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    Petr Jan Jakub Toman
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    Demonstrating that the relation between practice and theory in early Confucianism is highly systematic, the author suggests that Confucianism represents a species of synthetic philosophy, distinct from the analytical traditions of the West but equally rigorous in its attempt to disclose the foundations of understanding. He illustrates how theory served as an ancillary activity, expressing ethical insights derived from the systematic structure of core ritual practice, and legitimizing those insights in terms of teleological model of their efficacy in creating a divinely ordained political utopia. The central agenda of the early Confucians is pictured as the preservation and promotion of ritual skills and the aesthetic social perspectives they generate. Metaphysical and political theory serve as practical vehicles mediating between the skill-based philosophy of the early Confucian community and the changing features of the intellectual, social, and political environments in which that community had to survive."

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    Demonstrating that the relation between practice and theory in early Confucianism is highly systematic, the author suggests that Confucianism represents a species of synthetic philosophy, distinct from the analytical traditions of the West but equally rigorous in its attempt to disclose the foundations of understanding. He illustrates how theory served as an ancillary activity, expressing ethical insights derived from the systematic structure of core ritual practice, and legitimizing those insights in terms of teleological model of their efficacy in creating a divinely ordained political utopia. The central agenda of the early Confucians is pictured as the preservation and promotion of ritual skills and the aesthetic social perspectives they generate. Metaphysical and political theory serve as practical vehicles mediating between the skill-based philosophy of the early Confucian community and the changing features of the intellectual, social, and political environments in which that community had to survive."

    Copyright:

    © All Rights Reserved
    Download as PDF, TXT or read online from Scribd
    Flag for inappropriate content
    331 views351 pages

    Robert Eno: The Confucian Creation of Heaven

    Uploaded by

    Petr Jan Jakub Toman
    Demonstrating that the relation between practice and theory in early Confucianism is highly systematic, the author suggests that Confucianism represents a species of synthetic philosophy, distinct from the analytical traditions of the West but equally rigorous in its attempt to disclose the foundations of understanding. He illustrates how theory served as an ancillary activity, expressing ethical insights derived from the systematic structure of core ritual practice, and legitimizing those insights in terms of teleological model of their efficacy in creating a divinely ordained political utopia. The central agenda of the early Confucians is pictured as the preservation and promotion of ritual skills and the aesthetic social perspectives they generate. Metaphysical and political theory serve as practical vehicles mediating between the skill-based philosophy of the early Confucian community and the changing features of the intellectual, social, and political environments in which that community had to survive."

    Copyright:

    © All Rights Reserved
    Download as PDF, TXT or read online from Scribd
    Flag for inappropriate content
    of 351

    Pagei

    TheConfucianCreationofHeaven

    Pageii

    SUNYSeriesinChinesePhilosophyandCulture
    DavidL.HallandRogerT.Ames,Editors

    Pageiii

    TheConfucianCreationofHeaven
    PhilosophyandtheDefenseofRitualMastery
    RobertEno
    StateUniversityofNewYorkPress

    Pageiv

    Publishedby
    StateUniversityofNewYorkPress,Albany
    1990StateUniversityofNewYork
    Allrightsreserved
    PrintedintheUnitedStatesofAmerica
    Nopartofthisbookmaybeusedorreproducedinanymannerwhatsoeverwithoutwrittenpermissionexceptinthecaseofbriefquotationsembodiedincritical
    articlesandreviews.
    Forinformation,addressStateUniversityofNewYorkPress,StateUniversityPlaza,Albany,N.Y.,12246
    LibraryofCongressCataloginginPublicationData
    Eno,Robert,1949
    TheConfuciancreationofheaven:philosophyandthedefenseof
    ritualmastery/RobertEno.
    p.cm.(SUNYseriesinChinesephilosophyandculture)
    Bibliography:p.
    Includesindex.
    ISBN0791401901.ISBN079140191X(pbk.)
    1.Philosophy,ConfucianChinaHistory.2.ConfucianismChina
    History.3.HeavenConfucianismHistoryofdoctrines.
    4.ConfucianismChinaRitualsHistoryofdoctrines.1.Title.
    II.Series.
    B127.C65E561990
    181'.112dc20
    8931194
    CIP
    10987654321

    Pagev

    toDick,
    myfirstteacher

    Pagevi

    CONTENTS
    xi

    ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

    INTRODUCTION
    PARTONE:SETTINGTHERITUALSTAGE

    ChapterIPreConfucianHeaven

    19

    1.TheRitualAntecedentsofRuism
    1.1.TheThreePillarsoftheWesternChou
    1.2.ThePatterningofChouSociety

    19

    2.T'ienastheKing'sGod
    2.1.T'ienasaRoyalAdversary
    2.2.TheInjusticeofT'ien
    2.3.CreatingaNewT'ien

    23

    ChapterIIMastersoftheDance

    30

    1.TheRitualBasisofRuism

    32

    1.1.RationalesforRitual
    1.2.TheDeclineofRitual
    1.3.Confucius'Career
    1.4.LegitimizingLi

    2.ThePoliticalRoleofRuism
    2.1.TheBifurcatedDoctrineofRuism
    2.2.TheMissingHistoryoftheRu
    2.3.TheTextualImperativeofWithdrawal

    42

    3.TheCommunityofRu
    3.1.TheRuistStudyGroup
    3.2.TheRuistSyllabus
    3.3.PhilosophersandFuneralDirectors

    52

    ChapterIIITheSageandtheSelf

    64

    1.PracticalTotalism:TheRuistDoctrineofSagehood
    1.1.JenasaTotalism
    1.2.TheSingleThread
    1.3.TheRitualPath

    64

    Pageviii

    2.SagehoodandtheSelf
    2.1.ThePublicSelf
    2.2.TheSocialSelf
    PARTTWO:THECONFUCIANCREATIONOFHEAVEN

    69

    ChapterIVTwoLevelsofMeaning
    TheRoleofT'ienintheAnalects

    79

    1.TheNatureoftheText

    80

    2.TheImplicitTheoryofT'ienintheAnalects
    2.1.ThePrescriptiveRoleofT'ien
    2.2.TheDescriptiveRoleofT'ien

    81

    3.Confucius'DoctrinalSilence

    94

    ChapterVTacticsofMetaphysics
    TheRoleofT'ienintheMencius

    99

    1.TheNatureoftheText

    99

    2.TheRoleofT'ieninMencius'PoliticalDoctrinesandCareer

    101

    3.TheMencianTheoryofT'ien:HumanNatureandthepersonalDecree

    106

    3.1.MenciusandLi
    3.2.TheMencianTheoryofHumanNature
    3.3.HsingandMing:TheInterfaceofthePrescriptiveandDescriptive
    DimensionsofT'ien

    ChapterVIRitualasaNaturalArt
    TheRoleofT'ienintheHsunTzu

    131

    1.TheNatureoftheText

    134

    2.TheChallengeofNaturalism

    138

    2.1.LateWarringStatesNaturalism

    3.TheThematicUnityoftheHsunTzu
    3.1.TheWorldofThingasaTaxonomy
    3.2.TheNaturalLogicofSocialForms
    3.3.TheCardinalValuelessnessofHumanNature
    3.4.EducatingtheSage
    3.5.Man'sCosmicRole

    144

    4.TheHsunTzu'sTheoriesofT'ien:the"TreatiseonT'ien"
    4.1.ThePortraitofT'ienasNonpurposiveNature
    4.2.T'ienasPrescriptivePsychology

    154

    Pageix

    4.3.FormingaTrinitywithHeavenandEarth
    4.4.T'ienasaHistoricalForce
    4.5.MiscellaneousT'iens

    CONCLUSION:SAGEHOODANDPHILOSOPHY

    171

    APPENDIXA.THEORIGINSOFTHETERM"T'IEN"

    181

    APPENDIXB.ATHEORYOFTHEORIGINSOFTHETERM"JU"

    190

    APPENDIXC.HSUNTZU,"TREATISEONT'IEN"

    198

    NOTES

    205

    GLOSSARY

    299

    ABBREVIATIONS

    317

    BIBLIOGRAPHY

    321

    INDEX

    339

    Pagexi

    ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
    LiketheearlyConfucianswhoseghostsinhabitthesepagesIfeelverykeenlythedebtIowetomyteachers.Formorethanadecade,DonaldMunroguidedmy
    studieswithgenerosityandgreatliberality,andIamdelightedwheneverIamidentifiedashisstudent.MyspecificfocusonearlyConfucianismreflectstheinfluenceof
    Mr.LiuYyun,withwhomIstudiedforseveralyearsinTaiwan.Mr.Liutaughtmetoreadthetextsandtotakethemseriouslyastheartifactsofcriticaldecisions
    thatpeoplehavebeenforcedtomake,ratherthanasstaticmodelsoftheoryorpuzzlesinphilology.
    SeveralpeoplewereinstrumentalinensuringthesuccessofresearchforthisbookinTaiwanandJapan.IwouldliketothankinparticularProfessorsWejenChang
    andTingPanghsinoftheInstituteofHistoryandPhilologyatAcademiaSinicainTaiwan,andProfessorKanayaOsamuandthemembersoftheChinesePhilosophy
    SectionatTohoku*UniversityinSendai,Japan.PortionsoftheresearchforthisbookweresupportedthroughgrantsfromtheSocialScienceResearchCounciland
    theFulbrightFellowshipProgram,forwhichIammostgrateful.
    Anumberofscholarshavereadportionsofthisbookatvariousstagestheyhavebeengenerousintheircommentsandcorrections.IwouldliketothankIrene
    Bloom,KennethDeWoskin,GeorgeElison,AlbertFeuerwerker,LuisGomez,A.C.Graham,ChadHansen,CharlesHucker,VirginiaKane,andJackMeiland.I
    havebenefitedgreatlyfromtheirsuggestionstheerrorsthatremainaremyown.YanShouchenghaskindlyprovidedtheelegantChinesecharactersforthisbook.A
    specialdebtofthanksisduetomyformercolleagueElsieOrbforhermanyeditorialcorrections.
    Finally,IwouldliketothankCandiceandJaredandDanielforbeingapatientfamilyandmakingthisworthwhile.

    Page1

    INTRODUCTION
    ThefigureswhosewordsandactionsstandatthecenterofthisbookarethefirstConfucians,menwholivedbetweenthesixthandthirdcenturiesB.C.,famousfor
    theirausterehumanistethicsandpuristicpoliticalzealotry.Longaftertheirdeaths,theirmovementgrewintothedominantphilosophicalschooloftraditionalChinaa
    philosophybymeansofwhichanimperialbureaucracy,withincreasinglyinfrequentinterruptions,sustaineditselfandconstrainedtheparametersofsocialactionand
    dialoguethroughouttwomillenniaofculturalcohesion.Thisposterityhasformedathicklensthroughwhichweseethesemenasaparticulararchetypalcompanythe
    firstMandarinsthefoundersofsocialorthodoxy.Greatmen,greatmodelsperhapsalittledull.
    Norisdullnesstheonlyfailingtobeseenintheirtraditionalportrait.Theshapeoftheirphilosophy,asinterpretedbygenerationsoflaterConfucians,appearstothe
    criticalWesterneyetobelittlebetterthanacollectionofreceiveddogmalooselylinkedbyadhocrationalizationmoreanideologythanaphilosophy.WhenJohn
    PassmoreremarkedthatChinesethoughtconsistedof''pronouncements"ratherthan"philosophy,"hesurelyhadclassicalConfuciansinmind(1967:217218).
    Butthesesamemenwillappeardifferentlyhere.Inourportraittheyaredressedincolorfulrobes,playingzithersorbeatingdrums,chanting,dancing,andlivingtheir
    livesthroughaneccentricformofritualplayactingsuggestive,perhaps,ofnothingasmuchasPekingOpera.Theyperformedthisintricatechoreographysurrounded
    bythescornofasocietythatviewedthemashopelesslyoutofstepwiththetimesbutforthesefirstConfucians,theirdancewaspartofaneternalpatternitwasthe
    timesthatwereoutofstep.
    Austeretheirethicsmayhavebeen,buttheywerenotdull.Asforthepoliticalactivismthatsopervadesthetraditionalimageofthesemen,itwillnotbecentraltoour
    portrait.TousitwillappearthattheextremityofConfucianpurismperformedtheinversefunctionofisolatingtheritualcommunityofearlyConfuciansfromthe
    politicalhazardsofachaoticeraandendowedastyleofsocialwithdrawalwiththeethicalstatusofconscientiousobjection.
    Forus,then,theearlyConfucianwillappearverydifferentfromhislaterdescendants(sodifferentthat,beforewehavegoneveryfar,wewillfeeltheneedtoabandon
    theterm"Confucian"itself,withallofitstraditional

    Page2

    associations).Acomprehensiveritualchoreographystandsatthefocusofhisportrait:hisparadigmaticroleisnottherighteouspolitician,butthemasterofdance.
    RitualandpoliticalfacetsofthefirstConfucianswillbesplitinanasymmetricaldisjunction,withrighteouszealotrystiflingpoliticaldeedsandfosteringincreasingly
    complexritualactivity.
    WewillillustratethestructureofthisdisjunctioninConfucianismbyexploringthecomplexwayinwhichConfuciansemployedatermderivedfrompreConfucian
    religiouspractice,awordusuallyrenderedinEnglishas"Heaven."Thisterm,whichboreanunmatchedethicalauthorityintherhetoricofearlyChinesetraditions,had
    beencutfreefromitsoriginalmooringsofmeaningbyabruptsocialandintellectualchangespredatingthebirthofConfucius,changesthathadbroughtintoquestion
    theadequacyoftraditionalideasaboutHeaven.TheproblematicstatusofHeavenduringthisperiodoftransitionprovidedConfucianswithanunusualdegreeof
    freedomtorecreateHeavenintheimageoftheirnewphilosophy.
    AswepursueaninitialinquiryintothesenseinwhichConfuciansconceivedofHeaven,wewillseethattheycreatedaHeavenessentiallyvoidofconsistentfeatures,
    andsofreetoreflectthegrowingimageoftheirnewphilosophyandtheiruniquelifestyle.Everyattempttoanchorthemeaningoftheterminastaticconceptorsetof
    imagesfails.ThisnewConfucianHeavenwasultimatelythemovingreflectionofapatternedchoreography,elaboratedbygroupsofmastersanddisciplesincreasingly
    alienatedfromasocietyindisruption.
    MostsurprisinginthispictureofearlyConfucianismisthatdespitetheintellectuallyunlikelyprojectofplacingritualpracticeatthecenterofphilosophy,early
    Confucianismappearsfromthisperspectivefullyphilosophical,possessingcoherenceandintellectualdiscipline.However,thestyleofthisphilosophyisfundamentally
    differentfromthatwehavegrowntoexpectfromtheanalyticschoolsofWesterntradition.Itwasnotanalytic,anditmadenocategoricaldistinctionbetweenthe
    spheresoftheoryandpractice.
    Todrawaportraitthatrevealsthecoherenceandinterestofthisphilosophy,wewillfollowaninterpretiveapproachthatreflectstheConfuciannotionthatacomplete
    intellectualenterpriseinvolvesanessentialintegrationoftheoryandpractice.TheideasoftheearlyConfucianschoolcannotbecapturedexclusivelyintermsof
    conceptualarchitecture.ByexploringtheroleofHeaveninConfucianphilosophyseenasaconjunctionofarticulatestatementsandhistoricalpractices,theunique
    structureofthisspeciesofphilosophicalenterprisewillbecomevisible.
    <><><><><><><><><><><><>
    Thispreludelikeamusicaloverture,hasintroducedwithprovokingbrevitythemostdistinctivethemesoftheworktofollow.Obviouslyanybookthatundertakesto
    characterizeConfuciusandhisfollowersthroughtheir

    Page3

    roleasmastersofdancehasalotofexplainingtodo.Thoseexplanationswillstartwithadiscussionoftheissueswithwhichthisstudydid,infact,begin:the
    problematicfunctionsoftheword"t'ien"or"Heaven"intheprimarytextsofearlyConfucianism,theAnalectsofConfucius,theMencius,andtheHsunTzu.
    LookingfortheGroundofHeaven
    TheclassicaltextsofearlyConfucianismarenotdistinguishedbythesystematicargumentationandsensitivitytologicaljustificationthatcharacterizeWestern
    philosophicaltextsfromtheeraofParmenidesandSocrateson.AlthoughboththeMenciusandtheHsunTzu,composedinresponsetointellectualchallenges
    mountedbycompetingschoolsofthought,doemploytechniquesofargumenttodefendConfuciandoctrine,thedoctrineitselfseemsalwaysagiven,defendedbut
    unquestioned.WherepostSocraticphilosophyintheWestbecamearecurrentsearchforthegroundofknowledge,Confucians,China'sfirstphilosophers,seem
    confidenttheyhaveamapofthatgroundinhand,andthegroundappearstobearthedetailedcontoursofChouDynastyChina(1045221B.C.).
    Weare,therefore,entitledtoraisethequestionwhetherearlyConfucianismwastrulyaphilosophy,ormerelyawellrationalizedculturalpointofview.Theinitialbasis
    ofConfucianclaimsisunclear.Universalaxiomsoflogicalorontologicalnecessityarenotformulated,anddirectstatementsdescribingempiricalbasesforConfucian
    commitmentsareregularlypermeatedbyvaguenessatcriticaljunctureswhereamodernreaderwillfeelmostinneedofclarity.
    Hereisthepointofdepartureforthisstudy.Cancarefulprobingofthevaguestsectionsofthesetextselicitmeaningsclearenoughtorevealsomebasisforthe
    confidenceofearlyConfuciansthatknowledgewasattainableandlayintheirpossession?Amongsuchpassages,asinglegroupemergesasatoncephilosophically
    provocativeanddeeplyobscure:statementsthatincludethetraditionalreligiousterm"t'ien,"or"Heaven."
    AnexamplefromtheMencius,atextdatingfromthefourthcenturyB.C.,willillustratethepoint."Hewhoexhaustshismind,"Menciustellsus,"knowshisnatureand
    knowinghisnature,heknowsHeaven"(M:7A.1).Thisisamuchcelebratedpassage,anditsuggestsaphilosophicallyprovocativelinkbetweenwhatwewould
    identifyasepistemologicalandmetaphysicalissues,buteveryphraseisproblematic.ThepromiseofthepassageisaknowledgeofHeaven,butthepassagetellsus
    nothingofwhatthatknowledgemightrevealHeaventobe.1
    Suchcriticalvaguenessisaproblem,butitpresentsaclearchallenge:toseekthegroundofConfuciancertaintybypursuingtheelusiveConfucianHeaven.

    Page4

    TheTerm"T'ien"
    Ourfirstorderofbusinessisterminological.TheEnglishword"Heaven"translatestheChineseterm"t'ien,"andthetranslationiselegantbecausebothwordscan
    denoteadeityandalsothesky.Butjustbecausethetranslationissofortuitous,itmayhaveobscuredthefactthatweknowverylittleaboutwhat''t'ien"meantin
    earlyChina,andwewillnotuseit,choosinginsteadtoleavethetermuntranslatedtoallowthevarietyofitsmeaningstoappear.2
    ThepreConfucianhistoryoftheterm"t'ien"ismarkedbysomeofthesamesortsofambiguityweencounterintheConfuciantexts.Theoriginsofthetermandits
    initialmeaningsareunclear.(TheseissuesarediscussedindetailinappendixA.)WedoknowthatfromtheeleventhcenturyB.C.,T'ienwasanobjectofgreat
    religiousreverenceandthefocusofChouDynastyaristocraticreligiouspractice.Weknowverylittle,however,abouttheintellectualimageinwhichthisT'ienwas
    conceived.
    Intime,thewordcametodenoteacomplexofoverlappingconcepts.Asfarbackasthetwelfthcentury,thephilosopherChuHsitriedtoorganizethiscomplexby
    analyzingT'ienintothreedistinctaspects:T'ienasRulerorGodT'ienasEthicalLawT'ienasNature(Ikeda1968:31).Morerecently,FungYulanhasexpanded
    thisanalysisintofivedivisions:T'ienasthePhysicalSky,asRulerorGod,asFate,asNature,asEthicalPrinciple(1931:55).3
    ThesevariousfacetsofT'ienhavesuggestedanevolutionaryprocessthroughwhichanincreasinglysophisticatedintellectualtraditiongraduallymovedfromahighly
    anthropomorphicreligiouscosmologytowardamorerationalphilosophicalview.ThismodelhasgovernedtheagendaofpreviousstudiesoftheroleofT'ienin
    Confuciantexts.HistoriansofChinesephilosophysuchasFungYulan,HouWailu,andT'angChnyi,whohavewrittenextensivelyonthesubjectinthecourseof
    theirlongerworks,andmonographicwritersinChinaandelsewhere(e.g.,Dubs1958Ikeda1965),generallyhaveframedtheissueofT'ien'sroleinearly
    ConfucianismbyaskingwhichofthevariousimagesofT'ienisappropriatelyassignedtoeachinstanceofthewordinConfuciantexts.Theyhavetailoredtheir
    interpretationstorespond,eitherpositivelyornegatively,tothehypothesisthatthepredominantimagegoverningphilosophicaldiscussionofT'ienevolvedfroman
    anthropomorphicimageinthemidChouperiodtoanimageofNaturebytheendoftheChou.4
    ButwhatisstrikingintheConfuciantextsistheapparentpromiscuitywithwhichthevariousimagesareemployed.SoterseaworkastheAnalects,whichrefersto
    T'ienonlyahandfuloftimes,canbereadasexemplifyingthefivedimensionsinFung'sanalysis.AstheSky:"TheinsurmountableheightofConfucius'achievementsis
    comparabletothesky,towhichno

    Page5

    staircasecanascend"(A:19.25)asRuler:"Attheageoffifty,IknewT'ien'scommand"(A:2.4)asFate:"WealthandstatusareuptoT'ien"(A:12.5)asNature:
    "T'iendoesnotspeak,yetthefourseasonsturn,themyriadthingsareborn"(A:17.17)asEthicalPrinciple:''OnlyT'ienisgreat,onlytheEmperorYaoemulated
    it"(A:8.19).5 EventheHsunTzu,whichdevotesanentirechaptertoadiscussionofT'ien,provesuponanalysistoemploytheterminmostofthesesenses(aswe
    willdiscoverinchapterVI),andasthepassagefromtheMenciuscitedearliersuggests,insomeinstancesthetextsemploythewordwithavaguenesssoprofoundas
    todefyanyconceptuallimitationwhatever.
    Now,itwouldbeunfairtodemandthataphilosophicaltextbeconsistentinitsuseofkeytermsambiguitymaybecentraltoaphilosophicalpoint.6 Forexample,the
    Analectsisnotablyinconsistentinitsvariousdiscussionsofthekeyterm"jen"(sometimestranslatedas"humaneness"),andthisobscurityrepresentspreciselythe
    problemthatitseemsConfuciuswishedtopresenttohisdisciplesforreflectionwhenheusedtheterm(seechapterIII).Thosewhocangraspaunitybehindthis
    diversityhavepresumablygraspedthecomplexandpartiallyineffablemeaningof"jen."Theexampleof"jen"suggeststhatourbestandperhapsonlymeansof
    discoveringthemeaningof"t'ien"istoponderthevarietyofstatementsaboutthattermuntilwefactorout,asasortofalgebraicconstantcommontoallinstancesof
    theterm,theesotericconcepttheConfuciansweretryingtoconvey,independentofanyspecificimagesassociatedwithT'ien.
    ButwereConfuciansusingtheartofambiguitytomakethissortofphilosophicalpointinthecaseof"t'ien?"T'iendiffersfrom"jen"becauseitisdifficulttoestablish
    thatitwasa"keyconcept"forConfucianspriortotheHanDynasty.Onthecontrary,earlyConfucianphilosophyseemsdirectedawayfrommetaphysicsandreligion,
    andhistorically,T'ienwasfirstandforemostametaphysicalandreligiousidea.
    IfT'ienwasnotadefininginterestofConfucianism,thenadifferentsortofmethodologyisneededtoelucidatethemeaningoftheterm.Thevarietyofexpressions
    mightnotpointtoanysingle,ineffableunity,butmightreflectthemultifariouswaysinwhichacomplextraditionalconceptwasfunctionallyrelatedtothosethingswhich
    wereofcentralinteresttoConfucians.ThelongestablishedambiguitiesassociatedwithT'ienmadethetermextraordinarilymalleableandideallysuitedtoserveasa
    rhetoricalanchortolayuponanyphilosophicalgroundwhatever.Inotherwords,ifConfucianismwasnot"about"T'ien,themeaningofT'ienforConfuciansoughtto
    beexpressedasarelationtowhatConfucianismwasabout.
    Thissimpleformularedirectsourattention.InsteadofsearchingdirectlyforsomeunifiedconceptofT'ienbeneathavarietyofexpressions,wewillsearchfora
    consistencyintherelationsbetweenstatementsaboutT'ien

    Page6

    andthecoreinterestsofearlyConfucianism.Andbecausewewillbeexploringthisrelationshipthroughtextswrittenoverseveralcenturies(c.500200B.C.),wewill
    belooking,too,foritselaborationanddevelopment.
    EarlyConfucianismandtheRu
    Already,ourprojectappearsquitechanged.WeundertooktodefinetheHeavenofearlyConfucianismnowitappearswemustfirstdefineearlyConfucianismitself.
    Ourguidinghypothesiswillbethis:
    Theextremeinstabilityoftheterm"t'ien"inearlyConfuciantexts,andthewillingnesstoallowsorhetoricallyprominentatermtobeemployedwithouttheoreticalcoherence,must
    reflecttheforceofacoherentsetofcoreintereststhatgovernedformulationsofdoctrineandwhosefreeexpressioncouldonlybeimpededbythefrictionofafixedconceptof
    T'ien.

    Akeyelementofthishypothesisistheintroductionoftheextratheoreticalnotionof"interests."ThereasoninghereisthatiftheearlyConfucianenterprisewere
    adequatelydefinableasanattempttobuildatheoreticalconstruct,itishighlyunlikelythatConfucianswouldnothaveundertakentodeviseaconsistenttheoryto
    governatermsuchas"t'ien."OursuggestionisthatthevolatilityofConfuciantheoryingeneral,andoftheterm"t'ien"inparticular,reflectstheguidinginfluenceof
    anextratheoreticalcoreofearlyConfucianism.ThiscorewemaysupposetorepresenttheelusivegroundofConfuciancertaintyanditscontoursshouldbereflected
    bythecomplexfunctionsofT'ieninthetexts.
    TosuggestthatthecoreofearlyConfucianismmayhavelainoutsideConfuciantheoryistoimplythatearlyConfucianismisnotproperlyconceivedasaphilosophical
    enterpriseintheWesternsense.SurelytheessentialcoreofphilosophiessuchasPlatonism,Thomism,Rationalism,Idealism,andsoforth,liesinthetheoretical
    architecturesarticulatedbythefollowersofeachschool.
    Confucianismisdifferent.Theterm"Confucianism"itselfishighlyconfused,sometimesdescribingasetofdoctrinesoranideologyofstate,sometimesaculturalpoint
    ofview,sometimesawayoflife.7 Initsearliestincarnation,thetangibleconstituentsofConfucianismwerethemembersofasmallgroupofmenknownas"Ru,"who
    viewedtheirdistinguishingtraitasacommitmenttoaparticularsetofideasandwelldefinedpractices,withnosharpdivisionpossiblebetweenthetwo.Anyanalysis
    thatassumesthatearlyConfucianismisadequatelyconceivedasasetofideas,onthemodelofWesternphilosophicalenterprises,failstoapproachtheschoolonits
    owntermsandcannothelpbutencounterawealthofenigmaticproblems.

    Page7

    Itwillbebestforustorelinquishentirelytheterm"Confucian,"burdenedasitiswithambiguitiesandirrelevanttraditionalassociations.Asweturntowarda
    descriptionoftheschoolofConfucius,wewillcallitsmembersbythenametheyoriginallybore,"Ru"theirphilosophywewillcall"Ruism."8 Theoriginsandnature
    oftheRuistschoolanditsritualfocuswilloccupyusthroughoutthefirstportionofthisbook.Priortoembarkingonadetailedexplorationoftheschool,however,we
    shouldclarifypreciselyhowourapproachtoRuismwillrepresentitasanonanalyticphilosophyandhowthisdeterminesthestrategieswewillchooseinexaminingthe
    roleofT'ien.
    TheNonanalyticAgendaofRuistPhilosophy
    TheconfigurationsoftherevisedportraitofRuismthatwillemergefromthisstudyhavealreadybeensuggested.Bydrawingtheoutlinesoftheschoolinconformity
    withthenotionthattheoryandpracticewereessentiallyintegrated,wewillbeledtopictureRuismmoreasacommunityofmenthanasabodyofdoctrine.Programs
    ofritualactivitywillappearasthedistinguishingcoreofthatcommunity.Consequently,theexplicitdoctrinesthatwerearticulatedasaproductoftheseactivitieswill
    bemostcoherentlyexpressedbytheirrelationtotheactivitiesthemselves:eitherasreportsofperspectivesgeneratedthroughcorepractices,orasdefensive
    rationalizationspossessingtheinstrumentalvalueofpromotingandpreservingtheritualcore.
    Clearly,ifwedescribeRuisminthisfashion,weareeffectivelyconcedingthatitwasnotphilosophicalintheWesternanalyticsense.InmostbranchesoftheWestern
    traditionwefindanimplicitbeliefthatthestructureoftherealworldshould,inprinciple,besubjecttotheoreticaldescription.Thephilosophicalenterpriseisbuilton
    thenotionthatthenaturalworldmustmakesensethatitsstructureisinsomewayparalleltothestructuresofhumanreason.9 Ultimately,philosophicalknowledgeis
    knowledgeofrighttheory.Philosophymightprescribepracticesasaproductofethicaltheoriesofvalue,butpractices,otherthanthepracticeoflogicaldisciplinein
    reason,arenotapartofphilosophyitself.
    ThecentralityofpracticeinRuismindicatesthatitwasnotaphilosophyinthissense.Ruisttexts,infact,includestatementsthatexplicitlydenytheultimatevalueof
    logicandreasoninthesearchforknowledge.Theschoolrejectstheanalyticenterprise,andso,onthefaceofit,Ruismseemsnonphilosophical.
    However,Ruismhaditsownsetofimplicitassumptionsaboutknowledgeandtheworld,andwhenweexaminetheseRuismclearlywasnotnonphilosophical,but
    wasratheranonanalyticspeciesofphilosophy.

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    IthasoftenbeennotedthatearlyConfuciantextsseemtousetheword"knowledge"inthesenseof"knowinghow"moreoftenthaninthesenseof"knowingthat"
    thatis,inthesenseofskillknowledgeratherthanfactknowledgeortheoryknowledge(e.g.,Lau1979:4344Hansen1983:6465).Thisisnotsimplyamatterof
    frequencyitafundamentalcharacteristicofRuismasanonanalyticphilosophy.Ruistsdidnotpicturetheworldasaninfinitecollectionofintrinsicallyatomicparticular
    entitiesstructuredbyalimitedsetofdeterministicrelationallaws,suchthateveryactualarrayofentitiesnecessarilyexemplifiedtheuniversalstructuresofreality.
    ConceivingthethingsoftheRuistworldaspossessingintrinsicrelationalnormswouldbemoreaccurate.10Anactualarrayofthingsanencounteredsituation
    mightfullyexemplifythesenorms,butitmightalsoexemplifyadisorderinwhichthingsweredisplacedoutoftheirnaturalrelationalpositions.Chaosispossible.From
    suchaviewpoint,thestateofthingsintheworldisnotmerelyamatteroffactitisintrinsicallyamatterofvalue.Knowledgeinsuchaworldmustreflectthisvalue
    dimension.Thegoalisnotasearchfordescriptivetheoriesthatmakesenseoftheworldasanatemporalorder,itisasearchfortheskillstoconfiguretheworld
    accordingtoitsnaturalorder,toperceiveandfulfillalifelongseriesofimmediateimperatives.11
    TheprojectoftheRuistenterprisewastoendowtheindividualwiththeskillsneededtofunctioninanethicaluniverse.Whatwasnecessarywasnottoanalyzean
    underlyingordertotheworld,buttosynthesizetheskillsthatcouldbringtheworldintonaturalorder.
    SkillMasteryandRuism
    Theword"philosophy"was,ofcourse,missingfromtheRuistlexicontheRudescribedtheirprogrambyatraditionalword,"tao,"andthemeaningoftheterm
    reflectsthenatureoftheprogram.
    Theword"tao"isprobablybesttranslatedas"teaching,"andinChouDynastyChina,ataowasconceivedasacoherentteachingthatinvolvedtwoelements:
    practicesandstatements.12Themasterofataoviewedthepracticesascentralbecausemasteryofthepracticesgeneratedanewperspectivefromwhichtoviewthe
    world.Toteachthepractices,however,wordswererequired,bothtoattractdisciplesandtoinstructthem,andeventuallyindividualtaosbecameknownthrough
    textscomposedtopersuadeandtoinstruct.13
    Thesetextsincludedstatementsabouttheworldsubjecttojudgmentsoftruthandfalsity,buttheydifferedfromstatementsthatcharacterizeWesternphilosophy
    becausetheevidenceoftheirvaliditycouldonlybeobtainedthroughmasteryofthepracticesthatlaybehindthem.Notestoftheoreticalcogencycouldberelevant
    becausethepractitionersoftaosassumed

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    thattheconceptualframeworksweusetodeterminetrutharenotgeneratedanalytically,butaretheproductofpracticalinteractionwiththeworldthroughexperience.
    Asataostructuresexperience,itsynthesizesaperspective,andthetruthofatext'sexplicitclaimscannotbeevaluatedoutsidethatperspective.
    Theunderlyinghypothesisthatanindividual'srepertoireofskillsdeterminestheinterpretiveoptionsavailabletohimforunderstandingtheworldiscentraltoRuism.
    Ruistshadnofaithinlogicalorontologicalaxiomsthatuniversallypossessedpowersofreasonmightconfirmasselfevident(theirphilosophicaladversaries,the
    Mohists,busiedthemselvesinderivingthese).14ThemastersoftheRuisttaosawtruthsintheworldthatreasondidnotreveal,andtheirconcernasteacherswasin
    transmittingtodisciplestheirpointofview.ThecoreoftheRuistprogramwaslogicallypriortoananalyticagenda:theirconcernwasnotinanalysisoftheimplications
    ofselfevidentaxiomsitwasinthesynthesisoftheaxiomsthemselves.
    Inthissense,Ruismmaybetermed"syntheticphilosophy."Itscentralmethodologyinvolvedthecarefuldesignofasyllabusofpracticeratherthaninrigorofrational
    argument.TheheartofRuismlayoutsideitstextsinadetailedtrainingcourseofritual,music,andgymnastics.Mastersanddisciplesspentconsiderabletimediscussing
    thesepracticesandelaboratingtheoriesthatrationalizedtheirvalue.Suchdiscussionwasanancillaryactivity.However,giventhenatureoftexts,itisthesediscussions
    andtheoriesthatoccupytheforegroundofourviewofRuism.
    Thesuggestedlinkbetweenone'srepertoireofskillsandone'snaturalperspectiveontheworldthatseemstounderlietheRuistenterprisewasnotawidelyheldtenet
    oftraditionalWesternphilosophies.Theobviousrelativisticimplicationswouldnothavebeencongenialtomostthinkerspriortothiscentury,whenthephilosophical
    questwasgenerallycastasasearchforobjectiveabsolutes.Morerecently,certainWesternwritershaveexaminedtherelationshipbetweenskillmasteryandother
    formsofknowingandtheirworksuggeststhevalidityofRuistassumptions.15JeanPiaget'sstudiesofthewaychildrenlearnillustratelinksbetweentheacquisitionof
    basicmotorskillsandtheconstructionofbasicconceptsoftheworldandtime.16MichaelPolanyi,aphilosophicalcriticofscience,developeddetailedmodels
    describingthewayindividualgrowthinvolvesarhythmofattentiontonewskillsastheyaremasteredfollowedbyattentiontotheworldthroughthosemasteredskills
    ineachinstance,thenewlyacquiredskillsshapeone'sperceptionofstructures,values,andimperatives.17Oneneedonlythinkoftheidentifiablyidiosyncraticvalues
    andbehaviorsofpeoplewhosecareersareshapedbycommitmentstowelldefined"disengaged"arenasofskill,suchastheartsorsports,toglimpsethemannerin
    whichskillconfigurationsmaygovernboththeperspectivesandthe"personali

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    ties"ofindividuals.18Sodeeplymayskillsystemsdeterminewhowearethatwecananalogizethemasteryofanewskilltotheextensionofthephysicalbody19The
    matricesofmasteredskillscreatethepatternofpossibilitiesthroughwhichwelive,andinthissense,wecanconsiderourskillsastheconstituentsofwhatweareas
    individualpersons.
    Ruistphilosophicalactivitywaspredicatedonthisidea,andtrainingdisciplesintheRuistsyllabuswasconceivedverymuchasthecreationofnewmen.Apassing
    commentintheHsunTzuconveysthisnotionwellenough:"Bodyisnotsopowerfulasmindmindisnotsopowerfulasartoncetheproperartsaremastered,the
    mindwillfollowthem"(H:5.3).Thus,theritualartsformedthecoreoftheRuisttaooncetheyweremastered,theproperviewoftheworldthepropertheory
    wouldfollow.
    TheInstrumentalRoleofRuistTheory
    IfthecoreofRuismwasthebodyofritualpracticethatdominateditssyllabus,thenwearefacedwithadifficultinterpretiveproblemwhendealingwithRuisttexts.
    Traditionally,thesetextshavebeenanalyzedtoelucidatethetheoreticalarchitecturetheirvariousstatementsimply.ButifRuistphilosophywassyntheticratherthan
    analytic,thentheoryservedonlysecondaryfunctionsfortheschool,andthosefunctionsdidnotnecessarilyrequireorvaluethecreationofacoherenttheoretical
    archtecture.Wemayhavebeenreadingthetextswithirrelevantexpectations.
    ThediscursivecomponentoftheRuisttaocanbedescribedasincludingthreedifferentfunctionalcomponents:(1)aninstructionalfunction,(2)adefensive
    rationalizingfunction,and(3)areportativefunction.
    Theinstructionalfunctionisreflectedinthetextswepossessbyagreatwealthofadmonitorystatementsandbyinnumerablestatementsofandaboutritualprocedures
    (thetextoftheYiliisthebestexampleofthelatter).
    ByfarthegreatestpartoftheRuisttexts,andtheportionthathasmostoccupiedinterpreters,belongstothesecondfunctionalarea,thatofrationalization.Fromthe
    start,Ruisttextsmusthaveperformedapersuasivefunction,attractingtherituallyunwashedintothecommunityofdisciples,andmanystatementsinthetextsare
    attemptstolegitimizetheRuistenterprisetothosewhostandonthegroundofcommonsense.PassagesthatofferhomelyadhocexplanationsforRuistpractices
    wouldbelongtothisgroup,20asmightpassagesseekingtoexplainpoliticalfailuresoftheschool(agroupinwhichT'ienplaysamajorrole,aswewilldiscover).In
    addition,astimeelapsed,Ruisttextsbecametoanincreasingextentpolemicalresponsestothephilosophicalchallengesofcompetingschoolsandofsceptics,andin
    theprocesstheybegantoincorporatesophisticatedargumentationandtheoreticalconstructs.ThislargebodyofRuisttheory,how

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    ever,wasnotelaboratedwithanygoalofsystematiccoherence.Thegoalwasprimarilyinstrumental:todefendthecoreoftheschoolanditspracticesandlifestyle
    fromattacksonitslegitimacythatmightleadtothedissolutionoftheRuistcommunity.
    WhenwereformulatetheprogramofthisstudybycastingitasasearchforthemeaningofT'ienasafunctionofthecoreinterestsofRuism,weanticipatethat
    becauseoftheirlackoftheoreticalintegrationstatementsaboutT'ienmostfrequentlyperformedarationalizingrole.Consequently,weabandonanyefforttolookfora
    consistentreferentialmeaningoftheterm"t'ien"anystableimageorconceptthatcouldprovideadictionarystyleglossforthetermineachtextanddetermine
    insteadtolookforcoherenceintheinstrumentalrelationthatRuiststatementsaboutT'ienmayhavebornetothepreservationandgrowthoftheschool'spractical
    core.21
    TheprimarynatureofRuisttextswasinstrumentalthenoninstrumentalpracticalcoreoftheschoollayelsewhere.Butweshouldalsobealertforthepossibilitythatin
    someinstances,thetextsmaynotmerelybeengagedinlegitimizingthiscore,butmaybereportingdirectlywhatitwas,andinsuchcasesitmaybethattheterm
    "t'ien"playedaroleinhelpingRuistsexpresstheiruniqueviewpoint.IfRuistswereengagedinaprolongedandintensiveprocessofskillacquisition,whichwas
    designedtogeneratearadicallynewperspectiveontheworld,itwouldnotbetoosurprisingtofindthattheydidinfactseethingsasothersdidnot,and,recognizing
    this,simplyreportedwhattheysaw.Nor,giventheapparentwillingnessofindividualRutodevoteentirelifetimestothepracticeofritualskills,shouldwebesurprised
    tofindthattheRuistperspectiverevealedaworldofdeeprewards,threadedtogetherbyathematiclogosparallelingthecoherenceofRuistritualpractice.Whenwe
    encounterpassagesinwhichRuistsclaimknowledgeofT'ienandinwhichT'ienappearssovagueastobelinkedtonoparticulartraditionalconcept,wemayask
    whethertheauthorsimplyseessomethingwhichwedonotandcannotsee,theRuistritualpathbeingclosedtousforever.
    Thisleadsustothefinalthemeofthisintroductorychapter:thenotionofacoherenttotalisticRuistperspective,expressedbytheconceptoftheRuistSage.
    PhilosophicalCoherence:RuistSagehood
    Asnotedabovesyntheticphilosophyisinherentlyrelativistic:itmaywellbesothatselfevidenttruthsareaccessibleonlythroughthemasteryofskills,butnocriteria
    bywhichonecouldevaluatetherelativemeritsofonesetofskillsandtruthsvisvisanotherseemevident.

