprocess"leftbehindenduringrural
The importance
institutions.65
ofthisinstitutional
legacyis highlight62GoranHyden,BeyondUjamaa in Tanzania: Underdevelopment
and an UncapturedPeasantry(Berkeley,1980).
OJEdward
A. Alpers, AfricaReconfigured:
Presidential
Addressto the1994African
StudiesAssociationAnnualMeeting,"AfricanStudiesReview38 (1995), 1-10.
^Helge Kjekshus'articleon villagizationpolicysummarizesspecificimplications
of hergroundbreaking
ecologicalhistoryof Tanzaniaoriginally
publishedin 1977.
Lessons
Helge Kjekshus,"The TanzanianVillagizationPolicy: Implementational
and EcologicalDimensions,"CanadianJournalofAfricanStudies11 (1977), 269in East African
82; Helge Kjekshus,EcologyControland EconomicDevelopment
History(AthensOH, 1996). See also JamesL. Giblin,and GregoryH. Maddox
(ed.), CustodiansoftheLand: Ecology& Culturein theHistoryofTanzania(Athens
FortressConservation:
ThePreservation
OH, 1996); Dan Brockington,
oftheMkomaziGameReserve(Bloomington/Indianapolis,
2002); ThaddeusSunseri,Wielding
theAx: State Forestryand Social Conflictin Tanzania,1820-2000 (AthensOH,
2009).
65Issa G. Shivji, "ReformingLocal Governmentor Localizing Government
Reform."in GaudensP. Mpangalaet al. (ed.), Commemorations
ofMwalimuJulius
Kambarage Nyerere's 79thand 80thBirthDates (Dar es Salaam,2004), 90.

294
PaulBjerk
ed inconsideration
ofNyerere'sownregret
at destroying
thecolonial
institutions
ofagricultural
and
local
cooperatives
government.66
Since the 1980s,comingto termswith"whatwentwrongduring
thisperiodof intensedevelopmental
activitythatproducedso few
results"
has
been
the
ofscholarship
on Tanzapositive
preoccupation
nia.67Attheverybeginning
ofcompulsory
JamesFinuvillagization,
with
the
Dar
es
Salaam
of
on
from
cane,working
University
funding
Denmark,did a fieldstudyon howthetop-downapproachof forced
meshedwiththegoal ofpopularparticipation.
Finucane
villagization
notedthe seriousnessof purposeamongtheTanzanianleadership,
and theparticipatory
but also thebasic patternof bureaurhetoric,
craticelitespushingpoliciesontohesitant
ruralfarmers.
"Whatparticipationthereremainsis an arenain whichthosewho knowthe
routeto modernitythe bureaucrats-tryto
by self-identification
educatetheirless enlightened
In anotherearlystudyof
fellows."68
the
core
villagization,
ClydeIngleperceived
politicaldifficulty,
piton whichthecontradictingcentralization
againstlocal participation,
tionsoftheeconomicdevelopment
projectcapsized.69
The challengeoftheera,as so manynoted,was theimplication
of
thelocal in thenational,andvice versa,themetropolitan
in therural.
Michael Jenningshas recentlyarguedthatthe flurryof populist
developmental
activityof the 1960s,unliketheforcedparticipation
of the 1970s,grewfroma grassroots
enthusiasm
to builda nation.
the
This task was as muchideologicalas physical.To counteract
theTanzaniangovernnatureof postcolonialstatehood,
fragmented
and
mentendeavored"to createunifying
myths bonds,to mouldcitihereis to MahmoodMamdani's
zensfromsubjects."70
The reference
incisivestudy,Citizenand Subjectthatproposeda "bifurcated"
postand
Local Government
of Participation?
66AndreasEckert,"Useful Instruments
in Tanzania,1940sto 1970s,"International
JournalofAfricanHistorCooperatives
ical Studies40 (2007), 97-118.
andIts Failings:WhyRuralDevelopment
67Leander
Schneider,
"Developmentalism
WentWrongin the 1960s and 1970s Tanzania,"PhD dissertation
(ColumbiaUni2003), 2.
versity,
68JamesR. Finucane,RuralDevelopment
and Bureaucracyin Tanzania: The Case
ofMwanzaRegion(Uppsala,1974),10.
69ClydeR. Ingle,FromVillageto Statein Tanzania:ThePoliticsofRuralDevelopment(Ithaca,1972).
70Jennings,
"VeryReal War,"93.