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    Ruistsdidnotacknowledgethenecessityofsuchrelativism,andtheyclaimedthattheirtaowastheonlyvalidone.Theirclaimrestedontwoelements,onetheoretical
    andtheotherpracticalhistoryandSagehood.
    ThehistoricalclaimrestedonthesourcesofthespecificcontentoftheRuistsyllabus.TheritualsthattheRucelebratedwerenotarbitrary:theyweretheintricate
    codesofthemostsuccessfulpoliticalorganizationknowntoEastAsiancivilizationtothatdatetheearlyChouDynasty.TheenormousintheRuistview,perfect
    successoftheearlyChoustatewasusedtolegitimizetheabsolutevalueofthecodes(aprocessoftransferencethatwewillexamineinchapterI).Butmore
    important,theearlyChouwasviewedbytheRuistsastheculminationofanevolutionaryprocessofuniversalhistory:theorderingofthenaturalworldinconformity
    withthepatternsofitsinherentrelationalnorms.Chouritualswereseenastheoutcomeofaninevitablelearningprocess,anaturaltendencyofthehumanspeciesto
    graspandrespondtothevalueimperativesthatcallthroughthedisorderoftheworldasgiven.
    Anattractivetheory,butmerelyatheory,afterall.ThepracticalelementbehindtheRuistclaimtoabsoluteknowledgewasdifferentinkind.Fromthisangle,Ruists
    restedtheirclaimofcertaintyontheevidentcomprehensivenessoftheperspectivethattheirtaogenerated.TheRuisttextsreportthattheindividualwhomasteredthe
    multifacetedbutthematicallycoherentritualsyllabuswoulddiscoverpowersofpracticalunderstandingofadegreefarbeyondthoseaccessibletoordinarymen.The
    trainedRu,itwasmaintained,could"read"theworldmuchassomeonepossessedofproperlanguageskillscanreadabook,easilyinterpretingeachentirelynew
    pageaccordingtothepowersofunderstandingengenderedbyhismastery.Inherentstructuresofvaluesandnaturalimperativeswerecleartohiseye,andresponse
    accordingtothesenormshadbecomeasspontaneousasturningapageisforareader.
    Now,thistooreadslikeatheory,butthedifferencehereisthatRuistsclaimedtohaveempiricalevidenceofitstruthfromtheirownexperience,andwhilenonewould
    claimtobehimselfaSage,manyclearlyconsideredthemselvestohaveglimpsedthisperspectiveoftotalisticcoherence,andallagreedthatcertaingreatRu,suchas
    Confuciushimself,embodieditfully.
    TheRuistvisionofSagehoodappears,inthefinalanalysis,tobethebedrockofRuistcertainty,thecenterofgravitythatkeptthedisparatedoctrinesandpracticesof
    theschoolfromdisintegratingintotheadhocmassthattheymayappeartobefromtheoutside.ThepivotalroleoftheidealoftheSageisreflectedintheenormous
    importancethatRuistsgrantedtothemodelofthemasterasaneducationaldevice.IftheheartofRuismlayinthetransformationofmenintoritualSages,itfollowed
    thattheteacherrepresentedtoagreaterorlesserdegreetheembodimentofthephiloso

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    phy,surpassinginimportancenotonlytexts,buteventheritualsthemselves.AstheHsunTzuputsit:"Instudy,nothingismorehelpfulthantostayclosetotheman
    [i.e.,one'smodelorteacher]....Theexaltationofritualisnextbest....IfonemerelymemorizesexegesesofthePoetryandDocuments,thenforeveruntodeath
    onecanbenomorethanabaseRu"(H:1.3537).22
    DidRuistsactuallybecomeSagesmenwhoseperceptionsoftheworldformedaperfectmoralphenomenology?Well,weliveinanageofscepticism,andcanonly
    supposenot.ButwhetherRuistspossessedanexperientialbasisfortheirvisionisanotherquestion.CertainlyweencounterostensiblyreportativepassagesintheRuist
    textssovividintheirdescriptionsofwhatwemightcall"heightenedstatesofconsciousness"thatitwouldrequiredoltishinsensitivitytoignorethem.InchapterII,we
    willseethatRuisteducationaimedattransformingthoughtandbehaviorthroughathoroughlyprescriptedchoreographyofdailyliving,extendingfromthemostprosaic
    actsofpersonalconducttoanultimatecelebrationinthesplendorofceremonialritualanddance.Inourconclusion,wewillspeculateonthewayinwhichsuchskills
    mayhavegeneratedexperiencesofcertaintyandcontroloverdelimitedarenasofactionthatcouldwellhaveformedthemodelfortheidealizednotionoftotalistic
    SagehoodthatdisciplesviewedastheselfevidentlegitimizationoftheRuisttao.
    Ultimately,wewilldescribethisvisionofSageperfectionofthoughtandmotionintheeverydayworldthroughametaphormeaningfultoRuistpractice:theexperience
    ofdancingwithcompletecommandone'spartinagrandritualdance,abletoevaluateeverymovementonthevastdancefloorbyitsrelationtoone'sownperfect
    motion.WewillseetheRuistsocialidealofritualutopiaasavisionofsocietytransformedintoaneternalandcomprehensiblefieldofdance,witheachindividuala
    Sagewhosemasteryofhisorherdeterminatedanceroleallowstheentirestageofsocietytoappearasapredictableandunderstandablephenomenology.
    ProgrammaticSummary
    ThisintroductorychapterhassuggestedthedifficultiesraisedbytheelusivenessoftheRuistnotionofT'ienandoutlinedthemodelofRuismthatwillbecentraltoour
    approachtoresolvingthem.InthebodyofthisstudywewillseparaterathersharplytheprojectsofdelineatingthesyntheticcoreofRuismandofexpressingtheRuist
    conceptofT'ienasafunctionofthatcorestructure.
    ChaptersIthroughIIIformaunifiedgroupdevotedtooutliningtheorigins,configuration,andphilosophicalimplicationsoftheRuistritualcommunity.Thesethree
    chaptersrespondtothebasicfactthattheideaofa

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    philosophytreatingtheaccidentalpatternsofsocialandreligiouscustomasitspivotofvalueis,inWesternperspectives,somewhatimplausible.ChapterIundertakes
    toestablishthehistoricallogicofRuism'sritualcommitmentbyexaminingtheconditionsunderwhichRuismandChinesephilosophyingeneralwereborn.Wewillsee
    thatcriticalthoughtinChinagrewoutofanacutecrisisinvaluesthatshapedtheintellectualhistoryofChinafromtheeighththroughthethirdcenturiesB.C.Atthe
    heartofthisvaluecrisislaytheissueoftheodicy,andwewillseethattheriseofritualasacategoryofphilosophicalsignificancewasdirectlytiedtothefallofT'ienas
    astableethicalandreligiousfoundation.Inthiscontext,theRuistreconstructionofT'ienasthelegitimizinggroundforritualmakessense.
    ChapterIIcontainsourhistoricalportraitoftheRuistmovementanditscentralinterests.Thisportraitwillbedrawnlargelyfromhistoricaltexts,theAnalects,the
    Mencius,andvariousritualbooksthatcirculatedduringtheHanperiod.WewillseethatRuismwasnotprimarilyapoliticalmovement,butwasfirstandforemost
    groupsofmenmeetingtopracticeanddiscussritualceremoniesandmusic,immediatelymotivatedbytheidealexpectationofattainingtranscendentwisdomandthe
    practicalexpectationofemploymentasaritualMaster.Theexpectationofpoliticalroleswassecondaryandtoagreatextenttactical,theprofessedexpectationrather
    thantheactualachievementservingtolegitimizeritualinterests.
    ChapterIIIaddressesinmoredetailtheissueofhowtheindividualswhojoinedtheRuistcommunitycouldplausiblyhavebelievedthatritualpracticecouldhavebeen
    soethicallyandpracticallyefficacious.OuranalysiswillfocusontheidealofritualSagehood,whichwewillcharacterizeasacomprehensive"totalistic"goal,which
    aimedtoreshapeeveryaspectoftheindividual.AdiscussionofRuistnotionsofselfrevealedthroughthetextswillillustratetheplausibilityofsuchatotalisticgoal,by
    illustratingthatthe"self"undergoingtransformationintheRuistmodelincludedmalleable"public"dimensionsexcludedfromtraditionalportraitsoftheselfinWestern
    thought.
    ChaptersIVthroughVIundertakeclosetextualanalysisofinstancesoftheword"t'ien"inearlyRuisttexts.WebegininchapterIVbyexploringtheroleofT'ienin
    theAnalects.Wewillencounterthereastructureofinstrumentalmeaningthatformsathemethroughoutourthreeearlytexts.Thisstructurerestsonadualrolethat
    T'ienplayed,actingbothasaprescriptiveauthoritylegitimizingRuistritualinterests,andasadescriptivehistoricalforcethatprovidedateleologicalexplanationofthe
    politicallyoutcaststatusthatRuismwasbothforcedtoandpreferredtoplayduringthelateChou.
    ChapterVwillfocusontheMencius.TheMenciusistheearliestRuisttexttodiscussT'ienintheoreticalterms,andwewillexplorethemotiva

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    tionforthisinterestinmetaphysicalspeculationandthemodelsthatitgenerated.WewillconcludethatthemetaphysicaltheoryoftheMenciuswasanintegralpartof
    astrategytomountadefensivestructureofrhetoricthatcouldprotectRuistritualinterestsfrompowerfulattackslaunchedbycompetingphilosophicalschools.
    InchapterVIwewillturntotheHsunTzu,aworkwhoseviewsonT'ienhavebeenmuchanalyzed.Priorscholarshiphasyieldedaconsensusagreementthatthe
    HsunTzuconceivedT'ienasNature.Wewillsuggestthatthisconclusion,whilelargelyaccurate,doesnottellthewholestory,andwewillexploreitslimits.TheHsun
    Tzu'sequationofT'ienandNaturewaslargelyacooptationofideasdevelopedbyadisparatevarietyoflateChounaturalisticphilosophies.Theseschoolspresented
    thegreatestchallengestoRuismduringthethirdcenturyB.C.,andtheHsunTzuemploysnotionsofT'iencharacteristictotheminordertodefendRuistritualinterests
    againsttheirattack.Underlyingthetext'snaturalisticportraitofT'ien,however,wediscoverauseoftheprescriptiveanddescriptiverolesofT'ienthathasmuch
    continuitywiththeportraitsoftheAnalectsandMencius.Onceagain,T'ienisdescribedsoastolegitimizeRuistritualcommitment.Theformthatdescriptiontakesis
    inresponsetothephilosophicalenvironmentoftheday.
    Finally,inthebriefconcludingchapterwewillreturntothetheoreticalissuesofthisintroductionanddiscussthemintermsofwhatwehavelearnedaboutthestructure
    ofearlyRuismandtheroleofT'ieninRuistdoctrine.OurthemewillbethattheRuistT'ienhadalwaystobeafunctionofaparticularsystemofskillsidealizedby
    RuistsasSagehood,andwewillclosewithaspeculativediscussionofthestructureofthatRuistideal.

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    PARTONE
    SETTINGTHERITUALSTAGE

    Page19

    ChapterI
    PreConfucianHeaven
    Thecentraltheoryofthisstudyholdsthatitisnotpossibletounderstandthefunctionalmeaningoftheterm''t'ien"inearlyRuisttextswithoutgraspingthedepthofthe
    intellectualandpracticalcommitmentsofRuiststoChouDynastyritual:li.Thatprimarycommitmentisitselfapuzzle.Howisitpossiblethattheforemostphilosophy
    ofChinashouldbegroundedontheascriptionofcardinalvaluetowhatwere,inthefinalanalysis,accidentalpatternsofbehaviorparticulartoasinglehistoricalera?If
    wearetoarguethecogencyofaritualcenteredportraitofearlyRuism,itisnecessarytodemonstratenotmerelytheevidenceforsuchaclaim,butitsbasic
    plausibility.Inthischapter,wewillsketchanoutlineaccountofthehistoricalbackgroundthatmadeConfucius'celebrationofritualalogicalresponsetotheintellectual
    demandsofhistime.PartoftheanalysisinvolvesadiscussionofthegeneralpervasivenessofritualbehaviorinpreConfucianChinaanditssocialfunction.Concern
    withritualwasnoRuistinnovation,althoughthenotionofritualasafocalcategoryofvaluemostlikelywas.
    ButtheparticularhistoricalcircumstancesbehindtheemergenceofritualasaphilosophicalfocusarealsocentraltoourinquiriesconcerningT'ien.Confucius'turnto
    ritualliwasdirectlyrelatedtothediscreditingofabeliefthathadservedasthebasicanchorofvalueduringtheearlyChou:thebeliefinanomnipotentand
    omnibenevolentpowerguaranteeingsocialorderT'ien.TheriseofliasacardinalvaluecanbeseenasafunctionofthefallofT'ien.
    1.
    TheRitualAntecedentsofRuism
    Thecentralrolethatritualplaysintheearlystagesofsocialorganizationiswellknown.Oneanthropologisthasspeculatedthatitssymbolicsystemsofactivityprovide
    forhumanbeingsthesortsofcodedinformationthataretransmittedgeneticallyasinstinctinotheranimalspecies(Geertz1973:923).Anotherpointofviewholdsthat
    ritualcodesareonemediumthroughwhichahumancommunityisabletosustainanefficientinteractionwiththestableecosysteminwhichitlives(Rappaport
    1971:71).1

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    Thenatureofthesetheoriesalonesuggestsourgrowingawarenessoftheenormousimportancethatritualcanplayinsociety.PaulWheatleyhasdiscussedtheroleof
    ritualinthegenesisofurbancommunitiesintheseterms:
    Whenever,inanyofthesevenregionsofprimaryurbangeneration[includingChina]wetracebackthecharacteristicurbanformtoitsbeginningswearrivenotatasettlement
    thatisdominatedbycommercialrelations,aprimordialmarket,oratonethatisfocusedonacitadelandarchetypalfortress,butratherataceremonialcomplex(1971:225).

    EvidencefromtheearliestperiodofChinesecivilizationofwhichwehavewrittenrecord,theShangDynasty(c.17661045B.C.),suggeststhatChineseculturewas,
    fromaveryearlytime,highlyritualized.TheShangrulers,whopresidedformanycenturiesashegemonsoveraconfederacyoftribalunits,leftrecordsintheformof
    divinationinscriptions,knownasoracletexts.2 Theseinscriptions,unearthedbyarcheologistsduringthiscentury,affordusadetailedviewofcertainaspectscentralto
    theconcernsoftheShangrulinghouse,particularlymattersofreligiouspractice.3
    Thereligiouspicturerevealedthroughtheoracletextsisextraordinarilycomplex,particularlyinlightofthefactthatthebaroquenetworkofritualweareshown
    pertainsonlytotheroyalhouseoftheShang:popularreligionisnotaccessibletous.TheShangrulerwasresponsibleformaintainingsacrificestoabewildering
    numberofnaturedeities,cultureheroes,androyalancestors,thelastgroupevergrowing.4 BytheeleventhcenturyB.C.thekingwasobliged,oneverydayofthe
    year,tostageamajorceremonymarkingtheannualsacrificetoaprominentroyaldeity.5
    ThereligiousobligationsoftheShangroyalhousereflectedtheritualcenterednatureofShangsociety.Communitiesofpriestsanddivinersbustledaboutthecapital,
    andasWheatleyhasnoted,thedemandforritualartifactsofjadeandbronzewhichdazzleoureyesinmuseumstodaymadetheritualindustriesthefocusof
    technologicalinnovationforlateShangsociety(Wheatley1971:73).6
    DuringtheeleventhcenturyB.C.atribeontheWesternperipheryoftheShangconfederacy,theChou,grewdissatisfiedwithitssubordinaterole.Underaleader
    knowntohistoryasKingWen,Choupoliticalpowerseemstohavebegunaperiodofrapidgrowth.7 UnderKingWen'sson,KingWu(TheMartialKing),theChou
    revoltedagainsttheirShangoverlords.In1045B.C.,ontheplainofMuyehoutsidethewallsoftheGreatCityofShang,KingWu,traditiontellsus,ledhistroopsin
    agreatdanceofwar,and,onthefollowingday,theChouweretherulersoftheCentralKingdom.8
    WiththecomingoftheChou,Chinesecivilizationexperiencedfundamentalchangesinsocialandpoliticalstructure.TheearlyChourulers

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    werenotcontenttomaintaintheloosetribalhegemonythatseemstohavecharacterizedtheShang.Immediatelyaftertheconquest,KingWuandhissuccessors
    beganpoliciesofmassresettlementandpoliticalenfeoffmentthatsoonresultedindirectcontrolbymembersoftheroyalhouseortheirstalwartsovermostofthe
    territoryoftheChineseculturalsphere.9
    ThisredrawingofthepoliticallandscapeopenedaremarkableperiodofstabilityinChina.FromthemiddleofthereignofKingCh'engintheeleventhcenturyB.C.to
    thereignofKingYiintheearlyninthcentury,thehistoricalrecordisremarkablyblank.Althoughoccasionalcrisesofroyalsuccessionandmilitarysetbacksdooccur,
    theseseemtohavebeenwellspacedintheoverallcontextofpoliticalcalm,andintheretrospectiveeyeofhistoricaltradition,theyservedonlytoaccentthedominant
    themeoftranquility.10WhatstandsoutisthegradualconsolidationandexpansionoftheChoupolityunderasuccessionofcomparativelycapablekingsand
    regents.11Thiscenturyandahalf,asfeaturelessasutopia,isthetruebackdropoftheRuistvisionoftheworld.
    1.1.
    TheThreePillarsoftheWesternChou
    IntheviewoflaterRuists,livingamidstthedecayoftheChousocialorder,theearlycenturiesoftheChouDynastyrepresentedtheacmeofhumanpotential.12This
    periodoftheWesternChou(1045771B.C.),asitisknown,cametoberegardedbylatergenerationsasagoldenageofpeaceandvirtue.Thisreverentviewisnot
    surprising.TheWesternChoukingssuccessfullyadministeredaunifiedempirelongbeforeanyentityofcomparablesizeanddurationhadbeencreatedintheWest.
    TheearlyChouDynastywasremarkable.13
    ThearchitectureoftheChoupolitywassustainedbythreepillarsofsocialorder:theinstitutionofthekingship,theinstitutionofhereditarysuccessiontopoliticaloffice
    orsocialoccupation,andtheunifyingforceofastatereligioussystemcenteredonthekingandhisgod,T'ien.Theseconstitutedconsensusfoundationsforvaluein
    WesternChousociety.
    TheinnovativepoliticalprogramofKingWu,alongwithsalutarycontributionsoftheDukeofChou,whosucceededhimasregent,servedtostrengthenthepower
    andraisetheprestigeoftheearlykingsfarbeyondtheirShangpredecessors.14Intermsofthemechanicsofsocialstability,thepseudofeudalstructureofChou
    politicaladministrationcombinedwithnormalforcesofsocialinertiatoproduceasocietyfirmlycommittedtothenotionofhereditarysocialroles,apatternthatmust
    havemadeWesternChoulifecomfortablypredictable.
    Thekingshipandhereditary"feudal"structurewerethepracticalbasesofChousocialorder.Buttheirlegitimacyandintellectualpowerresteduponthethirdpillarof
    theearlyChou:theexplicitclaimthatChourulewas

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    nomorethananagencyforthebenevolentwillofT'ien,andthatgovernmentwas,ineffect,anorganforthedischargeofreligiousresponsibilty.Duringtheearly
    centuriesofsocialtranquility,thebenignimageofT'ienseemedplainlyvisibleinasuccessionofadequaterulers.WhenthequalityofChouruledeclinedintheninth
    centuryB.C.thenaggingriddlethatbegantounderminebeliefsandvalueswasnothowtheHouseofChoucoulddecay,buthowabenevolentT'iencouldallowa
    decadenthousetoretainthethrone.Thedebasementoftherulingkingentailedthedebasementoftherulinggod,andthisistheimpetusthatsetphilosophicalthought
    inmotion.
    However,evenduringthebrightestdaysofT'ienandtheChoukings,theritualpatternstowhichphilosophywouldfirstturnasanewgroundforvaluewerebeing
    woven.
    1.2.
    ThePatterningofChouSociety
    ThethreepillarsoftheWesternChouanchoredthatsocietyfortwocenturies.Andduringthatperiod,encirclingeachofthesepillarsgrewanetworkofhighlystylized
    political,religious,andsocialetiquette,mirroringthroughouttheChoupolitytheaffinityforritualbehaviorthatseemstohavetypifiedtheShang.
    TheintricacyoftheritualsystemoftheWesternChouisprobablydifficulttooverstate.Throughouttheperiodweseeagrowingprofusionoftheparaphernaliaof
    ritual,particularlybronzeritualvessels.Nearlyallcontemporaryinscriptionsofanylengthdescribereligiousorpoliticalceremonies,ofteningreatdetailandinvariably
    inlanguageitselfhighlystylized.15EvenallowingfortheexaggerateddetailinlaterRuistaccountsofChouceremonies,thequestioncanonlybethedegreetowhich
    ritualconstitutedthegrammarofsocialintercourseamongtheelite,notthefactthatitdid.16
    AsingledetailrevealsmuchaboutthisaspectofChouculture.TheritualarticulationofChousocietyisreflectedinapassageintheAnalectsinwhichConfucius
    comments:"TheChouwasamirroroftheprevioustwoerashowrichwereitspatterns(wen)!"(A:3.14).Theword"wen,"whichwewillseelaterwasakeyterm
    inRuistritualdoctrines,wasusedintheWesternChoutodenoteatypeofpersonalvirtue.17Theoriginalmeaningofthetermisrevealing.Theearlygraphpicturedan
    outstretchedhumanbodywithanoutsizedchest,uponwhichappearedapatternwhoseparticularformmightvary.18Inscriptionalandlatertextualevidenceindicates
    thatthegraphmayhavedepictedadancercostumedasabirdwithapatternedfeatherbreast.19OnsacrificialvesselsoftheWesternChouperiod,theword
    commonlyisusedtohonoradeceasedancestor,sometimesinparallelwiththeword''huang,"atermalsodrawnfromdance.20

    Page23

    "Pattern"denotestheoriginalsenseoftheterm"wen,"anditspositiveconnotationsareconveyedbythechoiceofaritualsymbolforthegraph.21Theapplications
    ofthewordinextendedsensesof"beautiful,''"cultured"and"honored"reflectbroadeningofthetermfromanaestheticnotiontoanethicalone.Itscentralityto
    WesternChoucivilizationisreflectedinthefactthat"wen"wasthewordselectedastheposthumousnameofKingWen,thefounderofthedynasty,fathertoKing
    Wu.22
    AllthissuggeststhecarewithwhichtheChourulingclassrelieduponaestheticcriteriaofritualconducttoshapesocialbehavior.YettheWesternChoupeople
    probablydidnotconsciouslyviewthemselvesasa"ritualsociety,"orconceiveofritualasadistinctcategory.Ourevidencesuggeststhatnotuntillaterdidtheterm
    usedtomean"ritual,""li,"cometohaveagenericsense.23DuringtheperiodoftheWesternChouitself,ritualcodeswerenotlikelystressedassourceslegitimizing
    actionandstatus.Positivebasesofvaluewereprovidedbythepillarsofkingship,hereditaryroles,and,ultimately,thesanctionofT'ien.Ritualwasnotperceivedas
    thedistinguishingcharacteristicoftheWesternChouuntilthepillarsoftheerahadlargelydecayed.Butoncetheyhad,itwaslogicalthatChouritualcodesshould
    inherittheirroleasvaluestandards.
    2.
    T'ienastheKing'sGod
    Accordingtotradition,atthetimeoftheChouconquest,KingWuandhissupporterslegitimizedtheiractioninoverthrowingtheShangbyclaimingthattheChouhad
    simplyactedastheagentsofT'ien.Thisclaim,knownasthedoctrineoftheMandateofHeaven,assertedthatT'ienwasanomnipotentguarantoroftranquilityand
    justiceintheCentralKingdom.T'ienfulfilleditsguaranteebyinterveningoccasionallyinhumanaffairswheneverthevirtueoftherulinghouseofChinadeclinedbeyond
    acriticallevel.Onsuchoccasions,theChoufoundersexplained,T'ienwouldeffectivelyorderthemostvirtuoushouseinthelandtodisplacetheoffendingroyalline
    andsucceedtothethrone.Theclaimwassimplyproved:hadomnipotentT'iennotwishedtheChoutooccupythethrone,itwouldnothaveenabledtheconquestto
    occur.24
    TheseargumentswereeffectiveinreconcilingthepeoplesoftheShangpolitytoChourule.Buttheyhadyetanotherfunction.WhereastheShangkinghadbeen
    merelychiefpriesttothehighgods,theMandateofHeaventheorymadetheChoukingT'ien'sexecutoronearth.25T'ienandthekingwerenownearly
    indistinguishable.26DuringtheperiodofvigorousChourule,T'ienwasvirtuallythepersonaldeityoftheking.Onlythekingwaspermittedtohaveintercoursewith
    T'ienthroughsacrifice.WhenT'ienwasspokenofbyothers,itwasalwayswithreferencetotheking,ortoaffairsof

    Page24

    stateundertheking'sdirection.PeoplewhowerenotmembersoftheroyalhouseneithersacrificedtonorprayedtoT'ien.Intermsoffunction,T'ienwaspractically
    reducedtotheking.27
    TheidentificationofT'ienandkingismarkedbytheirsignificantcoincidenceofpowersandinterests,asisrevealedincontemporaryinscriptionaltexts.Oneofthe
    kings,probablyKingK'ang(r.1005977B.C.),exhortsanappointeeintheseterms:"Steadyanddiligent,remonstratefromdawntoduskexhaustyourselfinservice,
    fearingtheawesomenessofT'ien."28T'ienwillpunishthosewhodonotservethekingwell,andtheexecutorofthatpunishmentwillsurelybethekinghimself.
    ThepointismadeevenmoreclearlybythePankueiinscription.Therethekingsendshisgeneralsofftowarwiththeorder:"Withinthreeyearssettletheeastern
    landssothatnoneisnotpeaceful,assuredoftheawesomenessofT'ien."29YetitwillnotbeT'ientheyholdinawe,buttheking'sarmy.Ageneralresponds,"These
    peoplehavefoolishlycourteddisastertheyarealldeaftoT'ien'sorders,andsowillperish."30YettheorderstheyignorearenotT'ien'sbuttheking's.31
    TheidentificationofT'ienandkingnaturallyhelpedlegitimizetheChouclaimtothethrone.WhatisoftenoverlookedisthatthestableruleprovidedbytheearlyChou
    kingslegitimizedT'ien'schoice.ThekingandT'ienwerelinkedintheactionofgoodgovernment,andundertheseconditions,itwaspossibleforasenseofT'ienasan
    ethicallyprescriptiveforcetogrow.32DuringtheheydayoftheWesternChou,politicalsuccessgraduallystrengthenedthedualbeliefinthelegitimacyoftheChou
    order,andintheomnipotentgoodnessofthegodwhohadmandatedit.
    2.1.
    T'ienasaRoyalAdversary
    ThevigorousruleoftheearlyChoukingslegitimizedT'ien,theking'sgod.ButfromthemidninthcenturyB.C.thefortunesoftheroyalhousewentintoasteep
    decline.Theborder"barbarians"werenolongersubjugatedwithease,theChoukingsattractedincreasingdisrespect,oneevenbeingexiled,andinternaldissension
    arose.In771B.C.,thedynastywasforcedtofleethecapitalandrelocateinLoyangtotheeast.TheWesternChouwasatitsenditwasfollowedbyaprolonged
    periodofwarandsuffering.
    InsomelateWesternChoubronzeinscriptions,thekingcontinuedtoclaimtheprotectionofT'ien,asevidencedbyaratherboastfulinscriptiononavesselapparently
    castbyKingLi(r.859842)thatrefersbothtoT'ienandto"ti"thetermusedtodenoteasupremedeityintheShang:
    Thekingsaid:Iambutasmallchild,yetunstintinglydayandnight,IactinharmonywiththeformerkingstobeworthyofaugustT'ien....[I]makethissacrificial

    Page25
    foodvessel,thispreciouskueivessel,tosuccorthoseaugustparadigms,mybrilliantancestors.Mayitdrawdown[thespiritsof]thoseexemplarymenofold,whonowrender
    serviceatthecourtofTiandcarryforththemagnificentmandateofaugustTi....33

    Butotherinscriptionstelladifferentstory,astoryofmountingmilitaryimpotenceandtheabandonmentofthekingbyT'ien.IntheYtinginscription,thegeneralY
    laments:
    Alas!T'ienhassentgreatdisastersdownuponthelowercountries.Yfang,Marquisof0,hasledthesoutherntribesoftheHuaiandtheYitribesoftheeastinagreatattackon
    thesouthernandeasternlands,reachingtoLihan.Whereuponthekinghasordered...."FiercelyattackYfang,Marquisof0,sparingneitheryoungnorold."34

    Thegeneralhasseenherewhatthekingmaynotyethaveseen,thatT'ienandthekingwerenowfightingonoppositesidesofthebattle.
    ThenewdistancebetweenT'ienandkingisportrayedinthetextoftheMaoKungting,avesselwhichmaybedatedtothereignofKingHsuan(r.827782
    B.C.).35ThekingfirstreciteshowT'ienbestowedthemandatetoruleuponKingsWenandWu,thenhecontinues:
    AndsoaugustT'ienunstintinglystoodbyus,watchingoverandprotectingtheChou.Therewasnodangerthattheformerkingswouldproveunworthyofthemandate.[But
    now]pitilessT'ienrisesawesome,andifI,asmallchildsucceeding[tothethrone]aminadequate,howshallthestatebeblessed?Thefourquartersareinchaos,allfollowingin
    unrest.36

    Hereagain,thekingstandsinoppositiontoT'ien,anditisinterestingtoseethathefacesanunjustfate.ItisnotbecausethekingisweakthatT'ienhaswreaked
    havoc,butbecauseT'ienispitilessthatthekingfearshisowninadequacy37Fromtheroyalperspective,theissueisnotkinglyvirtue,butthepuzzlingfailureofT'ien's
    benevolence.
    Anotherinscriptionofthesameperiodtellsthestoryevenmoreplainly.ThekingspeaksagainofthepastbeneficenceofT'ien,butthenaddresseshisministerShih
    P'ouwiththesewords:
    Alas,ShihP'ou!NowT'ienrisesawesomeandsendsdowndisaster.Foremostvirtuecannotovercomeandcontrolit,hencenonecanreceive[thethroneofabsolutepower]from
    theformerkings.38

    Withinafewdecades,T'ienhadcompleteditssubversionoftheroyalhouse.Thekinghadfledthecapital,andheandhissuccessorswouldbenomorethan
    figureheadsthereafter.Soonafterwefindevidencethattheking's

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    monopolyonT'ienhasendedaswell.WithinacenturyoftheChouflighttotheEast,wefindtheDukeofCh'inproclaiming:
    Magnificent,myaugustancestorsreceivedT'ien'smandate,receivingtherewardoftheYlands.Thetwelve[former]dukesnowresidewithTiandlookdownreverentincaring
    forT'ien'smandate,theyprotecttheirCh'inanddispatch(?)thesouthernandcentralpeoples.39

    Inanotherinscription,therulerofthesmallstateofHsu,stylinghimself"king,"dedicatesavesselforsacrificesto"augustT'ienandmyexemplaryfatherlongmaythey
    guardmyperson."40
    2.2.
    TheInjusticeofT'ien
    WhentheChoufoundersmadetheirclaimthattheconquestoftheShangwasbythegraceofT'ien,thepoweroftheirassertionrestedontheestablishedauthorityof
    T'ienasareligiousfigure.WedonothaveclearevidenceofthepreconquestroleofT'ien,oroftheearlymeaningsoftheterm"t'ien."41Thereisevidence,however
    thatduringtheWesternChou,thenotionofT'ienasthebenevolentgodofstatemayhaveexistedsidebysidewithpopularagriculturaltraditions,mostlikelyveryold,
    whichcastT'ienastheunpredictablerulerofthesky,whosewhimswereaslikelytobemalevolentasotherwise(Eno1984:9194).
    ThefirmruleoftheChoukingshaddemonstratedT'ien'spoliticalbenevolenceduringtheearlyyears.Nowthatthekingshadlostthepowertorestrainsocialchaos,
    T'ien'spoliticalbehaviorbecameaschangeableastheweather.Insteadofrulingwithethicalperfection,T'iennowallowedinjusticeandsufferinginhumanaffairs,just
    asithadinnaturalaffairsbefore.Theking'sgodwascomingmoreandmoretoresemblethepopularskygod,blindtogoodandevil,adangertomanevenasman
    dependeduponit.
    Inthe"Hsiaoya"sectionofthePoetry,thereisaremarkablegroupofpoemsdatabletosoonafterthefallofthewesterncapital,whichgiveseloquenttestimonyto
    thechangeinT'ien:
    BrightT'iensovastprolongsnotitsgrace,
    Hurlsmiseryandfamine,beheadingthestates.
    BrightT'ienrisesawesome,unthinking,unplanning,
    Letstheguiltygofreetheyhavepaidfortheircrimes
    Andtheguiltlessmustjointhem,alldrowningasone(194/1).

    Thepoemcontinues,lamentingthefallofthecapital,anditisclearthattheskygod,whoiscausingfaminehere,isthesamegodwhoabandonedthe

    Page27

    kingtohisfate.Thethemeofthesepassagesistheconfusionofgoodandevil,anditisnoaccidentthatthepoem'stitleis"RainWithoutJustice."
    Anotherpoemwithasimilarthemebeginsbydescribinganillomenedeclipse,aportentoftheinstabilityofnature.Afterdescribingthepoliticalsituation,thepoet
    says:
    Thefourquartersaresated,Ialoneaminanguish
    Allloosethemselvesfromcare,Ialonedarenotrest
    T'ien'scommandsareallawry,Idarenotobey(193/8).42

    ThispoemisusuallydatedtothereignofKingYu,justpriortothefallofthecapital(Wang1968:407).Onceagain,thepoetstandsinoppositiontoT'ien,surrounded
    byevildoerswhoseconductT'ienseemstocondone,bothbyfailingtopunishthemandbyitsownirregularcourse.
    ThefalloftheWesternChouleftT'ienmorallybankrupt,andthelanguageusedtovilifythesupremedeityisstartlingbyWesternstandards:
    Nowthepeopleareinperil,theylooktoT'ienalldarkened
    Werethereonewhocouldbringpeace,[T'ien]wouldovercomehim.
    Augustgodabove,whoisityouhate?(192/4).

    Inthesepoems,acleardistinctionisdrawnbetweenhumanevil,whichiscausedbyman,andthechaosthatengulfstheinnocent,causedbyT'ien.43Guiltisassigned
    tomanintheformercase,buttoT'ieninthelatter.
    AslongasT'ienremainedlinkedtoastronghumanking,itwasajustanddiscerningdeity.Oncetheworldofmandegeneratedintoinjusticeandblindsuffering,the
    king'sgoddisappearedintothetraditionoftheskygod,terrific,unjust,andblind.Associalvaluescollapsed,sodidthevalueofT'ien.
    2.3.
    CreatingaNewT'ien
    ThefallofT'ienraisedanissuecapableofstimulatingatransformationofreligiousthoughttophilosophy.Simplyput,itwastheproblemoftheodicy:howcanadeity
    prescriptivelygoodallowaworlddescriptivelyevil?
    T'ienhadservedasamooringforvalue.DuringtheearlyChou,servicetotheking,theking'slawandcustoms,andthemightoftheking'sarmieshadallbeentiedto
    T'ien.Butitwasthesuccessoftheseinstitutionsthathad,infact,anchoredT'ien.Nowthemooringswerecut,andT'ienitselfwasadriftonlybydiscoveringother
    valuestofastentoitcouldT'ienagainbeanchored.Thetaskwastofindthe"real"values,onesthatrestoredtoT'ienitsprescriptiveperfection.Findinganewpointof
    viewfromwhich

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    evenachaoticworldmademoralsensewasnecessary.WhateverthatlogoswaswouldbecomethenewT'ien.
    Nonphilosophicalthoughtwasnotabletodothis.Itcould,astheboastfulDukeofCh'in,simplyclaimthatorderlyrule,andT'ien,hadbeenrestoredintheruleofa
    newleader,ignoringthecontradictoryfactsofachaoticworld.Or,itcouldsimplymakedowithT'ienasitappearedtobe,descriptivelyamoral.Suchadeitywould
    bemuchlike"fate":incomprehensible,commandingawebutnotreverence.NonphilosophicalthoughtinthelateChouoftenchosesuchanoption(Ikeda1968:25
    29).44
    ButearlyphilosophicalthoughtwastiedtotheattempttorestoreT'ien'scredibilitybyredefiningvaluesthatcouldinsomerealwaybeupheldinthefaceofsocial
    disorder.WewillseethatforRuists,thisworldofvaluewasdefinedasritualandthetransformationofmanintoaperfectritualbeing.Itwillnotsurpriseus,then,to
    findConfuciusreassurehiscompanionsofhissafetybydeclaring,"IfT'ienhadwantedthispattern(wen)todie,[I]wouldnothavebeenabletoparticipateinitwhat
    can[myenemies]dotome?"(A:9.5),wherethe"pattern"referredtoisthenetworkofChouritualnorms.InRuism,thefirstresponseofphilosophytothemidChou
    crisisinvalues,rituallisucceededtotheplacevacatedbythepracticalpillarsofChouvalue:thekingshipandhereditaryroles.And,inturn,T'ienwasrestoredtoits
    placeastheultimategroundofvalue,recastasthemandatorofritual.
    Summary
    Inthischapter,wehavepreparedsomeofthegroundworknecessarytodemonstratetheclaimthatearlyRuismrevolvedaroundaritualfocus,andthattheroleof
    T'iencanonlybeunderstoodasafunctionofthatritualorientation.Ourargumenttothispointhasaddressedthebasicimplausibilty,forthemodernWest,of
    conceivingaphilosophygroundedontheascriptionofcardinalvaluetoabodyoftraditionalritual,byexploringthehistoricalbackgroundthatmadetheRuistchoiceof
    philosophicalfocuslogical.Wehaveseenthat,amidstthemidChoucollapseofallstablevaluefoundations,onlythesecondaryelaborationofritualcodessurvivedas
    anexistingbasisonwhichtobuildphilosophy.Moreover,havingseenthattheemergenceofritualasanintellectualcategorywastiedtothedecayoftheexisting
    notionofT'ienasavaluestandard,thereconstitutionofT'ienasalegitimizinggroundforritualvalueseemsmorecogent.
    Buthistoricallogicalonecannotrationalizearitualbasisforphilosophy.Wemaystillaskhowaphilosophyfocusedonritualcouldbeintellectuallysatisfying,andhow
    aschoolbuiltuponsoproblematicalabase,couldendure.

    Page29

    Inthenextchapter,ourtaskswillbetoexploretheintellectualdimensionsofRuistritualism,andtodescribethebirth,structure,andsocialrolesoftheRuistschool.

    Page30

    ChapterII
    MastersoftheDance
    InourintroductionweconcludedthattoelucidatethemeaningofT'ieninRuisttextswehadtounderstandhowT'ien"fitinto"thecentralprojectsofearlyRuism.Our
    immediatetaskwasthusshiftedfromanalyzingthevariedusesoftheword"t'ien"inthetexts,withaneyetofindingsomeunifiedconceptorasetofconceptsto
    whichthewordreferred,toanexplorationofthepracticalprojectsofRuism.Itisinlightofthesethattheinconsistentusesoftheword"t'ien''shouldmakesense.
    RuistdiscussionsofT'ienwereinteresteddiscussionstheywerenotreflectionsof"pure"inquiry,butpartofanattempttolegitimizeandelaborateindoctrinethe
    activitiesandintereststhatweretypicalofearlyRuistsandthatsetthemapartasadistinctelementofsociety.UnityanddiversityintheRuistmeaningsofT'ienmust
    derivefromtheevolvingcourseoftheseactivitiesandinterestsandnotfromapersistenceorsuccessionofinflexible"concepts."
    UnderlyingallthisisanimplicittheoryofwhatRuismwas,inaformalsense.EarlyRuismwasnotsomuchanideologyasawayoflife.Itwasastyleofpersonal
    behaviorcultivatedthroughalongprocessofeducation.Ruistsacquiredadistinctrepertoireofskillstheirbehaviorandtheirthinkingdifferedfromthatoftheirnon
    Ruistcontemporariesasaconsequence.
    ThischapterisourattempttogetatthecoreofearlyRuismtolocatethoseinterestsandissuessocentraltothelivesofearlyRuiststhatvirtuallynopartoftheir
    theoriescanbeunderstoodcompletelywithoutreferencetothem.Asweemployourinstrumentalmethod,wewillbelookingforthenoninstrumentalcoreofRuism:
    thethingswhichwere,forRuists,ofultimatevalue,endsinthemselves.
    Inthischapter,wewilldrawsubstantiallyuponhistoricalsourcestocomposeaportraitofRuismintermsofwhatearlyRuistsactuallydid,asopposedtowhatthey
    thoughtorsaid.Thiswillnotbeadisinterestednarrative.Ithasapointtoproveandaninterpretiveframeworkthatorganizesthehistoricalmaterials.Thecentralissue
    involvesthereformulationofastructuralmodelbasictounderstandingearlyRuism.
    ThedoctrineofearlyRuismisfundamentallybifurcated.Ruistsspokeatgreatlengthabouttheneedforselfcultivationandmoraltraining,andtheyspokeatjustas
    greatalengthabouttheneedforpoliticalreformandgovernmentaltraining(Schwartz1964:5).Thesetwoaspectsweretheoreti

    Page31

    callylinked,thelinkagebeingmostelegantlyexpressedintheTahsueh(GreatLearning),whichteachesthattherectificationofthemindthroughcarefulstudyisthe
    firstinaseriesofstepsculminatinginsagelygovernment.Ruistsheldthatselfcultivationandpoliticalactivismwereequallyimportant,butthatsequentially,self
    cultivationwasprior.AccountsofRuismintheWesthavegenerallyeitheracceptedtheRuistclaimthatthetwoaspectswerecloselylinked,orhaveleanedtoward
    theviewthatdespiteitssequentialposition,politicalactivismwasethicallyprimary,andthatearlyRuismwasfundamentallyanactivistpoliticalmovement,whose
    ideologyincludedanethicsofselfcultivation.
    OurportraitofRuismwilldiffer.ItinterpretstheinstrumentalfunctionsofthetwoaspectsofRuistdoctrineashavingoperatedindifferentways,andviewsthetwo
    doctrinalmoietiesnotaslinkedbutasradicallydisjoined.OurportraitwillsuggestthatwhilerhetoricdescribingtheperfectionoftheselfservedtocommitRuiststoan
    everdeepeningdedicationtomasteryofaneducationalsyllabus,idealisticpoliticalrhetoricservedtodiscourageRuistsfrompracticalpoliticalambitions,and
    legitimizedawithdrawalfromtheworldofpoliticalintrigue.Inotherwords,althoughthetwoaspectsofdoctrinestresseddistinctimperatives,onetostudyandoneto
    changetheworld,theywerereducibletoasinglemessage:studyandkeeponstudying.
    Inourportrait,wewillrejectthenotionthatRuistswerepoliticalactivistswhoselivesweredevotedtoseekinggovernmentalresponsibilities.Wewill,instead,picture
    theRuistcommunityasanarchipelagooflifelongstudygroups,abrotherhoodwhosesocialinsularitywastemperedonlybydesiresforsociallegitimacyandprestige,
    andbytheneedtomaintaineconomicsustenance.
    AtthecoreofearlyRuismwewillfinddevotiontostudyandtotheformationandperpetuationofstudygroups,whichwerethebasicunitsoftheearlyRuist
    community.ThesegroupswerecomposedofdisciplespledgedtoaprolongedcourseofpersonalimprovementunderthedirectionofaRuistMaster.Thetrainingthat
    theyreceivedfocusedonmasteringabroadsetoftraditionalritualformulas,knownasli.1 ThevariedsyllabusoftheRuistschoolrevolvedaroundthetheoryand
    practiceofli,andtheendgoalofselfcultivationwasthecompleteritualizationofpersonalconduct.
    ThiscallforcompleteselfstylizationwastheaspectofearlyRuistthoughtandpracticethatmostclearlydistinguishedRuismfromotherphilosophicalschools.Ruists
    advocatedatotallychoreographedlifestyle,wheretheformalitiesofritualguidedactionfromone'sfirststepoutdoorsinthemorningtothetimeonelaydownat
    night.2 Thetotalityoftheimperativecannotbeunderestimated.IntheAnalects,ConfuciusurgeshisdiscipleYenYuannottosee,hear,say,ordoanythingwhichis
    notli(A:12.1).FortheMencius:

    Page32

    "Everymotion,everystancepreciseinliasonegoesround:thisistheacmeoffullvirtue"(M:7B.33).AndfortheHsunTzu,eventheflowofthoughtandthepulseof
    thebloodmustbegovernedbyli(H:2.78).ThegoaloftheRuistwastostrivetowardthisidealandbecomeamasterofthisenduringritualdance.
    InchapterIweexploredthebackgroundthatmakestheRuistritualfocuslogicalinthecontextofChouintellectualhistory.Nevertheless,thedogmaticexaltationofli
    thatischaracteristicofRuisttextsofallperiodstendstostrikeusintheWestasarbitraryandunsophisticated.Liconsistedofasetofparticularcodesthatwere
    culturallyspecific:theveryantithesisoftheuniversalpropositionsthatweexpectaphilosophytoformulateandtest.SomeearlyChinesetextsthemselvesrecognize
    thatli,whichweresubjecttochange,wereconventional,ratherthanuniversalnorms.3 Moreover,limustappeartononChineseasanarbitrarycircumscriptionof
    humanpotential,stiflingindividualisticandinnovativeexpression.TheRuistobsessionwithparticularisticliappearstodisqualifyRuismasaviablepanhuman
    philosophy.Evenifweinterpretliinabroadsenseasanysetofculturallyspecificcodes,theRuistprogramisstillalientoourmodernstressonethicalindividualism
    andtheKantiannotionoftheindividualasthecreatorofuniversallaw(seeLukes1973:55,99105).
    OurunderstandingofthephilosophicalsignificanceoftheRuistcommitmenttolihasbeengreatlyenhancedbytheinnovativeinterpretationsthatHerbertFingarette
    haspresentedinhisConfuciustheSecularasSacred(1972).DrawingonFingarette'sinsights,wecanbegintounderstandhowlicouldhaveappearedso
    attractiveandrewardingtoRuistsandhowcommitmenttoaparticularformofbehaviormaybecompatiblewithphilosophicalideasofbroadvalue.Manyoftheideas
    presentedhereweregivenfocusbyFingarette'sstudy.Referencestohisworkdonotappearfrequentlyonthepagesthatfollowprimarilybecausetheoveralloutline
    oftheargumentherewasdevelopedindependentlyanddealswithsomeissuesinadifferentway.
    Ourhistoricaloutlineisdividedintothreesections:abriefdiscussionoftheintellectualdimensionsofritualpracticeinearlyChinesesocietyandtheirroleinthe
    foundingofRuism,ananalysisoftheinstrumentalityofpoliticalidealisminpreservingtheritualcenteredandapoliticalnatureofRuism,andasurveyofthestructure
    andsocialroleoftheRuistcommunityfromthedeathofConfuciustotheendoftheChou.
    1.
    TheRitualBasisofRuism
    TheHanhistorianSsumaCh'ientellsusthatwhenLiuPang,soontobecomefirstemperoroftheHan,waspursuinghiswaragainsthisrival

    Page33

    HsiangY,"Heraisedhistroops,andencircled[thecapitaloftheoldstateof]Lu.Fromwithincametheceaselesssoundsofstringsandsongs,forinthatplacethe
    Rustillrecitedandchanted,practicingceremonyandmusic"(SC:121.3117).
    HereisaglimpseofearlyRuismthatshowsusfeaturesnotoftenstressedinWesternaccounts.Ifthereweresuchathingasapurebehavioristhistorian,hemight
    describepreCh'inRuismnotasaphilosophy,butasasocialphenomenonprimarilyinvolvingthejoiningtogetherofmeningroupstochantancienttexts,singancient
    songs,andplayancientmusic.IfhecouldtakeusinatimemachinetoviewasinglescenetypifyingwhatRuismwas,hemightshowusagroupofeccentrically
    costumeddisciplesassembledattheirMaster'shouse,carefullysteppingthroughanintricatelyscriptedandchoreographedritualundertheeyeoftheirteacher:aband
    ofmenmasteringanendlessvarietyofancientdances.
    Butthereareother,moreintellectualaspectsofRuism,aspectsfarmorecelebrated,someofwhichseemfarremovedfromthissceneofritualdance.Thereis
    ConfuciusinstructingthelordsofLuintheartofgovernment.ThereisMenciusarguingtheinnategoodnessofhumannature,andtryingtoproveitbytransforming
    corruptwarlordsintouniversalSages.ThereisHsunTzudevisingintricatetheoriesofsocialdynamicsandtheprocessofknowing.
    Intheaccountthatfollows,wewilltrytosuggesthowthevarietyofRuistactivityanddoctrinegrewfromandremainedrootedinthesingleparadigmaticimagewe
    havesketchedhere.OurthesisisthatthecentralcommitmentofRuiststhroughouttheWarringStatesperiodwastothepracticeofliandtothenotionthatmasteryof
    liwasthepathtoSagehood.TheferventpoliticalidealismandthewonderfulvarietyofphilosophicaltheoriesdevelopedbythemanyRuistsoftheWarringStates
    should,inourview,generallybeconsideredastheintellectualmanifestationsofthecentralRuistconcern:tolegitimizeandperpetuatetheirchosenlifestyleasstudents
    andMastersofli.
    Ourfirsttaskistoexplainhowritualcouldprovideintellectualrewardsonascaleadequatetoplacethemattheheartofphilosophy.Iwouldliketobeginbysketching
    ahighlyschematicpictureofsomegeneralfeaturesofritual,andthenusethisschematosuggestsomebasicchangesthatmayhaveoccurredintheideological
    rationaleforritualbehaviorduringtheChou,asaresultofthecollapseofthekingshipandthediscreditingofT'ienthatwediscussedinchapterI.Thesechanges,ifthe
    modelisvalid,helptoexplainthewayinwhichRuistsofthelateChouregardedritual,andmakesomewhatclearerhowtheirinterpretationoflirepresentsa
    significanttransformationofthetraditionalapproachtoritual,atransformationthatmadethecategoryofliarichoneforintellectualexploration.

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    1.1.
    RationalesforRitual
    Oursimplemodelbeginsbydividingritualintothreemaincategories:itsreligious,socialandaestheticdimensions.4 Thereligiousaspectofritualismostapparentin
    activitiessuchassacrificialworship.Itisbasedonthepremisethattherecanbeanentailmentbetweensymbolicactionandsupernaturalornaturalconsequences.
    Thus,ritualcanbeusedtomanipulatethegodsorNature.5
    Theuseofreligiousritualgenerallyhasdeepethicalsignificance,whetherwespeakofholyriteorblackmagic.Thissortofritualissacred,exceptperhapsatthe
    simplestlevelsofsuperstition(e.g.,knockingonwood).DuringtheWesternChou,religiousritualswereethicallylegitimateiftheywerepracticedwithinthesanctioned
    structuresofstateorclanreligion.Theseareasofritualpracticecontributedtothebodyoflorecalledli.Religiousliwasthusethicallylegitimizedbybeliefinitsnatural
    efficacyandbythesanctionedmoralityofstateandclanreligions.
    Thesocialaspectofritualreferstothepowerofritualtodelineatemeaningsinhierarchicalsociety.Forexample,whatitmeanstobepoliticallysubordinateisdirectly
    expressedintheritualinjunction:"Whenone'slordordersonetoreceiveguests,one'scountenancesuddenlychanges,one'slegsseemtogiveway"(A:10.2).Thissort
    ofplayactingisnottrivial.Itisapowerfulaspectofritual,and,whenitisunderstoodbyalltheactorsinvolved,itcanmakeritualafieldofremarkablysubtle
    communication.6
    Althoughritualseverelyconstrainsone'sresponsesinsomesituations,ritualcommunicationmayallowcomplexdiscretionaryaction.InearlyChina,itwascustomary
    atbanquetsforgueststoexpresstheirsentimentsbyselectingstanzasfromacorpusofclassicalpoetrytosingtooneanother.Thisritualcouldbecomequiteintimate
    andstirring,asthesanctityofthetextsgivegreatweighttothechantingofevenordinarypeople.Theinterplayofaestheticskill,sharederudition,andsincere
    expressioncouldproduceamovingencounter.7
    Butthesubtletyofritualcommunicationgoesfurther.Theintricacywithwhichritualactioncanbescriptedandchoreographedislimitless.Anyonewhohasreadthe
    Yili(CeremoniesofRitual)willrecognizethatformalritualencountershaveatendencytoelaborateritualizedmovementstothepointwhereallnonritualactionis
    necessarilybanishedthereissimplynoroom.8 Likeachoreographedballetwhichdoesnothavegapswherethedancersreverttotheordinarymovementsof
    everydayaction,aritualencounterliftstheactorsintoadistinctmediumofinteraction,amediumofentailedsymbolism.9
    Withinsuchanintricatelydeterminednetwork,smallactionsthatiniti

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    atecomplexpatternsofresponsemayaccomplishfarreachingconsequences.AstoryintheAnalectsillustratesthis(A:17.1).WearetoldthattheusurperYangHuo
    wishedtoemployConfucius,butConfuciusrefusedtomeetwithhimtodiscussit.TomeetthuswithoutcompulsionwouldhaveimplicitlyacknowledgedYangHuo's
    righttorequestserviceofConfucius,thatis,hislegitimacyasasovereign.YangHuosolvedtheproblemofinducingConfuciustovisithimbysendingConfuciusapig.
    Accordingtoli,whenamanofYangHuo'slegitimateranksentsuchagifttoamanofConfucius'rank,thelatterwasobligedtopayacourtesycallontheformer.
    ConfuciushadnochoicebuttovisitYangHuo,andthoughhecarefullytimedhisvisitinorderthatYangHuowasawayfromhome,toConfucius'dismayhe
    encounteredhimontheroad.ThusYangHuowasabletosolveaproblemofpoliticalpragmatismbyabriefadventureintotheworldofli.10
    Thissimplepowerofritualactionwouldtheoreticallybemagnifiedaccordingtothebreadthandintricacyofthefieldofritualactionandtheskilloftheactor.The
    Analectsrecountstheultimateideal:"TheMastersaid,'"Hedidnothingandallwasruled":wouldthisnotcharacterizetheEmperorShun?Whatdidhedo?Hemerely
    sethimselfwithreverenceandfaceddueSouththatwasall'"(A:15.5).11
    Thisaspectofritualbehaviorisalsogenerallylinkedtoethicalvalues.Socialritualisnotinherentlyethicalgamesareexamplesofsocialritualbutbecausesocial
    ritualissocentraltoarticulatingandconfirmingrolesinahierarchicalsociety,itbecomesentailedwiththeethicalnatureofthatsociety.Ifitisasocietysanctionedby
    traditionandmyth,itssocialritualsareequallysanctioned.
    InWesternChousociety,powerfulcentralrulecreatedaconsensusvaluationofChousocialinstitutions,whichwerefoundedonthepremiseofhereditaryassumption
    ofsocialrolesandthepyramidalstructureofChoufeudalauthority.Perhapsthesinglelargestcategoryofliwascomprisedofthesocialritualsthatarticulatedand
    confirmedtheorderedhierarchicalsocietyoftheChou.
    Thethirdaspectofritualbehaviorisitsaestheticdimension,whichisnotsomuchdistinctfromthereligiousandsocialdimensionsascharacteristicofboth.Ritual
    activityisscriptedandchoreographeditisprescribedbyformulas.Thesearegenerallyrationalizedonreligiousorethicalgrounds,butinpracticetheytendtorespond
    toaestheticcriteriaaswell.Whileritualisnotnecessarilyaesthetic,asitwaselaboratedinChinesesocietyittendedtobeso.
    Theclearestindicationsofthisarethefrequentlinkswefindbetweenritualandmanifestlyartisticactivities,suchasmusic,song,anddance.Prayersforraintookthe
    formofraindancesinboththeShangandChou,12andShimaKuniohasidentifiednumerousoraclegraphsthatmaydenotea

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    rangeofothertypesofritualdance(1958:2067,28993).13
    Majorstateritualsweremarkedbycomplexartisticdisplays.TheLichi,alatetext,describesaroyalsacrificeasagrandballet:"Asthealtarismounted,'TheBright
    Temple'issung.Descending,thepipesplayandtheHsiangDanceisperformed.ThenthecinnebarshieldsandjadespearsarebroughtoutfortheGreatWarDance.
    Next,eightranksofdancersperformtheGreatHsiaDance"(Chit'ung:14.23b).TheYilidocumentstheelaboratecostume,heightenedspeech,andfrequentuseof
    musicandsongthatpervadedallformsofritualactivity.
    Thereis,inritual,asignificantoverlapbetweentheethicalandaesthetic.Inritualactivity,whatis"right"todoisoftenwhatisin"goodform."Aspontaneousintrusion
    intoaritualprocedure,forinstanceacomplacentbelchatasocietydinner,canoffendequallyforitsdisplayofdisrespectforsocialruleandforitsugliness.14This
    overlapisreflectedinChineseinthecognaterelationshipbetweenthewords''yi":"right,"and"yia":"formmannerstandard."15
    Aestheticsactstoreinforcetheethicalmeaningsofreligiousandsocialritual.Itpermeatestheauraofsanctityofreligiousactivity,and,astheexampleofritualpoetry
    chantingindicates,itaddstotheaffectivepowerofsocialritual.Theverynatureofgroupritualactivityasasmoothinteractionofcognaterolesexpressesanaesthetic
    ideal.
    However,theaestheticaspectofritualdoesnot,initself,ethicallylegitimizeritual,althoughitmayberitual'smostattractiveaspect.Withouttheethicalsanctionsthat
    legitimizereligiousandsocialrituals,thebeautyofritualactionwouldpossessnomoralmeaningsbeyondanyaccordedtospontaneousartisticexpression.Keeping
    thispointinmindmayhelpusbetterunderstandtheroleofliinearlyRuism.Ruisttextsaboundinethicalrationalizationsofliwewillexploresomeofthemfurther
    on.ButtoacceptthatRuistslovedritualastheyseemtohave,onemustbelievethattheirsensitivitytoitwaslargelyaesthetic.TheintellectuallaborsthatRuists
    performedtolegitimizelimayhavebeeneffortstosustainanintuitionofthegoodnessoflithatwasfundamentallyaesthetic.
    1.2.
    TheDeclineofRitual
    InchapterIwesawhowthedeclineofroyalpowerattheendoftheWesternChouledtomajordislocationsinsocialorderandideology.TheChoukinghadstood
    notonlyattheapexofapoliticalsystem,butofareligioussystemaswell.Hisdeclineledtotheappearanceofreligiousscepticismandpoliticalchaos.Oursimple
    modelofthefunctionsofritualmightleadustoexpectthatthedeclineofroyalpowerandsocialorderwouldunderminetheethicallegitimacyofreligiousandsocial
    ritualthereisampleevidencethatitdid.
    Atonceasymptomandacauseofthiswastheusurpationofritualformsbythosenotentitledtothem.WehavealreadynotedinchapterIinstances

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    wherefeudallordspresumedtopraytoandclaimthesupportofT'ien,theking'sgod.ThethirdbookoftheAnalectsispepperedwithotherexamples(A:3.1,3.2,
    3.6,3.22).FurthersymptomsofthedeclineofritualduringtheEasternChouincludethediscardingofthefinerpointsofritualperformance16andtheappearanceof
    criticalandevenhostileattitudestowardli.17
    Oursimplehypothesis,then,isthatdislocationsinthereligiousandsociopoliticalsystemsunderminedtheethicallegitimacyofritual.Whilefaithinthenaturalefficacy
    ofsymbolicactioncertainlypersistedinformsofshamanismandsuperstition,thataspectofreligiousritualwhichhadpossessedthegreateststabilityandsocial
    sanction,statereligiouspractice,hadbeendiscredited.
    Asforthelegitimacyofsocialritual,duringtheprolongedsocialchaosoftheEasternChou,thetraditionaldeterminantofsocialhierarchyhereditaryprivilegewas
    deeplyundermined(Hsu1965:2631).Initsplace,lessformalizedcriteria,suchasmilitaryprowess,wealth,talent,andruthlessnesscametoshapethesocialnetwork.
    Warlordrulersandswashbucklingknightsfoundanethicsthatstressedbraveryandpersonalloyaltymorecongenialthanthemoralityofritualnorms.18Asthe
    mooringsofreligiousandsocialvalueslippedaway,adhocvaluesproliferatedwithoutanysystematicethicalbase.
    ConfuciusandRuismwereborninthismilieu,andConfuciushimselfembracedthepluralityofsimplevaluesthathadbecomesoprizedintheperiodofchaos.The
    Analectscelebratesavarietyofhomelyvirtues:righteousness(yi),courage(yung),trustworthiness(hsin),devotion(chung),andmanymore.ButConfucius
    celebratedtheseinthecontextofhisattempttodescribeaunifiedvisionofenduringvalue,andthatvaluewasanchoredincompletededicationtotheobsolescent
    ritualsofabygoneera:li.
    1.3.
    Confucius'Career19
    ConfuciuswasborninthesmallstateofLuabout550B.C.20Hisbackgroundandearlycareerarevariouslybutnotreliablyreportedinourhistoricalsources.21
    Whatseemsclear,however,isthatConfuciuswasnotamemberofthehereditarynobilityofLu,22thathepossessedabasictrainingintraditionalritualbehavior,23
    andthatheaspiredtopoliticalofficeinLu.AlthoughtheAnalectsdoesnotmentionConfuciusholdinganyspecificofficialpost,24othersourcesclaimforhimexalted
    politicaltitles.25
    Abouttheyear498B.C.,ConfuciusleftLu,possiblyforcedtoleaveonaccountofactionshetookasapoliticalofficial.26Hesubsequentlytraveledamongthefeudal
    statesofeasternChina,perhapsseekingemploymentingovernment,possiblylookingforanonadministrativepositionasanhonoredsenioradvisoratafeudalcourt.27

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    Lateinlife,ConfuciusreturnedtoLuattheinvitation,itissaid,oftheleadingwarlordofLu,oneofwhoseretainerswasadiscipleofConfuciuswhohadrecently
    contributedtoagreatmilitaryvictory.28ConfuciusspenthislastyearsinLu,quietlyteachinghissizableentourageofdisciples.Hediedabout479B.C.29
    Atsometimeduringhislife,Confuciusbegantoattractaroundhimagroupofmenwhoregardedhimastheirteacher.30Amongthesemenwereseveralwho
    achievedconsiderablepoliticalprominence,mostnotablyChiYu,styledTzulu,andJanCh'iu,bothofwhombecamestewardsfortheChiclan,thesinglegreatest
    powergroupinLu.31
    ThemanyaccountsofConfucius'politicalactivitiesandthepoliticalprominenceofsomeofhisdisciplesmakesitclearthatthemovementthatgrewoutofConfucius'
    teachingshaditsrootsinpoliticalactivism.Thereseemsnodoubtthat,atonetime,Confuciusthoughtthathejustmightbeabletochangetheworldifonlyhecould
    attainenoughpoliticalleverage.
    Thatdidnotcometopass,however,andalthoughConfucius'politicalactivisminfluencedalllaterRuists,anevengreaterinfluencewasexertedbyhisultimatefailure.
    ForwhatdistinguishedConfuciusfromothermenwithpraiseworthypoliticalimpulseswasthefactthathispoliticalgoalswerelinkedtoasystematicvaluestandpoint
    rootedinhisspecialreverenceforritualaction.Inhisowncareer,hedemonstratedrepeatedlythathisethicalidealismcouldinnowaybecompromisedinthenameof
    politicalexpediency,andhispoliticalfailuremayhavelargelybeenduetothisrigidstance.GenerationsoflaterRuwouldfollowhisexampleandcontentthemselves
    withpoliticalobscurityinordertocarryonConfucius'absolutecommitmenttotheethicsofritualaction.
    1.4.
    LegitimizingLi
    PhilosophywasborninChinaamidstapervasiveatmosphereofsocialandintellectualcrisis,andtheseconditionsdetermineditsagenda.32Philosophersshareda
    commongoalofarticulatingastablestructureofvaluethatwouldprescribeandlegitimizesocialactionasWesternChoureligiousandpoliticalideologiesoncehad.
    TheMohistsbuiltsuchastructureuponastrictutilitarianethic,whichupheldamoralimperativetoengageinanytypeofpoliticalactivitythatmightrelievesufferingto
    anydegree.TaoistslikeChuangTzuembracedasystematicethicalrelativism,objectifyingtheirideasasatranscendentprincipleofexistencethatchallengedthevalue
    ofanypoliticalactionwhatever.
    Confuciuscamebeforethesethinkers,andhisapproachwastoembracetheritualsystemofliasastablevaluefoundation.Indoingso,Confuciusfollowedadifferent
    pathfrommostsubsequentthinkersbecauseheadoptedasfundamentalaparticularandrelativeformofbehavior,ratherthana

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    universalethicalprinciple.Liwasnotabodyofprinciples:itwasacollectionofspecificcodesassociatedwiththeinstitutionsofaspecificdynasty.33
    WhatledConfuciustofeelthatliwasaviablebasisforanethicalteachingpreachedseriouslyintimesoftrouble?Theanswerlies,inpart,intheaestheticvaluesof
    ritualthatwediscussedearlier.TheConfuciusoftheAnalectsisamanpredisposedtovalueliforitsbeauty.TheAnalectstellsusthathewassomovedbya
    performanceofritualmusicthatforthreemonthshewasnotconsciousofthetasteoffood(A:7.14),andotherpassagesconfirmhisdeepfeelingforritualdanceand
    song(A:3.23,3.25,7.32,8.15,11.24).Commitmenttoliwasinextricablylinkedtoimmersioninitsaestheticforms:"TheMastersaid,'Riseupwiththesongs,stand
    withli,andbefulfilledinmusic"'(A:8.8).34
    AestheticswasnotethicallytrivialforConfucius.TheearlyChouterm"wen"hadlinkedpatternsdrawnfromritualartistrytopersonalvirtuesandsocialnorms(see
    chapterI).InRuism,thiscommitmenttopatternedactiondeepenedandtheaestheticqualitiesof"wen,"atermwhichinRuisttextsisgenerallybestrenderedas
    "style,"wereacentralqualityofRuism'spotraitsoftheidealperson."Wen,"or"style,''denotedamongotherthingstheaestheticskillsthatequippedanindividualto
    applythenarrowcodesofritual,skillsthatwerecultivatedbystudyingwrittentexts,music,dance,andthemartialarts.IntheAnalects,thisaestheticaspectofritualis
    sometimescontrastedwithexplicitprescriptiverules"li"inthenarrowsenseasinthethricerepeatedformulathatapersonshouldbe"broadenedwithstyle,
    constrainedbyli"(A:6.27,9.11,12.15).35
    Thisformularemindsusthattheaestheticsofritual,althoughdeeplyattractive,cannotlegitimizeritualasanethicalcategory.IntheRuistcase,becausethereligious
    andsociallegitimationsoflihaderodedwiththedeclineoftheChouruleandsocialorder,itwasnotenoughforConfuciusandhisfollowerstocelebratethebeautyof
    ritualforms.Itwasnecessaryforthemtoreformulatetheethicalbasesofritualtojustifytheirclaimthatlicouldserveasacardinalprincipleofvalue.Althoughwe
    obviouslycannottracetheirthinking,wecangiveabriefschematicsummaryofhowearlyRuistssolvedthisproblemintermsofoursimplemodelofthedimensionsof
    ritual.
    Inattackingthisproblem,Confuciusandhisfollowersdevelopedaseriesofinnovativeideas.Thefirstofthesewassobasicthatitsometimesescapestheattentionof
    interpreters.ThisisthefundamentalRuisttenetthatliis,initself,acategoryofintellectualandethicalsignificance.Aswenotedearlier,priortoRuistthought,wehave
    littleevidencetoindicatethatliwasunderstoodasageneralcategory,acommonpropertysharedbythemanyindividualritesandrules.Confuciuswas,ifnotthefirst,
    thenamongthefirsttopayattentiontoliasauniversalcategorytowhichparticularlibelonged.

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    ThisunderstandingofliinanabstractsenseallowedtheRuiststovaluetheformalaspectsofli.WhereasthebasisofmuchoftheWesternChouinterestinlihadbeen
    tiedtoconfidenceinthesupernaturalefficacyofindividualreligiousrites,Ruismdidnotrequirethatanyriteproveitsvaluethroughmagicalutilityitcouldpossess
    valueasaninstancerepresentingalargerethicalcategory36Theproperpracticeofliwasinherentlygood.
    ThesecondinnovationthatConfuciusandhisfollowersusedtolegitimizeliwastoinverttheethicalbasisofsocialli.Originally,thestablesocialorderoftheWestern
    Chouprovidedaconsensusvaluebaselegitimizingsocialritual.Thisbasehaddisintegratedleavingthesignificanceofliinquestion.Confucius'solutionwastotreatli
    notasapropertyofsocialorder,butasthegenesisofsocialorder.ThevalueofChouliwasnotdiminishedbythedeclineoftheChousocialorder,justtheopposite:
    Chouliwasifanythingmorevaluablenow,fortheperishedsocialorderexistedlatentintheli.Inasense,ConfuciusreinterpretedthebasisofChouinstitutions:their
    essencenolongerlayinhereditaryprivilege,itlayinthebehavioralnormsthatcharacterizedthem.37Theseweretheseedsofrevivedsocialorder,andConfucius'
    masteryofthemwasthebasisofhispoliticalmission:"KingWenisdead,buthisstylelivesonhere[inme],doesitnot?IfT'ienwishedthisstyletoperish,[I]would
    nothavebeenabletopartakeofit"(A:9.5).
    Theclaimthatsocialorderexistedlatentlyinritualwasdefendedwithreferencetotheextraordinaryethicalleveragethatsocialritualcouldprovide.AlthoughChou
    ritualwaslyingdormant,itremainedaninterconnectednetworkwhoseoutlineswerewellknown.Theinitiationofasingleproperlyperformedactoflimightbe
    sufficienttoengageothersinasteadilybroadeningcircleofritualactionjustasYangHuoengagedConfuciusintheinstancediscussedearlier.Oneperson,one
    continuingsourceofli,couldritualizetheworld:"Conqueryourselfandreturntoliforoneday,andtheworldwillrespondtoyouwithjen[humanity]"(A:12.1).38If
    thatpersonwereinapositionofpoliticalpower,theprocesswouldbeswiftandsimpleindeed:
    Canlianddeferencebeusedtoruleastate?Why,thereisnothingtoit!(A:4.13).
    Whenarulerlovesli,thepeopleareeasytorule(A:14.41).
    Ifthelorddirectshisministerswithli,theministerswillservetheirlordwithdevotion(A:3.19).

    Byargumentssuchasthese,Confuciusandhisfollowerspromisedtoreplace,throughritual,thestablesocialorderthathadbeensupportedbytheinstitutionalpillars
    ofkingshipandheredity.
    Thereligiouspillar,tothedegreethatitrestedonthenotionthatreligiousritualpossessedmagicalefficacy,Confuciusdidnotattempttorestore,

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    although,aswewillsee,RuistsemployedT'ientosanctiontheirritualclaims.Instead,thethirdinnovativeideaofearlyRuismwastoerectanentirelynewbasisforli,
    afourthdimensionofritualapartfromitsreligious,social,andaestheticaspects.Thiswasaneducationaldimension,whichlegitimizedritualformsonthebasisoftheir
    spiritualeffectupontheritualactorhimself.ConfuciusandlaterRuistsclaimedthatthepracticeoflianditsrelatedaestheticformswasinherentlyedifying,andcould
    transformindividualsintoethicalandwisebeings.ThiswasanevolvingclaiminearlyRuism,whichgrewfromanimplicitthemeintheAnalects,wheredevotiontoli
    andpersonalvirtuearelooselybutconsistentlylinked,toanexplicitandcentraldoctrineintheHsunTzu.Initsmostpositiveform,thisideawasexpressedasthe
    claimthatmasteryofritualandritualstyletransformedapersonintoaperfectbeing:aSage.Andevenwheretheclaimisexpressedinsofterterms,thepractical
    obsessionwithritual,whichwewillseewascharacteristicofallearlyRuism,suggeststhatthenotionofliasthepathtoSagehoodwasapowerfulmotivatingforce
    behindthededicationthatMastersanddisciplesshowedtotheirritualvocation.
    Thus,inestablishingliasacardinalvalue,earlyRuismreformulatedthebasesuponwhichliwaslegitimized.Nolongerwasritualsanctionedbyitsmagicalefficacyor
    itsplaceinanestablishedsocialorder.Now,aestheticallycelebratedandunderstoodasauniversalcategoryofaction,liwaslegitimizedbyitspowertogenerate
    orderinsocietyandSagehoodinindividuals.
    ThisnewduallegitimationofliwasfundamentaltothestructureofRuismthroughouttheWarringStatesperiodandforthousandsofyearsafter.Thesocialrationale
    yieldedapoliticalimperative:totransformsocietyintoafieldofritualaction.39Theeducationalrationalecompelledthestudenttodevotehisdaystotransforming
    himselfintoaperfectritualactor.Theoretically,thesetwoimperativeswerenotinconflict,andRuistdoctrineembracedboth.Butpracticallyspeaking,thepolitical
    imperativewasbeyondthepowersoftheRudoomedtofailure,itwasnotarewardingpathtofollow.Thepathofselfcultivationinritualstudy,ontheotherhand,
    offeredmanysortsofrewards,bothspiritualand,aswewillsee,materialaswell.
    EvenduringConfucius'lifetime,thepoliticalclaimseemstohaveincreasinglybecomearhetoricaldevice,whoseprimaryfunctionwastolegitimizetheRuists'pursuitof
    theirpersonaleducationalgoals.WhileitwasalwaysacenterpieceofRuistdoctrine,thepoliticalclaimdidnotbecomeaguidingimperativeofRuistpracticeuntilafter
    theWarringStatesperiodhadcometoacloseandpoliticalrealitieshadchanged.Inthefollowingsections,Ihopetodemonstratethatthiswasso,asweevaluatethe
    frequentlyheldhypothesisthatearlyRuismwasfundamentallyapoliticalmovement.

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    2.
    ThePoliticalRoleofRuism
    Aswesawinthelastsection,Ruistdoctrinewasborninacontextofpoliticalaction.Confuciushimselfmayhaveheldimportantpoliticalposts,andseveralofhis
    discipleswerepoliticallyprominent.Furthermore,Confucius'advocacyofli,centraltoallaspectsofhisteachings,wassupportedbyaclaimthatgovernmentbyli
    wasthekeytosocialorder.Fordisciples,thisentailedanimperativetoengineertheimplementationofliintheworld,animperativethatwasclearlypolitical.
    InterpretersofRuismhavedrawntwoconclusionsfromallthis.ThefirstisthatRuismwasfundamentallyapoliticalideology.H.G.Creelhasidentifiedthetwo
    enduringprinciplesofRuismas"theinsistencethatthosewhogovernshouldbechosennotfortheirbirthbutfortheirvirtueandability,andthatthetrueendof
    governmentisthewelfareandhappinessofthepeople(1949:4).40Thesewerecertainlyimportantandimpressivepoliticaldoctrines,frequentlyalthoughnot
    alwaysproclaimedbyRuists.ButwewillargueherethatthecentralcoreofearlyRuismlayinanentirelydifferentdirection.ThesecondconclusionisthatRuists
    werepoliticalactivistswhosoughtandfrequentlyoccupiedpositionsingovernmentfromwhichtheycouldimplementtheirvarioussocialpolicies.FrederickMotehas
    adoptedthisinterpretation:
    Itbecameknownthat[Confucius']studentswereacutabovetheordinaryjobseekers,andthatmadethememinentlyemployable....[M]anyofhisstudentsadvancedrapidlyin
    government.Withinafewgenerationsthestudentsofhiswidelyproliferatedschoolcommandedthemarkettheyhadthetalent,theygotthepositions(1971:41).

    InthelastsectionwenotedthatConfucius'duallegitimationofliresultedinacertainbifurcationinhisphilosophy,whichstressedimperativesbothtoperfectoneself
    andtotransformsociety.Inthecourseofthissection,wewillsuggesthowthisbifurcationactedtorenderRuismessentiallyapoliticaldespiteitspoliticalrhetoric.This
    hypothesiswillbesupportedfirstbyasurveyofhistoricalrecords,whichindicatethatduringtheWarringStatesperiodRuistsdidnot,infact,actuallyholdpositionsof
    politicalresponsibility,andsecondbyareexaminationoftheattitudesexpressedbytheRuisttextsthemselves.Wewillseethattheseconsistentlymaintainanegative
    attitudetowardpracticalpoliticalinvolvement,evenastheyespousedoctrinesofpoliticalidealism.
    OurconclusionwillbethatpoliticalidealismactedtoshieldRuistsfromtheunpredictableresultsofpracticalpoliticalactivism,andtolegitimizethewithdrawalofthe
    RuistcommunityintoacultfocusedongroupeducationandthequestforpersonalSagehood.