Sovereignty
295
colonialstate,echoingEkeh's "twopublics"thesis.WhileJohnIliffe
identified
the"invention
of tribe"as an aid to colonialgovernance,
Mamdaniprojectedthedebilitating
legacyof thispracticeintopostcolonial state.71
So long as ruralareas remainedundercustomary
law- countlessdiscontiguous
legalregimesall of whichweresubordinateto thecodifiedlaw ofthestate- ruralresidents
wouldrelateto
the state as subjects,even afterthe colonialistswere long gone.
MamdaniacknowledgedthatTanzania's policies,includingtheera
of forcedvillagization,were an attemptto bridgethisrural-urban
"To understand
thecentralized
divide,andcreatea uniform
citizenry.
Tanzanian
turned
we
needto bear
that
the
into
despotism
experience
in mindthatit was thebitterfruitof a failedreform."72
Mamdani's
in the
statement
by a Tanzaniancabinetminister's
pointis supported
that
"the
aim
1960s
of
socialist
to
government give
early
present
betweenruralareas so as to
closer consideration
to development
betweenurbanand ruralareas
removeimbalancein development
whichwas createdby thecolonialgovernment."73
But, as Leander
Schneiderhas argued,thisveryawarenesssuggeststhatthelegacyof
colonialpracticein thepost-colonial
statemightnotbe as coherent
as Mamdani's thesissuggested,
markedby morebypaternalism
than
Mamdani's "decentralized
despotism."74
Nyererehad spokenof the need forvillagizationto modernize
ruralagriculture
sincehis inauguralpresidential
speechat theend of
1962.75In 1960,theWorldBankcommissioned
a reporton theTanan interventionist
"transformation"
ganyikan
economythatpromoted
rural
to
over
This
approach
development
simple"improvement."76
ModernHistory.
71Iliffe,
72Mahmood
Mamdani,Citizenand Subject:Contemporary
Africaand theLegacyof
Late Colonialism(Princeton,
1996), 172.
73PressRelease,24 July1963,TNA 593, CB/7/2,Safaris,PublicEngagements
PersonalAffairs:
Mr.M. Kamaliza.
74Leander
"ColonialLegacies and PostcolonialAuthoritarianism
in TanSchneider,
zania: Connectsand Disconnects,"AfricanStudiesReview49 (2006), 93-118; also
Frederick
Cooper,Colonialismin Question:Theory,
Knowledge,History(Berkeley,
2005), 18; Mamdani,Citizen,37.
Uhuruand Umoja,184.
75Nyerere,
76WorldBank,TheEconomicDevelopment
(Oxford,1961); Raphael
of Tanganyika
"The Role ofTANU inRuralTransformation:
A Case Studyin BukoTibanyendera,
ofDar es Salaam,1972).
ba," PhD dissertation
(University

296
Paul Bjerk
idea hadtakenformduringthelatecolonialera,as theBritishsought

to begin
landforsettlerfarmers
to capitalizeruralfarming,
reserving
commercialoperations.A grandioseschemeto initiatecommercial
nevertookroot,evenas it was passedon from
groundnut
operations
to theTanganyikaAgriculturtheBritishOverseasFood Corporation
of the doomed
al Corporation.
It is oftencitedas the cornerstone
efforttowardstop-downmethodsof agriculturaldevelopment.77
likewisebecame
Israeliaid,andtheirmodelofcollectiveagriculture,
farms.78
inNyerere'spushforcooperative
a keyinfluence
Many studiesof villagizationwere writtenby people who had
and
settlements
been activelyinvolvedin developingagricultural
and
ideas
to
their
attraction
Nyerere's
policyin Tanzania,drawnby
of the 1960s,diplomaticoffiapproach.In theblurand excitement
cersandactivistscholarssaw in Nyerere'ssocialisma dynamicaltercommunist
nativeto theheavy-handed
regimesof theSovietUnion
A groupofscholarswholaterwrotetheirownaccounts,
andChina.79
were contracted
by NyererethroughSyracuseUniversityin New
from
Theirinitialfieldreports
Yorkto workon villagesettlements.80
of the transformation
the mid-1960s,in which the shortcomings
approachbeganto be evident,are availablein theEast AfricanaColof Dar es Salaam.81Tanzania came to be
lectionat the University
andAfricanideoin ruraldevelopment
effort
seenas a path-breaking
enthusiasmfrom
logical initiativethatfoundstronginternational
Even as the strategy
both socialistsand developmentexperts.82
77DanielR. Smith,The Influenceof theFabian Colonial Bureau on theIndepenin Tanganyika
denceMovement
(AthensOH, 1985).
78PersonalInterviewwithJob Lusinde,Dodoma, November2006. MordechaiE.
IsraelandAfrica-A Studyin TechnicalCooperation(New York,1964).
Kreinin,
79Cliffe,
Socialism',Duggan,Tanzania; CranfordPratt,The CriticalPhase in Tanzania, 1945-1968:Nyerereand theEmergenceofa SocialistStrategy(Cambridge,
1976).
A Studyof theTanganyikaSetandCommunication:
80NikosGeorgulas,"Structure
tlementAgency,"PhD dissertation
1967); JohnR. Nellis,A
(SyracuseUniversity,
TheoryofIdeology:The TanzanianExample(Oxford,1972); RodgerYeager,Tanzania: AnAfrican
Experiment
(Boulder,1989).
8
Project,ReportsNos. 1-43,East Africana
Village Settlement
Syracuse University
ofDar es Salaam,Tanzania.
Collection(EAC), University
82IdiranN. Resnick,The Long Transition:BuildingSocialismin Tanzania (New
and
York, 1981); MichaelJennings,
Surrogatesof theState:NGOs, Development,
Ujamaa in Tanzania(BloomfieldCT, 2008).