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    2.1.
    TheBifurcatedDoctrineofRuism
    TheportraitofearlyRuismasapoliticalideologyderives,Ithink,fromaseriesofuncriticalassumptionsthathaveguidedtheinterpretationofRuisttexts.Themost
    fundamentaloftheseistheassumptionthatRuismwasfirstandforemostanideology,orsetofideas.
    Tocontemporaries,theRuweremostlikelynotsomuchdistinguishedbytheirideasasbytheirobsessionwithli:theirarchaicdressandscrupulousbearing,their
    precisespeech,theirtendencytogatherandbringouttheirzithers,chantpoetry,andpracticeceremonialdance.(Wewillexploretheseactivitiesindetaillater.)
    Althoughitmayseemtobeafinedistinction,ourpictureofearlyRuismwillvaryenormouslydependingonwhetherweconcentrateonlyonwhatearlyRuistssaidor
    alsoonwhattheydid.
    TheconceptionofRuismasabodyofdoctrinearisesfromourhistoricalperspective.WhentheRuproselytized,recruitednewdisciples,ordefendedtheiractivities
    againstattack,theyelaboratedanevergrowingbodyofphilosophicalmaterial,whichformedtopicsfordiscussionwithineachgroupandbetweenRuandoutsiders.
    ThismaterialisvirtuallyallthatislefttouswecanviewearlyRuismthroughnomediumotherthanitswords.Furthermore,fewofthosewordsdirectlydescribewhat
    theRuwereactuallydoingthetextsareoverwhelminglyconcernedwitharticulatingidealdoctrine.Thus,thenatureofoursourcematerialhaspredisposedusto
    regardearlyRuismasasetofideas.41
    Becauseoursourcesgiveusaccesstoideasbutnottoactivities,thereisatemptationtofillinthegapbyimplicitlytranslatingthestatedaimsofthetextsintosocial
    action.RuisttextsrepeatedlydescribeRuisteducationaspreparationforpoliticalactivityshouldwenotconcludethatRuistswerepoliticallyambitious?Ruistdoctrine
    advocatesautopiansocialprogramdoesitnotfollowthattheRusoughtpoliticalpostsinordertoachievetheirgoals?
    Theseinferencesreflectasimplisticequationbetweenrhetoricandaction.Itissometimesthecasethatenergeticverbalinquiryorposturingrelievespressuresfor
    practicalactionaboutwhichthespeakermayactuallyfeelambivalent.IfwereexaminetheroleofpoliticaldoctrineinearlyRuism,wecanseetheplausibilityof
    applyingsuchaprincipleinthiscase.
    EarlyRuism,aswehavealreadyseen,isfundamentallybifurcated.Itscentralideologylinkstwosetsofdoctrineswhicharenotnecessarilyentailed.Thefirstisabody
    ofselfcultivationtheory.ThesestatementsprescribemethodsprimarilyinvolvingselfritualizationforbecomingasuperiorpersonandultimatelyaSage,witha
    Sagebeingdefinedasamanwhoseperfectmoralintelligenceisdisplayedinaction.42Thesecondsetofdoctrinesconsistsofstatementsconcerningawidevarietyof
    political

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    ideas.Theseincludecriticismsofcontemporarysocietyalongwithprescriptivepoliticalprograms,governancebylibeingoneofthese.
    Ruisttextslinkthesetwosetsofdoctrinesinthreeprimaryways.Thefirstlinkissequential:selfcultivationprecedespoliticalaction.Goodgovernmentwasnotjusta
    matterofrunningafeudalcourtaccordingtoritualrules.Withoutthecorrectspirit,ritualactionwouldnotengageothersinthebroadeningmatrixofsymbolicactivity.
    Forritualtofulfillitspoliticalpotential,ritualactorshadtounderstandthevaluesthatgovernedtheapplicationofli.Theyhadtobecomeethicalthemselves:"The
    Mastersaid,'Howcanamanwhoisnotjen[humane]manageli?Howcanamanwhoisnotjenmanagemusic?'"(A:3.3).43Forthemasterofritual,governmentis
    simple.Butamanunskilledintheartofritualwillonlyblunderifheattemptstoexploitthepoliticalpowerofli:"Canlianddeferencebeusedtoruleastate?Why,
    thereisnothingtoit.Hewhocannotuselianddeferencetoruleastate,howcanhemanageliatall?"(A:4.13).44FortheRuist,then,thestudyofritualandagrasp
    ofthevaluesthatgoverntheapplicationoflimustprecederitualgovernment.TheRuistdisciplemustbeginbycultivatinghisvirtuewithintheRuistgroup:political
    actionmustbedeferred.
    Thesecondlinkispredictive.Themanwhosevirtuehasbeencultivatedthroughritualeducationissupremelycompetenttooverseetherestorationofpoliticalorder,
    eitherasaruler,orastheadministratorofenlightenedpolicy.45ThusintheAnalects,Confuciusclaimsthatgivenagenuineopportunitity,hecouldreformastatein
    threeyearsorcreateanewChouintheeast(A:13.10,17.4).Menciusclaimsthat,giventhechance,hecouldbringpeaceandordertotheentireempire(M:2B.13).
    ThesuccessoftrueRuistgovernmentwouldbelimitlessandensured.
    Thethirdlinkisproscriptive.Beingmoral,theRuistSageorchntzuwillnotparticipateincorruptgovernment,lesthesetabadexample,needlesslyexposehimself
    todanger,becomehimselfcorrupted,orlegitimizecorruptionbyhispresence.Instead,hewillbidehistime,perfectinghimself,untiltheproperopportunityforpolitical
    actionpresentsitself.Thisisthedoctrineof"timeliness"(shih):"WhentheWayprevailsintheworld,appearwhenitdoesnot,hide"(A:8.13).46
    Ourimmediateconcernhereiswiththefirstandthirdlinksbetweenthetwodoctrinalmoieties:thatselfcultivationmustprecedepoliticalaction,andthatonemustnot
    acceptpoliticalresponsibilitiesinastatenotmorallygoverned.WithinthecontextofWarringStatesChina,thesetwodoctrinesprovidedapracticalimplication
    somewhatdifferentfromtheirexplicitcontent.Becausetrueopportunitiesforjoiningmoralgovernmentwerevirtuallynonexistentatthetime,thefunctionalmessage
    whichthesedoctrinesconveyedtodiscipleswastoenterandpersistinRuisttrainingforidealpoliticalopportunities,whileavoidinginvolvementinactualgovern

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    ment.Coincidentally,aslongasthiscourseofactionwasfollowed,thesecondassertionpredictingthelimitlesspoliticalsuccessofRuistSagesandRuistpolicies
    couldneverbetestedanddisproven.
    Accordingtothisanalysis,ratherthanbeingapoliticalmovementwhoseessentialmessagelayinpoliticaldoctrineandwhosefollowersweregroomedtoenterthe
    governmentsofthetimes,Ruismwasinitsearlydaysacultdirectedtowardselfimprovementinwhichpoliticaldoctrinesplayedalegitimizingrole.Theinstrumental
    functionofthesepoliticaldoctrineswastorationalizeandencourageabstinencefromnonRuistgovernmentinfavorofparticipationintheactivitiesoftheRuist
    community.PoliticalidealismbothexplainedaRuistwithdrawalintocultstudies,andjustifieditintheeyesofsociety.Ratherthanappearingeccentricandselfish,
    RuistscouldportraythemselvesintermsoftheWarringStatesvaluesofrighteousness,courage,andhonesty.
    Inthenextsection,wewilltestthisanalysisagainstthealternativeinterpretationofRuismasapoliticalmovementbyexaminingthehistoricalrecordtodetermine,first,
    whetherexplicitrecordsarefounddocumentingsubstantialnumbersofRuparticipatingingovernmentand,second,whethertheuseofRuistrhetoricbypoliticalactors
    oftheWarringStatesperiodimplicitlyindicatesthepresenceofRuingovernment.
    2.2.TheMissingHistoryoftheRu
    TheschoolofConfuciuswasfoundedinapoliticalcontext,butafterthedeathofConfucius,thereislittleevidenceofRuistparticipationingovernment.Achange
    seemstohavecomeovertheschoolofRuism,andthischangemayhavebegunduringConfucius'lifetime.
    AfterleavinghishomestateofLu,ConfuciusspentalmostfifteenyearstravelingthroughthevariousfeudalstatesofeasternChinalookingforarulerwhowould
    employhimingovernment.ThisisgenerallytakentodemonstratethatConfucius'commitmenttopoliticalactivismremainedundiminished.Butwecanlookatit
    anotherway.IfwerelyontheevidenceoftheAnalects,atleastpartofthereasonforConfucius'failuretofindapoliticalpositionwashisunwillingnesstobeflexible
    abouttheconditionsunderwhichhewouldseekoffice.Itmightnotbethatvaluablepoliticalopportunitieswerenotavailabletohim,butthathekepthisethical
    standardstoohightoseizethem.
    Forexample,theAnalectssuggeststhatConfuciushadnumerousopportunitiestoestablishapoliticalbaseinthestateofWei.Hewascalledintoaudiencewithan
    influentialconsortoftheruler,butheregardedherasimmoral,andshunnedanypoliticalrelationship(A:6.28).TheleadingmilitaryfigureinWeiproposedapolitical
    allianceConfuciussnubbedhim(A:3.13).Therulerhimselfgrantedhimanaudience,butConfuciusformed

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    alowopinionofhimandleftthestate(A:15.1).YetConfuciushimselfremarkedlaterthatalthoughtherulerwaswithoutvirtue,hisgovernmentincludedmenoftalent
    andhonorthey,atleast,couldseetheirwaycleartoservingunderhim(A:14.19).Followingthedeathoftherulerthereensuedabittersuccessiondispute,and
    someofConfucius'discipleswonderedwhetherthismightnotprovideapoliticalopportunityfortheirMaster.Confucius,however,declinedtobecomeinvolved
    (A:7.15).
    ThecaseofWeiistheclearestexample,butthereareotherinstanceswhereConfuciusseemstohavebeenmoreconcernedwithmaintaininghispoliticalpuritythanin
    attemptingtoturnpoliticalopportunitytoethicaladvantage(e.g.,A:14.36).IntheAnalects,weseehimwalkoutonnolessthanthreerulers(A:15.1,18.3,18.4).
    Onecannothelpbutwonderwhetherhistravelswereasmuchaquestforethicalopportunityasawayofprovingthatitcouldnotbefound.
    Asfarasthedisciplesareconcerned,severalofthemdidholdpoliticaloffice,anditisreasonabletofollowtraditionalinterpretationsthatsuggestthatConfuciustaught
    thesemenbecausehewishedtotrainanewbreedofpoliticalactors.Butthediscipleswhoachievedpoliticalprominencewereallamongthemostseniorof
    Confucius'students.Theyoungerdisciples,whoknewConfuciusonlyafterhispoliticalcareerinLucametoaclose,appeartohavemovedinadifferentdirection.47
    Althoughsomeofthem,suchasTzuhsiaandTzuyu,aresaidtohavetakenpositionsastownmagistratesinLuduringConfucius'lifetime,wefindnoevidencethat
    theyroseingovernmentorevenpersistedinit.48Otherprominentmembersoftheyoungergenerationofdisciples,suchasTzuchangandTsengShen,apparently
    neverheldpoliticaloffice.They,alongwithTzuhsiaandTzuyu,madetheirreputationsasteachersinthestyleofConfucius,takingonstudentsoftheirownaftertheir
    Master'sdeath.49
    Thus,eveninConfucius'lifetime,thecharacterofformativeRuismmayhavebeenchangingfrompoliticalactivismtoawithdrawncultofselfimprovement.After
    Confucius'death,wefindlittleevidenceofanyofhisdisciplesfindingemploymentinpolitics.50And,aswelookdownthecourseofRuisthistoryduringtheWarring
    Statesperiod,thereisevenlessevidencetoindicatethatthistendencytowardpoliticalwithdrawalwasreversedpriortotheCh'inconquest.Onthecontrary,asurvey
    ofourbesthistoricalsourcesfortheperiod,theChankuots'eandtheShihchi,alongwiththetestimonyofearlyRuisttextssuchastheMenciusandHsunTzu,
    indicatesaneartotalabsenceofRuistsfromtheranksofgovernment.51Infact,wereitnotforthetwogreatRu,MenciusandHsunTzu,whosebiographieshave
    beenpreservedtosomedegree,thehistoryoftheRuistcommunityafterConfuciuswouldbenearlyblank.Ruistssimplyleftnomarkonthepoliticalannalsofthe
    period.Overthecourseoftwoandonehalf

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    centuries,therecordlistsnomorethanahandfulofRuinpositionsofadministrativeresponsibility,andthecircumstancesineventhesefewcasesareoftenunclear.52
    TheevidencetosupportthepositiveclaimofRuistpoliticalactivismsimplydoesnotexist.53
    How,then,didtheimpressionarisethatRuistswereamajor,albeitultimatelyunsuccessfulpoliticalfactionpriortotheCh'in?Partially,nodoubt,becauseofthe
    uncriticalassumptionsthatlinkedRuistrhetorictosupposedactions.Butanotherreasonmightexist.Thatisthatinterpretershavenotadequatelystressedthe
    distinctionbetweenservingfeudalgovernmentsinanadministrativecapacityandacceptingothertypesofcourtpositions.ForwhilewedonotseeRuistsoccupying
    administrativeposts,wenotinfrequentlyseethemservingascourttutors,asspecialemissaries,asritualmasters,orasoccasionaladvisors,invitedtoimparttheir
    teachingstorulersanxioustoenhancetheirownreputationsforwisdom.DutiessuchasthesedidnotinterferewithaRuist'sprimaryoccupationasaMasterof
    disciples.Theiradministrativeburdenswereniland,mostimportant,thissortofactivitydidnotimplicateRuistsinthegeneralimmoralityofcontemporarygovernment
    becausetheywereneverinpositionsofpoliticalresponsibility.
    Still,onemightwonderwhy,ifRuistswereseriousaboutfollowingConfucius'injunctionto"hide"intimesofimmoralrule,theywerewillingtobeassociatedwith
    feudalcourtsatall.Theanswerisprobablythatfeudalcourtswerecentersofeconomicsurplus,andforRuistgroupsasforMohistandothergroupspatronageby
    membersofacourtwasthesurestpathtoeconomicsustenance.Inadditiontogainingapositionasateacherorritualist,awellknownRumightreceivecourt
    patronagesimplyforbeinga"wiseman"andresidingnearby.54
    DuringtheWarringStatesperiod,rulerscommonlydisplayedtheirvirtuebypatronizing"worthies"ofalldescriptions.Wisemenarrivingatthecapitalsofsuchrulers
    couldbeassuredofbeinggrantedaudiencesandstipendsaswell.55Ruistsgravitatedtosuchstates,andtheportraitofearlyRuistsaspoliticallyambitiousmenhas
    certainlybeenenhancedbythefactthatmanyRudidmaintainclosetieswithacourt.Confucius'discipleTzuhsia,forexample,respondedtothefirstrecorded
    instanceofsuchpatronage.WhenMarquisWenofWeiaputoutacallforworthies,TzuhsiajoinedanumberofhiscontemporariesintravelingtoWeia,wherehewas
    appointedcourttutor(SC:67.2203).56Someyearslater,theMarquis'descendantKingHui,batteredbybadfortunesinwar,revivedthepolicyinordertoattract
    freshpoliticaltalent(SC:44.1847).AmongthoserespondingwasMencius,who,needlesstosay,wasnotthesortofmantheKingwascastingforwhenhedangled
    thebaitoflargestipends.
    Menciusmayhavebeenamongthosemostdisposedtorespondtoopportunitiesofthissort.AsidefromhistenureinWeia(Liang),histravelsto

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    Ch'i,T'eng,andperhapsSungallmayhaveinitiallybeeninresponsetoorinexpectationofsuchgeneralpatronagepolicies.57
    InthestateofCh'i,thepolicybecameinstitutionalizedintheformofagovernmentsponsoredacademy,wherewisemenofeverystripereceivedsalariesandgathered
    discipleswithoutanypoliticalresponsibilitieswhatever(Ch'ien1956:32134).HsunTzutaughtatthisacademy,wherehewasreveredasseniorteacher
    (SC:74.2348).
    Duringthisperiod,Ruistsdidnotserveasofficersofgovernment,butasthepersonalretainersofwhateverlordwaswillingtosupportthem.TheHanFeiTzugivesa
    credibleportraitwhenitlumpsRuiststogetherwithknightserrant:bothgroupslivedoffthepatronageofpoliticallyprominentleaders,butjustaswanderingknightsof
    martialskillwerenotappointedtoleadregulararmies,soRuistsskilledinritualartswerenotappointedtoleadgovernments(Hsienhsueh:19.9b10a).58
    Theadvantagesofthisarrangementforpoliticalleadersweremanifold.Therulerofafeudalstatecouldjustifytheactionsofhisgovernmentbypointingtothepanoply
    ofworthieswhowereattractedtohiscourt.Fromthesemen,arulerorhisspokesmencouldlearnfacilerhetoricalformulastorationalizetheirpragmaticacts.59
    TheproximityofRutoWarringStatescourtsresultedinageneraldiffusionofRuistpoliticalideasandrhetoric.Ruistrhetoricwasparticularlywellsuitedtopolitical
    manipulation.TheRuwere,afterall,revivalists.Manyoftheirideascouldbeseenaslittlemorethanarestatementoftraditionalvalues.FewnonRuwouldchallenge
    theRuiststressonrighteousness,courage,andreverence.EventhemostparticularofRuistvalues,li,wasnotcontroversialiftakeninaweaksenseasproperand
    seemlyaction.Ruistsweredistinctonlyintakingthesevaluesseriouslymosteverybodypaidthemlipservice.
    BecauseRuistrhetoricwassowellsuitedforpoliticalmanipulation,itisnotunusualtoencounterinourhistoricalsourcesRuiststylespeechesutteredbynonRu
    politicalactors.60WeshouldnotconcludethattheincidenceofsuchRuistrhetoricinthepoliticallanguageofthetimesindicatessignificantRuistparticipationin
    policymakingoradministration.
    Aparticularlyapthistoricalexampleillustratesperfectlythisneedtodistinguishbetweenrhetoricalandpoliticalinfluence.ItinvolvesthecivilwarinthestateofYen
    (316314B.C.).EveryaspectofthisaffairinvolvesthemanipulationofRuistrhetoricbypragmaticpoliticians.
    ThecrisisinYenbeganwhenunscrupulousministers,interestedinelevatingoneoftheirnumbertosupremepower,employedRuistargumentstopersuadetherulerof
    YentocedehisthronetohisPrimeMinister(CKT:9.11b12a).61Thelegitimateheirraisedarebellion,whereupontheborderstateofChungshanseizedonthe
    chaoticsituationtoinvadeand

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    capturelandfromYen.ThisinvasionwasjustifiedinRuistlanguage,asaproperpunishmentforthe''wayward"rulersofYen.Theyhad"violatedliandrighteousness"
    andconfused"theliwhichdistinguishsuperiorfrominferior."62
    Meanwhile,thegiantstateofCh'idecidedthatthiswasanopportunetimetolaunchitsowninvasionofYen.Justatthattime,theRuistMasterMenciuswasinCh'i,
    wherehehadbeengrantedtheexaltedrankofhighminister,arareinstanceofaRuholdingapoliticaltitlealthoughtheaccountsoftheMenciusindicatethat
    Menciustooknopartintheactualadministrationofgovernment,andhishighrankwasprobablyhonorary(seebelow).AccordingtotheaccountoftheChankuo
    ts'e,MenciusurgedtheKingofCh'itoinvadeYenonethicalgrounds(CKT:9.13a).ButtheMenciuspainstakinglyexplainsthatthegovernmentofCh'iactually
    trickedMenciusanddistortedthemeaningofhiswords(M:2B.89).63Apparently,Ch'imanipulatedthewordsofitstokenRuistministerinordertolaunchits
    invasionwithaclaimofRuistsanction.Menciusproperlyawaitedtheendofhostilitiesandthenresignedhispost(M:2B.14).
    Ch'isucceededinconqueringYenandprocededtoinstallthelegitimateheirasitspuppet.ButthenewprinceturnedonCh'i,and,seekingtorevivethestrengthof
    Yen,heissuedaRuiststylecallforwisementocometohisaid.Manyresponded,buttheoneschosenforpoliticalpostswerenotRuists,butmilitarists,whorebuilt
    thearmiesofYen.64
    SomuchRuistrhetoric!ButalltoservethepracticalinterestsofnonRuistgovernment.NoincidentinpreCh'inhistorybetterdemonstratesthemistakeofassuming
    thattheuseofRuistpoliticalrhetoricindicatesthatanindividualwasaRuorthatagovernmentwasRuist.65
    Insum,wefindvirtuallynorecordofRuistsoccupyingpoliticalpositionsduringtheWarringStatesperiod.Buttheydidgravitatetowardfeudalcourts,wheretheir
    ideasbecamewellknown.TheirpresenceonthefringesofpoliticalpowerledtotheabsorptionofsomeofthelesscontroversialaspectsofRuistrhetoricintothe
    politicalmainstream.ThisdoesnotindicatethatRuistsexertedsignificantinfluenceingovernment,orthattheygenerallyaspiredtodoso.Itreflectsanincreasingskill
    onthepartofpoliticalactorsincooptingtheissuesofRuistidealism,andinbindingRuiststotheircourtsinnonpoliticalrolesbypayinglipservicetotheirdoctrines.
    OurhistoricalsurveydoesnotconfirmtheinterpretationofearlyRuismasapoliticalmovement.ThisdoesnotprovethatRuistsdidwithdrawfromthepoliticalarena
    ournegativeevidencecanyieldonlyanargumentfromsilence,andsuchanargumentcannotbeconclusive.Itcan,however,surpriseourtraditionalassumptionsabout
    RuistactivismandshifttheburdenofprooftoclaimsforsubstantiveRuistpoliticalinvolvement.Moreover,negativeevidenceconcerningRuistpoliticaleffortsisbyno
    meansthesole

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    basisfortheclaimofRuistwithdrawal.AreexaminationoftheRuisttextsthemselvesshowsthattheprinciplesthatguidedRuistsawayfrompoliticalinvolvementare
    clearlyandprominentlyarticulatedinthetexts.Nodisciplewhoemployedthelessonsofthesetextsasaguidecouldmistaketheirmessage.
    2.3.
    TheTextualImperativeofWithdrawal
    ManypassagesinRuisttextstellusthatgovernmentserviceisanimperative,butthatimperativeisalwaysmodifiedbytheprovisothatitonlyapplieswhenapractical
    chanceexiststhatsuchservicewillhaveitsintendedmoraleffect.Theformula:"WhentheWayprevails,appearwhenitdoesnot,hide,"isrepeatedatleastsixtimes
    intheAnalects,inavarietyofforms(A:5.21,7.11,8.13,14.1,14.3,15.7).Themessageisconveyedinotherwaysaswell.
    ManyRuistrecruitsmayhavebeguntheirstudieswiththeaimofobtainingpoliticalposts.66Confuciusissaidtohavelamentedthat,"Astudentwillingtostudythree
    yearswithoutacceptingapostishardtofind!"(A:8.12).ItmakessensetobelievethatRuistpoliticalrhetoricattractedambitiousmenaswellasidealiststotheRuist
    fold.OneoftheRuistMaster'staskswastobringsuchambitionundercontrolandreorientthestudent'sprimarygoalstowardstudy,thequestforSagehood,andthe
    rewardsofsharinginthelifeoftheRuistcommunity.
    ManypassagesintheAnalectsappeardesignedtoredirectgoalsinthisway.Forexample:"TheMastersaid,'Toeatcoarsegreensanddrinkwater,tocrookone's
    elbowforapillow:joyalsoliestherein.Iftheyarenotgotbyrighteousmeans,wealthandrankaretomelikethefloatingclouds'"(A:7.16).
    Thissortofideawasneverraisedtoanasceticcodethatmightalienatepotentialdisciples.Thelessonwasframedintermsofachoicebetweenshoddyimmoralityand
    therewardsofalifeofrighteousness:"TheMastersaid,'Ifthepathtowealthishonest,thenIfollowit,evenifitmeansbeingthelowlybearerofthewhip.Ifitisnot,I
    followmyownpleasures'"(A:7.12.)67
    IntheAnalects,themessageofpoliticalwithdrawalisconveyedmosteffectivelythroughthejudgmentsmadeonpositiveandnegativemodels.Theleadingpositive
    modelintheAnalectsisthediscipleYenYuan.HeistheonlydiscipleportrayedashavingapproachedSagehood(A:6.7).Heisnowherecriticizedandeverywhere
    idealizedConfuciusevenimpliesthatYenYuanwasethicallysuperiortohimself(A:5.9).YetYenYuanisneverconnectedwithpoliticaloffice,norevenshown
    consideringone.Heapparentlychosevoluntarilytoliveinpovertyandobscurity(A:6.11).Confuciussaidtohim,"When[theWay]prevails,actwhenitisdiscarded,
    hide:onlyyouandIcanfollowthis"(A:7.11).YenYuanachievednothinginthe

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    eyesoftheworld.AllhisachievementswerewithintheconfinesofConfucius'smallcoterie.
    OtherdisciplesfollowedYenYuan'sexampleofrefrainingfrompoliticalemployment.TheAnalectstellsusthatwhenthewarlordChifamilywishedtoemployone
    discipleasmagistrateoftheirfortresscity,herepliedtotheiremissary:"MakeitclearImustdecline.Iftheypursueme,Ishallsurelybefoundonthefarsideofthe
    riverWen[i.e.,outofreach]"(A:6.9).68
    Ontheotherhand,discipleswhodid,infact,holdpositionsofpoliticalauthorityalmostinvariablyserveasnegativemodelswhenevertheirconductingovernmentis
    touchedon,usuallybecausetheyhaveshownthemselvesimpotenttoeffectchangesinbadpolicies.ThedisciplesTzuluandJanCh'iu,themostpoliticallysuccessful
    ofthedisciples,comeinforparticularlyharshcriticism(A:3.6,6.4,11.23,16.1).AtonepointConfuciusevensuggeststhattheotherdisciples"soundthedrums"and
    driveJanCh'iufromtheirmidst(A:11.17).Anotherdisciple,whomtheShihchirecordsashavinglosthislifeinapoliticalintrigue,isthemostdenigrateddisciplein
    theAnalects.69
    Confucius'ownactions,asportrayedintheAnalects,reinforcethemessageofpoliticalwithdrawal.TheAnalectsneverportraysConfuciusacceptingapostin
    government(althoughA:17.1doescomeclosetoit).Butitcitesthreeinstancesofhisturninghisbackonrulerswhodonotmeethishighethicalstandards(A:15.1,
    18.34).
    ThesituationissimilarintheMencius.Menciusformulatesthreealternativeprinciplesofenteringgovernment:apuritanismthatallowsparticipationinnothinglessthan
    utopianrule,amissionaryattitudethatacceptsemploymentunderanycircumstances,andConfucius'principleofacceptingemploymentonlywhenthetimeisripe.
    Historyrecordsgoodmenwhohavefollowedeachprinciple,butMenciusendorsesonlythelast:"ConfuciuswastheSageoftimeliness.Herepresentsthegreat
    cadence...wherethegongsresoundandthejadebellschime"(M:5B.1).
    TheexampleofMenciushimselfseemstobesomewhatcontrarytotheprincipleofavoidingentanglementswithcorruptgovernments.Afterall,Mencius,like
    Confucius,traveledfromstatetostateinsearchofarulerwhowouldusehim,andunlikeConfucius,hedidacceptapost,becomingahighministerinCh'i.Butthis
    pictureisnotquitecomplete.
    MenciuswasaneccentricamongRubecausehesupplementedthedoctrineof"timeliness"acceptemploymentonlywhenthetimesareripewithamillennialbeliefin
    theimmanenceoftheappearanceofaNewKing(apointwewilldiscussfurtherinchapterV).Thisdidleadhimtoseekarulerpatronwithexceptionalzeal,butnot
    withasmuchzealasisoftenbelieved.
    Firstofall,wefindnoindicationthatMenciushadeverseenfittoacquire

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    experienceingovernment.WedonothearofanambitiousyoungMenciusseekingoutamagistratelevelpostasawayofgainingpoliticalleverage.Theoldmanwe
    seeintheMenciusisnotafrustratedpolitician,butanagingphilosopherhopingtousetheleverageofhisreputationasawisemantobreakintopoliticsatthehighest
    levels.
    Menciuspursuedthisquestinamostunadventuresomeway,generallytravelingonlytocourtsthathadpromulgatedpoliciesofpatronizingwisemenorappearedtobe
    onthevergeofdoingso.Hewasnotwillingtoseekoutaudienceselsewhere(M:3B.1,3B.3).70
    NorwasMenciusseekingpoliticalresponsibility.HispostinCh'i,apparentlytheonlyoneheeveraccepted,asmentionedearlier,wasalmostcertainlyanadvisory
    positionwithoutadministrativeduties.71Hehelditonlybriefly,and,whatismore,hedeclinedtoaccepthissalarybecausefromearlyonhewassetonleavingassoon
    aspossible(M:2B.14).72MenciusdifferedfromotherRuonlyinthathisstyleofpoliticalwithdrawaldependedonprovingratherthanassumingthefutilityofpolitical
    activism.
    ReturningtotheAnalects,wenotedearlierthatonetaskoftheMasterwastoredirectthepersonalambitionsofdisciplesfromgoalsofwealthandstatustogoals
    orientedtowardselfperfectionandsuccesswithintheRuistgroup.OneofthemostprominentthemesintheAnalectsaddressesthisissuedirectly:"Withoutanxiety
    abouthavingnoposition,beanxiousforthewherewithalwithwhichtotakeyourstand.Withoutanxietythatnooneknowsyou,seekthatbywhichyoumaybe
    known"(A:4.14).
    ThismessageisrepeatedwithvariationsinatleastfourotherAnalectspassages(A:1.1,1.16,14.30,15.19).Theopeningbookofthetext,whichmayhavebeen
    composedsomewhatlaterthanmostotherchaptersandbeendesignedasanoverallsummaryofRuistdoctrine,bothbeginsandendswithpassagesonthistheme.73
    NostatementbetteraffirmstheinnerdirectednessoftheRuistcommunitythantheopeningwordsoftheAnalects:
    Tostudyandeverpractice:isthisnotcontentment!Tohavecomradescomefromafar:isthisnotjoy!Unknownandunsoured:isthisnotachntzu!(A:1.1).

    3.
    TheCommunityofRu
    Wehavespokenseveraltimesofthe"Ruistcommunity"withoutexplainingjustwhattheexpressionmeans.Inthissection,wewilldescribeinmoredetailwhatthe
    earlyRuwerelikeandtheroletheyplayedinWarringStatessociety.
    PerhapsthebeststartingpointwouldbetorecallSsumaCh'ien'sdescriptionofthesoundsofmusicandsongthatwereeverheardintheRuisthomelandofLu.The
    typesofpracticewhichthatpicturereflectsmarked

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    Ruistsassocialeccentrics.TheseritualpracticesbecamethefocusofattacksbyhostileschoolssuchasMohism,anddevotiontothemcametobe,forthedisciple,
    perhapsthemostprominentmarkofhispersonalidentity.
    TheeccentricityoftheRuwasmanifestintheirappearance.Ruistsdressedinanarchaicstylethatcametobeknownas"Ruclothing."74Theywerefluentinthe
    ancientChoucourtdialect,andtheirspeechwasfilledwitharchaicphrases(A:7.18MT,FeiJu:9.17bKungMeng:12.9b).75
    Andthentherewastheirobsessionwiththeceremoniesofliandtheirassociatedaestheticforms.TheMoTzuexpressesitsdisgustwiththeRuinthisway:
    [They]bedeckthemselveswithelaboratedresstopoisontheworld.Theystrumandsingandbeatoutdancerhythmstogatherdisciples.Theyproliferateliofascendingand
    descendingtodisplaytheirmanners.Theylaboroverthenicetiesofceremonialgaitsandwinglikegesturestoimpressthemultitudes(FeiJu:9.4041).

    Anoddgroupofpeopleindeed.
    PerhapsbecausefewRuistsbecamepoliticallyprominentpriortotheHan,informationaboutthelivesofWarringStatesRuisscarce.Butinthissectionwewilltryto
    piecetogetherwhateverinformationwecananddiscusstheRuistcommunityintermsofitsinternalstructureasasociallydistinctcult,intermsofthesyllabusthat
    Ruistsstudiedandtaught,andintermsofthesocialrolesthatRuistsplayedinordertosustainaplaceforthemselvesinthegeneralcommunity.
    3.1.
    TheRuistStudyGroup
    Asbestwecandetermine,RuismasasocialentitybeganwiththegroupofdiscipleswhofirstgatheredaroundConfuciussometimenear500B.C.Ofcourse,
    Confucius'thoughtdidnotariseinavacuumhehadbeensteepedinthecomplextraditionsofChousociety.NorwasConfuciustheonlymanofhisdaydeeply
    versedinritualarts.Ritualspecialistssuchasshamans,liturgists,andcourtscribesallcarriedonelementsofearlyChouritualtradition.Confuciusabsorbedmuchfrom
    ritualspecialistsandfromothertraditionalsourceshehimselfviewedhisteachingsaswhollyderivative(A:7.1).Nevertheless,theymarkthestartofanewtradition,
    andtheAnalectsmakesthisclearwhenittellsusthatConfuciushimselfwasthediscipleofnoteacher(A:19.22).76
    Confuciusandhisdisciplescreatedanewtypeofsocialunit,anenduringgrouporganizednotonhereditary,political,oreconomicbases,butonthebasisofa
    commoncommitmenttoacourseofstudy.ThegeneralstructureofRuismcontinuedtobemodeledonthepatternofConfucius'studygroup.Theonlywaytobecome
    aRuwastodowhattheoriginaldisciplesdid:studyformanyyearswithaMaster.

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    TheAnalectsshowsuswhatatightlyknitbrotherhoodthestudygroupcouldbe.Thetextismorethanacollectionofsayings,itisaversionofprimaryRuist
    mythology,anditsappealgoesbeyonditsphilosophicalinterest.Itstandsasaremarkablepieceofliterature,anditsliteraryvaluelieslargelyintheinterplaybetween
    itsideasanditscharacters.DiscipleswhoreadthetextwereinstructedasmuchinthesentimentofbelongingtoaRuistfamilyastheywereindoctrine.Theauthorsof
    theAnalectsseemtohaveembracedthisaspectoftheirbook.Thetextispepperedwithentrieshavinglittlefunctionotherthantoportraythetouchingpersonal
    relationshipsoftheRuistgroup.77
    CreelhasspeculatedthatConfucius'discipleslivedwithhim(1949:78).Whilethereisnocertainevidencethatthiswasso,itisclearthatduringhisexiletheytraveled
    withhim,andsharedhisfrequentlyillfortunedlot(A:15.2).TherelationshipbetweenMasteranddisciplewasclosetothatbetweenfatherandson.TheAnalectstells
    usthatwhenConfuciuswasill,Tzuluaskedpermissiontoofferupprayersforhim,andstagedceremoniesintendedtomakethespiritsgrantConfuciusgreater
    respectafterhisdeath(A:7.35,9.12).78IntheMenciuswehearthatafterConfucius'deaththediscipleTzukungperformedthethreeyearmourningritesofason,
    livinginahutbythesideofhisMaster'sgrave(M:3A.4).79
    AfterConfucius'death,thedisciplesperpetuatedthelifeofthestudygroup.Atfirst,itissaid,theychoseoneoftheseniordisciplestohonorastheyhadConfucius,
    butsubsequentlytheypartedcompany,manyofthemajordisciplesbecomingMastersoftheirownstudygroups(M:3A4).80Inthisway,theRuistcommunitybegan
    todisperseintoindependentunits,eachmodeledontheexampleofthefirststudygroup.
    ThecommitmentofdiscipletoMasterwaslifelong.AlthoughdisciplesmightrejecttheirMasterandleave,ordeclinetojoinhimintravel,judgingfromtheAnalects
    andtheMencius,manydidnot.IntheMencius,weencountertwodisciplesofarecentlydeceasedRuistMasterwhohaveabandonedtheirMaster'steachingto
    followaheterodoxschool.Inberatingthemfortheirtreachery,Menciusmentionsthattheyhadservedtheirformerteacherfor"decades"untilhisdeath(M:3A.4).
    Evenpoorstudentsneverleftthegroup!
    Menciustraveledwithanentourageofdisciples,andalthoughtheyarenotextensivelyportrayedintheMencius,thecoremembersofhisgroupappeartohavestayed
    byhimformanyyears.81InthestateofCh'i,MenciusseemstohaveencounteredanotherprominentRunamedKaoTzu.82TheMenciusshowsustheclashbetween
    thestudygroupsofthesetwoRuistMasters,withMenciuscoachingoneofhisdisciplesintheartofbestingKaoTzu'sdisciplesindebate(M:6A.5).83
    AlthoughtheearlyRuistcommunitycanbeconceivedasanetworkof

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    studygroups,itwasbynomeansaunitednetwork,astheconflictsbetweenMenciusandKaoTzushow.FactionalismamongRuistsappearedearlytheseedsare
    evidentevenintheAnalects,whichrecordsdisputesamongdisciplesafterConfucius'death(A:19.3,19.12,19.1516).BythelateWarringStatesperiod,factional
    disputeshadbecomebitterindeed.IntheHsunTzu,rivalRuistfactionsareattackedwithavenomasvirulentasthatdirectedagainstheterodoxschools.84TheHan
    FeiTzurecordsthatasmanyaseightmajorRuistfactionsexistedbytheendoftheChou(Hsienhsueh:19.7b).85
    3.2.
    TheRuistSyllabus
    TheRuiststressonstudywasabsolute."Study"(hsueh)isthefirstwordoftheAnalects,andwhenConfuciusrecountshisthumbnailautobiography,thefirsteventis,
    "AtfifteenIsetmyheartonstudy"(A:2.4).86Confuciusregardedhisloveofstudyaswhatsethimapartfromotherpeople(A:5.28).Forhim,studywasasbasicas
    thought,ifnotpriortoit:"Ihavespentwholedayswithouteatingandwholenightswithoutsleepinginordertothink.Itwasuselessnotlikestudy!"(A:15.31).Inthis
    sectionwewilltrytodescribejustwhatstudyentailedforaRu.
    TheRuistsdidnotinventformaleducationinChina,buttheymayhavebeenamongthefirsttograspintellectuallythetremendousimportanceofeducationinshaping
    everyaspectofaperson'scharacter.SomequestionexistsastowhetherformaleducationwaseitherintensiveorwidespreadpriortoConfucius'time.Latesources,
    suchasthevariousRuistritualmanuals,recountinexquisiteandcontradictorydetailthestructureandsyllabiofearlyChoueducation.87Thedetailofthesebooks
    clearlylabelsthemasidealizations,and,iftheyareindicativeofanyactualeducationpractices,theyaremorelikelytohavebeenthoseofearlyRuiststudygroupsthan
    thoseoftheearlyChouaristocracy88
    WhethertheneedforbroadformaleducationwasrecognizedpriortotheRuistsornot,itseemslikelythatnoothergrouphadsuchfaithinthetransformingpowerof
    education:"IfIwishedtochangefrombasetonoble,stupidtowise,poortorich,couldI?Isay:Study...JustnowIwasamuddledmaninthestreetamoment
    laterandIamtheequalofYaoandY!"(H:8.3941).Justwhatdidthisstudyentail?
    Basically,theRuistsyllabusconsistedoffourelements:thestudyofthegymnasticartsofwar,thestudyandinterpretationoftexts,thestudyofli,andthestudyof
    associatedaestheticforms,suchasmusicanddance.Formalandinformalethicaldiscussiontheaspectofstudythatisrecordedinourtextsaccompaniedallfour
    elements.Asweexplorethesyllabushere,wewillfindthatallfourelementsnotonlythelasttwoweredirectedtowardcultivatingintheRuiststudentanall
    encompassingmasteryofstylized,ritualaction.