Sovereignty
297
foundered,
scholarlyapproachessoughtto resolvethe problemsof
the model ratherthanquestioningits assumptionsor its political
At theend of the 1970s whenthepolicy'sshortcomings
impulses.83
wereincreasingly
evident,studiesstilltargetedthedetailof impleIf theproblemwerenotone of misguidedpersonnel,
then
mentation.
itwas a failureof planning.84
But thestructural
of
Shivimplications
ji's "bureaucratic
bourgeoisie"suggested,if nota deliberatedeceptionon thepartof an identifiable
rulingclass, certainlysomething
morethanjusta failureofpersonnel.85
Expandingon Shivji, JohnSaul's dyspepticessays of radical
socialistcritiqueappearingat theendofthedecadepresagedtheprofounddisappointment
thathas coloredsubsequentscholarship,
both
radicaland liberal,on theTanzanianstatewiththeconclusionthat
failed.86
Left unacknowledged
in such
Ujamaa had fundamentally
critiquesis theinitialseductionintoNyerere'svision,andtheweight
of disillusionment
whenTanzania's trajectory
elided his
inevitably
socialistpastorale.87
Hyden, in his second study,found himself
thesocialistparadigmevenas he constructed
an argument
addressing
thatundermined
it as a usefulcategoryof investigation.
"Like Don
thatkeptus going
Quixotewe wereengagedin an imaginary
struggle
but
turned
us
into
caricatures
in
the
intellectually
eyesof non-academicobservers."88
Dean McHenry'svaledictory
evaluationofTanzan83Esther
KleinFisher,"The Rootsof Ujamaa" PhD dissertation
of Min(University
H. Maeda,"PopularParticipation,
ControlandDevelopment:
A
nesota,1975); Justin
in Tanzania'sRuralDevelopStudyof theNatureand Role of PopularParticipation
ment,"PhD dissertation
(Yale University,
1976).
84DeanE. McHenryJr.,Tanzania's Ujamaa Villages: The Implementation
of a
RuralDevelopment
Strategy
(Berkeley,1979).
85MichaelavonFreyhold,Ujamaa Villagesin Tanzania:Analysisofa Social Experiment(New York,1979); P.F. Nursey-Bray,
"Tanzania:The DevelopmentDebate,"
79 (1980), 55-78.
African
Affairs
86John
S. Saul, The State and Revolutionin EasternAfrica(New York, 1979);
Michael F. Lofchie,"AgrarianCrisis and EconomicLiberalisationin Tanzania,"
Journalof ModernAfricanStudies 16 (1978), 451-75; Joel Samoff,"Crises and
SocialisminTanzania,"JournalofModernAfricanStudies19 (1981), 279-306.
87DeanE. McHenryJr.,LimitedChoices: The PoliticalStrugglefor Socialismin
Tanzania(Boulder,1994),ix.
88Hyden,Beyond Ujamaa, 250; CranfordPratt,"Tanzania: The Development
Debate-A Comment,"
79 (1980), 343-47.
African
Affairs

298
Paul Bjerk
ian socialism,aptlytitledLimitedChoices,belatedlytookissue with

Shivji's thesis,and brokewiththequixoticfocuson socialisttheory
in thedebatesbetweenthedoctrinaire
Saul andthepragexemplified
matistCranfordPratt.89
Rather,echoingSamoff,McHenryargued
thattheuse of socialismas a legitimizing
toolof factionalstruggles
s
of
birth
to
the
McHenry'
gave
exaggerated
policies villagization.90
in
a
that
arose
conference
the
also
built
on
new
analysis
perspectives
The
anniversary.
evaluatingtheArushaDeclarationon its twentieth
that
edited
in
the
volume
and
followed,
lively
wide-ranging
essays
theArushaDeclaration,openedthefirstglimpseinto
Re-Thinking
whata historical
on theUjamaa eramightlooklike,with
perspective
aftera
a palpable apprehensionsurrounding
Nyerere'sretirement
overturned
in power.As IMF restructuring
Ujamaa
quartercentury
as
its
its
reinforced
utility a symunderlying
policy, echoinglegacy
moreof a nationalistthana
"an embodiment
bol of sovereignty,
socialistideology."91
In theearly1980s,aftera war sparkedby Idi Amin'sclaimto a
thecountryfacedeconomiccollapse.
sliverof Tanzanianterritory,
stoodas a
The villagization
from
experiment an economicstandpoint
ofTanzaniaprovidedan
failure.AndrewCoulson'seconomichistory
assessmentthatshiftedthe debatefromquestionsof
authoritative
to the entireconceptof villagization.92
theoryand implementation
of severalyearsworkingin theTanzaniangovFromtheperspective
ernment,Coulson acknowledgedthat a more generallyignored
theneed to bringpeopleclose to social seraspectof villagization,
had
vices,had been a qualifiedsuccess.93But theentireexperiment
to Socialism?"CanadianJournalofAfrican
89John
S. Saul, "Tanzania'sTransition
Studies11 (2007), 313-39; Cranford
Pratt,"Democracyand Socialismin Tanzania:
A ReplytoJohnSaul" CanadianJournalofAfricanStudies12 (1978),407-28.
"The Left."
^McHenry,LimitedChoices;Tordoff,
57; AhmedMohiddin,AfricanSocialismin Two Coun91Hartmann,
Re-Thinking,
tries(TotowaW, 1981).
92Andrew
Coulson,Tanzania:A PoliticalEconomy(Oxford,1982).
93WorldBank, Tanzania: Social Sector Review (WashingtonDC, 1999); Lene
Educationin theDevelopment
Buchert,
ofTanzania,1919-1990(AthensOH, 1994);
EdwardMiguel,"Tribeor Nation?NationBuildingandPublicGoods in Kenyaversus Tanzania,"WorldPolitics56 (2004), 327-62.
D. Barkan,withJohnJ.Okumu,Politicsand PublicPolicyinKenyaand Tan94Joel
zania (New York,1979).