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    Ofthefourareas,theoneleastdiscussedinthetextsisthefirst:themartialarts,includingarcheryandcharioteering.89Theseskillswereprobablyacquiredbyevery
    memberofthearistocracy,anditislikelythatmostorallRuiststudentswouldhavebeenproficientintheseartspriortojoiningtheRuistgroup.
    Nevertheless,archerypractice,atleast,seemstohavebeenincludedintheRuistsyllabuswecandrawthisconclusionfromthefactthatRuisttextsspeakofarchery
    asameansofselfimprovement.TheAnalects,forexample,discussesarcheryasafieldformanifestingtheproperspiritofritualconductamongequals.Archery
    contestsarewheremen"competeatbeinggentlemen"(A:3.7).
    TheMenciusexpandsonthissomewhat,andmakesitclearthatarcherywasseenasanethicaltypeofmotortraining:thequalityofthephysicalshotwasareflection
    ofthequalityofone'smoralattitudes(M:2A.7).ThelateRuisttextLichicontainsadetailedinterpretationofarcheryasanethicalmediumofconduct.Thecentral
    ideaisthatarcheryshouldbeaperfectdisplayofvirtuebecausethearrowsareshotfromthemidstofacompletelyritualizedsetting(Sheyi:20.8a).90
    Thesecondcategory,thestudyoftexts,isusuallyoveremphasizedintheWest.Again,thisisprobablyduetothebiasofoursources,whicharethemselvestexts,and
    arebettersuitedtorecordingdiscussionsofPoetrypassagesthantodescribingarcheryorotherritualpracticesthatoccurredonanuninterestingdailybasis.
    Nevertheless,althoughithasbeenoveremphasized,thestudyoftextsdidbecomecentraltoRuism.TheHsunTzuincludescitationsfromthePoetry,Documents,
    SpringandAutumnAnnals,andYiching,aswellasfromritualbooksandothertexts.Atthestart,intheAnalects,thelistismuchbriefer.ThePoetrywascertainly
    studieditisfrequentlycitedanddiscussed.Wealsofindseveralreferencesto"Documents,"butwhetherthisreferstothetextwenowknowbythatnameornotis
    uncertain(Matsumoto1966:1720).91
    ThemostdiscussedtextinallRuistworksisthePoetry,andthisalertsustoaseldomstressedfacetofRuisttextualstudy.Weknowfromavarietyofsourcesthat
    thePoetrywasnotsimplyagroupofsongscollectedforreaders'pleasureandedification.Thepoemswereemployedas"scripts"onformaloccasions.Skillinciting
    thePoetrywasaformofritualmastery.Thespeakerhadtounderstandrulesofcitationandhadtobecreativewithinthem.92ThisiswhytheAnalectscansay,"If
    youdonotstudythePoetry,youhavenomeanswherebytospeak"(A:16.13).93
    MasteryofthePoetrywasnotanabstractscholarlyinterestitwasoneaspectofselfritualization.Itprovidedthedisciplewithweightyscriptsuponwhichtorelyin
    generalsocialintercourse.Ofcourse,thesubtletyof

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    citingthePoetrylayinthespeaker'sabilitytorevealadeepunderstandingofthemeaningofthetext,hencememorizationwasonlythebeginningexegesiswasa
    centralconcern.ThisisevidentevenintheAnalects(A:1.15,3.8)intheMenciuswefindgeneralrulesofexegesisdiscussed(M:5A.4).BythetimeoftheHsunTzu,
    theexegeticaltraditionsthatcharacterizeHanRuismarealreadyinevidence,withelaboratemoralinterpretationsattachedtoeventhesimplestpoems(e.g.,H:21.47
    49).Butthistraditionshouldbeviewedasanextensionoftheearlierone.Theinterestwasnotacademic,itremainedtiedtoritualsocialaction.
    FromMencius'timeon,atleast,RuistsalsostudiedtheDocuments.Suchstudywasimportantbecauseitinformeddisciplesof"historical"precedentsforRuist
    doctrines,whichcouldbeusedtolegitimizeRuistideasandactions.ButaswithPoetrystudy,theprimaryuseoftheDocumentswasprobablyasavehiclefor
    scriptingspeech.WecanseethiswhenwecontrastthewayinwhichtheDocumentsisgenerallyemployedinRuisttextsandintheMoTzu(Mohistsalsostudiedthe
    Documents,althoughthetwoschoolsseemtohavereaddifferentversionsofthetext).WhileRuisttextstendtoemploytheDocumentsmuchastheydothePoetry,
    citingbriefpassages(oftenoutofcontext)toconveyamoralpointelegantly,theMoTzufrequentlycitestheDocumentsatlength,treatingthetextasanarrativewith
    amoral(e.g.,ShanghsienII:2.11bChienaiIII:4.14b[butcf.A:20.1]Mingkuei:8.9aFeiming:9.13).TheRuiststyleofusagereflectstheroleoftextualcitation
    asanornamentofspeech.
    Thus,Ruisttextualstudygrewoutofanaimtoincorporatethosetextsinconduct.Certainlymoreabstractintellectualrewardswerefound,and,bytheHanperiod,
    Ruiststudywasundoubtedlybookish.94Evenduringtheearlyperiod,wefindtheHsunTzuattackingRuistswhoplacedtoogreatanemphasisontextualstudyat
    theexpenseofthestudyofli(H:8.9192).Butbasically,textualstudywaspartoftheRuistprocessofmoralselfstylization,whichMenciusdescribedthus:"Ifyou
    wearYao'sclothes,chantYao'swords,andactasYaoacted,thenyouaresimplyYao"(M:6B.2).
    ThethirdtopicoftheRuistsyllabuswasli,andalthoughwelistithereasoneoffourtopics,itshouldbeunderstoodthatliwas,infact,whattheentireeducational
    programwasabout.Thepointofstudyingarcherywastolearnphysicalandemotionalcontrolinaritualizedcontextthepointofstudyingtextswastoritualizeone's
    speech.AllaspectsofRuiststudyweredirectedtowardritualizingthestudentstudyoftheexplicitcodesofliwasonlyoneaspect.
    Onceagain,thetextswepossesstendtoreportthingssaidratherthanthingsdone.WorkssuchastheAnalectsdonotlistthetypesoflistudiedordiscussthe
    frequencyofpractice.ButtheevidenceoftheRuistobsessionwithliisquitevisible:itisembodiedinthetomesofritualcodestheRuists

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    compiledduringthelateChouandearlyHan.Someofthese,suchastheYili,wereprobablyusedasworkbooks.Themoretheoreticaltextsaremostlikelytohave
    grownfromgroupdiscussionsinwhichMastersrecountedorimprovisedincreasinglyelaborateethicalmeaningsoftheritualstheyperformed.
    ButRuistsdidnotmerelymemorizeandtheorizeaboutritualcodes,theylearnedtodoritual,andtheyaimedatacompletestylizationoftheirpersonsaccordingtoli.
    IntheAnalects,ConfuciustellsYenYuannevertolookat,listento,say,ordoanythingthatisnotli(A:12.1).ForHsunTzu,theroleofliwastomoldpeopleinto
    idealtypes.Ritualfoodmoldsthesenseoftaste,ritualfragrancesmoldthesenseofsmell,ritualornamentationmoldstheeye,ritualmusictheear,andritualhallsand
    furnituremoldthebody(H:19.35).95Theroleofligoesbeyondcodes,becauselimoldseveryaspectofaman.
    AccordingtotheHsunTzu,"Thecourseofstudybeginswiththechantingoftextsandculminatesinthestudyofli"(H:1.26).96Theidealmanisportrayedasa
    completelystylizedbeing:"Hiscapishigh,hisrobesbillowabouthim,hisexpressionisbenevolent.Dignifiedandstately,freefromcareandwant,boundless,vast,
    bright,serenethusdoeshepresenttheroleoffatherandelder"(H:6.4243).
    Aswediscussed,ritualisgenerallyformulatedaccordingtoaestheticcriteria,andtheRuistprocessofselfritualizationwasalsoatraininginaestheticskills.Someof
    theseskillsweresimple,suchaslearningtoexecuteliwithprecisionandgrace.97ButRuistsalsodelightedinandpracticedthemoreartisticskillsassociatedwithli.
    WefindconsiderableevidenceofthisintheAnalects.WelearntherethatConfuciuswasaccomplishedonthezither(A:17.18),andthatzithersanddrumswere
    playedduringgroupmeetings(A:11.17,11.24).Thereisevenametonymicreferencetoadisciplebyhiszither,indicatingtheimportanceoftheinstrumenttothe
    group(A:11.15).AndwehearofConfucius'scrupulousdelicacyinjoininginsongwithothers(A:7.32).
    Confuciusdidnotjustlikemusichewasexpertinit.WhenweseehimindiscussionwiththeGrandMusicMasterofLu,itisConfuciuswholecturestheMusic
    Master,nottheotherwayaround(A:3.23).98Elsewhere,Confuciusclaimstohave"properlyordered"themusicofthePoetry,thoughjustwhatthismeansis
    uncertain(A:9.15).99
    InearlyChina,nocleardistinctionwasmadebetweenpoetry,song,andmusic,suchaswemaketoday."Poetry"(shihc)wasnotspoken,itwaschantedandsung
    "music"(yueh)wasoftenaccompaniedbylyrics.WhenwepicturetheRuistcitingapoeminthemidstofanargument,wemustrealizethatnotonlywashegracinghis
    speechwithancientwords,buthewasornamentingitwithmusicaswell.Andinadditiontothis,anumberof

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    sourcestestifythattheversesofthePoetryweremeanttobedancedaswellassung.100
    AlthoughourportraitofRuistpracticepicturesitasanallencompassingritualdance,theroleofformaldanceintheRuistsyllabusissomewhatelusive.Perhaps
    becausedancewassubsumedunderthecategoriesofliandmusic,itisnotmuchdiscussedasadiscreteactivityinourthreeearlyRuisttexts.Buttheprobabilitythat
    itoccupiedasignificantplaceinthesyllabusisindicatedbytherolethatdanceplaysintheidealizededucationsyllabidescribedinRuistritualtexts.Althoughmostof
    thesetextsaregenerallybelievedtohaveattainedtheircurrentformduringtheHan,theyincludeagreatdealoflateChoumaterial.Theyfrequentlypurportto
    describeearlyChoupractice.TheidealisticportraitstheypresentmostlikelyreflectformsandvaluesthatcharacterizednottheearlyChouroyalhouse,butthelate
    ChouRuistcommunity.
    TheChoulireportsthatinancientpractice,theGrandSupervisorofMusicwasthechiefofficerofeducation.Itwashistask,wearetold,toassembleallpromising
    nobleyouthsattheCh'engchnAcademy,wheretheywereinstructedinmusicanddance(Ch'unkuan,Tassuyueh:6.1).UnderhimwastheMusicMaster,who
    wasinchargeofallelementaryeducation,whichconsistedprimarilyoftheteachingof''minor"dances(Yuehshih:6.7b).
    AnotherRuisttext,theWenWangshihtzuchapteroftheLichi,beginsitssyllabusbyproclaiming"Onemustteachnobleheirsandcadetsaccordingtotheproper
    season.Inspringandsummertheylearndancesoftheshieldandspearinautumnandwinter,dancesoffeatherandflute"(LC:6.13a).Theirteachers,asintheChou
    li,aremusicmasters.
    TheNeitsechapteroftheLichidoesnotplacemusicanddanceattheheadofthecurriculumasdotheseothertexts,butinitsgradedsyllabusitnotesprecisely
    whichdancesarestudiedateachage,beginningatagethirteen(LC:8.25b26a).IntheWangchihchapter,danceisnotspecificallymentionedthecurriculumfor
    highereducationconsistsofpoetry,texts,li,andmusic.Buthereagain,theteachingisundertheaegisofanOfficerofMusic,andtheevaluationofthestudentsfor
    purposesofadvancementingovernmentisinthehandsoftheGrandOfficerofMusic(LC:4.10b).
    Thesetextsreflectabeliefintheprimaryimportanceofmusicanddancetoeducation,and,inlightoftheiridealizationsofChoueducationpractice,itseemsverylikely
    indeedthatRuistdiscipleswereinstructedindanceaswellasinpoetryandmusic.TheHsunTzuseemstorefertosuchinstructionwhenitexplainsthattheonlyway
    tounderstandthemeaningofadanceistopracticethedancerepeatedly(H:20.3940).
    IhavedweltatsomelengthontheaestheticaspectsofRuisteducationbecauseIfeelthattheseelementsmakeplausibletheRuistdedicationtoli.

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    ItismyexperiencethatWesternersfindtheRuistinterestinlipuzzlingandassumethattherealheartoftheirteachingmustlieelsewhere.Ithinkthatthecenterof
    Ruismisunmistakablyli,andthattheproblemisnottheincongruityofeducatedmenconstrictingtheirlivesintoaritualmold,butisourfrequentmisunderstandingof
    whatritualentails.
    Everyritethatadisciplememorized,everypoem,everyzithertune,everyintricatelychoreographedceremonyconstitutedanewskillinartistry,onethathecould
    applyinsociallife.TheRuistswerespecialistsinthehumanarts.Theirstudyencompassednearlyeverymajoraestheticformoftheirday:poetry,music,costume,
    dance,andtheinfinitecraftedobjectsofritual.Canwedoubttherewardsofmasteringthesearts?
    TheMasterRuwasessentiallyanartist,andhisloveforhisritualartwasnotapose.Itwasinrituallivingthathefoundhisgreatestsatisfaction.
    ApassageintheAnalectsexpressesthisfeelingperfectly.Init,Confuciusasksfourdisciplestoconfidetohimtheirdreams:"Youarealwayscomplainingthatnobody
    knowsyou.Ifsomeoneweretorecognizeyourabilities,whatwouldyouwanttodo?"
    Thefirstthreedisciplesdescribevariousfeatstheywouldliketoperform:toregenerateastatethroughrevitalizingitsarmies(acaricatureofTzulu),ortodoitthrough
    goodpolicies,ortobeahighcourtritualist.Butwhenitcomestothefourthdisciple,TsengTien,theanswerisdifferent:
    "Tien,whataboutyou?"Therhythmofhiszithersloweditrangashelaiditdownandrose."Mythoughtsdifferfromtheothers',"hesaid."Thereisnoharminthat,"saidthe
    Master."Afterall,eachofusissimplyspeakinghisheart."''Inlatespring,"saidTsengTien,"afterthespringgarmentshavebeensewn,Iwouldgooutwithfivetimessixcapped
    youngmen,andsixtimessevenboys.WewouldbatheintheRiverYi,andstandinthewindonthestageofthegreatraindance.Thenchanting,wewouldreturn."TheMaster
    sigheddeeply."IamwithTien,"hesaid(A:11.24).101

    3.3.
    PhilosophersandFuneralDirectors
    BeforeclosingourdescriptionoftheearlyRuistcommunity,weshouldbrieflynoteanothersphereofnoninstrumentalRuistinterests:thenecessitiesofeconomic
    sustenance.Insomerespects,thesefactorscanbeseenastheultimateheartofRuism:modernhistorytendstoregardeconomicmotivesasfundamental.Weaccord
    themonlyasecondarypositionherebecauseRuism,beinganonhereditarysect,didnotencounteritseconomicneedsasgivens,butcreatedthemasaconsequence
    ofitsprimarycommitmenttoritualismandgroupstudy.WhileanawarenessofeconomicfactorscanenhanceourunderstandingofRuistpracticeanddoctrines,
    ultimatelytheseeconomicneedsgrewoutofthedecisionsofindividualdisciplestoadopttheRuistlifestyle.Becausewefindnoevidencethattheeconomic

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    rewardsofearlyRuismweregreat,wemaysupposethat,atleastinitially,idealisticinterestswerepriortoeconomiconesformostRu.
    AlthoughRuismwasinmanywaysasociallyinsularcommunity,itspoliticaldoctrinesandthedesiretomaintainlegitimacypreventedmostRufromadoptingan
    eremeticlifestyle.EconomicnecessityalsorequiredRuiststoplayrolesinsociety,onesthatwouldearnthemtheirkeepwithoutdestroyingthefabricoftheircult
    organization.
    Thereisonlythebarestinformationinoursourcesconcerninghowtheymanagedthis.Fourmajormethodsarediscernable:theycouldfindregularemploymentas
    teachers,theycouldseekoutgratuitouspatronage,theycouldfindpostsasfamilyorcourtritualists,ortheycouldhireoutasmastersofceremonyforimportantritual
    occasions.WewilldiscusseachofthesealternativesandtheirimplicationsforRuistdoctrineverybrieflyhere.
    SeveraldimensionsofteachingwereopentothetalentedRu.Hecouldformhisownstudygroupbyattractingdisciples,whomayhavecontributedtotheirteacher's
    wellbeingbybringinghimtuitionorgifts.102Alargeenoughentouragemightraiseateacher'sreputationandleadtootheropportunities.
    BecauseRuistswereaccomplishedinmanyofthetraditionalartsofChina,theywerelogicalchoicesforwealthynonRuistfamiliesorcourtstohireasprivatetutors
    fortheirsons(asTzuhsiabecamecourttutorinWeia).ThepervasiveRuistadvocacyofuniversaleducationmighthavebeenrelatedtotheirtalentsasteachers.If
    RuistMasterswereatallsuccessfulinlobbyingforbroadenededucationprograms,theymighthavebeenabletoprovidetheirstudentswithsalariedpositionsaslocal
    teachers.103
    ThequickestwayforaRutosecureasteadyincomeforhimselfandforhisdiscipleswastobepatronizedasa"wiseman"atafeudalcourtorbyagreatwarlord.104
    Butnaturally,fewRuistswereabletoattractsuchpatronage,andthequestforgratuitoussupportmayhavefrequentlytakenlessseemlyforms.TheMoTzustates
    flatlythatRuistssupportedthemselvesbybegging(FeiJu:9.17b).
    IfaRuistlivednearafeudalcourtwhereritualformswerecarefullyobserved,hemightfindemploymentthereasacourtritualist.105ButRuistswhowerefeudal
    retainersmightnothavehadmuchsayaboutthenatureoftheirduties.TheHanFeiTzutellsthetaleofoneoldRuwhowasdirectedtogopickmedicinalherbsona
    mountainside(Neich'ushuoII:10.5b).
    PerhapsthemostcommonformofemploymentforRuwasasoccasionalmastersofceremony,orpresidingpriests,particularlyforfuneralceremonies.Ruists
    advocatedfuneralritesofremarkablelengthandcomplexity.106Theyjustifiedtheirpositiononethicalandhistoricalgrounds,buttheyweredeeplyinterestedinthe
    issueoneconomicgrounds.Theywereprob

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    ablytheonlypeoplequalifiedtoperformtheseritesinfulldetailtheirspecializationinfuneralswastrulyesotericdiscussionsoftheseritescompriseperhapsthe
    largestsinglecategoryintheRuistcorpus(Shirakawa1972:67).Bypromotingthepracticeofelaboratefunerals,Ruistswere,ineffect,creatingemploymentfortheir
    talents.107
    EveninthisbriefsectionwehavetouchedoneconomicmotivationsforseveralaspectsofRuistdoctrine.TheirpoliticaldoctrinesendowedRuistswithsocial
    credibility,givingthemthenecessarystatustoseekrespectableemployment.Theiradvocacyofintenseandwidespreadeducationwasabettedbyaninterestin
    employmentofteachers.Theirobsessionwithliwascoordinatedwiththeiravailabilityasofficialoroccasionalritualists.
    Itwaspreciselythislinkageofcultdoctrineandpracticewitheconomicinterestwhichdid,intheend,createaplaceforRuistsinWarringStatessociety.108Ruists
    perfectedaparticularsetofskillswithintheconfinesoftheirinsularcommunity,andtheycreatedademandforthoseskillswithawelldesignedsetofdoctrinesthat
    appealedtopeoplebyinvokingtheauthorityofsemimythicalcultureheroes,traditionalism,homelycontemporaryethics,andloftyidealism.Simplyput,Ruistdoctrine
    reflectedRuistinterests,andthisshouldnotsurpriseusbecauseitisatruismthatsuchlinkagescanbedemonstratedofanyphilosophicalschool.Itneitheraffectsthe
    valueofthedoctrineitself,norshowsunethicalintentonthepartofthephilosophersalthoughitmightmakethemseemlessheroic.
    Summary
    InordertobeabletoseehowT'ien"fitin"toRuistinterestsandpracticewehavebeentryingtodiscoverjustwhatearlyRuismwasallabout.Wehavearguedthat
    Ruismwasnotsomuchanideologyasawayoflife,whichcenteredaroundadevotiontotraditionalformsofritualconductcalledli.Inabriefanalysisofli,we
    arguedthattheyweretraditionallylegitimizedonthebasisofreligiousbeliefsintheirmagicalpowers,andalsoonthebasisoftheirconfirminganestablishedsocial
    order.Andwenotedthatinadditiontotheseethicaldimensions,theywerealsoassociatedwithaestheticvalues.
    WhenConfuciusandhisfollowersaddressedthecrisisinvaluesthathadbeencreatedbythedeclineofChourule,theirsolutionwastofocusonliasacardinalvalue.
    Todothis,theyrebuiltthefoundationsofli,legitimizingitonthebasisofitsabilitytogeneratesocialorderandtotransformpeopleintoSages.Thisduallegitimization
    createdabifurcationinRuistphilosophy,yieldingconflictingpoliticalandpersonalimperatives.
    InRuisttheory,thedimensionsofselfcultivationandpoliticalactivismwerecloselylinked.Theyweresequential:responsetothepersonalimper

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    activeofselfperfectionprecededresponsetothepoliticalimperativetochangeheworld.Ineffect,however,thetwodimensionswereradicallydisjoined.The
    idealisticconditionsimposedonpoliticalactivismeffectivelyruledoutpoliticalaction.Politicaldoctrinewasactuallyemployedtolegitimazeawithdrawalfrompolitics
    infavorofprepetualselfcultivation,inaccordwiththeexampleoftheidealdiscipleYenYuan.
    Asaresult,thenetworkofRuiststudygroupsthatflourishedduringtheWarringStatesperiodtendedtobecomesociallyinsular,studentsconcentratingonthetasks
    ofselfritualization,anddelightingintherewardsofparticipationinabrotherhoodpreoccupiedwithperfectinghighmindedandaestheticskills.Thesyllabusthey
    studiedwasvaried,andincludedmartialartsandtextualstudy,alongwithformulaicandaestheticritualstudy.But,infact,allelementsofthesyllabusweredirected
    towardtheendofritualizingeveryaspectofspeechandconduct.
    ThesocialinsularityoftheRuistcommunitywastemperedbyneedsforsocialcredibilityandeconomicsustenance.MuchofRuistdoctrinewasshapedbythese
    needs.Theresultwasabalance,whereRuistspursuedaneccentricsocialcourse,butcreatedandmaintainedforthemselvesaviableroleinsociety.

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    ChapterIII
    TheSageandtheSelf
    IntheportraitofRuismwehavedevelopedtothispoint,wehavesketchedthehistoricalbackgroundthatmaderituallianeligiblechoiceasaphilosophicalfocus.We
    havealsodelineatedtheparametersofRuismasaschoolthatprovidedstructuresofritualinitiationandasasocialinstitutionthatprovidedprofessionalroles,
    enhancinginbothaspectstheappealofritualasasourceofpersonalandsocialrewards.
    Inthischapter,wewillcompleteourportraitofRuismbyconcentratingonanaspectofexplicitdoctrine:theidealoftheSage.Ourdiscussionwillclarifythemannerin
    whichtheethicaldimensionsofRuistritualwerebroadenedthroughlinkagewithapersonalidealofSagehood,alinkageforgedthroughtheinnovationofa
    comprehensiveethicalvirtue:jen.Throughritualselfcultivation,disciplesweretosubduetheirattachmenttotheperspectivesofselfinterest,andstrengthentheir
    devotiontotheinterestsofthehumancommunity.Thisnewperspective,identifyingselfandother,wasthebasisofthepersonalidealoftheSage.
    Thisprocesswasviewedasafundamentaltransformationoftheself,andwewillseehowtheplausibilityoftheclaimthatsuchatransformationcouldbeachievedwas
    greatlyenhancedbytheportraitoftheempiricalselfwhichemergesfromRuisttexts.IncontrasttotraditionalWesternideasoftheself,theimplicitpictureoftheselfin
    Ruisttextsisintrinsicallysocial,andthisaccountsforthecogencyofthenotionofmoldingpersonalidentitythroughcommitmenttothesocialinstitutionofli.
    1.
    PracticalTotalism:TheRuistDoctrineofSagehood
    EarlyRuismshareswithanumberofothersystemsofthoughtthebeliefthatanextraordinarylevelofunderstandingexists,attainablebyman,whichcancomprehend
    thephenomenalworldasawhole.Whenthislevelofunderstandingisattained,anysignificantphenomenonwillbeperceivedaspossessingaclearmeaningbecauseit
    willbeunderstoodinitsrelationtothewhole.Inotherwords,themultiplicityoftheworldmakessense,anditispossibletounderstandtheholisticsenseofit,andso
    tounderstandanypartinrelationtothewhole.

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    Wewillrefertothistypeofdoctrineas"totalistic,"atermthatsignalsboththeimpulsetowardholismintheportraitofauniversallevelofmeaningintheworldandthe
    forceoftheassociatedimperativetograsptheuniverseinitsentirety1
    MostWesternphilosophiesdonotpositanysuchidealhumantype,butthecasewasquitedifferentinearlyChina.DuringthepreCh'inperiod,weseedoctrinesof
    thissortexpressedintextsrepresentingseveralschoolsofthought.Thesetextsreflectwhatwemightcall"thecultoftheSage."WeseeitintheTaoteching,which
    praisestheSageasonewho"knowstheworldwithoutgoingouthisdoor,andseestheWayofT'ienwithoutlookingouthiswindow"(chap.47),wordsechoedby
    theHsunTzu,whichtellsusthat"withoutleavinghishalls,thechntzuhasassembledthereinallthetruthsoftheworld"(H:3.3839).2 Perhapsthesimpleststatement
    ofsuchatotalisticvisionappearsinwhatFungYulancallsthe"materialist"chaptersoftheKuanTzu,whichtellusthattheSageknowstheoutcomeofevents
    withoutdivining.3 TheidealofSagehoodasatotalismcutsacrossthephilosophiesofdisparatepreCh'inschools.
    ThomasMetzgerhasusedtheterm"totalism"todescribetheneoConfucian"idealoftotal,rationalisticknowledgeofultimatereality"(1977:61).Metzger'sdescription
    pointsexplicitlytowardamodeloftotalisticunderstandingconceivedintermsofitscognitiveproperties.InthecaseofearlyRuism,andofsomeothervarietiesofthe
    cultoftheSage,suchanemphasisonmentalisticprocesseswouldbemisleading.4 ThetrueSagewasnotmerelyarepositoryoffactsandtheorieshewasaperfect
    actor,apersonwhoalwayschosetheappropriateresponsetoconcretesituations,andsocouldprotecthimselffromdanger,seizeeveryopportunitytoexertan
    ethicalinfluenceontheworld,andsetanexampleforothers.WewillseethisactiveaspectofSagehoodstressedrepeatedlyasweexploreourRuisttexts,where
    everySageisaperfectmasterofritualaction.BecauseoftheoverlapbetweenthedimensionsofthinkingandactingintheRuistportraitoftheSage,wemaycall
    Ruisma"practicaltotalism,"signifyingtheRuistbeliefinapersonalidealwhonotonlyunderstandsthemeaningofeveryphenomenonintheuniverse,butalsocan
    respondtophenomenawithperfectappropriateness.
    Onesignificantaspectofsuchanotionoftotalismisthatitimpliesaclosednotionofhumanperfection.InthemodernWest,mostpeoplewouldprobablyagreethat
    noindividual,nomatterhowknowledgeableormature,canexhaustallpotentialavenuesofhumangrowth.NeithertheNobelscientistnorhiscounterpartpoetcan
    representthesinglemodelofhumanfulfillment.Butadoctrineofpracticaltotalismtendstoenvisionhumanperfectioninasinglemold:thosewhohaveattained
    totalisticunderstandingareSages,thosewhoarelookingforvaluesinanotherdirectionare

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    misguided.Thepropergoalsofselfdevelopmentarereducedtoasingleoption.DoctrinesofSagehooddonotgenerallyallowforapluralismofvalues.5 Asthe
    AnalectsquotesConfucius,"Whocangooutexceptbythedoor?Why,then,doesnoonefollowthisWay?"(A:6.17).
    1.1.
    JenasaTotalism
    NowhereintheAnalectsisthereasystematicdescriptionofatotalisticconsciousness,andthetextcanbereadwithoutintroducingtheidea.However,toreadthe
    textinthiswayistoencounterabewilderingconcatenationofindependentmoralvirtuesandimperatives,whichleavestheimpressionthatConfucius'philosophical
    achievementwasthelaboriouspilingonofadhocrules.Ithastraditionallybeenrecognized,however,thatanimportantunityiscreatedbythetextualdominanceof
    theword"jen"intheAnalects,andthisis,infact,thekeytodiscerningthenotionoftheSagelytotalisminthattext.6
    TheessentialroleofjenintheAnalectsistobeamystery.7 OnlyConfuciusandperhapsYenYuanseemstoknowwhatjenis.Itselusivenessmakesitthefocus
    ofthetext.Disciplesrepeatedlytrytopindownthemeaningoftheword.TheyofferdescriptionsofvirtueandaskConfuciuswhethertheseconstitutejenConfucius
    almostneversaysyes(A:5.5,5.8,5.19,14.1).8 Butwhendisciplessuggestthatsomepersoniscertainlynotjen,Confuciussuddenlyfindsgroundsforcallingthat
    personjen(A:14.1718).9 Jenisaparadox,andthedisciple'staskistoresolveit.
    Theword"jen"isnotusedwithcompleteconsistencyinthetext.Attimes,itappearstobeonlyoneofseveralcardinalvirtues:"Thejenmanisfreefromanxietythe
    wisemanisfreefromconfusionthecourageousmanisfreefromfear"(A:14.28cf.9.29).Butasweexploretheentirebodyofthetext,wefindthatjenisgivena
    clearpriorityoverothervirtues,suchaswisdomandcourage:"Todwellinjenisthefairestcourseifonechoosesnottoresideinjen,whencewillcome
    wisdom?"(A:4.1).10"Themanofjenwillcertainlybecourageousthemanofcouragewillnotnecessarilybejen"(A:14.4).Thepanoplyofindividualvirtueswefind
    intheAnalectsallseem,inonepassageoranother,tobedefinedasmanifestationsofjen.11
    1.2.
    TheSingleThread
    InRuisttexts,apersistenttensionexistsbetweenthenotionsofhavingbroadknowledgeandbeingaSage.WhileallRuisttextsagreethatnarrowmindednessisa
    badtrait,theyarejustasclearinholdingthathumanperfectionliesnotinacomprehensiveknowledgeoffacts,butinacomprehensiveabilitytounderstandethical
    meaningsandtoactaccordingly.ThistensionreflectstheantitheticaloppositionoftheclosedboundariesofSagehoodconceivedasatotalismtotheopenmindedness
    offactaccumu

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    lation.TheHsunTzuismostarticulateonthismatteritoffersavarietyofargumentstotheeffectthat"studyispreciselythestudyoflimits"(H:21.81).Althoughthe
    Analectsisnotthisarticulate,itmakesasimilarpoint.Wisdomisnot"knowingthat"itis"knowinghow."
    TheMastersaid,"DoIpossessknowledge?No,Ihavenoneatall.Ifsomesimplefellowcametomewithaproblem,Iwouldallemptyjuststrikeatitproandcon,andsolveit
    so"(A:9.8).12

    Thelinkageofthisskillofwisdomtothetotalismisapparentinthefollowingpassage,whereinConfuciusconfidesalessontothediscipleTzukung:
    TheMastersaid,"Ssu,doyoutakemeforonewhostudiesmuchandremembersitall?""Yes,"wasthereply."Isitnotso?""No.Ilinkalluponasinglethread"(A:15.3).

    AcommonresponseofreaderstothispassageisfrustrationbecauseConfuciusdoesnotsaywhatthe"singiethread"is.ButinlightofA:9.8thismaybeunfair.If
    Confuciusisreferringtoacultivatedskillofunderstandingratherthantoafactorexplicitprinciple,thenwecannotexpecttobetoldwhatitisaskillcannotbetold,
    onlytaught.WemustnotthinkthatConfuciuswithheldinformationfromTzukungbyspeakingcrypticallyofthesinglethread.Perhapstherewasnothingtotellbut
    thatthethreadwasthere,andtoalertTzukungtothevalueoffindingithimself.13Inhissimplestatement,Confuciusdescribesthedifferencebetweenstudyingfacts
    andstudyingSagehood.
    TheAnalectsconvenientlysuppliesuswithanalternateversionofthesamepassage,involvingadifferentdisciple,TsengShen,andconsiderablyexpandsour
    understandingofthesinglethread.
    TheMastersaid,"Shen,myWaylinksalluponasinglethread.""Yes,"repliedTsengTzu.WhentheMasterhadgone,theotherdisciplesasked,"Whatdidhemean?"TsengTzu
    said,"TheMaster'steachingisnomorethanthis:devotionandreciprocity"(A:4.15).

    Here,atleast,welearnonedisciple'sconfidentinterpretationofthesinglethread.14Whatdoesitmean?
    Sometraditionalinterpretationshavetakenacluefromtheunifyingrolejenplaysinthetextandhaveviewed"devotionandreciprocity"asaglossforjen.15Ithink
    thisisessentiallycorrect,anditgivesusinsightintothemeaningofjen.
    "Devotion"translates"chung."Cognategraphsare"chunga":"center,"and''chungb":"innerrecesses,"16andthesesuggestarootmeaningof"one'sinnerself."The
    commonsenseoftheword"chung"isoftentranslated

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    "loyalty"butintheAnalects,amorepreciseglosswouldbe"singlemindeddevotiontofullfillingone'sresponsibilities."17
    "Reciprocity"translates"shu,"aworddefinedintheAnalectsbyanegativeformulationoftheGoldenRule:"Donotdotootherswhatyouwouldnotwishdoneto
    you''(A:15.24).18Thegraphisbuiltonthephonetic/semanticelement"jua,"variant"jub,"whichshareaglossasthesecondpersonpronoun"you."19
    "Chungshu,"then,denotesareciprocalexternalizingofone'sinnerselfindevotedactionwhileinternalizingtheneedsandinterestsofothersasone'sown.20This
    exchangeofselfinterestforasociallyobjectiveviewpointiscentraltothemeaningofjenandtotheskillofperfectwisdomandaction.Itisthe"singlethread"that
    denotes,intheAnalects,theRuistidealofSagehood.Butaswehavebeenspeakingofit,itremainsabstractandimpractical.Withoutaconcreteprogramofaction,
    "externalizingtheself"and"internalizingtheneedsofothers"arelittlemorethanjargon.
    1.3.TheRitualPath
    ThecrucialdifferencebetweentheRuistdoctrineofpracticaltotalismandthoseofotherschoolsliesintheprescribedmeansofcultivatingSagehood.ForRuists,the
    pathtoSagehoodwasthestudyofli.Byrefiningthestyleofhislifethroughli,theRuisthopedtotrainbothbodyandmindtoachieveaperfectionofsocialaction
    describedintheHsunTzuindanceliketerms:"Hemovesalongwithtimehebowsorarchesasthetimeschange.[Fastorslow,curledorstretched,]athousand
    moves,tenthousandchanges:hisWayisone"(H:8.8687).21
    TherelationshipbetweenliandthetotalismisnotalwaysclearlydrawnintheAnalects.Somepassagesarestraightforward:
    YenYuanaskedaboutjen.TheMastersaid,"Conqueryourselfandreturntoli:thatisjen...Ifitisnotli,don'tlookatitifitisnotli,don'tlistentoitifitisnotli,don'tsayitif
    itisnotli,don'tdoit..."(A:12.1).22
    Chungkungaskedaboutjen.TheMastersaid,"Wheneveryougooutyourfrontgate,[continuetotreatall]asifyouwerereceivingthemasgreatguests.Wheneveryoudirect
    theactionsofothers,dosoasthoughofficiatingatagreatsacrifice..."(A:12.2).

    Theprimaryelementofjenhereisclearlymasteryofli,henceliseemsnecessarilypriortojen.
    ButsomepassagesintheAnalectssuggestthat,infact,jenispriortoli:"Howcanthemanwhoisnotjenmanageli?"(A:3.3)"Licomesafter"(A:3.8).Passages
    suchasthesehaveledsomeinterpreterstospeakofjenasifitwereaprincipleofinteriorselfrealizationindependentofexternal

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    influences,withliasanactivemanifestationofthismentalmaturation.23Ineffect,suchamodelsuggeststhatSagehoodispriortoliandleavesblanktheprescription
    forattainingSagehood.
    Thissortofthinkingconfusestheoryandpractice,andisaproductoftheapproachthatviewsRuisttextsasreflectionsofstructureddoctrineratherthanasguidesfor
    disciplesundertakingapracticalsyllabus.ItisquitetruethatintheAnalectsjenisethicallypriortoli:thevalueofliderivesfromitspowertogeneratejen,whichis
    intrinsicallygood.OncethetotalismofSagehoodisgrasped,thedisciplecanthrowawayhislibookshewillbeaperfectritualactornaturally.Butliissequentially
    prior,asA:12.12makesclear.24Disciplesdidnotcultivatetheirinnervirtuebymeansotherthanliandthenchoosetoadoptliastheirown.JoiningaRuistgroup,
    theysteppedintoanenvironmentofenforcedritualregimen,anditwasthroughritualpracticethattheypursuedtheRuistvisionofthetotalism,theSagehoodofjen.25
    TheintenseRuistdedicationtolisuggeststhatitwasthroughthehabitualstylizationofouteractionsthatdisciplestrainedthemselvesin"devotionandreciprocity,"the
    elementsofjenthatconstitutedtheSage'simpartialandallknowingsocialperspective.Throughthisintricatedisciplineofbodyandstyle,thedisciplelargely
    exchangedthenarrowselfofthe"smallman"fortheallencompassingselfoftheSage.
    2.
    SagehoodandtheSelf
    InintroducingthenotionthatstrivingtowardSagehoodinvolvedatransformationoftheselfthroughritualpractice,wemustaskinwhatsensewemeantousetheterm
    "self."Notalldefinitionsofthetermwillallowthattheselfissubjecttoalterationthroughpractice,andwehavenotaskedhowwecanapplytheterminRuismsuch
    thatthetotalisticgoalsofSagehoodwouldseemplausible.
    HerbertFingarettehasinvestigatedhowtheAnalectsseemstopicturetheselfinrelationtotheidealofSagehood.Hedescribesamodeloftheselfasacompositeof
    thewill(chihe)andaselfregardingdisposition.FingarettesuggeststhattheattainmentofSagehoodinvolvedcompleteidentificationofthewillwiththeprescriptsof
    ritual,ortheRuistTao,alongwiththeannihilationofselfregardingtendencies(1979:13436).ThissimplepictureoftheidealselfoftheSageresonateswiththeories
    FingarettehasdevelopedconcerningtheempiricalexperienceofselfreflectedbythestatementsoftheAnalects.Focusingondiscussionsofmoralresponsibilityand
    decisionmaking,Fingaretteconcludesthatthetoneofuntroubledcertaintythatpervadesthetext,anditsviewofchoiceasnomorethanaperennialoptiontofollow
    ornotfollowtheRuistTao,reflectsapsychologicalfact:thatConfuciusandhisfollowerssimplyhadnotexperiencedthetypeofanguished

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    psychicstrugglesthataresocentraltotheWesternexperienceofselfhood(1972:1836,4445).26Fingarette'smodeleffectivelyarguestheplausibilityofthe
    totalisticidealofSagehoodbyremovingfromititsmostimplausibleelementsandreassigningthesetothepsychologyofChouChina.
    Fingarette'sreasoningiseasytoattack.Ashedoessooften,Fingaretteusestheargumentfromsilence,andcompoundsitwiththequestionabletacticofreasoning
    fromstatementstotheirpsychologicalbackground.Itisunlikelythatheiscorrect.ThefailureoftheAnalectstoportraytheinnerpsychiclifeprobablyreflectsnorms
    ofwhatonearticulatesinliteraryformratherthantheexistenceofaninternalvacuum.Chinesehistoriesandfictionarenotoriousforlaconicnarrationofeventsofgreat
    dramawithoutreferencetothetorturedthoughtsoftheactorstheagonyissuppliedempatheticallybythereader,with,atmost,adeepsighfromthenarrator.
    Nevertheless,Fingarettehasfocusedonanimportantissue.RuisttextsandthetotalisticidealofSagehoodmayindeedreflectaportraitoftheselfsignificantlydifferent
    fromthosewecustomarilyfashionintheWest.Differentdefinitionsofthepersonleadtodifferentjudgmentsofwhatisvaluableintheselfandwhatisimportantto
    discuss.Thiswill,inturn,influencethetypesofpersonalidealsthatwillbeappealingandplausible.
    Inthissection,wewillanalyzetheconfigurationoftheselfasitseemstoappearintheAnalectsandotherRuisttextsandconsiderhowthispicturemakesthetotalistic
    goalofritualSagehoodreasonable.WewillfindthattheRuistpictureoftheselfwhichmayreflectnomorethanconsensusChouviewsincorporatessocial
    dimensionsincompatiblewithsomeWesternideasoftheself,buthighlycompatiblewiththeintrinsicallysocialnatureofli.
    2.1.
    ThePublicSelf
    WhenDescartesstrippedawayfromexperienceallthatcouldbedoubted,hefound,inthecogito,bedrockcertaintyofexistenceprovedbythefactofthought.But,
    asoftennoted,Descarteswentfurtherandmadetheunguardedassumptionthatthethoughtatthecenterofexperiencewaspersonalthought,thethinkingself.The
    assumptionescapedhisnoticebecauseforDescartesthesearchforthecoreofthesubjectiveworldwaspreciselyasearchfortheself.
    PlatowasoneofthefirsttoexemplifytheWesternhabitofconceivingoftheselfasanunchanginginnerentity.ForPlatoandmanyafterhimtheselfwasan
    immortalsoul.27Laterthinkersreconstituteditasaspiritualsubstance(e.g.,Descartes,Locke),asconfigurationsofpsychicfunctions(e.g.,Freud),asthestreamof
    consciousness(e.g.,James),andinanynumberofotherforms,untilveryrecentlyentirelymentalistic.Althoughsuspicionofmindbodydualismhasmadeit
    unfashionabletothinkoftheselfas