Sovereignty
299
failedto increaseagricultural
production,
drawingan unfavorable
the
market
orientation
of
to
Coulson,following
Kenya.94
comparison
Finucane's early insights,fixed the blame on the undemocratic
natureof thedevelopmental
model."Only a bureaucracy
distanced
measuresso draconian
frompeasantlifecould have forcedthrough
and withso littleproductive
effect."95
The authorias villagization,
in
tarianismreflected the forcefulimplementation
of villagization
to simplevenalityof thepoliticalleadership,
could notbe attributed
butsomething
lodgedmoredeeplyin thediscourseofmodernization.
ifonlybecauseitis themostwidelyread,
Notableforitsinfluence
JamesScott'sSeeingLikea StateusedTanzaniaas a primeexample
in his argumentthatan aestheticof high modernismso distorted
commonsense as to perpetuatewrongheadedstate policies that
millions.96
impoverished
Villagizationin Tanzaniain the 1970s was
an attempt
by stateelitesinfluenced
by Westerndonorsto imposea
rural
onto
commanding
rationality
society.Withsomelicense,Scott
tookas hisexamplesthegeometric
designofOmurunaziVillageand
thestoriesof villagesbeingforcibly
movedaway fromwaterto the
roadso thatpassingofficialscould easilysee them.Scott'sperspecin his title,bears the stampof Michel Foucault's
tive,referenced
panopticpropositionelaboratedfromJeremyBentham's prison
His criticalconclusionthatTanzania's villagization
is ultidesign.97
matelycomparableto far more brutalattemptsat collectivization
bears a fundamental
of such proinsightintothe authoritarianism
fixturein analysisof the
jects, and will likelyremaina permanent
era.
Indeed, thereis much evidence that villagization,as well as
numerousotherTanzanianpolicies were intendedto increasestate
state mandatesand
presenceat the local level, communicating
Fromthecreationof "tenenablingsurveillanceof thecountryside.
and Sam Maghimbi(ed.), The Tanzan95Coulson,Tanzania,262; PeterG. Frster,
ian Peasantry:Economyin Crisis(Brookfield,
1992).
96James
C. Scott,SeeingLikea State:How CertainSchemesto ImprovetheHuman
Condition
Have Failed (New Haven,1998).
97MichelFoucault,Disciplineand Punish: The Birthof the Prison (New York,
1977).

300
Paul Bjerk
cells" (positionsofpartyleadershipat theneighborhood

level),to the
informants
on individof
washushu
reporting
mushrooming
presence
ual activitiesand officialencouragement
of sungusunguvigilante
This panopthe
became
increasingly
panoptic.98
groups, government
tic potentialwas mostclearlyin evidencewhen Ujamaa villages
forthousandsof
settlements
wereused as modelsforquasi-military
The
evidentutility
in
countries."
from
conflicts
refugees
neighboring
was
of thesevillage structures
forimposinggovernment
authority
between
created
the
confounded
refugees,
enmity
by
unpredictable
amidsttheuncertain
and local populations
sovereigncampofficials,
of Scott's"weapons
tyofthecamps.Refugeesexercisinga variation
thegenocireconstructed
of theweak"werefarfrombenignas they
dal logic of Burundianpolitics.100
Meanwhile,in a curioustwistof
for
Scott'sthesis,local villagerscreditedtheTanzaniangovernment
NGOs forthe
infrastructural
brought
by international
improvements
ire.101
local
were
of
of
whom
both
targets
refugees,
ButeventheworkthatgrewmostcloselyfromScottdisputeshis
formulaic
approach.LeanderSchneiderhas arguedthatitwas notthe
of
visibility modernismthatenthralledTanzanianelites,but the
Schneipromiseof planningto makeeconomicwishescome true.102
and tracesits language
der termsthis faith"developmentalism,"
Creationand OperationofTANU Cells (London,
98Wilbert
Klerruu,TheSystematic
1968 [est.]). Rashid Kawawa describedthe ten-cellsystemas the "eyes of the
nation."See Bienen,Tanzania,359. See also Ray Abrahams,
Village
"Sungusungu:
86 (1987), 179-96.
Affairs
VigilanteGroupsinTanzania,"African
and Integration
"Charles P. Gasarasi,"The Tripartite
Approachto theResettlement
of AfricanStudies,
ofRuralRefugeesinTanzania"(Uppsala:ScandinavianInstitute
Boundaries:Refugees,
ResearchReport71, 1984); BethE. Whitaker,
"Disjunctured
of North
Hosts,and Politicsin WesternTanzania,"PhD dissertation
(University
CarolinaatChapelHill, 1999).
JamesC. Scott,WeaponsoftheWeak:EverydayFormsofPeas100Malkki,
Purity,
antResistance(New Haven,1987).
101
Aidand TransforLorenB. Landau,TheHumanitarian
Hangover:Displacement,
mationin WesternTanzania (Johannesburg,
2008); also Marc Sommers,Fear in
Bongoland:BurundiRefusesin UrbanTanzania(New York,2001).
102Leander
Schneider,"Freedomand Unfreedomin Rural Development:Julius
Nyerere,
Ujamaa Vijijini,and Villagization,"Canadian JournalofAfricanStudies
Moder38 (2004), 344-92;idem.,"The Maasai's New Clothes:A Developmentalist
nityandItsExclusions,"AfricaToday53 (2006), 101-31.