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    asubstance,ourtendencyisstilltoconceiveoftheselfasaninalienableinteriorcore:aprivatecellimpervioustotheeyesofthepublicworld.
    Ruisttextsseemtodrawtheselfdifferently,andthisbecomesevidentinpassageswhereaspectsoftheperson,whichwetendtoenvisionasnecessarilyprivate,
    emergeintopublicview.Inonesuchpassage,Confuciusdescribesthemindofhisbestdisciple,YenYuan:"TheMastersaid,'Huiwillgoforthreemonthswithouthis
    mind(hsina)everdeviatingfromjen.Asfortheothers',theyreachjenonlyoccasionally'"(A:6.7).
    ItispuzzlingthatConfuciusdescribesthemindsofhisdisciplesinthisway.Itcannotbethathehasaccessintotheirthoughtsurelyheisjudgingtheirconduct,andthe
    word"hsina"("mind,"or''heart")isarhetoricalflourish.
    Butotherpassagesarefoundinwhichtheanomolousvisibilityoftheselfishardertodismiss.ThemostillustrativeoftheseagaininvolvesConfucius'descriptionofYen
    Yuan.Init,theprocessofintrospectionappearstobecomeinterpersonal.
    InnerreflectionisdenotedintheAnalectsbytheterm"hsinga":"survey,"asinsurveyingland.Theinteriorityoftheprocessisindicatedinphrasessuchas"surveying
    oneselfinside"(neitzuhsing).28Thepassageinquestionconnectsreflectiontotheword"ssu":"self,""selfish,""private."Theetymologyof"ssu,"linksit,like
    "hsinga,"withgeography:itoriginallydenotedthecropofaprivatelyassignedfield.29Thesetwowordsworktogetherinthepassage,alongwithanotherword(faa)
    whichcanmean"tobloom"or"toissueforth,"tocreateacentralmetaphor.Thetextreadsliterally:
    TheMastersaid,"WhenItalkwithHui,hemaygoalldaywithoutcontradictingme,asthoughhewerestupid.Butretiringandsurveyingthegrainofhisprivatefield,afterallitis
    readytobloom.Huiisnotstupid!"(A:2.9).30

    Thecentralphrasecanberead:"Butretiringandlookingintohisself,afterall[myteachings]arereadytoissueforth."Thelanguageseemsoutlandishhowcan
    ConfuciusseeintoYenYuan'sinmostself?Butthereisnogreatmystery.TheselfoneexaminessimplyincludespublicdimensionsexcludedfromtheWesternself.
    Theaspectofselfunderobservationhereincludespublicconduct.Itisnotthattheonlydimensionsoftheselfareexternal,butthatthetextiscallingupaunifiednotion
    ofselfthatbridgesdimensionswewoulddiscriminatecategorically.31
    Thiscloselinkagebetweeninnerandouterdimensionsofaunifiedselfisreflectedinstatementsthatclaimthatpeople'sinmostselvesare,infact,opentoscrutiny.The
    passagethatfollowstheonejustdiscussedinstructsus:"Seewhathedoes,lookathisreasons,observewhatpleaseshimwhereshallhehide?Whereshallhe
    hide?"(A:2.10).TheMenciusmakesasimilarpoint:"Listentohiswords,lookathiseyeswhereshallhehide?"(M:4A.16).32

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    TheRuisttextsdoseemtoreflectanotionofthepersonverydifferentfromourown,oneinwhichtheexternalattributesofpeopleareasimportanttotheconstitution
    oftheirselvesasmentalphenomena.WedonotneedtoinferthatthisrevealsalacunainthepsychologyofChouindividuals,butitdoesalertustothepossibilitythat
    theydefinedtheiridentitiesdifferentlyfromthewaywedoours.Ratherthansuggestingthattherewaslesscomplexitywithinthescopeoftheirselves,wewilldobetter
    topicturethemdrawingthebordersoftheir"privatefields"atsomedistanceoutsidetheirbodies,sothataportionoftheirselveswasinpublicview.Thisdoesnot
    implythatpeoplewereunabletodistinguishbetweenthesphereswecallprivateandpublicthepassagescitedmakeclearthattheydid.Butthedistinctionwasnot
    regardedascategorical,andthepersonwasentifiedinaholisticmanner.
    Thatthisbroadselfmayhaverangedwellbeyondtheconfinesofthebodyissuggestedbytheuseoftheterm"person"(jena).FrancisHsuhasarguedcogentlythat
    eveninmodernChinese,theterm"person"incorporatesrelationalaspectssuchasfamilymembership,placeoforigin,andsocialrole,alientoWesternportraitsofthe
    self(1971).ThissocialconstitutionofthepersonmayeasilyhavemadenormalprocessesofinternaldialogueappearlesssignificantthantheyappearintheWest,
    wheretheysodominatetheexperienceofselfhood.Thiswouldbeparticularlytrueifsocialdimensionsoftheselfwereviewedasmorevaluableand,inthefinal
    analysis,morerealthanthetransientstreamofconsciousness.
    Inthenextsection,whichexaminestheRuistportraitofhumannatureasinnatelysocial,wewillfindthatthiswas,indeed,thecase.Andwewillseethatweightingthe
    substanceoftheselftowardthepublicsphereinthiswayalsomadebothplausibleandappealingtheideaoftransformingtheselfthroughli.
    2.2.
    TheSocialSelf
    TraditionalWesterntheoriesoftheselfarerootedinbeliefsabouttheontologicalstatusofhumanbeings.Wetendtopicturepeopleasfundamentallyatomicentities,
    separatedinspace.Socialrelationsarenotintrinsictotheself.33Thisimpliesadescriptionofsocialstructuresonthemodelofsocialcontracttheoryaconfederacy
    ofontologicallyindependentbeingsandfromHobbestoSartre,thisisadominantview.Evenifwegrantsocialorganizationthestatusoftheinevitable,westilltendto
    regardsocialrelationsasaccidentalcontextsforaselfintrinsicallyunentailedintheirnet.Ourpictureisfirmlyrootedincommonontology:asAristotleputit,
    "Relatednessis,asitwere,anoffshootorlogicalaccidentofsubstance"(NE:I.1096a).
    Chineseviews,traditionalandmodern,conventionalandphilosophical,havetendedtostressthefactthatmuchofwhatcomprisesindividualiden

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    tityisconstitutedinasocialcontext.Theportraitofhumannatureasintrisicallysocialisaconsensusposition(seeMunro1977:1519).34Thiscommonviewwas
    rejectedbyTaoists,andperhapsbyMohistsaswell,35butforRuists,theseideaswerecongenialtotheirinterestinsocialli,andtheybecamedefendersofwhatwas
    probablycontemporarycommonsense(seeMunro1969:7481).36ThemostfamousdefenseofthesocialportraitofmanwasofferedbyMencius,whoclaimedthat
    thesocialpatternsofethicalconductwereinnatedispositionsofthehumanmind(M:2A.66A.6).However,Mencius'notionoftheinnatelyethicalselfwasnota
    mainstreamview,evenamongearlyRuists.
    ThepicturethatprobablybestrepresentedcontemporaryviewsofmanisthatpresentedintheHsunTzu.HsunTzugrantsmanatbirthnomorethancertainbiological
    needs:"Hismindisnothingbutamouthandabelly"(H:4.52).Thisisananimalbeing,notyeta"human"one.Thehumanelementisformedthroughsocialization,and
    thisismadepossiblebythecharacteristicthatdistinguishesthespeciesfromotheranimals:theabilitytoformsocialgroupsonthebasisofappropriateallotmentof
    roles(H:5.239.7071).37Theseroles,theconventionalpatternsofsociety,constitutethesocialwebinwhichtheselvesofindividualsarenurtured.
    Humanqualititesdonotemergeuntiltheanimalissocialized,firstinthefamilycontextandlaterthroughthedisciplineofsocialroles.Thus,thehumanselfisintrinsically
    relational,andthisisreflectedinthenormativeuseoftheterm"person"todenoteonewhosesocialaccomplishmentsaregreat(e.g.,A:14.9).Theseideasalsolieat
    thebasisofthefrequentclaimthatthewords"person"(jena)and"jen''formamutualgloss.38FromthismodeltheRuistsderivethecentralityoffilialaction:thefamily
    isgiventoeachindividualasthecontextforpersonalhumanization.Failuretomastertheroleofchildmeansfailuretomasterthecapacityforfulfillingsocialroles.The
    unfilialpersonisnotapersonatall.TheChungyungtellsus:"'Jen'meanstobeapersoncleavingtoparentsisthekey"(20).39
    Thus,whereastheWesterntraditionhassoughtthedistinguishingcharacteristicofmanthroughaninventoryofhissubjectiveconsciousness,Chinesetraditionhas
    tendedtodescribeitthroughpatternsofsocialaction,bothforindividuals,andforthespeciesasawhole.40AnanalogyfromnaturemaymaketheChineseposition
    clearer.Werewetoaskabouttheessentialnatureofa"socialinsect"suchasthehoneybee,wewouldbeunsatisfiedwithananswerthatdidnotgobeyonda
    biologicalinventoryoftheindividualbee.Themostdistinctiveandimportantaspectsofanindividualbeecannotbedescribedwithoutreferencetothehive,andinan
    analogousway,forRuiststhemostimportantaspectsofmankindandofindividualsdonotemergeuntilhumanityisviewedatthelevelofthegroup.41
    Allthisisofapiecewithourevidenceconcerningthepublicdimensionoftheself.Butonceagain,althoughthesocialportraitofmanislikelyto

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    affectattitudestowardtheself,influencingbothpersonalnormsandwhatisconsideredworthyofrecognition,itdoesnotimplyanyimpoverishmentofmentallife.
    ThemoralstatusofthementalcomplexofinnermindwasuncertainforRuists,andherewemayreturntoFingarette'smodelofaselfbifurcatedintorealmsofwilland
    aselfregardingdisposition.Thelatter,Ruiststendedtoidentifywiththeprehumanqualitiesofman:themindofmouthandbelly.Inthewilllaythepotentialtorealize
    trulyhumanqualities,andFingaretteiscorrectinpointingtotheRuistfocusonthechoicebetweenfollowingthepathtohumanityorremainingmiredinanimalurges.
    Menciusspecificallyrecognizedboththedimensionsandthealternatives,andhespokeofthetwoselves(t'i)oftheperson:thegreatselfandthesmallself(M:6A.15).
    Oftheseselves,onlytheformerwasconsideredahumanself,anditsboundariesweredrawnwellintothesocialsphere.42
    Oneaspectoftheself,crucialtoWesternviews,seemstobeignoredintheRuistaccount:theuniquenessofqualitiesandcapacitiesinherentinindividuals.43Aswe
    notedneartheoutsetofthischapter,Ruism,asatotalisticphilosophy,tendstocasttheimagesofhumanperfectioninasinglemold,andrulesoutacceptanceof
    plualisticvalues.InviewofthecloselinkageweintheWesttendtomakebetweenpersonalidentityandidiosyncraticqualities,itwouldbedisturbingindeedtofind
    thattheholisticselfoftheRuistSagemayleavenoroomforvariety.Andwemightwonderwhethersuchanidealcouldhaveprovidedfordisciplesthesortof
    affectiveattractionthatcouldsustainthemintheirlongstudies,whatevertheirnotionsoftheempiricalselfmayhavebeen.Fingarette,adefenderoftheRuistfaith,
    attemptstoaddresssuchissuesbysuggestingthattheritualactorexpressescreativityinthemanneroftheperformingartist(1979:1371983:345).Ibelievethe
    analogytobeuseful,andintheconclusionofthisbookwewilldiscussitfurtherintermsoftherewardsofskillmastery.However,onemustallowthatthefield
    demarcatedforuniquenessandcreativityisrathernarrow.
    WhatseemstobelackinginthetotalisticportraitoftheritualSageisthataspectofthepersonthatweusuallydenotebytheword"personality."AlthoughMencius
    makessomemotionstowardacknowledgingthepossibilityofvarietyamongSages,44andHsunTzudescribesautopianvisionwhereeachmemberofsocietyisable
    to"givefreereintohisabilities"(H:12.512),theyfailtoconvinceusthat,ineverydaylanguage,Sagescouldhaveinterestingpersonalities.Thiswouldhavebeena
    difficultpointtoestablishinadoctrinethatexaltsthepowerofsocialritualtoshapetheself,andRuisttheorydoesnot,infact,leavemuchroomforthepersonalityof
    theSage.
    Buthere,again,distinguishingbetweendoctrineandpracticeisuseful.IfRuistscouldnotarticulatetheindividualityoftheSageintheory,theynev

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    erthelessconveyeditvividlyintheportraitoftheirpatronSage,Confucius,presentedintheirprimary"textbook":theAnalects.Thedoctrinalpuristmustalwaysfindit
    alittlepuzzlingtoseeConfuciusridiculingstudents,racingafterTaoisthermits,rappingtheheelsofoldmen,andlosingcontrolatthefuneralofhisbestdisciple.And,
    intheAnalects,varietyanduniquenessamongselvesisbothacknowledgedasafactandcelebtatedasavaluethroughthecharactersofthedisciples,whoseintegral
    roleinthetextis,Ibelieve,uniqueinphilosophicalliterature.
    IfoneconsidersRuismasatraditionratherthanmerelyasabodyofdoctrine,onefindsthenotionoftheactualpersonrecognizable,andthepictureoftheideal
    personattractiveandplausible.EndowingtheSagewithauniquepersonalitymayhavebeenbeyondtheparametersofconsistentRuisttheory,butRuistphilosophy
    wasmorethantheory,andthemessagewasconveyedthroughotherstrategies.45
    Summary
    Inthelastthreechapters,wehavearticulatedadescriptionoftheritualfocusofearlyRuism.InchapterI,wediscussedhowhistoricalcontextmaderitualplausibleas
    aphilosophicalvalue.InchapterII,wedescribedhowRuismfunctionedasaritualsect.Inthischapter,wehavedealtwithissuesconcerningtheethicallegitimacyof
    ritualandthepsychologicalplausibilityofthepersonalidealoftheritualSage.
    Wearenowreadytoturntothetopicthatwilloccupyusformostoftheremainderofthisbook:theinterpretationofthefunctionofT'ieninthecontextofthisritual
    doctrine.AswepredictedinchapterI,wewillfindthattheRuistchoiceofritualasanewvaluepillarservedtoreconstitutethenatureofT'ien,whichcontinuedto
    serveasavalueground,asithadduringtheearlyChou.ButourexaminationoftheAnalects,Mencius,andHsunTzuwillalsoshowthatT'ien'slegitimizingfunction
    wascomplex.T'ienwasrequiredtoauthenticatebothofthedisjoinedmoietiesofRuistdoctrineandpractice:ritualselfcultivationandpoliticalwithdrawal.The
    bifurcatedstructureofRuistdoctrineyieldsabifurcatedportraitofT'ien.

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    PARTTWO
    THECONFUCIANCREATIONOFHEAVEN

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    ChapterIV
    TwoLevelsofMeaningtheRoleofT'ienintheAnalects
    TheconclusionsofthelastthreechapterssharpenourunderstandingofwhatearlyRuismwas.WewillrefertothemfrequentlyasweexploretherolewhichT'ien
    playsinearlyRuisttexts.TheaimofouranalysiswillbetoexaminethewaysinwhichstatementsaboutT'ienreflecttheconcreteinterestsandgoalsoftheearlyRuist
    community.
    Becauseourprimaryconcernliesintheinstrumentalfunctionofthesestatementsratherthaninthechoiceofconventionalbeliefsorpreexistingtheoriesthattheymay
    reflect,ourapproachwillbesomewhatdifferentfromthattakenbymostinterpreters.MostpreviousanalysesoftheroleofT'ieninRuisttextshavefocusedupon
    determiningwhichofseveralconventionalimagesor"concepts"ofT'ien(god,fate,nature,andsoforth)isreflectedineachuseoftheword.Thesequestionsareof
    greatimportanceintracingtheevolutionofreligiousandprotoscientifictheoriesinearlyChina,butansweringthemdoesnotnecessarilygiveusinsightintothetypeof
    meaningweareseeking.Certainly,whenastatementaboutT'ienreliesuponaconventionalimage,itisbesttobeclearaboutwhichoneitis.Butwemustnotthink
    thatindetectingtheoperativeimagewehavearticulatedthemeaningofT'ieninthestatement,muchlessthemeaningofthestatement.Andwemustalsobeware
    classifyingstatementsaccordingtoalimitedvarietyofimagisticoptions.Todosomaybetooverlooktheveryambiguitiesandnuancesthatmakeastatementora
    theoryinteresting.
    Asweproceedinouranalysis,wewillfindthateachofourthreetextsemploysavarietyofconventionalimageswhenspeakingaboutT'ien.Theyareallinconsistent,
    andthisshouldalertustothefactthattheirprimaryconcernisnottofashionatheoryofT'ienthatcanstandasanintellectualartifact.Theyborroworinventineach
    instanceanytheorywhichservestheirimmediatepurposespurposeswhichdonotrelatetoT'ienatall,butrathertotheconcreteaimsofeachphilosopheras
    spokesmanfortheRuistpointofview.Whatallusesoftheword"t'ien"shareistherhetoricalforcewhichthatwordpossessedasaprimarytermofChoureligious
    andpoliticalpractice.Itisofgreaterimportanceforustounderstandhowandwhyphilosophersmanipulatedthisrhetoricalforcethantoreconstructtheimagethat
    appearedintheirminds'eyeswhentheydidso.

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    HavingsaidthisbywayofageneralintroductiontoanalysesofourthreeearlyRuisttexts,wewillnowturntothefirstofthese,theAnalectsofConfucius,and
    exploretheroleofT'ieninit.Wewillbeginwithabriefdiscussionofthenatureofthetext,andsomegeneralproblemsofinterpretationthatitpresents.
    1.
    TheNatureoftheText
    ThecontentoftheAnalects,1 forthemostpart,purportstobearecordofstatementsmadebyConfuciusandhisimmediatedisciples.Butthenatureandhistoryof
    thetextitselfhasbeenamatterofpersistentdoubtandspeculation2 particularlysincethemidCh'ingscholarTs'uiShudemonstratedthesignificanceofstylistic
    inconsistenciesinthetext.3 ModernscholarlyopiniontendstoagreethatthevariouscomponentpartsoftheAnalectsprobablyvarywidelyindateofauthorshipand
    alsointhedatesatwhichtheywereincorporatedintothetextaswehaveittoday.Anumberofsystematicattemptstotracetheprovenanceofindividualbooksand
    entrieshavebeenmade,butnonecanyetbejudgedcompletelysuccessful.4
    ThecomplexproblemoftheoriginsoftheAnalectshasraisedquestionsastowhetherthestatementsrecordedinthetexttrulyreflectthewordsofConfuciusandhis
    disciples.Onceweadmitthatasignificantportionofthetextisnotwhatitpurportstobe,provingthatanyparticularpartofthetextmustbeacceptedasanauthentic
    recordofConfucius'ownwordsbecomesdifficult.5
    Thus,weareofferedtworadicallydifferentwaysoflookingatthetext.WecanviewitasthefirsttextofRuism,whichrecords,moreorless,theideasofConfucius
    andotherRuistsoftheearlyfifthcenturyB.C.Or,wecanseeitasacollectionofenduringthematicmaterial,theproductofmanystrataofcompositionandediting,
    representingaroughconsensustext,whosecontentsweremoreorlessendorsedbyallfactionsoftheRuistcommunityoveraperiodoftime.6 Thislatterview
    whichseestheAnalectsascontainingmanystagesofanevolvingWarringStatesportraitof"original"RuismsuggeststhatthepriorityoftheAnalectsisnotsomuch
    temporalasdoctrinal.ThetextisratherlikeaRuistbible.WhileRuistsalwayshavebeenabletotakeissuewithotherearlyworks,theAnalectshastraditionallybeen
    treatedasRuism'sessentialteaching,thepropertyofnoparticularfaction.
    Thesetwolevelspresentbothaproblemandanopportunityfortheinterpreter.Themeaningofapassagecanvaryaccordingtowhetheritisinterpretedinits
    narrativecontext,asthewordofConfucius,orinthecontextofitsinclusioninaneditedtextofcanonicalteachings.Traditionally,onlytheformercontexthasbeen
    viewedas"authentic,"butinlightofthe

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    problematicrelationofthetexttoConfucius,inmanycasesanoriginalmeaningmightbeprovidedbythelattercontextalone.PreviousanalysesoftheroleofT'ienin
    theAnalectshavesuffered,inmyview,becausetheyhavenotdistinguishedthesetwolevels.Aswewillseeinthischapter,significantlydifferentportraitsoftherole
    ofT'ienemergedependinguponwhichofthesetwolevelswechoose.
    Ingeneral,ourapproachtothecontextualinterpretationoftheAnalectswillbethis:becausethetextprobablyunderwentanextensiveanddisparatedevelopmental
    history,itisvalidtointerpretthetextasanexpressionoftheenduringinterestsofearlyRuism,ratherthanasanessentiallyrandomgatheringofindependentmicro
    texts,eachproperlyunderstoodonlyintermsofitsinstrumentalvaluetoanoriginalauthorand/oreditor.WewillviewtheAnalectsasthecumulativeattemptof
    WarringStatesRuiststoportraytheirphilosophicalorigins,pursuedinpartbypreservingthewordsoftheoriginalRu,astheyknewthem,andinpartbyascribingto
    orinventingforthesemenstatementswhichfromtheWarringStatesperspectivetheysurelywouldhavesaidinonewayoranother.
    Fromthispointofview,wewilldiscusstheAnalectsasaphilosophicallyselfconscioustext,andwewillinterpretitsinstrumentalmeaningintermsofthelargely
    synchronicmodelofRuismpresentedinchapterII.WewillemploythisperspectivetoelucidateanimplicittheoryofT'ienwhichmustbeattributednottoConfucius,
    buttothecollectiveeditorsofthetext.
    Havingdonethis,wewillalterourperspectiveandspeculateastohowtheAnalectsmayprovideusaccesstoConfucius'ownviewsconcerningT'ien,andtherole
    T'ienmayhaveplayedin"original"Ruism.TheconclusionswereachwillindicatethatConfucius'viewofT'ienandtheviewsoftheeditorsofthetextwereprobably
    notthesame.
    WeturnfirsttoanalyzetheimplicittheoryofT'ienintheAnalects(theeditors'theory).Ourdiscussionwillrevealthat,predictably,theAnalects'portraitofT'ienhas
    twodiscreteaspects:afunctionofthebifurcateddoctrineofearlyRuism.Ontheonehand,T'ienformsagroundforthepossibilityoftotalisticvirtueandfortheritual
    formswhichprovideapathtoit.Ontheother,T'ienprescribesthepuristicidealismofRuistpoliticalpolicies,determinesthefailureofthosepolicies,andensuresthat
    thisfailuremustbeunderstoodasofultimateethicalvalue.
    2.
    TheImplicitTheoryofT'ienintheAnalects
    ConsideringthefactthattheentriesintheAnalectswhichrefertoT'ienarescatteredthroughoutthetextinbooksthatmighthaveoriginatedamongdisparatefactions
    andatdifferenttimes,theportraitofT'ienthatemergesisremarkablyconsistent.7 Thefactthatthisissosuggeststhatthisviewof

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    T'ienwasdeeplyingrainedinearlyRuism.DespiteimportantdifferencesinemphasisandintheimageryassociatedwithT'ien,wewillfindthatthemajorelementsof
    theportraitremainvisibleinthemoredetailedandphilosophicallyselfconsciousdiscussionsofT'ienintheMenciusandtheHsunTzu.
    Onemorepreliminary:someremarksabouttheanalyticapproachwewilltakehere.Inorganizingourdiscussion,wewilllaygreatstressonthedistinctionbetween
    prescriptiveanddescriptiveaspectsofT'ien.ThisdistinctionisafunctionofthedoubledutythatT'ienperformsasanexplanatoryfiction.Prescriptively,T'ienprovides
    reasonstoactincertainwaysinthefuture:weshoulddoXbecauseT'ienwantsustoand/orwillrewardus.T'ienserveshereasanormativevaluestandard.
    Descriptively,T'ienprovidesareasonwhyeventsinthepastoccurredastheydid:T'ienwisheditso.
    Oftenthesetworolescannotberationallyreconciled.WesawearlierhowthiscontradictionlayattheheartofthemidChoucrisisofvalue.Whengoodisnot
    rewardedorevilgoesunpunished,agapoccursbetweenT'ienasavaluestandardandT'ienasanefficientcauseofamoralevents.InthecaseofRuism,a
    prescriptive/descriptivegapexistedfromthestart,asaresultofthepoliticalfailureofConfucius'moralmission.
    Wheresuchagapdevelops,thethreebasicalternativesforbridgingitare:(1)itcanbeignored,8 (2)theethicalorthecausalprimacyofT'iencanbecompromised
    (whichmayleadtoethicalrelativismordeterminism),9 or(3)anewexplanatoryfictioncanbeintroduced:forexample,ateleologicalplan.
    Explicitly,theAnalectsmayappeartoselectthefirstoption:itdoesnotaddresstheissuedirectly.Butwewillfindthatimplicitlyitchoosesthethirdoption.It
    introducesthenotionofateleologicalcourseofevents,andthisrestorestothedescriptiveeventsoftheempiricalworldtheir"proper"value,whichinturnpreserves
    theethicalvalueoftheT'iensupportedprescriptsofRuistpractice.
    2.1.ThePrescriptiveRoleofT'ien
    Asaprescriptiveforce,T'ienplaystwomajorrolesintheAnalects.10First,itprovidesagroundfortheRuistnotionoftranscendentwisdom,andlegitimizestheRuist
    claimthattraditionalritualformsprovidethepathtoattainingit.Second,itlegitimizesRuistpoliticalidealismandtherejectionofpracticalpolitics.Wecanorganize
    relevantpassagesintosetscorrespondingtothesetwofunctions,andwebeginwiththosethatemployT'ientopromotetheRuistcommitmenttoseekSagehood
    throughselfstylization.
    Thefirstoftheseisacrypticfragment.Itreadsinfull:

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    TheMastersaid,'T'ienhasengenderedvirtue(te)inme.WhatharmcanHuanT'uidome?"(A:7.23).

    ThepassagemakeslittlesenseunlessoneacceptscontextualmaterialfoundintheShihchi,wherewelearnthatHuanT'uiwasMinisterofWarinthestateofSung
    andConfucius'enemy,atonetimethreateninghislife(SC:47.1921).
    TheT'ienpicturedhereisethicallyprescriptive.Itisthegeneticbasisofvirtue,protectsthevirtuous,andpunishes,oratleastrendersnugatory,actionsdirectedagainst
    them.11PerhapswemayalsoconcludethatConfuciushimselfisimplicitlypicturedastheagentofT'ien,suggestingthattheactionofT'iengoesbeyondresponsive
    rewardandpunishmentandreflectsongoingpurpose.Butthepassageisaltogethervague.Anypracticallessonthatitmayhavebeenmeanttoconveyisvitiatedby
    thenotoriousvaguenessoftheword"virtue"(te).12Norareanyinterpretivecluesprovidedbyadjacententriesinthetext,whichseemtohavenothingtodowithour
    passage(afactthathasledatleastonewritertoregardthiscrypticfragmentasalateinsertioninthetext[Takeuchi1939:135]).
    PerhapstheShihchiaccountprovidesacluetotheconcretemeaningof"virtue"here.Thetextreads:
    ConfuciusdepartedTs'aoandwenttoSung,where,withhisdisciples,hepracticedlibeneathagreattree.TheSungMinisterofWar,HuanT'ui,wantedtokillConfucius,andcut
    downthetree.Confuciusdeparted.Thedisciplessaidtohim,"Letusgoquickly."Confuciusreplied,"T'ienhasengenderedvirtueinme.WhatharmcanHuanT'uidome?"

    Thisstylizedaccount,withthegreatritualtreestandingasasortoficon,seemstosuggestthatConfucius'virtuewastiedtohisritualaction,theobjectofHuanT'ui's
    attack.CouldthisnotionliebehindtheAnalectspassage?
    ThereisnotmuchbasisforthisconjectureasitstandsShihchimaterialcannotgenerallyberelieduponinthisway.13Butwearefortunatethatthesametaleappears
    tohavesurvivedinadifferentform,whichappearsinanotherbookoftheAnalects.Inthissecondversion,thefunctionthat"virtue"performedinA:7.23isperformed
    bymasteryofaestheticritualforms.
    WhentheMasterwasindangerinthestateofK'uang,hesaid,"KingWenisdead,buthisstyle(wen)livesonhere[inme],doesitnot?IfT'ienwishedthisstyletoperish,[I]
    wouldnothavebeenabletopartakeofit.SinceT'ienhasnotdestroyedthisstyle,whatharmcanthepeopleofK'uangdotome?"(A:9.5).14

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    Together,A:7.23andA:9.5conveytwoimportantpointsaboutT'ien.T'iengeneratesavirtueembodiedinindividuals,anditlegitimizestheancientbehavioralpatterns
    thatweresocentraltoRuistinterests.15Thefactthatthetwopassagesseemtobeversionsofasinglelegendsuggeststhatthesetwopointsarealternateformulations
    ofthesamemessage:thatthewayT'ien"engenderedvirtue"inConfuciuswasbyallowinghimto"partakeofthestyle"oftheancientSages.
    A:9.5isfollowedinthetextbyanotherpassagethatreferstoT'ien.
    TheGrandStewardaskedTzukung,"YourMasterissurelyaSage,ishenot?Heisskilledinsomanythings!"Tzukungreplied,"ItisactuallyT'ienwhichallowshimtobeagreat
    Sageheisskilledinmanythingsbesides."TheMasterheardofit."WhatdoestheGrandStewardknowofme?"hesaid.''WhenIwasyoungIwasofhumblestation,andsoI
    becameskilledinmanyrudethings.Isthechntzuskilledinmanythings?No,notmany"(A:9.6).16

    TheGrandStewardofthispassagemistakesperhapsmaliciouslythemeaningof"Sage"(sheng).Hetakesthedisciples'claimthatConfuciusisaSagetoreferto
    hismanyskills,andfromConfucius'remark,wecanunderstandthattheskillsofwhichthispassagespeakswere"rude"things,talentsofnoethicalsignificance.We
    canenvisionacontemporaryusageoftheword"sage"todenotethesortofpersonhandyenoughtosolvealmostanypracticalproblemajackofalltrades.17Tzu
    kungrepliesthattheSagehoodhemeansisofadifferentsort.ItisaSagehoodguidedbyT'ienandquiteapartfromrudetalents.18
    WecanlearnmoreaboutthisSagehoodfromConfucius'remark.Inthetext,A:9.6isfollowedbyabriefentrythatgiveseveryindicationofbeingalateinsertion.19If
    wepassoveritandturntoA:9.8wefindthatitbeginswithphrasingalmostpreciselyparalleltothatwhichconcludesA:9.6:"DoIpossessknowledge?No,Ihave
    noneatall."WehavealreadyseenhowtheimportofthisstatementisnottodenythatConfuciuswaswise,buttotellusthatwisdomliesintotalisticunderstanding,a
    skill,ratherthaninaccumulatedknowledgeoffacts.ThemessageofA:9.6isessentiallythesame:virtueliesinattainingthetotalisticperspectiveoftheSage,amaster
    skill,notintheproliferationofindividualskills.Itisthequality,notthequantityofhisskillsthatdefinesthechntzu.20
    Reviewingthepassageswehaveconsideredthusfar,wecansaythismuchaboutT'ien:wearetounderstandthatthe"virtue"ofConfuciuswas"engendered"byT'ien
    (A:7.23),andthathisSagehoodwas"allowed"(tsung)byT'ien(A:9.6).21Thenatureofhisvirtueweinterprettobehismasteryofthe"style"(wen)oftraditional
    ritualforms(A:9.5).ThebasisofhisSagehoodishismasteryofthe"singlethread,"thetotalismthatlinksandgovernsskillsandknowledge(A:9.6inlightof9.8).
    Thesethreepassages

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    alreadyshowustheroleofT'ienasabasisfortheRuisttotalismanditsritualpath.
    ThelinkagebetweenT'ienandwenthatwefoundinA:9.5appearsinotherpassagesaswell.InBook5,forexample,wehearthediscipleTzukungmakethis
    apparentlyretrospectiveremark:
    WeareabletolearnoftheMaster'sparadigmofstyle(wenchang),buthiswordsconcerningman'snatureandtheWayofT'ienwearenotabletohear(A:5.13).

    Whatisofimmediateinteresttoushereisthejuxtapositionofthe"paradigmofstyle"againstthemoreabstractnotionsofhumannatureandT'ien.22Onthesurface,
    thepassageappearstotellusthatConfucius'teachingsaboutT'ienandaboutthenaturethatT'ienhasengenderedinmanareeithersecretorlost,andmany
    interpretershavereadthepassageinthisway.23Butthisinterpretationrendersthefirstphrasesuperficial.Ifwelookforthemeaningofthepassageinthebalanced
    contrastbetweenthetwophrases,itappearstosaysomethingsuchas:"Don'taskabouttheoriesofT'ienorman'snatureyouwillfindallthereistoknowaboutthese
    mattersintheMaster'sprogramofselfstylization."Inotherwords,T'ien'sexistence"outthere"doesnotmatteritgivesusnocluesastowhatwearemeanttobe.
    Forus,T'ienismanifestinandprescribesthosebehavioralformsthatConfuciuslaiddownasthebasisforRuistpractice.
    Ifthisinterpretationiscorrect,thenA:5.13reassignstheconsiderablerhetoricalforceoftheword"t'ien"fromimagesoftheheavensorofspiritstotheeveryday
    practiceofritualforms.ThiscertainlybringsT'ienintotheRuistclassroom.
    AsimilarreformulationofT'ienappearstoguideanotherAnalectspassage,whichcanbeseenasforgingalinkbetweenT'ienastheastronomicalskyandT'ienas
    manifestintraditionalritualforms.
    TheMastersaid,"HowgrandwastheruleoftheEmperorYao!ToweringisthegrandeurofT'ienonlyYaocouldemulateit...Toweringwerehisachievementsshining,they
    formedaparadigmofstyle"(A:8.19).

    YaoinRuistlorethefirstSageKingissaidinothersources,suchastheYaotiensectionoftheDocuments,tohaveestablishedacalendarandsocialorderon
    thebasisofastronomicalobservations.24Thispassageshouldprobablybeunderstoodinlightofsuchmyths.Andweshouldalsonotetheopeningpassageofthefinal
    bookoftheAnalects,whichappearstoquotethetextofsomelostbookoftheDocumentsorasimilarscripturalwork.Therhymedphrasessupposedlyrecord
    Yao'sinstructionstohissuccessor,theEmperorShun.

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    25

    OhShun!ThecalendarofT'ienrestsuponyourperson.Holdtoitscentral[course].Shouldthefourquartersfalldestitute,thewagesofT'ienwillforeverend(A:20.1).

    AsinA:8.19thispassagesuggeststhattheinstitutionofthekingshipwasfoundedupontheabilitytotranslateregularitiesoftheastronomicalskyintoprescriptsof
    socialorder,leadingtoenduringpeaceandprosperity.
    A:5.13and8.19bothspeakofthe"paradigmofstyle,"andtheyaretheonlypassagesinthetextwhichdo.The"paradigmofstyle"means,moreliterally,"pattern
    insignia."Itisgenerallyusedinearlytextstodenotecolorfulpatternsonritualcostumes.26Inthesetwopassages,theachievementsofConfuciusandtheEmperor
    Yaoarepicturedasextensionsofaritualaesthetic,andthisaestheticis,inturn,linkedtoT'ien.InA:5.13,accordingtoourinterpretation,itispicturedasa
    manifestationofT'ien.InA:8.19,itismodeleduponthemoreconcretemanifestationsofT'ienasNatureorastheastronomicalsky.Inbothinstances,thenotionof
    T'ienbecomesintimatelytiedtothephenomenonofconventionallystyledritualpatternsthatarekeystoSagelearningandtoSagerule.27
    ThereremainsonlyonepassageinwhichT'ienplaysaprescriptiverolelinkingittotheRuisttotalism.Itreads:
    TheMastersaid,"Iwishnevertospeak.""Ifyouneverspoke,"repliedTzukung,"thenwhatwouldwediscipleshavetopasson?"TheMastersaid,"DoesT'ienspeak?Yetthe
    seasonsturnandthecreaturesoftheworldareborn.DoesT'ienspeak?"(A:17.17).28

    Itisenlighteningtoviewthispassageinthecontextoftheentriesthatsurroundit.A:17.15and17.16bothdeplorethosewhouseglibspeechtoattaintheirends.In
    contrast,A:17.18describeshowConfuciusconveysamessagetoanunwelcomevisitorwithoutspeakingtohim.ThroughoutRuisttexts,thereisatendencytoview
    wordswithsuspicionbecausetheyaresubjecttosophisticdistortion.29TheidealoftheSageoftenincludesanotionthattheperfectactordoesnotneedwordsto
    transformthemindsofthepeople.30InA:17.17,T'ienispicturedasthemodelfortheidealizedactionoftheSage(approximatedbyConfuciusinthesubsequent
    passage).ThereisaparallelbetweentheactionoftheSage,whichisafunctionofhistotalisticunderstanding,andtheactionofT'ien.T'ienitselfwhetherpicturedas
    NatureorgodseemsalmosttobeacosmicversionoftheRuistSage.
    Tosumup:passagessuchasA:7.23and9.6portrayT'ienasthesourceoftheSagelytotalism.A:5.13,8.19,and9.5portrayitasthesourceoforasmanifestinthe
    ritualstylethatformsthepathtothetotalism.AndA:17.17seemstomakeT'ienthedirectmodelforthetotalismitself.T'ienpre

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    scribesinvariousways,butregardlessofhowitdoesso,itisclearthatwhatitprescribesistheidealofSagehoodandtheRuistpathtoit.ThelinkageofT'ientothe
    everydaypracticeofRuismisunmistakable:theAnalectsmakesT'ienboththeheadmasterandthesyllabusoftheRuistschool.
    <><><><><><><><><><><><>
    TheprescriptiveroleofT'ieninlegitimizingRuistpoliticalidealismcanbedetailedmorebriefly,asitisexplicitinonlytwopassages.BothoftheseportrayConfucius
    decliningtotakeadvantageofconcretepoliticalopportunitiesinthestateofWei,becausesuchactionwouldinvolveunsavorypoliticalalliancesthatwould
    compromiseConfucius'puristicidealism.
    Thefirstofthesereferstoanaudiencewhich,accordingtotheShihchi(47.1920),ConfuciuswasobligedtohavewithanotoriousconsortoftheWeiruler.31
    TheMasterwaspresentedtoNanTzu.Tzuluwasdispleased.TheMastersworeanoath:"ThatwhichIdeny,mayT'iendetestit!MayT'iendetestit.!"(A:6.28).

    WemayrephraseConfucius'oathforthesakeofclarity:"MayT'ienpunishmeif,contrarytomydenial,Iactedtocompromiseourideals."Thepassagealignsthe
    prescriptiveactionofT'ienwiththeethicsofTzuluandConfucius,bothofwhomdisapproveofanynotionthatpoliticalmeanscanbeanylessexaltedthanpolitical
    ends.32
    Thesamethemeisrepeatedinanotherpassage,inwhichConfuciusdiplomaticallydeclinesapragmaticpoliticalallianceofferedbyapowerfulministerinWei.33The
    offerismadethroughathinlyveiledmetaphorinwhichtheministerlikenshisrulertotheguardianspiritwhosealtarsitsinthesouthwestcornerofhouseholds,and
    himselftothegodofthekitchen.
    WangsunChiaasked,"Whatisthesenseofthatsaying,'Bettertopaycourttothekitchenthantothedarkcorner?'""Notso!"repliedtheMaster."IfoneoffendsagainstT'ien,
    therewillbenoplaceatwhichtopray"(A:3.13).