Sovereignty
301
builtuponproa decadeof governmental

social engineering
through
an
earlierline of
the
late
era.
The
term
builds
on
of
colonial
jects
inquiryfollowingtheworkof JamesFerguson,who suggestedthat
machine"thatcondevelopmentpolicies createdan "anti-politics
and mobilization,
a pointgenerallysupcealed debate,negotiation,
but
Geir
Sundet.103
Afterthe
Joel
Samoff
contested
by
portedby
rural
had
economicdevelopment floundered
fora decade,
hopesfor
Nyereremademovingintoplannedvillagescompulsory,
arguingthat
itwas in thebestinterests
ofeveryone.The government
movedpeointohastilyplannedvillages.Scottand
ple, sometimesat gunpoint,
Schneider'sapproacheshelp to resolvethe disappointment
of Ujamaa's modernist
ethipromisesby explaininghow a fundamentally
cal eliteunderNyerereyokedthemselvesto an intellectual
agenda
thatoverwhelmed
theirbest intentions.
Indeed,those who implementedthepolicystillholdthat,despiteitsshortcomings,
itwas "the
the
financial
to
constraints, bringthe
onlyway"given government's
socialservicestheypromisedto theruralmasses.104
VI
Recenthistoricalworkon Tanzania largelybuildsupon the broad
historicalcanvas providedby JohnIliffein his ModernHistoryof
social and politicalhistory
withunderstated
Tanganyika.
Entwining
Iliffe'
s
makes
it
difficult
to
evaluate
hisubiquitous
equanimity,
scope
whichcertainly
meritsrevisiting.
thehistory
of
influence,
Revisiting
will helpcall attention
decolonization
to thewayEdwardBarongo's
triumphant
boilerplateMkikiMkikiwa Siasa Tanganyikashapeda
popularnationalistnarrativein the markedlyauthenticvoice of a
The continuity
betweenpoliticaland
grassrootsTANU activist.105
social history
thatIliffedocumented
can be seen in two studiesthat
103JamesFerguson, The Anti-PoliticsMachine (Cambridge, 1990); Samoff,
in Tanzania,"ReviewofAfrican
"Crises;"GeirSundet,"BeyondDevelopmentalism
PoliticalEconomy21 (1994), 39-49.
104Personalinterviewswith Vedastus Kyaruzi, Job Lusinde, Peter Kisumo,
LawrenceGama,andJosephButiku.
105Edward
Barongo,MkikiMkikiwa Siasa Tanganyika
(Dar es Salaam, 1966).

302
PaulBjerk
addressthe deeperissue Tordoffdefinedof the need to createa

state.
nationtofillthespaceoftheterritorial
Buildingon the expositoryapproachof Marcia Wright,Susan
moveGeiger's TANUWomenexpandedthescope of thenationalist
and
mentto capturetheroleofwomenwho"constructed,
performed,
maintained
Tanzaniannationalism."106
For Geiger,theelite,instituof Tanzaniannationalism
most
studies
tion-oriented
of
approach
underestimated
local culturalinheritance,
leadingher to tracethe
basisfornationas
an
'Swahiliness'
of
epistemological
"significance
activists'ideas in
alismand nationalist
consciousness"
byportraying
thecontextof theirlives.Pursuingthisquestionof a self-conscious
theNationextendedMay
Swahiliculture,
KellyAskew's Performing
of
on thediscursivepoliticization
Balisidya'spioneering
perspective
national
and
music
that
both
identity
legitimized
opposed
popular
These studiesemphasizedtheneed to extend
and stateauthority.107
thisanalysisintothepastto explainhowpoliticalandculturalactiviidealismand jaded provinties lurchedfitfully
betweennationalist
A spurtof recentworkon thestate'sfecundrelationship
cialism.108
searchto
thegovernment's
illuminates
withpoliticizedyouthfurther
Africansovereign.109
defineandshapea culturally
106Susan
Geiger,TANUWomen:Genderand Culturein theMakingofTanganyikan
NH, 1997), 6; Marcia Wright,Strategiesof
Nationalism,1955-1965(Portsmouth
Slavesand Women:LifeStoriesfromEast/Central
Africa(New York,1993).
theNation:SwahiliMusicand CulturalPoliticsin
M. Askew,Performing
107Kelly
Tanzania (Chicago,2002); May Lenna Balisidya,"Language Planningand Oral
ofWisconsin-Madison,
inTanzania,"PhD dissertation
1988).
(University
Creativity
108PatCaplan,AfricanVoices,AfricanLives: PersonalNarratives
froma Swahili
Village(New York, 1997); ThaddeusSunseri,"StatistNarrativesand Maji Maji
HistoricalStudies33 (2000), 567-84.
JournalofAfrican
Ellipses,"International
workrelatworkon youth.Recenthistorical
109There
is muchrichinterdisciplinary
Chartonand
Hlne
in
Andrew
can
be
found
state
to
Burton,
politics
ing youth
Past: YouthinEast African
History(AthensOH, 2010); Thomas
Bigot,Generations
OverYouthandCitizenandMiniskirts:
Struggles
Burgess,"Cinema,Bell Bottoms,
HistoricalStudies
Journal
International
in
Zanzibar,"
of
African
ship Revolutionary
35 (2002), 287-313;JamesR. Brennan,
"Youth,theTANU YouthLeague,andManin Dar es Salaam, Tanzania 1925-1973,"Africa:Journalof the
aged Vigilantism
76 (2006), 221-46; AndrewM. Ivaska,"Of Students,
international
AfricaInstitute
'Nizers,' and a Struggleover Youth: Tanzania's 1966 NationalService Crisis,"
AfricaToday51 (2005), 83-107; AndrewM. Ivaska,"'Anti-MiniMilitantsMeet
ModernMisses': Urban Style,Genderand the Politicsof 'NationalCulture'in
1960sDar es Salaam,Tanzania,"Gender& History14 (2002), 584-607.