    WangsunChiaclaimstobethepowerbehindthethrone.Whybeasticklerforpoliticallegitimacy,hesuggeststhrowinyourlotwithmeandyouwillachieveyour
    politicalgoals.ConfuciusskillfullyemploysWangsunChia'sownmetaphorinpicturingT'ienasanethicalarbiter,overseeingthecourseofpoliticalaction.T'ien
    prescribesamoralcourseandpunishesimmoralaction.WhatsuccesscouldgrowoutofT'ien'spunishment?Ethicalpurismistheonlypossibleroadtosuccess.
    Hence,A:3.13,likeA:6.28,employs

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    T'ieninordertolegitimizetheRuistpolicyofdevotiontopoliticalpurismandtheabsoluterejectionofthemethodsofpoliticalintrigue.34
    ThiscompletesourdiscussionofthefunctionofT'ienasaprescriptiveforceintheAnalects.OuranalysishasindicatedthatT'ien'sprescriptiveroleistolegitimizethe
    distinctmoietiesofRuistpracticaldoctrine:thecommitmenttopursuetheSagelytotalismthroughritualselfcultivationandthewithdrawalfrompracticalpoliticsin
    favorofidealisticrhetoric.
    WeturnnowtopassagesthatdealmoredirectlywithT'ienasadescriptiveforceastheentityorforcethatisaccountableforthemoralunintelligibilityofthe
    empiricalsocialworld.
    2.2.
    TheDescriptiveRoleofT'ien
    ThelastsectionshowsusthattheeditorsoftheAnalectsdidlittlemorethanascribetheirownvaluestoT'ienindealingwithitsprescriptiveaspect.Thedescriptive
    aspectpresentedmoredifficulties.Fromadescriptiveangle,itwasinadequatemerelytoassertthatT'ienconformedtoRuistvalues.Itwasnecessarytoshowthat
    empiricaleventsconfirmedthatthiswasso.
    Giventheamoralnatureofempiricalexperience,andtheparticularlyevidentinjusticesofthelateChouperiod,thenotionthateventswereshapedbyT'ieninaccord
    withRuistvalueswasclearlyadifficultonetosupport.TheAnalects'solutiontotheproblemasolutionwhich,likethestatementoftheproblem,isonlyimplicitin
    thetextwastorelyonafurtherexplanatoryfiction,thenotionofateleologicalplanthatT'ienfollows.Thisnotionshiftstheevaluativestandardagainstwhichevents
    arejudgedfromthepresentintothedistantfuture,and,inessence,subordinatesthedescriptivevaluesofexperiencetoprescriptivedogma.35Regardlessofthe
    evidence,allmustbeforthegood.
    ThecreatorsoftheAnalectsusetheteleologicalnotiontoexplainwhyT'iendidnotbringitaboutthatConfuciusT'ien'sownethicalagent(A:7.23,9.5)should
    triumphoverchaosandbringpeaceandordertotheworld,ratherthanbeingreducedtopowerlessnessandoccasionaldestitution.
    FortheAnalects,Confucius'failurewasT'ien'smeansofarrangingthathisteachingsbespread.ItcontributedmoretoT'ien'steleologicalplanforajustfuturethanhis
    politicalsuccesswouldhave.ThispositionispresentedinthetextthroughthewordsofaborderofficerinthestateofWei,whomConfuciusissaidtohave
    encounteredeitheruponenteringWeiafterlosingofficeinLu,oruponleavingWeiwithouthavingachievedhispoliticalgoals.
    TheborderofficeratYirequestedaninterview,saying,"Ihaveneverbeendeniedaninterviewbyanygentlemancomingtothisplace."Thefollowerspresentedhim.Whenhe
    emerged,hesaid,"WhatneedhaveyoudisciplestobeanxiousoveryourMaster'sloss?TheworldhaslongbeenwithouttheWay.T'ienmeanstoemployyourMasterasa
    woodenbell"(A:3.24).

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    The"woodenbell"referstoaninstrumentusedbyheraldsandcrierstoalertthepopulacetoanimportantmessage.36SoobscurehastheWaybecomethatT'ienhas
    judgeditmoreappropriatetoemployConfuciusasateacherthanasapoliticalleader.ItispreciselythroughpoliticalfailurethatConfuciusisabletoserveasT'ien's
    agent.37
    ThistypeofreasoningdoesexplaineventsinawayconsistentwithRuistvalues,butinanotherwayitcreatesahugegapbetweenprescriptiveanddescriptivevalue.If
    thevalueofanindividual'sactionsderivesfromthecontributionthatthoseactionsmaketoateleologicalplan,ofwhatrelevanceisitwhethertheyaccordwithethical
    prescripts?A:3.24containstheseedsofametaphysicalutilitarianism.38
    ItisimportanttotheAnalects,andtoRuismingeneral,thattheteleologicaldeterminismthatitusestoexplainRuistpoliticalfailuresnotdevalueactionaccordingto
    theethicalprescriptsthatarelegitimizedbyT'ieninitsprescriptiverole.SeveralpassagesintheAnalectsassertthevalueoffollowingprescriptwithoutregardfor
    empiricalconsequences.39TwooftheserelatetheissuedirectlytoT'ien,andwewillconsidertheminsomedetailhere.Theyareofparticularinteresttousbecausein
    differentways,bothsuggestthatSagehoodtheendoftheprescriptivepathisitselfthebridgeovertheprescriptive/descriptivegap.Thisaddsanewdimensionto
    thevalueofethicalaction:itcreatesanunderstandingofitself.Andbysuggestingthattheanswertotheprescriptive/descriptiveproblemliesinSagehood,the
    AnalectshoweverembryonicallyadoptsapositiontruetotheenduringnatureofRuism:theintellectualsolutionisarrivedatnotanalyticallythroughlogical
    reasoning,butsynthetically,preciselybyfollowingtheprescriptsofRuism(andofT'ien)toreachanunderstandingoftruth.
    ThemorefamousofthesetwopassagesrecountsConfucius'thumbnailautobiography.
    Atfifteen,Isetmyheartonstudy.Atthirty,Iwasabletostand.Atforty,Iwasfreefromconfusion.Atfifty,IlearnedthedecreeofT'ien.Atsixty,Ihearditwithanobedientear.
    Atseventy,Ifollowthedesiresofmyheartanddonotoversteptheproperbounds(A:2.4).40

    ManythingsaboutthispassagesuggestthatitisnotarecordofConfucius'ownspeech,butalate,retrospectivelookatthecareerofConfuciusfromthevantage
    pointofadevelopedRuistideology.41Whetherornotthisisso,thepassageeloquentlyarticulatestherelationshipbetweenthetwodoctrinalmoietiesofRuism:self
    cultivationandpoliticalidealism,and,indoingso,itillustratestheAnalects'approachtoreconcilingtheprescriptiveanddescriptiveaspectsofT'ien.Ihopetomake
    thisclearintheanalysisthatfollows.

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    Passingoverthefirstphraseforthemoment,letusbeginbytryingtomakesenseofthevaguestatement,"Iwasabletostand,"ormoreliterally,"Istood."Theverb
    "tostand"(lic)cancarryasenseofassuminganoccupationalpost,anditisusedinthatsenseintheAnalects(4.14,6.30).However,thetextalsorepeatedlylinksthe
    wordtothepracticeofli:ritualforexample,"Standwithli"(A:8.8)"Ifyoudonotstudyli,youwillhavenomeanswherebytostand''(A:16.13cf.20.3).42
    Theseritualovertonesinthesecondphrasecreatearesonancewiththefirst,whichspeaksof"study."Aswesawinchapter11,theRuistmeaningof"study"was
    deeplyentailedwithritualpractice.Thetwophrasesarelinked.Thefirstdescribestheinitialcommitmenttoritualstudy,thesecondpicturesasortofgraduationtoan
    initialapplicationofritualskillsinassumingoccupationalandothersocialresponsibilities.
    Givingconcretemeaningtothethirdphraseisdifficultletuspassitbyforthemoment.
    Thefourthphrase,Confuciusatfifty,referstothe"decreeofT'ien"(t'ienming),atermwhosewealthoftextualassociationsmaydomoretoobscurethanclarifyits
    meaninghere(itisthetermusedtodenotetheChouDynasty's"MandateofHeaven").Commentatorshavebeendividedonthesignificanceofthisreferencetothe
    decree,43butthetextitselfprovidestwoclues,andIthinktheyaresufficienttosolvethemystery.Thefirstclueappearsinthesubsequentphrase,"Atsixty,Iheard
    [thedecree]withanobedientear."IfIhavetranslatedthiscorrectly,itindicatesthatthedecreewassomethingthatConfuciusinitiallyfoundunpleasanttohear.44The
    secondclueinvolvestheageatwhichConfuciusheardthedecree.Accordingtoourhistoricalsources,Confuciuswasslightlyolderthanfiftyatthetimeofthegreat
    crisisinhislife,hislossofpositioninLuandhissubsequentselfexile(Dubs1946).Wemayreasonablyassumethatthispieceofchronologywasknowntotheauthor
    ofthepassage,andthatthephrasereferstothatevent.Ifso,thenitisclearthatT'ienisusedhereinitsdescriptivesense,itsdecreebeingthefailureofConfucius'
    politicalmission.Withthisinmind,letusreturntothethirdphrase,whichspeaksofbeingfreefromconfusionatforty.Wecanseenowthattheprecedingtwophrases
    chartConfucius'progressinritualselfcultivation,whilethesubsequentphrasesrecordthefailureofhispoliticalmission.Theclaimoffreedomfromconfusionstands
    asapivotbetweenthephasesofpreparatoryeducationandpoliticaleffort.ItresemblesanunderstatedclaimofSagewisdomelsewherethetexttellsusthatitisthe
    wisemanwhoisfreefromconfusion(A:9.29,14.28).IthinkthatwhatthephrasemustrepresentisConfucius'attainmentofthetotalisticperspective,andhis
    embarkation,asaSage,uponhispoliticalmission.45
    Lookingatthepassageasawhole,wecanbegintoseethatitisreally

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    composedoftwohalves.ThefirsthalfinitselftakesusthefulllengthoftheprescriptivepathofRuistSagehood,fromthefirststagesofstudytotheresolutionofall
    uncertainty.Incontrast,thesecondhalfopensbyintroducingthedescriptiveobstaclesthatconfronttheSageashestepsintotheworldofpoliticalaction.Wecan
    anticipatethatthelogicofthepassageistosetthedescriptiveactionofT'ienagainsttheprescriptivepathofRuisminordertoinstructushowtoreconcilethetwo.
    Confuciusheardthedecreeatfifty,butwelearnthatittookhimtenyearstoacceptit.Byacknowledgingthis,thetextseemstoemphasizehowdeeplyunintelligible
    Confucius'failureappearsfromtheRuiststandpoint.Wemustunderstandtheforceoftheconcludingphraseinthislight.
    ThislastphraseisgenerallytakentomeanthatConfuciushadcompletelyinternalizedprescriptiveprinciplebyageseventy.46Ithinkthatthisinterpretationfallsshort
    ofthemarkbyhalf.Wehaveseenthatatfiftyandsixty,thedesiresofConfucius'heartwerenotintensionwithprescriptiverulesbutwiththedescriptivelimitsto
    whichhewasabletoextendthoserules.Nowatseventy,hisheart'sdesirehaschangedhenolongerwishestooverstepthelimitsdrawnbythedescriptiveactionof
    T'ien.TheculminationofhisSagehooddoesnotlieininternalizingtheruleswemightexpectthatofConfuciusatforty.Itliesinhisreconciliationofethical
    imperativeswithdescriptivelimitations,inadoptingthelimitsthatT'ienandtheworldimposeasethicalprinciplesofhislife.ThisisConfuciusinretirement,tirelessly
    andjoyouslyplayingthepartofthewoodenbell.
    ThepassagedepictspoliticalfailureasastageinthefullmaturationoftheSage.T'ien'sdescriptiveroledoesnotunderminethevalueofethicalprescriptiteducates
    thehearttoembracetheempiricalconsequencesofadoptingthoseprescripts.
    Thistheme,withitsmessagethattheSageunderstandsthenecessityofembracingT'ien'steleologicalplanratherthanone'sownethicalambitions,isrepeatedinavery
    differentwayinBook14.
    TheMastersaid,"Nooneknowsme.""Howisitthatthisisso?"askedTzukung."IdonotcomplainagainstT'ien,"repliedtheMaster,"nordoIblamemen.Istudywhatislowly
    andsogetthroughtowhatisexalted.IsitnotT'ienwhoknowsme?"(A:14.35).

    Likethelastpassage,thisoneiscarefullycrafted,andrewardsdetailedinterpretation.
    Thephrase"Nooneknowsme"hasaparticularmeaningintheAnalects.Itisthecomplaintofthethwartedofficeseeker,andthephraseConfuciusismosteagerto
    banishfromhisdisciples'speech(e.g.,A:14.30).Theword"know"(chih)carriesadoublemeaning,bothas"torecognize"andas"to

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    employ."Hence,thecomplaintcanbeparaphrased,"Nooneemploysmytalents."
    Theterm"getthrough"(ta)carriesasimilarambiguity.Itismostfrequentlyusedinthesensesof"understand"or"makeoneselfunderstood,"butitcanalsomeanto
    gainaccesstoarulerortohaveone'stalentsgenerallyrecognized(A:6.30,12.20).47
    Thelogicofthepassagerunslikethis.Confucius,thenoblepoliticalfailure,voicesthecomplaintweassociatewithimmaturedisciples.Thisisaparadox,andTzu
    kunghelpfullyasksforanexplanation.Confuciusrespondswiththetruemeaningofpoliticalfailure:"IhavenocomplaintagainstT'ien,nordoIfeelmenaretoblame.
    Ihaveappliedmyselftothestudyofbasicthingsratherthanhighflownspeculation,andindoingso,Ihavecometounderstandandtoberecognizedbywhatis
    exalted.IsitnotT'ienwhoemploysmytalents?"NoruleremploysConfuciusbecauseheisalreadyemployedbyT'ien.Thefailuretoachievepoliticalsuccessis
    reinterpretedasanappointmenttoT'ien'scourt,arewardforfollowingtheproperpathofstudy:perfectingthebasicparadigmofstyleratherthanchasingafter
    "higher"things,suchastheoriesofT'ienandman'snature.
    AsinA:7.23and9.5,ConfuciusispicturedasT'ien'sagent.ButA:14.35goesfurtherinreconcilingConfucius'failurewithhisroleasagent.48Inlightofthis,itis
    probablynotcoincidentalthatA:14.35isfollowedbyapassagethatcloselyparallelsA:7.23and9.5,butwhichtakesasitsmainobjectofattentionnotT'ienbut
    ming,"fate,"orthe"decree"thatexpressesdescriptivereality.
    KungpoLiaodenouncedTzulutoChisun.TzufuChingporeportedit."MymasterhaslongharboreddoubtsaboutKungpoLiao,"hesaid."Itisstillwithinmypowertohave
    hiscarcassexposedinmarketandcourt."TheMasterreplied,"ShouldtheWayprevail,itwillbeduetomingshoulditbecastaside,itwillbeduetoming.WhatcanKungpo
    Liaodoaboutming?"(A:14.36).49

    HereConfuciusispicturedusingminginmuchthewayheusedT'ieninA:3.13,asadefensivepoliticalfatalismthatprotectshimfromcompromisinghisidealsand
    engaginginpoliticalintrigue.50ItsparticularinterestforushereliesinitsproximitytoA:14.35.Ifthetwoaretakentogether,thefirstcanbeseenasanembraceof
    T'ien'steleologicalplaninwhichthevaluesofpoliticalsuccessarerejected,whilethesecondcanbeseenasanillustrationofthisattitude,asitharmonizesa"fatalistic"
    acceptanceofConfucius'actionwiththeprescriptiveidealismofRuistpolitics.
    ThereisasenseherethatthedecreethatdeterminesthefailureoftheRuistpoliticalmissionalmostfreestheRuist,extricatinghimfromthetoilsofpolitical
    responsibilitiesandallowinghimtoretire,atleastpartially,into

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    thepureritualpracticeoftheRuistcommunity.ThethreepassagesthatfollowA:14.36alldealwiththebalanceonemuststrikebetweenfulfillingtheprescriptsof
    politicalidealismthroughfutilepoliticalpreaching,andthroughcompletepoliticalwithdrawal.51
    Insum,T'ien'sdescriptiverole,onceacceptedandunderstoodbytheRu,ceasestobeanobstacleandbecomesanewethicalopportunity.Thecommunityof
    politicallyimpotentritualactorsformsanelitesocietyofT'ien'sagents:menwhobowtothedescriptiveactionofT'ienwhilepursuingtheprescriptiveritualpath.The
    AnalectsquotesTzuhsia'swordstoafellowdisciplewhosepoliticalfortuneshavebeendestroyedbytheactionsofhisbrother,Confucius'enemyHuanT'ui:
    Ihavehearditsaid:LifeanddeatharedeterminedbydecreewealthandrankareuptoT'ien.Thechntzuisunstintinglydiligent:hetreatspeoplereverentlyandwithli,andall
    withinthefourquartersarehisbrothers(A:12.5).52

    MancannotcontrolthedescriptiveactionofT'ienhecannotdeterminehisfateintheworld.Buthecanfulfilltheethicalprescriptsofritualaction,andsoenterintothe
    alternativecommunityofritualactors.ThedescriptiveroleofT'ieninnowayalterstheethicalvalueofthisprescriptivecourse.
    <><><><><><><><><><><><>
    Themodelpresentedheresetsforth,Ithink,theimportantthemesoftheAnalects'treatmentofT'ien.OftheseventeenentriesthatrefertoT'ien,wehavediscussed
    thirteeninthetextandoneotherinthenotes.Oftheremainingthree,oneemploysT'ieninanonphilosophicalsenseas"sky"(A:19.25),andweneednotconsiderit
    here.Anotherisrathercryptic,andIfeelthatapreciseinterpretationofitisnotpossible.Itreads:
    Confuciussaid,"Thechntzuholdsthreethingsinawe.HeholdsthedecreeofT'ieninawe,heholdsgreatmeninawe,andheholdsthewordsoftheSageinawe.Thesmallman
    doesnotknowthedecreeofT'ienandsodoesnotholditinawe,heisdisrespectfultowardsgreatmen,andhedisgracesthewordsoftheSage"(A:16.8).

    SomecommentatorshavereadgreatsignificanceintothisreferencetothedecreeofT'ien,53butmyfeelingisthatthepassageissoformulaicastoallowalmostany
    interpretation,andIprefernottotreatithere.54
    ThelastremainingpassagedescribesConfucius'cryofdespairuponthedeathofYenYuan:"Ah!T'iendestroysme!T'iendestroysme!"(A:11.9).Ifit

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    weretheintentionoftheeditorsoftheAnalectsthatweshouldbelievethetruthofConfucius'charge,thenthispassagewouldclashwithouroverallmodel.Inthisone
    case,however,Ifeelwemustsuspendourprinciplesofinterpretationandconcludethatthepassagedoesnotcontributetothetext'simplicittheoryofT'ien.Thesole
    purposeofthepassage,Ibelieve,istocelebratethevirtueofYenYuanbyillustratingthedepthofConfucius'grief,whichisalsothethemeofthesubsequententry.55
    <><><><><><><><><><><><>
    TheanalysiswehavepresentedhereisintendedtoshowthattheeditorsoftheAnalectsinconcreteterms,thegenerationsofRuistswhorecorded,composed,
    selected,andarrangedthetextaswehaveittodaycanbeshowntohaveportrayedT'ieninaconsistentway,whichexpressedtheenduringinterestsandgoalsof
    earlyRuism.
    Initsprescriptiverole,T'ienwasessentiallyidenticalwiththe"Way"or"tao"ofRuism.56ItwasthegroundthatsupportedthetotalisticnotionofSagehood.Itwas
    themodelforandmanifestintheritualpathtoSagehood.AnditlegitimizedthepoliticalidealismthatforRuistscharacterizedthewisdomoftheSage.Theprescriptive
    roleofT'ienbroughtT'ienintotheRuistclassroom.ThedevoteddisciplecouldfeelthatashewatchedtheperfectritualactionofhisfellowRu,helookeduponT'ien.
    Whenhehimselfparticipatedinthatritualstyle,hecouldfeelthatT'ienwasactingthroughhisagency.Inthissense,theword"t'ien"merelyhypostatizedRuist
    prescriptintheterminologyofearlyChoureligion.
    Initsdescriptiverole,T'ienaccountedforthepoliticalfailureofConfuciusandofallearlyRu,anditgavethatfailuremeaning.BecauseT'ienwasspokenofin
    teleologicalterms,itcouldguaranteetherightnessofRuistidealisminthefaceofitsempiricalpoliticalwrongness.WithT'ienonhisside,thedisciplecouldbeassured
    thattherejectionofRuistdoctrinebyanamoralsocietyactuallyconfirmedtherightnessoftheRuiststance.Inthissense,theword"t'ien"denotedthepolitical
    repulsionthatactuallyfreedtheRuiststofollowtheirritualpathinethicalandpartialsocialisolation.
    T'ienwasrevealedtothediscipleeveryday,whenhelookeduponthebeautyofritualpracticeamongtheRuandwhenheconsideredhisethicaldistancefromthe
    selfdestructiveimmoralityofsocietyatlarge.T'ienwasthegrowingritualmasterywithinhimitwastheperfectworldofthefuturewhosefoundationshewashelping
    tolay.
    3.Confucius'DoctrinalSilence
    WehavebeenexploringthefunctionofT'ienintheAnalectsbytreatingeachrelevantpassageofthetextasacarefullychosenexpressionof

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    theviewsofitsmanycreators.TheviewofT'ienthatwehavepicturedinthiswaycanbesaidtorepresentamainstreamRuisttheoryofT'ien,atheorythatwould
    havepossessedconsistentinstrumentalvaluethroughoutthedevelopmentofearlyRuism.
    ThisistheAnalects'viewofT'ien,butthatdoesnotmeanthatitwasConfucius'.ToexploretheAnalectsforConfucius'ownviewrequiresadifferentinterpretive
    method.EvenwerewetograntthatConfuciusutteredeverystatementascribedtohimintheAnalectsandweareveryfarfromdoingthatthemeaningofhis
    statementscouldonlybebroughtoutbyelucidatingthesituationalcontextsinwhichtheywereuttered,andthislevelofmeaningisquitedifferentfromthemeaningthe
    samestatementsmaybearaselementsofaneditedtext.
    ManyattemptshavebeenmadetoanalyzeConfucius'viewofT'ien.FungYulanhasmadetwo,andhasarrivedatdifferentconclusions.Inhisearlierwork,he
    concludesthatConfuciusmaintainedaconservativepositiononT'ien,andtheT'ienhespokeofwasananthropomorphicrulinggodofChoutradition(1931:8283).
    Later,inthecommunistperiod,FungcametoviewConfuciusasamanwhoseclassstandpointwasintransition,andwhohadconsequentlymovedfromacompletely
    spiritualisticconceptofT'ientoonewhichwaspredominantlyfatalistic(1962:9397,102).AnotherwriterwhoseesConfucius'viewofT'ienasatransitionbetween
    earlyandlateChouconceptsisLiTu,anoncommunistwriterwhostressesthatalthoughConfucius'T'ienseemsmodeledonChoureligiousnotions,ithadevolved
    fromanaristocratictoademocraticgod,whosedecreesanyman,notjustkings,couldknow(1961:3941).
    RelativelydoctrinairecommunistwriterstendtoseeareactionaryqualityinConfucius'viewofT'ien.TheyseeConfuciusasusingtheChouestablishmentportraitof
    T'ientolegitimizearchaicsocialdivisions(Hou1957:chapter6Yang1973:11517).T'ienrepresentsanidealnotionofhistorydiametricallyopposedtothetrue
    revolutionarydirectionthathistorytakes(Hou1957:152).
    ThosewhoarelesscommittedtopreconceivedmodelsofChinesehistorydifferwidelyonwhatConfucius'viewwas.IkedaSuetoshi,forinstance,arguesthat
    Confucius'viewofT'iennotonlyborrowedChoureligiousconcepts,butwasdeeplyreligiousandspiritualistic(1965:45).H.G.Creel,ontheotherhand,interprets
    thesamematerialasindicatingthatConfuciusthoughtofT'ienas"animpersonalethicalforce,acosmiccounterpartoftheethicalsenseinman"(1949:117).
    IfeelthatsuchinterpretationssufferbecausetheydonotmakeadistinctionbetweenConfucius'viewofT'ienandtheAnalects'.Asaresult,allfailtoconsider
    whetherthestatementsattributedtoConfuciusintheAnalectscarryphilosophicalsignificancewhenviewedasConfucius'ownwords.Itdoesnotfollowthatbecause
    Confuciusmayhaveutteredastatement

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    aboutT'ienandadisciplerecalledit,resultinginitseventualinclusioninacanonicaltext,thatConfuciusutteredthestatementwithcanonicalintent.
    Infact,whenweexplorethetextforConfucius'originalteachingsaboutT'ien,wefindconsiderableevidencethatitmighthavebeenverydifferentfromthatofthe
    Analects.ItisentirelypossiblethatConfuciusavoidedincludinganysignificantstatementaboutT'ieninhisteaching,perhapsregardingmetaphysicalspeculationtobe
    inimicaltothespiritofhisphilosophy.
    ThemoststrikingpieceofevidenceinthisregardisthesimplefactthatthetextoftheAnalectscontainssofewreferencestoT'ien.Onlyseventeenofthe500odd
    entriesmentionT'ienatall.57ThereticenceofthetextconcerningT'ienmayreflectanenduringtraditionaboutConfucius'teaching.Aswenotedearlier,thetexttells
    usthat"[Confucius']wordsconcerningman'snatureandtheWayofT'ienwearenotabletohear"(A:5.13).58AstrongtraditionthatConfuciusavoidedmetaphysical
    speculationmayhaveconstrainedtheeditorsoftheAnalects,andmilitatedagainstincludinginthetextlateteachingsaboutT'ienthatmayhavebeenpopularly
    attributedtoConfucius.WewillseethattheAnalectsdoessuggesttheplausibilityofsuchanidea.
    TheAnalectsincludeselevenpassagesthatpurporttorecordremarksConfuciushimselfmadeconcerningT'ien.Someofthese,iftakenasaccuraterecordsofhis
    speech,wouldseemtoshowthatConfuciusdidexpressphilosophicalviewsaboutT'ien(e.g.,A:2.4,8.19).Butinthemajorityofcases,whentakeninthecontextof
    theirnarrativecontent,thepassagesappeartoreflectnomorethanConfucius'skillfulabilitytoemploytraditionalreligiousrhetoricinordertosaysomethingabout
    mattersotherthanT'ien.WewouldnotbewarrantedindrawingconclusionsaboutConfucius'viewofT'ienfromsuchstatements.Whatmakesthemsubjectsfor
    deepanalysisisnottheircontent,buttheirinclusioninacanonicaltext.
    SeveralpassagesintheAnalectssupportthenotionthatwhateverhisinmostthoughtsmayhavebeen,Confuciusconscientiouslyavoidedentanglinghisteachingsin
    religiousandmetaphysicalspeculations.Theantispiritualistmessageofthesepassagesiswellknown.TheytellusthatConfuciusdidnotgenerallyspeakofspirits
    (A:7.21,11.12),59andwhentheyrecountwhathedidsay,hisstatementssoundmeticulouslyagnostic,aswhenhetellshisdisciplesto"showrespectforghostsand
    spirits,butkeepthematadistance"(A:6.22).Despitethegreatvaluethatheplacedontheriteofsacrifice(e.g.,A:2.5,3.12),60Confuciusappearsscepticalabout
    theabilityofprayertoinfluenceevents(A:7.35).
    AllthisisintunewiththeearlyRuistapproachtoritual,whichstressedthesocialandpsychologicalutilityofliwhileadoptingastanceofsilenceorscepticism
    concerningthemagicalefficacyofreligiousaction.Gener

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    ally,thecentralphilosophyofRuism,asoutlinedinthelasttwochapters,formsacompletesystemwithoutanyneedtointroducespiritualistormetaphysical
    speculation,apartfromunexaminedteleologicalassumptions.Itcannotbesurprising,then,tofindevidencethattheearliestRuistteachingsavoidedentanglementswith
    issuesofthatnature.
    IfweturntotheremarksconcerningT'ienthattheAnalectsascribestoConfucius,wefindthatthetenorofamajorityofthesedoesnotconflictwithsuchanattitude.
    Forexample,wearetoldthatoncewhenConfuciuswasseriouslyill,Tzuluorderedthedisciplestoperformtasksappropriatetoretainersofahighofficial.
    Confucius,uponlearningofthis,askedTzulu,"WhomdoIdeceivebypretendingtohaveretainerswhenIhavenone?DoIdeceiveT'ien?"(A:9.12).Sucharemark
    merelyaddressesthefoolishnessofTzulu'scharade.ItemploysaconventionalnotionofT'ienasallknowinginordertomakeapointbutthatpointisnotthatT'ien
    isallknowing.ItsaysnothingaboutT'ien.61
    Anumberofthepassagesweexaminedearlierareofasimilarcharacter.InhisresponsetoWangsunChia'sproposal(A:3.13),Confuciusmanipulatesthenotionof
    T'ienasasupremedeitytoturnthepolitician'smetaphorbackonhim.62WheninvokingT'ientoswearanoath(A:6.28),Confuciusdoesnomorethanclothehis
    wordsinappropriatereligiousgarb.63InbewailingthelossofYenYuan(A:11.9),hiscomplaintagainstT'ienshouldbeconsiderednomorethananexpressionof
    deepgriefthroughmanneredsacrilege.Finally,ininterpretingthetwoversionsofConfucius'defiantclaimofT'ien'sprotection(A:7.23,9.5),iftheydoechoanactual
    statementmadebyConfucius,itwasoneutteredasacryofbravadotoliftthespiritsinthefaceofgreatpersonaldanger.Itwouldbeasinappropriatetoinfer
    philosophicalattitudesfromthisastosupposethattheyindicatethatConfuciusanticipatedtheinterventionofadeusexmachinaorbelievedhimselfinvulnerableto
    physicalinjury.
    ThisleavesuswithfivepassagesthatpurporttorecordConfucius'ownwordsaboutT'ien.Atleastthreeseemtocarryindubitablephilosophicalintent(A:2.4,8.19,
    16.8).Theothertwo(A:14.35,17.17)canbeinterpretedasphilosophicalorasplayfulusesofconventionalimagerywithaboutequalcogency64Idonotwishto
    carrythisargumenttoofarandimposetrivialmeaningsonphilosophicallyinterestingpassages.Mypointissimplythis:modernscholarstendtoagreethattherelation
    ofthestatementsattributedtoConfuciusintheAnalectstowhatConfuciusmayreallyhavesaidisproblematical.IfwehypothesizethatsomeAnalectspassagesare
    reasonablyaccuraterecordsofConfucius'speechwhileothersarelatedistortions,inventions,orwrongattributions,thenitmaybesignificantthatslightlymorethan
    onehalfofConfucius'statementsaboutT'ienareconsistentwiththetestimonyofA:5.13,supportedelsewhereinthetext,to

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    theeffectthatConfuciusexcludedmetaphysicalspeculationfromhisteaching.Ifeelthisviewisessentiallyacorrectone,andthatthecontradictorypassagesA:2.4,
    8.19,and16.8areall,almostcertainly,lateinventions,whileoftheremainingrelevantentries,somemightnotbe.65
    Therefore,IthinkthatwithoutdoingunjustviolencetothespiritoftheAnalects,wecanproposethatT'ienprobablyperformednosignificantfunctioninthe
    philosophyofConfucius.Thistheorycanbesupported,althoughnotconclusively,onthebasisoftheAnalects'ownevidence.Itdoesnot,however,affectthe
    significanceofourearliermodeloftheAnalects'implicittheoryofT'ien,whichusesthesamebodyofevidenceandrepresentsnotthethinkingofConfuciushimself,
    butofthecollectiveauthorsandeditorsofthetext.

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    ChapterV
    TacticsofMetaphysics
    TheRoleofT'ienintheMencius
    WecomenowtotheMencius,andaswedoso,ouranalysisbecomesatoncemoreabstractandmoreconcrete.AbstractbecausewiththeMenciuswebeginto
    encounterdevelopedtheoriesaboutT'ien,andwehavetograpplewiththelogicofthesenotionsofmetaphysicsconcretebecauseunliketheAnalects(andtheHsun
    Tzu),thetextoftheMenciusseemsfirmlytiedtotheincidentsofhistory,andwearepresentedthechallengeofillustratingthepragmaticinstrumentalityof
    philosophicaltheoryinMencius'life.OurgoalwillbetoelucidatethedoctrinalfunctionofT'ienwithinthetextandtoshowhowthesedoctrinesmighthavebeen
    practicalexpressionsofMencius'personalgoalsandinterestsasaRu.
    1.
    TheNatureoftheText
    TheMencius1 mightbetheonlypreCh'intextthatisessentiallywhatitclaimstobe:theteachingsofasinglephilosopher.2 Therearefewevidentcorruptionsor
    insertionsinthetext(Lau1970:222).3 Thedoctrinesexpressedinitarerelativelyconsistentthroughout,althoughtheymayreflectviewsthatMenciusheldatdifferent
    timesinhislife.4
    AboutMenciushimself,notagreatdealisknownapartfromwhatwelearninthetextoftheMenciusitself.Hisdatesarenotknown,butthemajorincidentsofhislife
    occurredlateinthefourthcenturyB.C.,andMenciuswasapparentlyconsideredoldatthattime.5 Ch'ienMuhasarguedthatthebestevidencepointstowardabirth
    datebetween389and382B.C.(1956:18788).
    MenciusissaidtohavebeenanativeofthesmallstateofTsou,whichborderedontheRuisthomelandofLu(SC:74.2343).HeseemstohavetrainedasaRuunder
    anunidentifieddiscipleofTzussu,Confucius'grandson,whohadinturnstudiedunderthegreatoriginaldiscipleTsengShen.6
    WeknownothingofMencius'earlycareer.7 Judgingbythehonorsaccordedhimduringthetravelsofhislateyears,hemusthavegainedaconsiderablereputationas
    aRuistMasterinShantungbeforesettingoutonhisjourneys.

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    Sometimepriorto320B.C.,attheageofperhapssixty,MenciusreachedtheconclusionthatthetimeswereripefortheappearanceofanewSageKing,whowould
    unifyChinaunderethicalruleashadtheRuistheroesYao,Shun,andthefoundersoftheShangandChouDynasties.MenciusandpresumablyotherRuofhis
    timeclaimedthattheidealisticpoliticaldoctrinesofRuismwerenomorethantheethicalpoliciesofthesegreatrulersofthepast.
    Confidentofhisownmasteryofthesepolicies,MenciussetouttofindanexistingfeudalrulerwhomhecouldconvertintoaSageKingbyinstructinghimintheir
    implementation.Foraperiodoffifteenyearsorso,MenciustraveledfromcourttocourtinpursuitofhisnewKing.8 Thehighpointofhiscareercameduringastayin
    Ch'ic.317312B.C.,wherehewashonoredasahighminister(ch'ingb).Thisofficialpostasfarasweknowtheonlyoneheeverheldhesoonresignedon
    principle.AfterleavingCh'i,Menciusprobablyretiredfromhiswanderingcareer.9
    TheShihchitellsusthatMenciushimself,aidedbydisciples,composedthetextoftheMencius(SC:74.2343).Whilemanytraditionalscholarshaveacceptedthis
    view(MTCY:7),modernscholarshiptendstoviewthetextastheworkofdisciplesafterMencius'death,basedontheirexperiencestravelingwiththeirMasterandon
    histeachingsinretirement(Lau1970:22022).10Theworkisinsevenbooks,andstylisticdifferencesamongthebooksmaysuggestindependentauthorship.For
    example,inBook2,whichmayhavebeenwrittenbythediscipleKungsunCh'ou,theKing(orKings)ofCh'iarereferredtoonlyas''theKing,"whereasinother
    books,kingsandotherrulersaregenerallyreferredtobytheirposthumoustitles.11Thismayindicatethatthebookwascompletedearlierthantheotherbooks.The
    ShihchiaccountofMencius'lifesaysthatafterthecollapseofhispoliticalmission,Menciusretiredwithagroupofdisciples.PerhapsKungsunCh'oudidnotjoin
    Menciusinretirement,butwroteBook2independentlyoftheotherdisciples,completingitbeforetheotherbookswereeditedintotheirpresentform(wewillreturn
    tothispointlaterinthischapter).WeshouldnotealsothattheMenciusdividesratherwellintotwohalves.ThroughBook3,thetextseemstoplacemoststatements
    inthecontextofMencius'travels.ThelaterbooksarewritteninastyleclosertothatoftheAnalects,andgenerallypresentstatementsoutsideoftheirhistorical
    context.12Thedivisionwillhelpguidetheorganizationofthischapter.AswediscusstheroleofT'ienintheMencius,wewillmakeacleardistinctionbetweenthe
    instrumentalfunctionsthatstatementsconcerningT'ienmayhavehadwithregardtoMencius'politicalmission,andthefunctionsthattheymayhavehadwithregardto
    thedoctrinesandpracticethattypifiedtheMencianstudygroupasabranchoftheRuistcommunity.
    <><><><><><><><><><><><>

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    Ouranalyticprocedureforthischapterwillbesomewhatdifferentfromthatofthelast,and,asindicatedabove,itwilltakeitscuefromthedividedinterestsofthetext
    itself.InordertotracetheinstrumentalfunctionthatstatementsconcerningT'ienmayhaveperformed,wewilldiscussseparatelytheroleofT'ieninMencius'political
    statementsarolewewillconcludetohavebeenminorandtheimportantroleT'ienplaysinMencius'moretheoreticalstatements,concerningthenatureofman
    andman'splaceintheuniverse.InthecaseofMencius'politicalstatements,theirinstrumentalfunctionswillberelatedtohispoliticalgoals,andtheyarerather
    straightforward.Theinstrumentalfunctionsofrelevanttheoreticalstatementsarenot,however,sosimplytraced.Devisingamodeltoilluminatethemwilloccupymost
    ofthischapter.
    Thecomplexityofthislatteranalysisiswhathaspromptedthedivisionofpoliticalandtheoreticalinterestswewillemployhere.Themainpurposeofthedivisionisto
    winnowoutreferencestoT'ieninapoliticalcontextthatmightotherwiseunnecessarilycomplicateorconfuseourmoredifficultproblem.Forthesakeofclarity,then,
    wewilloutlinethemajoranalyticthemesofthischapterafterfirstdiscussingrathersummarilytheroleofT'ieninMencius'politicaldoctrines.
    2.
    TheRoleofT'ieninMencius'PoliticalDoctrinesandCareer
    ThekeytounderstandingtheroleofT'ieninMencius'politicaldoctrinesistobearinmindthatitsrolewasmarginalandoflittleintrinsicimportancetothedoctrines
    themselvesortoMencius'concretepoliticalgoals.BecauseMencius'attentionwasnotfocusedonarticulatingaconsistenttheoryofT'ieninthisregard,themeaning
    ofT'ieninrelevantstatementsvarieswithparticularfluidityaccordingtotheinstrumentalcontextinwhichT'ienwasdiscussed.
    TheheartofMencius'politicaltheory,inmyview,layinhisidealisticpopulism,andthebeliefthattheproperfunctionofpoliticalleadersandinstitutionswastoserve
    theneedsandinterestsofthepeople(e.g.,M:1A.7,1B.1,3A.3,7B.14).Menciuselaboratedthispraiseworthyethicalbiaswithanimportantpredictivecorollary:
    therulerwhodemonstratesinactionhiscommitmenttotheseprincipleswillquicklyreceivethesupportofallthepeoplesoftheempire(e.g.,1A.3,2A.3,2A.5).He
    willruleasthesuccessortotheKingsofChou.Hence,Mencius'brandofhumanegovernmentwas"right"bothethicallyandpolitically.
    ItmaybethatmanyRuistsheldpoliticalviewssimilartoMencius'.13WhatmadeMenciusfamouswasnotsomuchhisviewsashisenergeticsearchforarulerwho
    wouldadoptthem.Inthis,hewassomewhatunusual,giventhetendencyofearlyRuismtooptforpoliticalwithdrawal.