Sovereignty
303
Since the collapse of Nyerere'ssocialiststate,scholarslooking

back on theera have notyetdefineda morecomprehensive
analytical approachof the sortbeginningto emergein studieson Guinea
stillecho in Tanzanand Ghana.Nyerere'sideals and achievements
ian historicalconceptionstoday,frompopularcultureto thequasiofficialhistoryof Tanzania fromthe stone-ageto Nyerere's1985
in Mineal Mdundo's 3,000-verseepic poem.110
retirement
But to
many,Tanzania's povertyevinced failure,even malfeasanceas
"reckless,uncontrolled
dependenceon foreignaid [...] reduced
In a
[Tanzania]to veritablepoliticaland economicimpotence."111
the
Tanzanian
M.L.
commissioned
study
by
army,
Baregusuggested
thatthe 1964 mutiny
was initiated
officers
by non-commissioned
by
theBritishto justifyneo-colonialintervention.
Equallyprovocativeaccountin the
ly,NestorLuanda's moreextensive"blow-by-blow"
same volumeconcludedthatthemutinyprovidedNyerere"a godsent opportunity
[...] to make a finalclampdownon the [labor]
In a similarly
movement."112
takeon Americandiploconspiratorial
maticcorrespondence,
AmritWilsonsuggestedthattheUniontreaty
was nothingbutan American-supported
power-grab
by Nyerereand
ZanzibaripresidentAbeid Karume.113
Issa Shivji's recentstudyof
the Union Treaty,combininghistoricaland legal analysis,takesa
morepositiveview of Nyerere'sintentions,
butlikewisemaintains,
without
thattheUniontreaty
attribution,
emergedfroman American
concludes
thattheuniondid repreNevertheless,
proposal.114
Shivji
sentNyerere'spragmaticapproachto pan-Africanism,
but thatthe
110MinealO. Mdundo,Utenziwa Jeshila WananchiTanzania (Dar es Salaam,
1987).
11'SverineM.
LethalAid: TheIllusionofSocialismand Self-Reliance
Rugumamu,
in Tanzania(TrentonNJ,1997), 13.
112Tanzania
People's DefenceForces (TPDF), TanganyikaRiflesMutinyJanuary
1964 (Dar es Salaam, 1993). Muchdocumentation
on themutiny
is also availableat
theBritishPublic RecordOfficein London(PRO) and theBorthwick
Institute
in
York. See also TimothyH. Parsons,The 1964 ArmyMutiniesand theMakingof
ModernEast Africa(Westport,
2003).
113Amrit
Wilson, US ForeignPolicy and Revolution:The Creationof Tanzania
(London,1989).
114IssaG. Shivji,Pan-Africanism
or Pragmatism?
LessonsoftheTanganyika-Zanzibar Union(Dar es Salaam,2008).

304
Paul Bjerk
continuesto
natureof the treaty'simplementation
undemocratic
undermine
itslegitimacy.
Nyerere'slegacy loomed large as both Tanzaniansocietyand
in
afterhis retirement
a profound
underwent
realignment
scholarship
General
1985 and deathin 1999.East AfricanCommunity
Secretary
JumaMwapachu's studyof economicrestructuring
opens withan
of theTanzanianpsyextendedhomageto Nyerereas "thearchitect
of his
che," even as thebook goes on to describethe dismantling
The blueprint
forthisdrasticchangein economic
economiclegacy.115
conservativeassociate,
policy came fromNyerere'slong-standing
era
as
the
Likewise,as
Kahama,
post-Nyerere began.116
just
George
the
Tanzaniaadjustedto a multi-party
politicalsystem, stablestate
legaNyererebuiltstood in balance withhis parallelauthoritarian
Issa
columns
and
articles
A
collection
of
Shivji
by
newspaper
cy.117
crisis
to themulti-faceted
fromthisperiodprovidea livelytestimony
Neither
era presented
forTanzaniannationalism.118
thepost-Nyerere
fundamentally
changed
panaceanorpoison,economicliberalization
stateleft
A retreating
therelationship
betweenstateand society.119
butsomecitizensmorefreeforpoliticaland economicinnovation,
stateof Nyerere'sera became somewhatadriftas the purposeful
in
its
roleandobligations.120
far
more
ambiguous
thing
on Tanzania'sRadiNewRealities:Reflections
V. Mwapachu,Confronting
115Juma
es
cal Transformation
Salaam,
2005).
(Dar
116C.GeorgeKahama et al., The Challengefor Tanzania's Economy(Portsmouth
NH, 1986).
Politicsin Tanzania (Dar es Salaam, 1993);
117MaxMmuya,TowardMulti-Party
Max Mmuya,Tanzania:PoliticalReformin Eclipse: Crisesand Cleavage in Political Parties(Dar es Salaam, 1998); Samuel S. Mushi,and Rwekaza S. Mukandala,
Democracyin Transition.Tanzania's 1995 GeneralElections(Dar es
Multiparty
Salaam. 1997).
118IssaG. Shivji,Let thePeople Speak: TanzaniaDown theRoad toNeo-Liberalism
(Dakar,2006).
119AiliMari Tripp,Changingthe Rules: The Politics of Liberalizationand the
UrbanInformalEconomyin Tanzania (Berkeley,1997); StefanoPonte,Farmers
Rural Livelihoodsin Africa
and Marketsin Tanzania: How PolicyReforms
Affect
NH, 2002).
(Portsmouth
120
in Tanzania
AndrewE. Temu, and JeanM. Due, "The BusinessEnvironment
Taxationand theCivil
afterSocialism:Challengesof Reforming
Banks,Parastatals,
Service,"TheJournalofModernAfricanStudies38 (2000), 683-712;Tim Kelsall,
Tax
inTanzania:The 1998 Arumeru
Local PoliticsandDistrictization
"Governance,
Revolt,"AfricanAffairs99 (2000), 533-51; Tim Kelsall, "Shop Windows and


Sovereignty
305
The one attempt

at a comprehensive
surveyof Nyerere'sleaderstands
the
of
academic
but remains
outside
authority
history,
ship
of politicalknowledgeaboutpost-colounequaledas a compendium
nialTanzania.Journalist
GodfreyMwakikagile'sNyerereand Africa
theresearchedrecollections
of a well-informed
observer
represents
andjoins a numberofrecentmemoirsoftheperiod.121
ofthishistory,
is perhapsbest summarized
in themiddle
Mwakikagile'sargument
of the700-pagetomein an echo of Miti's views."ThatNyerereleft
behindsuch a cohesiveentity[...] is probablyhis mostenduring
legacy;yettheleast appreciatedamonghis mostardentcriticswho
talkand writeabouthis failedsocialistpoliciesmorethananything
else."122
Thesesomewhatnostalgicreferences
to Nyerereandhisconto nationalism
hintat thelargerlegacyof Tanzaniansovertribution
a
marked
if flawed,government
thatcorreeignty
by legitimate,
identifiable
andautonomous
state.
spondsto an internationally
As Mwakikagilemade clear,Nyerere'slegacy is farlargerand
in need of reconsideration
desperately
consideringits relevanceto
Africa's situationtoday.123
Villagizationand its implicationsfor
socialismhavetakenup all toolargea place becauseofhowthispolthefailureoftheidealsNyererecommuniicyseemingly
exemplifies
catedso effectively.
Whatis neededis a perspective
thatbeginswith
Smoke-Filled
Rooms:GovernanceandtheRe-Politicisation
ofTanzania,"TheJournal of ModernAfricanStudies40 (2002), 597-619; KristinD. Phillips,"Hunger,
Healing,and Citizenshipin CentralTanzania,"AfricanStudiesReview52 (2009),
23-45.
121Anumberof memoirshaveappearedin recentyears,notablyMinealO. Mdundo,
Masimuliziya SheikhThabitKomboJecha(Dar es Salaam, 1999); Al NoorKassum,
Tanzanian(New York,
Africa'sWindsof Change: Memoirsof an International
and theStrugglefor HumanRightsin
2007); ThomasBurgess,Race, Revolution,
Zanzibar:theMemoirsofAHSultanIssa and SeifSharifHamad (AthensOH, 2009);
JohnMagotti,Simba wa Vita Katika Historia ya Tanzania: MfaumeRashidi
Kawawa (Dar es Salaam, 2009); Edwin Mtei,From Goatherdto Governor:The
Revolutionin
Autobiography
ofEdwinMtei(Dar es Salaam, 2009); Don Petterson,
Zanzibar: An American'sCold War Tale (Boulder,2002); Tony Lawrencewith
that
McRae, The Dar Mutinyof 1964, And the ArmedIntervention
Christopher
EndedIt (Sussex,2007).
122Godfrey
Mwakikagile,
Nyerereand Africa:End ofan Era (Dar es Salaam,2007),
119.
123Eric
MasindeAseka,Transformational
Leadershipin East Africa:Politics,Ideologyand Community
(Kampala,2005).

306
Paul Bjerk
thedemonstrable
interests
and constituents
amongdecision-makers
whoseownphilosophies
reflected
theculturaldiversity
oftheirexperience.Pursuingthis task, essays by ViktoriaStger-Eisingand
Tadasu Tsurutabegin to trace the mixed culturalinfluenceson
and local conceptions.124
Nyerere'spoliciesin bothhis own thought
JamieMonsonlikewiseilluminates
thenexusbetweenlocal experithe
ence and international
politicsin anotherof Nyerere'initiatives,
The challengeis to map the
strategicTanzania-Zambiarailway.125
"moraleconomy"connecting
local insightsto politicalpractice.In
thisvein,JamesBrennandrewon Luise White'sinfluential
workto
minethelong-standing
of
(meaningliterally
sucking
usage unyonyaji
in Ujamaa-tmeconomic
and metaphorically
economicexploitation)
has always
discussions.126
As thebestworkon Tanzaniangovernance
African
and
theories
for
both
done, interpretive
Europeancultural
inheritance
mustbe reconciled,
in parallelfashiontoJohnLonsdale's
"fullrevisionist
thesis"thatbeginswitha rejectionof the"dialectic
betweentradition
and modernity
at thecoreofpoliticalscience'sold
evolutionary
myth."127
Insteadof a new synthesis
of intercultural
experience,formulaic
approacheslike thatof JamesScottoppose theidealisticpositivism
of Mwakikagile'sperspectivewith deconstructionist
critique.A
of Dar es Salaam,
Nigerianscholarlong residentat the University
OkwudibaNnoli, deemed such postmodern
critique"Eurocentric
with
its
chauvinism"
tendencyto pathologize
methodological
124Viktoria
"'Ujamad1 Revisited:Indigenousand EuropeanInfluStger-Eising,
encesin Nyerere'sSocial andPoliticalThought,"
Africa:JournaloftheInternationof
al AfricanInstitute
70 (2000), 118-43;Tadasu Tsuruta,"AfricanImaginations
MoralEconomy:Noteson IndigenousEconomicConceptsand Practicesin TanzaStudiesQuarterly
9 (2006), 103-16.
nia,"African
125
JamieMonson,Africa'sFreedomRailway:How a ChineseDevelopment
Project
2008);
Changed Lives and Livelihoodsin Tanzania (Bloomington/Indianapolis,
inLateColonialUluguin Secret:The BirthofNationalism
PeterPels,"Creolisation
"
72 (2002), 1-28.
Institute
ru,Tanzania Africa:JournaloftheInternational
African
"Blood Enemies;"Luise White,SpeakingwithVampires:Rumorand
126Brennan,
Historyin ColonialAfrica(Berkeley,2000).
127
JohnLonsdale,"The Moral Economyof Mau Mau: Wealth,Povertyand Civic
in: BruceBermanandJohnLonsdale,Unhappy
Virtuein KikuyuPoliticalThought,"
BooksI and II (AthensOH, 1992),316.
in
and
Kenya
Africa,
Valley:Conflict


Sovereignty
307
Africanpolitics.128
Betweencelebratory
idealismand postmodern
cultural
and
realities
deconstruction,
political
get short shrift.
Because ofpostmodernism'
s Europeanfocus,itsreachtendsto highthe
colonial
horizon
and
the loominglegacy of bureaucratic
light
rather
thanthedeepreachoflocal discourses.129
authoritarianism,
A revisionistthesismustincludepostmodern
insightsthathelp
articulate
themes
within
details
of
andpolicy,but
deeper
bureaucracy
as Bethwell Ogot suggested,
of a theoonlywiththecounterweight,
reticalperspective
rootedin Africanexperience.130
Methodologically
thiswill requirean informed
of therichdiplomatic
re-interpretation
archivesof the US, China,Britain,Russia,Israel,Portugal,France
andelsewhere,
balancedbyan abilitytoreadbetweenthelinesofthe
oftenlimitedarchivesof Africancountries.
The Tanzanianarchives,
like otherpost-colonialarchives,are heavilyweightedwithbureaucratic busywork that hints only obliquely at political purpose.
Because of this,theoralhistory
of participants
can helpto drawout
thatshaped
ideologicalobjectivesand culturally-rooted
perspectives
administrative
choices.The limitations
ofpersonalmemory
arewellall
the
more
so
in
Tanzania
where
official
narratives
have
known,
intosocial truth.But theverypursuitof oral
seeped so thoroughly
former
social orders;thescavengerhuntforsuch
history
helpsmap
sources
as
is
as theinterview
itself.A meaningful
elderly
important
of oral historywith
pictureneeds more thansimpletriangulation
128Okwudiba
Nnoli,"Reflectionson the Studyof PoliticalScience in Africa,"in:
Isaria N. Kimambo(ed.), Humanitiesand Social Sciences in East and Central
invokes
Africa:Theoryand Practice(Dar es Salaam, 2003), 86 - Nnoli indirectly
Bayait,State in Africa;AchilleMbembe,On thePostcolony(Berkeley,2001); I.
WilliamZartman,Collapsed States: The Disintegration
and Restoration
of LegitimateAuthority
(Boulder,1995); RichardA. Joseph,
Democracyand PrebendaiPoliticsinNigeria:TheRise and Fall oftheSecondRepublic(Cambridge,1987); Robert
and DecaKlitgaard,TropicalGangsters:One Man's ExperiencewithDevelopment
dence in DeepestAfrica(New York, 1990); RobertFatton,PredatoryRule: State
and CivilSocietyinAfrica(Boulder,1992).
Colonialism.
129Cooper,
130Bethwell
A. Ogot,ToyinFalola and AtienoOdhiambo(ed.), The Challengesof
Historyand Leadershipin Africa:The Essays of BethwellAllan Ogot (Trenton,
echoes recenttheoretical
suchas Gabrielle
2002). Ogot's perspective
prescriptives
M. Spiegel(ed.), PracticingHistory:NewDirectionsin HistoricalWriting
afterthe
Turn(New York,2005).
Linguistic

308
Paul Bjerk
local and foreign

archives,italso requiresculturalknowledgerooted
of politicalscience,both
in anthropology
and formergenerations
thananalysis.Thesedisciplinesclearly
readas primary
sourcerather
influenced
raisingthequestionposed
Nyerere'spoliticalphilosophy,
by Dean McHenryof thewayin whichacademicdebatesshapedthe
contextinwhichpolicywas made.
mostaccuratelyencapsulatesthe key
The quest forsovereignty
Tanzanianpolicy.It allowshistorians
issuethatshapedpost-colonial
thesisthathas so longdominatedscholto revisethemodernization
arshipon Tanzania,whileat thesame timeavoidingtheresolutely
who have critiquedbut not
foreignperspectiveof postmodernists
whichis thecentraltargetof
evadedthepoliticaldevelopment
theory
theirire. A theoryof sovereignty,
necessarilyanalyzestherelation
and theirdisparatecultural
and externallegitimacy
betweeninternal
Such an approachwill allow
contextsin a historicalperspective.131
of the"shadinheritance
scholarsto addressbotha deeperhistorical
sound
ow state"proposedby WilliamReno and a moretheoretically
interdeof
Sam
to
paradoxes "asymmetrical
Nolutshungu's
approach
neocolonialrelationslongpastthepostpendence"thatcharacterize
over a mixedculThe struggleforsovereignty
colonialmoment.132
inTanzaniawas political,economic,andideological,
turalbattlefield
in which
historicalchronology
and tookplace amidsta contingent
was but one theme
socialism,and its analoguein modernization,
amongmany.
AnAnalysisofSystems
TheSovereignStateand itsCompetitors:
131Hendrik
Spruyt,
1996).
Change(Princeton,
Limits',
Reno,Corruption.
132Nolutshungu,


Sovereignty
309
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SOVEREIGNTY AND SOCIALISM IN TANZANIA: THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF AN AFRICAN STATE

Author(s): Paul K. Bjerk

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