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    WhatseemstohavemotivatedMenciustopursueconcretepoliticalgoalsashedidwasabeliefinatypeofmillennialprophecyandaconvictionthatthemillennium
    wasimminent.
    Apparently,inMencius'timetherewasawidespreadbeliefthatdynasticrulewasacyclicalprocessthatobeyedsetrulesoftiming.TheTsochuanrecountshowthe
    secondruleroftheChoudivinedaboutthelengthofhisdynasty'smandatetorule,andlearnedthatithadbeenallottedatermof700years(Hsuan3:10.20).Mencius,
    wholivedattheexpirationofthisterm,thoughtthatthenormalcyclecalledforfivecenturiesbetweentheriseofSageKings.14Inhisview,"Accordingtocalculations
    thetermispast,andifwejudgebythetimes,theyareripeforit"(M:2B.13).
    ThepivotofMencius'decisiontopursuepoliticalactionprobablyliesinthephrase"thetimesareripe.""Time"(shih)isanimportantwordintheMenciusitrefersto
    theRuistdoctrineof"timeliness,"whichmeantacceptingpoliticalresponsibilitiesonlywhentheypresentedtruemoralopportunities(M:5B.1).BecauseWarringStates
    governmentswereuniversallycorrupt,theywerenotviewedaspresentingmoralopportunitiesforpoliticalaction.Aswesawearlier,theAnalectsmakesclearthatfor
    earlyRuism,thedoctrineoftimelinessmeantwithdrawalfrompoliticsthetimesdoomedethicalactivismtofailure.15
    WhenMenciussaysthat"thetimesareripe,"heissayingthattheruleshavechanged.Eventhoughgovernmentsremainimmoral,thedesperatestatethatsocietyhas
    reached,viewedthroughtheexpectationsofthemillennialriseofthenewKing,createsauniquetypeofmoralopportunity:"Withhalftheeffortofthemenofold,their
    achievementscanbedoubled"(M:2A.1).ThiswasRuism'sgreatchance:atimesodesperatethatanoldmansuchasMencius,without,sofarasweknow,ashredof
    politicalexperience,mightexpecttotransformtheworld.ItwaswiththisbeliefthatMenciusbreachedthepoliticalpassivityofRuismandsetouttofindamongthe
    rulersofhisdaytheonewhowouldadoptMencianpoliciesandfulfillprophecy.
    <><><><><><><><><><><><>
    TounderstandthesmallrolethatT'ienplayedinMencius'political"persuasions"torulersandinthepoliticaltheorythatunderlaythem,wemustagaindistinguish
    betweentheprescriptiveanddescriptiverolesthatwereascribedtoT'ien.16Itisintheshiftsbetweenthetwodimensionsthatthepragmaticbasisofstatementsabout
    T'ienbecomesclear.*
    *Theterms"prescriptive"and"descriptive"occurfrequentlyinthediscussionbelow,anditmaybehelpfultorestatethesenseinwhichtheyareused."Prescriptive"usesof
    T'ienincludepassageswhereT'ienisinvokedtourgeimperativesforfutureaction."Descriptive"usesarethoseinwhichT'ienisinvokedtoexplainpastevents.Thetwo
    dimensionsdivergebecausetheformersuggestsaT'ienthatisfreelyethical,whileinthelattercase,T'ien'sethicalimageisfetteredbythemoralambiguitiesofeventsasthey
    haveactuallyoccurred.

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    TheprescriptiveaspectofT'ieninthisregardisquitesimple.T'ienismanifestinhumanegovernmentinaccordwithMencius'policies.Therulerwhoadoptsthese
    policieswillfindthepeopleofsurroundingstatesflockingtohisdomain."Hewillhavenoenemyintheworld.HewhohasnoenemyintheworldistheagentofT'ien.
    NeverhastherebeensuchaonewhohasnotruledastrueKing"(M:2A.5).17Notethatinthisformula,T'ienplaysnoactiverole.ThehumanerulerisT'ien'sagent,
    buthispoliticalsuccessisadequatelyexplainedbythevirtueofhispoliciesandtheconsequencethatheceasestohaveenemies.Nobarrierswouldthenremain
    betweenhimandtheImperialthronethatwouldrequiretheinterventionofatranscendentpower.T'ien'sroleispassiveitaddsnothingtothepowerofvirtue.
    T'ienisprescriptiveinthatitapprovesoforismanifestinethicalgovernment.ButT'ienalsohasadescriptiveaspect.ThetwocontrastingdimensionsofT'ienare
    evidentinanotherpassage,whichpurportstorecordMencius'wordstotherulerofthegreatstateofCh'i.
    Onlyarulerwhoisjenisabletorenderservicetostatessmallerthanhisown....Onlyarulerwhoiswiseisabletorenderservicetostatesgreaterthanhisown....Toservea
    statesmallerthanone'sownistotakejoyinT'ientoserveastatelargerthanone'sownistoholdT'ieninawe.HewhotakesjoyinT'ienwillprotecttheworld[i.e.,ruleasKing]
    hewhoholdsT'ieninawewillprotecthisstate(M:1B.3).

    Thephrasesomittedherecitehistoricalexamples,andthesemakeitclearthatthetwousesof"renderservice"(shihb)arenotatallequivalent.Thepowerfulruler
    merelyhonorsstatesweakerthanhistheweakrulerpropitiatesstatesstrongerthanhis.18
    Consequently,thetwousesof"t'ien"arenotequivalent.Inthecaseofthestrongruler,whoactsethicallyeventhoughnotforcedtodoso,"t'ien"representsthe
    prescriptsofjen,oneofwhichishonoringtheweak.Butfortherulerofasmallstate,"t'ien"representsthedescriptivepositionofbeingundertheswordofthe
    mighty.Fortherulerofthestrongstate,T'ienistheethicalopportunitytoearnthethrone.Fortherulerofaweakstate,T'ienisthethreatofannihilationwithoutregard
    toethicaleffort.
    ThisdistinctionbetweentwoentirelydifferentT'iens,oneT'ienseenfromtheperspectiveofpoliticalstrength,theotherseenfromtheperspectiveofweakness,reveals
    thepragmaticnatureoftheroleofT'ieninMencius'politicalthought.Mencius'politicalmetaphysicsrecognizespoliticalrealityanddoesnotchallengeit.Menciusfelt
    thatpoliticalrealitiesweresuchthatifastrongstatesuchasCh'iweretoadopthisprogram,itwouldrapidlybeabletounifyChinaundermoralgovernment.19He
    wasanxioustoputhisprogramstoacrucialtestinCh'i,andsoinlecturingtherulerofCh'ihecouldpictureT'ienasprescriptive.Heurgestherulertotakeashis
    modelKingWu,whofoundedtheChouDynastybyconquest,and,quoting

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    theDocuments,hepicturesKingWuasT'ien'sappointedagentonearth.20ButwhenspeakingtotheyoungrulerofthetinystateofT'engperhapstheonlyruler
    whoeverseriouslyconsideredadoptingMencius'programsMenciussuggestsadifferentmodelanddescribesadifferentT'ien:
    DukeWenofT'engasked,"Ch'iisabouttofortifyHsueh,andIamdeeplyalarmed.HowshouldIdealwiththis?"Menciusreplied,"Atonetime,KingT'airuledinPin.Whenit
    wasinvadedbytheTitribes,hequitPinandmovedtolivebeneathMt.Ch'i.Thiswasnotbychoicebutfromnecessity.Ifonedoeswhatisgood,surelytherewillbesomeamong
    one'sdescendantswhowillruleastrueKings.Thechntzuinitiatesthetaskandlaysdownguidelinesthatitmaybecarriedon.Asforitssuccess,thatiswithT'ien.What
    shouldyoudoaboutCh'i?Strivetodogood,thatisall(M:1B.14).

    KingT'aiwasthegreatgrandfatherofKingWu,founderoftheChou.ByprescribinghimasamodelfortheDuke,Menciushaseffectivelyremovedfromimmediate
    viewtheconsequenceswhich,intheory,hepredictshisprogramswillhaveifadoptedbyafeudalruler.TheT'ienofthispassageisentirelydescriptive.Mencius
    makesnoclaimthatT'ienwillaidtheDukeifhepracticesvirtue,andsosteersclearofanyhintthathissocialprogramswillworkwondersthatheknowstobe
    politicallyimpossible.Menciusinterpretedprophecywithintheboundsofreason,andhedoesnotexpectanymoreofT'ienthanheexpectsofhumanpoliticaleffort.21
    M:1B.3and1B.14aretheonlyinstanceswhereMenciusdiscussesT'ienwithrulersorotherpoliticalactors,andthisillustratestheminorrolethatT'ienplayedin
    Mencius'practicalpoliticalrhetoric.Judgingfromthem,T'ienrepresentspoliticalrealitiesasMenciussawthem:prescriptiveopportunitiesforthestrong,descriptive
    perilsfortheweak.Inthissense,T'ienisreducedtoMencius'viewofpracticalrealitywecouldsaythatitdisappearsintheinterplaybetweenMencius'prescriptive
    programandthedescriptivesocialconditionsunderwhichhesoughttoputittoatest.
    Twoimportantpassagesremainwhich,althoughtheyrecordMencius'politicalideasinthecontextofhistheoreticalteachingsratherthaninthecontextofhispolitical
    quest,wemayprofitbyconsideringhere.ThepassagesshowusMencius'ideasaboutthegeneralrelationofT'ientotheofficeofKingship,andtheyareofinterest
    becausetheyillustratethatevenintheoryMenciuswasattachedtonofirmviewofT'ienthatwoulddistinguishitfrompoliticalrealities.
    ThetwopassagesarecontiguousandbothcontainMencius'commentsaboutlegendsconcerningtheSageKingsYao,Shun,andY.22ThefirsttwooftheseKings
    weresaidtohavepassedontheirthronetoanextralinealsuccessor,ratherthantotheirsons,andinM:5A.5,thediscipleWanChangquestionsMenciusaboutthis.
    Menciusrepliesthatthetransmissionofthethronedependsnotontheruler'swhim,butonT'ien.

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    WanChangrespondstothisbyaskingwhatitmeansinpracticalterms."DoesT'ien[transferthethrone]throughexplicitdecree?""No,"repliesMencius,"T'iendoes
    notspeakitmanifestsitsdecreethroughactionandevent."Menciusproceedstodescribewhatthisinvolves,andashedoesso,T'ienonceagainseemstodisappear
    intodescriptivepoliticalrealities.
    MenciusbeginsbytellingWanChangthatbeforearulercanpassthethronetoachosensuccessor,thatsuccessormustbeapprovedfirstbyT'ienwhichmeansthat
    thespiritsaccepthissacrificesandsecondbythepeople,whomaysubmittohisrule.23ThisappearstogiveT'ienaveryminorroleindeed:notT'ienbutthepeople
    seemtobethecrucialfactor.Butasthediscussionproceeds,Menciusseemstoascribeboththespirits'approvalandthepeople'stoT'ien.24Intheend,itseemsto
    beT'ienalonethatbestowsthethrone,butitisalsotruethat"T'ienseesthroughthesightofmypeopleT'ienhearsthroughthehearingofmypeople."25
    Inthecourseofthissinglepassage,MenciusemploysthreedifferentnotionsofT'ien:T'ienisasinglepurposivedeityitisfunctionallythesumofallthespiritsitisthe
    collectivewillofthepeople.Clearlywhatheistryingtodoistoidentifythenotionofapurposivedeitywithdescriptivepoliticalrealities,andheiswillingtorecastthe
    imageofT'ieninanywaythatwillhelphimtodoso.Hisfixedphilosophicalpointseemstobetolegitimizethewillofthepeoplethroughhistoricalprecedent.His
    "concept"ofT'ienmustbeflexibleenoughtoallowthis.
    InM:5A.6thishighlydescriptiveviewofT'ienisbroadenedtolegitimizetheChoutraditionofhereditarypoliticaloffice,apositionthatseemsinsomeways
    contradictorytothepopulismofM:5A.5.WanChangopensthepassagebycitingthosewhosaythatthegoldenageoftheKingshipendedwithY,whopassedhis
    thronetohissonratherthantoaworthy.Menciusproceedstoarguewhythisviewisincorrect.Allroyalsuccessions,heclaims,areguidedbyT'ien,andheexplains
    apparentethicalanomaliesinT'ien'sdescriptiveactionbymatchingthemtoaseriesofnonintuitiverules.WhydidConfuciusnotbecomeKing?Itisarulethatthe
    reigningKingmustrecommendhissuccessortoT'ienConfuciuslackedthisrecommendation.26Whodidthegreatministersofthevariousdynasticfoundersfailto
    becomeKings?ItisarulethatunlessanheirapparentisaswickedaswereChiehandChouhistoricalheirswhowere,infact,deposedT'ienwillnotdeposehim.
    Bythesearguments,Menciusmanagestobringtheprescriptivenotionofthe"MandateofHeaven"inlinewithdescriptivehistory.BothT'ienandtheMandateare
    portrayedincompletelydescriptiveterms:"WhatisdonewithoutanyonedoingitisT'ienwhatcomeswithoutanyonebestowingitistheMandate(ming)."27Once
    again,T'ienisreducedtodescriptivepoliticalrealities.
    M:5A.5and5A.6showMenciuselaboratingtheoriesofhistorythatrationalizehispopulistpoliticaltheoriesandanacceptanceoftheexistinginsti

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    tutionsofhereditaryprivilege.Mencius'motivesfordoingthisarenotexplicitinthepassages,buttheyarenot,perhaps,unimaginable.28Butwhatissignificantforus
    isthatinthesepassages,asinthosediscussedearlier,T'ienisnotastableconceptbutachameleonlikenotionthatresemblesnothingmorethanaconvenient
    rhetoricaldevice.ToconstructfromthesepassagesatheoryofT'ienwouldbetomisunderstandtheirimporttheresultingtheorywouldbeashapelessgroupingof
    conflictingideas.WhatisintriguingaboutthepassagesispreciselythattheyaregovernedbynotheoryofT'ienatall.T'ienhadlittletocontributetoMencius'political
    ideasotherthantobeavailableasapieceofrhetorictohelpMenciusexpressthoseideashoweverhecould.
    3.
    TheMencianTheoryofT'ien:HumanNatureandthePersonalDecree
    TheremainderofthischapterwillbedevotedtoadiscussionoftheroleofT'ieninthatportionofMencius'teachingsprimarilydirectedtowardissuesofpersonal
    valuesandconduct,ratherthantowardMencius'politicalactivities.Allbutafewofthepassageswewilldiscussherearefoundinthesecond,moretheoreticalhalfof
    thetext,anddealwithissuesofgreaterphilosophicalgeneralitythanthediscussionsofkingshipanalyzedinthelastsection.
    OurprojectwillbetolocatetheroleofT'ienintheweboftheoriesthatcompriseMencius'generalethicalphilosophyandtoexplorehowthosedoctrinesandT'ien
    relatedtoRuismasMenciusandhisdisciplespracticedit.Todothis,however,wemustbeabletodescribeinsomedetailwhatwetaketheMencianpracticeof
    Ruismtohavebeen,andhereweencounteraproblemthatwillbethestartingpointofourdiscussion:theMenciusitselfprovidesveryfewcluesastowhatthat
    practicewas.AlthoughweknowthatMenciustraveledwithanimpressiveretinueofdisciples(M:3B.4),weknowalmostnothingaboutwhotheywereorwhatthey
    did.29
    InchapterIIwepresentedaportraitoftheearlyRuistcommunityasagroupofmenprimarilyoccupiedwiththestudyandpracticeofli.ButtheMenciusis
    remarkablyreticentaboutli.Itisnotdiscussednearlyasoftenaswemightexpect,andmoreimportant,theclaimthatthestudyofliisthepathtoSagehoodissimply
    notmadeinthetext.ItisnotthattheMenciusdoesnotclaimtheexistenceofatotalisticlevelofunderstanding.Itmakesthisclaimfarmoreexplicitlythandoesthe
    Analects,instatementssuchas:"Theworldofthingsiscompleteinme"(M:7A4)"Thereisnothingthatthewisedonotknow"(M:7A.46)"Whateverthechntzu
    passesistransformedwhathenourishesisspiritpower(shen)aboveandbelowheflowsinasinglecurrentwithT'ienandearth"(M:7A.13),aswellasinanumber

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    ofotherformulas(see,e.g.,M:2A.2,4B.13,7B.25).30Butthegeneticlinkageoflitothisperfectionofmindisunclearatbest.
    Inourdiscussionhere,wewillbeginbytryingtolearnmoreaboutMencianpracticebyexploringthischangedroleofli.Wewillconcludethatthischangewas
    primarilyachangeinrhetoricratherthanachangeinpractice,andthattheMencianpracticeofRuismisunlikelytohavedifferedgreatlyfromthemodelofmainstream
    RuistpracticeoutlinedinchapterII.WewillarguethatthemajorproblemsfacingRuismasasectduringMencius'timewereattacksmountedagainstitbythe
    competingschoolsofMohismandTaoism,whichridiculedtheRuistobsessionwithliandtheclaimthatthepracticeofanethicallyrelativecodeofbehaviorritual
    couldgenerateanabsolutecategoryofmind:Sagehood.Sensitivitytoissuessuchasthese,particularlyastheywereraisedbytheanalyticallyorientedMohistschool,
    dictatedthatMenciussupplementthesyntheticstructureofRuistteachingswithrationalizingargumentsthatcouldrelieveliofitsanalyticallyunsupportedroleatthe
    centerofthequestforSagehood.InthecontextoffourthcenturyB.C.polemics,Ruismneededtodevelopanalyticallydefensibledoctrinesthatcouldremovefromli
    thetheoreticalburdenofengenderingtheSagelytotalism,butwhichwouldnotinterferewithitspracticalroleatthecenterofRuisteducation.
    ThenewstructurethatMenciuscreatedisthepivotofhisethicalphilosophy:hisportraitoftheuniversalethicalpotentialofthehumanmind.Thefirstoutlinesofthis
    portraitwereprobablysketchedearlyinMencius'career.Theyarevisibleinhispersuasionsofrulers,andhelpexplaintheparticularnatureofhismillennial
    expectations.WhentheseideasevolvedintotheirultimateformulationasMencius'doctrineoftheinnategoodnessofthehsing,orhumannature,thisportraitbecame
    anewframeworkintowhichlicouldbeintegratedasauniversalcategoryofmind,ratherthanastheritualcodeofaparticulardynasty.
    Wewilldiscussthisreformulationofliasacategoryofmindintermsofthetwindoctrinesofthe"internalityofrighteousness"(yitsainei)andtheinnatenessofthe
    "foursprouts"(ssutuan).
    HavinglinkedthepracticalRuistinterestinritualtothetheoryofthegoodnessofhumannature,wewilldiscussthenotionofthegoodhsingasaprescriptiveconcept,
    representingessentiallythesametotalisticidealasthatdenotedintheAnalectsby"jen."BecausethehsingisdirectlytiedtoT'ienintheMencius,T'ienbecomes
    asintheAnalectstheprescriptivebasisofboththetotalisticidealandthepathofli.
    AlsoasintheAnalects,theconflictsbetweennormativeethicsandempiricalexperiencecreatetensionsinthemeaningofT'ien.TheseareexpressedintheMencius
    throughthetwindoctrinesofthegoodhsingandthepersonaldecree(ming),bothofwhicharetiedtoT'ien.Wewillseethatthese

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    tworelateddoctrinesarecomplementaryfacetsofthebifurcateddoctrineofRuism:theT'ienengenderedhsingprescribingtheactionofritualselfcultivation,andthe
    T'ienordainedmingexplainingthefailureofpoliticalactionandrationalizingpersistenceinritualethicalconduct.
    3.1.
    MenciusandLi
    IftheAnalectsandHsunTzudidnotexistasstandardsofcomparison,wemightfeelthattheMenciusdoes,indeed,giveanimportantroletoli.Theworditself
    appearsoftenenough.ItisincludedamongthefourcardinalvirtuesformulatedbyMencius(M:2A.6,6A6).31ItisanaspectofMencius'idealizedportraitof
    Confucius(M:5A8).Menciushimselfshowsapreoccupationwithrationalizinghissometimespeculiarbehaviorbyreconcilingitwithli(e.g.,M:2B.2).Butwhenwe
    comparetheMenciuswiththeAnalectsandtheHsunTzu,wecannothelpbutbestruckbytheabsenceofanyclaimthatthepracticeofliisthepathtoSagehood.
    BecauseofthisdistinctionbetweentheMenciusandotherimportantearlyRuisttexts,therehasbeenaconceptionofpreCh'inRuismasfundamentallydividedinto
    twotraditions.ThetraditiontowhichMenciusbelongedisseenasrejectingthepedantrythatoverconcentrationonritualdetailgenerated,becomingincreasingly
    orientedtowardssubjectivecontemplation.ThistraditionissometimesviewedasculminatinginthetwoLichitextsTahsuehandChungyung,bothofwhichare
    generallyassociatedwiththeMencianschoolofthought.32ContrarytothisMencianschoolstoodatraditionsometimesepitomizedbyHsunTzu,withhisgreatstress
    ontheimportanceofscrupulousstudyofritualandceremony.33
    Thismodelhasseveralproblems.Forexample,itcannotaccountforimportantpassagesintheHsunTzuthataresimilartothoseinthe"Mencian"worksthatseemto
    pointtoanabandonmentofiiinfavorofmore"mystical"contemplation.34NorcanitexplainthefactthatextanttextualtraditionsconcerningthegreatMastersof
    Mencius'schoolfeatureageneralpreoccupationwithritual,particularlywithfuneralrites.35
    Butthemostimportantproblemwiththismodeloftwoschoolsdividedontheimportanceoflipracticeisthatitoffersusnoinsightintotheconcretepracticeof
    MencianRuism.Mencius,aswithConfuciusandHsunTzu,wasateacherwithdiscipleswhostudiedandtraveledwithhimformanyyears.Wecaninferfromthe
    AnalectsandtheHsunTzuthatthesyllabustheyreflectconsistedlargelyofthedailypracticeofvariousritualskills:speech,song,instruments,dance,andsoforth.
    ButiftheMencianschooldidnotstressthissortofpractice,whatdidMenciusandhisdisciplesdowiththeirtime?WhatdidMenciusteach?Ifwerelyonthe"two
    schools"model,weareleftonlywiththeoldanswersoftextualexegesisandmoraldiscussion,plusasenseofsomevaguemeditationalcomponentneverdirectly
    described.

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    Thetwoschoolsmodelseemsinadequate.36ButifwerejectitandmaintainthatlipracticewasforMencius,asforotherRuistMasters,thecoreofhiseducation
    syllabus,wearestillfacedwiththetaskofaccountingforthepeculiarlysmallroleaccordedtoliinthetextoftheMencius.Ithinkthatwehavetoapproachthis
    problembyexaminingthepositioninwhichRuismfounditselfatthetimethatthetextwascompiled.Ifwedo,wewillfindthatthetendencyoftheMenciustostress
    theoryandmetaphysicsratherthanpracticalissuesofeducationmaysimplyreflectthefactthatthetextwaswrittenprimarilytoprovidetoolsforsectariandisputation,
    ratherthantoinstructdisciplesinselfcultivation.
    InMencius'day,thenewcompetingschoolsofTaoismandMohismwerereachingthezenithoftheirearlydevelopmentandwerelaunchingvigorousattacksuponthe
    earlyestablishedRuistschool.37AprimarytargetoftheirattackswastheroleofliinRuism.38ThephilosophicallyembattledstateofRuisminMencius'timeisnot
    onlyspecificallynotedintheMencius(M:3B.9,7B.26),butisevidentinthecompositionofthetextitself.
    TheMenciusisdistinguishedamongRuisttextsbyitsstridentlypolemicalstyle39WhiletheAnalectsseemsdesignedtoserveasaprimerinRuistselfcultivation,the
    Menciuscontainslittleconcreteinstructionfordisciples,relativetoitsbulk.Thegreaterpartofthetextisdevotedtoargumentsusedtodebateandpersuade
    "outsiders"kingsnobles,andphilosophicaldisputantsratherthantoinstruct"insiders."ItdoesnotreflectthepracticeofMenciusandhisdisciples.Although
    Mencius'featurelessdisciplesdooccasionallyappearandquestionMencius,theirquestionsseemdesignedtopresentMenciuswithrhetoricalopportunitiesto
    rationalizeapparentcontradictionsinhisdoctrinesoractions.ThethemeoftheMenciustextisargumentratherthaninstructionandthespiritofthetextisdefensive.
    Itsmostevidentraisond'treistoprovidediscipleswithargumentsanddebatingtechniquestouseagainstthosewhowouldattackRuism,andwiththedoctrinesthat
    Menciusdevelopedtodefendit.
    Inaccordwithitsdefensivenature,theMenciusseemstohavebeencompiledinsuchawayastodownplaythesinglemostvulnerableaspectofRuismasa
    philosophy:itsclaimthattherelativeculturalformsoflicouldgenerateauniversalcategoryofmind:jen,orthetotalisticwisdomoftheSage.IntheMencius,wemiss
    thelinkagebetweenliandthetotalism.Atthesametime,wedonotfindanynewpracticallinkage,butonlyabstracttheoriesthatmakeT'ien,asgodorNature,the
    basisforthetotalism.
    Thefailureofthetwoschoolsmodel,thedisputatiousspiritoftheMenciusasatext,andtheabsenceofanyalternatepathtotheSagelytotalismthattheMencius
    clearlyenvisions,allsuggestthatthediminishedroleofliinthetextdoesnotreflectanyfundamentaldivergenceofMencianpracticefromthemodelofmainstream
    RuistpracticepresentedinchapterII,butreflectsinsteadachangeinrhetoricdictatedbythesectarianinterestsofthetext.

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    Mencius'Opponents
    AbriefnoteiscalledforheretoexplainhowIintendtodiscusstheeffectsofoutsideattacksonMencianRuism.TheMenciusitselfindicatesinthreeplacesthatthe
    enemiesofRuism,asperceivedbyMencius,weretheschoolsofMoTzuandYangChu(M:3B.97A.26,7B.26).A.C.Grahamhaswrittenasuperblyargued
    analysisofMencius'doctrineofhumannatureseeninresponsetoanindividualistdoctrineofhsing,whichGrahamattributestoYangChu(1967).40Inhisarticle,
    GrahamreconstructsthephilosophyofYangChu,whoseoriginalwritingshavelongsinceperished.Now,ifGraham'sviewweregranted,littlewouldbelefttobesaid
    ontheissue,butIfeelthatitcontainssomanyunresolvedproblemsanddependsuponsomanycontingentissuesthatitcannotnowbeacceptedinitsentirety.41My
    viewisthattheessentialnatureofMencius'positiononthehsingliesinthatposition'sresponsivenesstoTaoist,andmoreparticularlyMohistideas,whichdidnot
    involveatheoryofhsingatall.
    Inthefollowingpages,IwillportrayMencius'theoryofhumannaturesolelyintermsoftheMohistchallenge.IdobelievethatTaoistideasmayhavecontributedtoits
    creation,butIfeelthattoexploretheirpossiblerolewouldaddlittletotheelucidationoftheimportofMencius'doctrines,andwouldonlymakethisessaysomewhat
    redundant.
    TheMohistChallenge
    ThereisatraditionpreservedintheHuainanTzuthatMoTzuwasaRuistdisciplewhobecamedisgruntledwiththepedantryandwastefulnessofRuistlipractice.
    WearetoldthatherejectedtheethicalauthorityofChouDynastyinstitutions,andtracedhisdoctrinetotheEmperorY,founderofthefirstdynasty,theHsia
    (HNT:21.7a).
    Whetherornotthistalehasanyfactualbasis,itcapturesanimportanttruthaboutMohism.ThethreatthatMohismposedtoRuismstemmedlargelyfromthefactthat
    MohismcooptedsubstantialportionsofRuistdoctrine,assimilatingmanyofRuism'smostappealingideasinordertoattackitsweakeraspects.Mostsignificantwas
    theMohistadaptationoftheRuistterms''jen"and"yi."42Byusingtheseterms,Mohismborrowedtheirrhetoricalauthority,butsignificantlyalteredtheirmeanings.
    "Jen,"forexample,doesnotdenoteaholisticvirtueofmindintheMoTzuitdenotes"compassion,"arestrictedmeaningthatexcludesanynecessaryentailmentwith
    li."Yi"isusedmuchasitisintheAnalects,43butwithoneimportantdifference,whichappliestojenaswell.IntheMoTzu,jenandyiareconsideredethically
    universal,astheyareintheAnalects.Theyareethicallyuniversalbecausetheyarealwaysgood.ButtheyarenotethicalabsolutesastheyareintheAnalects.Their
    goodnessisnotintrinsic,butisderived

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    fromtheirfunctioninpromotinganabsolutestandardlib:"welfare"or"profit."44FortheMoTzu,itishumanwelfarethatisintrinsicallygoodjenandyiareofvalue
    inthattheyhelpsocietymaximizelib.ThisutilitariancriterionisMohism'smostdistinctivefeature.Itissignificantthatlib,asanabsolutestandard,canneverbe
    necessarilyentailedwitharelativeculturalformsuchasritualli.ForRuism,thefunctionalimportofitsideologywastomakejenandyidependentonthepractical
    actionstandardofritualli.Mohismsetagainstthisanentailmentofjenandyiwiththeabsoluteandabstractstandardofmaximizedwelfare.Itmakessensethatthe
    HuainanTzuportraysMoTzuasconsciouslyremovinghishistoricalauthorityfromtheparticularandlimitedChouDynastytotheultimatelypriorandabstract
    Hsia.45
    Armedwiththeborrowedsanctityofthesekeyterms,usingtheRuistmethodofrelyingonagreeabletextsofquestionableantiquitytolegitimizetheirideas,the
    MohistsorganizedintocohesivecultsrivalingtheRuists.Theyweredistinguishedbytheirdevotiontotraininginthemartialartsandincraftsapplicabletodefensive
    warfare,andalsobytheirasceticpractices.46AlthoughtheychallengedRuisminmanyways,thefavoredmethodwastoridiculetherolethatliplayedinRuist
    doctrineandpractice,asismostevidentintheFeiJu,Chiehtsang,andKungMengchaptersoftheMoTzu.
    Now,Idonotmeantopictureearlyphilosophersdebatingtheculturalrelativityofli.Theissuewasnotgenerallyarticulatedinthisway.FornonRu,liketheMohists,
    thenotionofritualliwassimplynotinthesamecategoryofphilosophicalimportanceasuniversalslikejenandyi.Itsculturalorratherdynasticrelativitywas
    knowntoall(see,e.g.,A:2.23,3.9).OnlyRuismelectedtoraiseritualtophilosophicalsignificance,anditspositionwastheoreticallytenuousintrinsically.(Onecan
    imaginehowuntenableaphilosophyofproprietywouldhavebeenintheWesterntradition.)
    ThephilosophicaldifferencebetweentheRuistvaluationofritualliandvaluestandardsadoptedbyMohismiswellillustratedinthefollowingpassage,whereaRuist
    whoisprobablyacaricatureofMenciusissatirizedforhisethicalcommitmenttotherelativevalueofChouritual:
    KungMengTzusaid:"Onlyifthechntzuspeakstheancientwordsanddressesinancientcostumecanhebejen."MasterMoTzureplied:"Inthepast,theShangKingChou
    andhisministerPiChungweretheworsttyrantsintheworldChiTzuandWeiTzuwerethegreatestSages.Theyallspokethesametongue,butsomewerejenandothersnot.
    Tan,DukeofChouwasaSageandKuanShuatyrant.Theyworethesamedress,butonewasjen,theothernot.Hencejendoesnotlieinwearingancientcostumeoruttering
    ancientwords.Moreover,youdonotevenemulatetheHsia,butrathertheChouyour"ancient"isnotreallyancientatall!''(MTKungMeng:12.10b).47

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    TheissueofuniversalityofstandardswasacrucialonefortheMohists,whosecasefortheirownutilitarianismrestsheavilyuponassertingitsuniversalapplicability.
    TheirpositionisclearlydemonstratedbytheparableofthecreationofgovernmentintheShangt'ungchaptersoftheMoTzu.Inthisparable,man'soriginal"stateof
    nature"isportrayedasoneofcompletevaluerelativity.Thecreationofsocietyisdescribedastheeliminationofvaluerelativityunderagovernmentorderedaccording
    toprinciplesofT'ienordainedutilitarianism.48
    Thus,theMohistsrestedtheircaseontheintuitiveuniversalityoftheabstractutilitarianvalueofmaximizinghumanwelfare,orprofit.Thisphilosophicalpresupposition
    wasapowerfulchallengetoRuistpracticeandideology.Ruisttheorywassaddledwiththedemandtojustifythevalueofparticular,culturallyrelativeformsofritual
    behaviorformsthatwerelargelyoutdatedandunpopular.Thisphilosophicalchallengewasformidableindeed.
    Fromitsopeningpassage,whichattacksthestandardof"profit,"theMenciusispreoccupiedwithunderminingtheMohistposition.Butfrontalattackisbynomeans
    itsmostimportantresponsetotheMohistchallenge.Instead,anintricatereformulationofRuistideas,whichdeemphasizedtheimportanceofconcretelipracticein
    favorofanewemphasisontheterm"yi,"borrowedbackfromtheMohists,providedthemainlineofdefense.
    TheMeaningof"Yi"intheMencius
    Theword"yi,""right"or''righteousness,"playsalimitedroleintheAnalects.Itdenotesanambiguousethicalvalue,assignedtocharacter,actions,orsituations.Itis
    notconsistentlylinkedwithanyotherethicalterm,suchas"jen"or"li."ThesituationisverydifferentintheMencius.There"yi"hasbecomethesinglemost
    importantethicalterm,outstrippinginfrequencyofuseboth"jen"and"li."Wefind"yi"regularlylinkedincompoundethicalphrasessuchas"jenyi"and"liyi."In
    addition,thetermcarriesnewandimportantmeanings.
    Theexpandedroleof"yi"complementsthereducedroleof"li,"andthisisakeytounderstandingoneofitsnewmeanings.Inmanyinstances,wefindthat"yi"is
    functionallyequivalentto"li."ItsprimaryroleintheMenciusisasauniversalabstractionofli.49"Yi"shareswith"li"themeaningof"whatisrighttodo,"butitisnot
    limitedbyreferencetoChoucodesofconduct,andsoappearstohaveauniversalsense,asopposedtotherestrictedsenseof"li."Initsactualfunction,however,
    theterm"yi"oftencomestobesubjectedtomuchthesamelimitsas"li."Thewayinwhichthetextaccomplishesthisistoselectasaprototypicalexampleofyia
    basicformofceremonialbehaviorstressedinChouli:deferencetoelders.

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    TheMenciusdevelopsthefollowingformulasasitsmostconsistentdefinitionof"yi":"Loveofparentsisjenrespectforeldersisyi"(M:7A.15)"Servicetoparents
    istherealizationofjendeferencetoeldersistherealizationofyi''(M:4A.27,cf.1A.4,1A.7).Whenengagedincloseanalysisofbehavioraccordingtoyi,the
    examplesraisedarenotissuesofuniversalmoralimport,butareallissuesofceremonialproprieties(M:6A.5).Inthisway,thetextrepeatedlyrevealsapractical
    equivalencebetween"yi"and"li,"andwewillseeinthenextsectionhowthisroleofyiiscrucialtothefamousdebatebetweenMenciusandthephilosopherKao
    Tzuoverthenatureofman.
    TheMencius,then,presentsafrontlinedefenseagainstMohismbymeansofasimplerhetoricaldevice.Ithas,aswiththeMoTzu,greatlyincreasedtheimportanceof
    theterm"yi,"whichintheMoTzuisauniversalstandardofteninimicaltoritualli.ButtheMenciushasalsoimplicitlysubmergedtheconceptofliwithintheterm
    "yi,"inawaysimilartothatwithwhichtheterm"proper"canbeintegratedintotheterm"right."50Specificinstancesoflibehaviorarethusanalyticallylegitimate.
    BeforeweturntoseetheapplicationofthistotheMenciandoctrineofhumannature,itisinterestingtonoteoneinstanceinwhichitrelatestothewayinwhichthe
    RuisttotalismisdiscussedintheMencius.
    PerhapsthemostpoeticexpressionoftheholisticconsciousnessthatRuismidealizedisMencius'discussionofthe"floodlikeenergy"(haojanchihch'i)(M:2A.2).
    Interpretationsofthispassagehavefrequentlyportrayedthe"floodlikeenergy"asasemimysticalforceofmind,cultivatedinsomeunstated,esotericway(Chan
    1963:63).Actually,Menciustellsusveryclearlyhowitiscultivated:"Itarisesfromtheinterweavingofmanyactsofyiitcannotbegraspedbyputtingyionlikeasuit
    ofclothes."51Bearinginmindthecloselinkageofyiandliinthetext,thepathtothefloodlikeenergydoesnotappearfarremovedfromthemainstreamRuistpathto
    Sagehood:masteryoftheritualsyllabusandidentificationofselfandritualnorms.Thefloodlikeenergyseemstobeveryclosetothetotalisticideal.Likethe
    comprehensionofSagehood,"itfillsallbetweenheavenandearth,"andsimilartotheportraitofjenemergingfromtheAnalects,itiscultivatedthroughritual
    practice.52Inconcreteterms,li,ratherthanthemoreabstractyi,wouldbethebasisoftheenergy.ButconsidertheadvantagesoftheMencianformula!Compare,
    forexample,thefollowingtwoEnglishsentences,andtheforceoftheMencianreformulationwillbecomeclear:"Byceremony,Ibuildmyinnerpower""By
    righteousness,Ibuildmyinnerpower."
    Insum,thedefensivenatureoftheMencius,itsresponsivenesstotheMohistchallenge,andthefrequentfunctionalequivalenceofyiandliadequatelyexplainthe
    diminishedroleofliinthetext.BecausetheMencius

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    doesnotpointtoanypursuitsthatcouldhavereplacedthedominantroleofli,wehavenoreasontodoubtthattheculticactivitiesofMencianRuismconformedtothe
    generalmodelpresentedinchapterII.
    3.2.
    TheMencianTheoryofHumanNature
    Mencius'descriptionofthefloodlikeenergyleadshim,intheoriginaltext,topauseforabriefattackonthephilosopherKaoTzu,whoseconceptofyidifferedfrom
    Mencius'.ThedebatesbetweenMenciusandKaoTzu,astheyappearintheMencius,willformthestartingpointofthenextphaseofourdiscussionhere,an
    examinationofMencius'doctrinethathumannature(hsing)isgood.Thatdoctrinecanactuallybeanalyzedintothreeseparateelements,andwewilldiscusseachin
    turn.Thethreeelementsarethese:First,theassertionthat"yiisinternal,"whichmakesliauniversalcategoryofmind,thusrefutingtheMohistattackonliasarelative
    phenomenon.Second,thetheoryofthe"foursprouts"(ssutuan),whichservedtolegitimizethemessianicconvictionsthatmotivatedMencius'personalpolitical
    ambitions.Thisdoctrinerequiredadiminutioninthescopeoftheconceptofjen,leavingtheRuisttotalismwithoutanydesignatingterm.Finally,theprescriptivenotion
    ofhsing,whichwewillfindtobeareconstructionoftheRuisttotalismasauniversalcategoryofhumanethicalpotential.
    TheDebatewithKaoTzu
    AlthoughMenciusisprobablybestknownforhisdoctrinethathumannatureisgood,thatdoctrineisassertedformallyinonlyonesectionofonechapterofthe
    Mencius:thefirsteightentriesoftheKaoTzuchapter(M:6A.18).53TheseentriesdescribeadebatebetweenMenciusandKaoTzu,aphilosopheraboutwhom
    weknowpracticallynothing.KaoTzuwasalmostcertainlyaRu,54andhewasprobablyseniortoMencius.55Heheldadoctrinethatjenwasavirtueofmind,while
    yiwasacharacteristicofexternalcircumstances.HispositiononjenwasclearlydirectedagainstMohism.Asnotedearlier,Mohismmadejenreducibletowelfare
    (lib)thusplacingthelocusofjenoutsidetheindividual.Mohismneededthistheoryinordertoaccommodateitsdoctrineof"universallove,"whichrequiredthat
    feelingsofjenbeextendablewithoutlimit.KaoTzuarguedthatjencouldnotbeextendedinthatwaybecauseitwasaspontaneousresponseofminditcouldnever
    beconsciouslyredirectedtoaccordwithanexternalcriterion(M:6A.4).Havingdevelopedthetheorythatjenwas"internal,"KaoTzuroundeditoutbyconcluding
    thatyiwas"external,"thatistosay,thelocusof"right"liesinpublicstandardsorsituationsandnotinamoralfacultyofmind.KaoTzu'spositiononyiwasprobably
    intendedprimarilytounderscorehispositiononjenbycontrast.56

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    KaoTzu'sideas,whilesuitableforattackingcertainMohistclaims,leaveRuismasvulnerableaseverontheissueofli,andthisappearstobethereasonthatMencius
    feltobligedtorefutehim.
    ThefirstreferencetoKaoTzuintheMenciusoccursduringthediscussionofthefloodlikeenergy.Aftermakinghisremarksaboutthewayinwhichthisenergyis
    cultivatedthroughtheaccumulationofyi,Menciusadds,"ThatiswhyIsaythatKaoTzudoesnotunderstandyi:becauseheexternalizesit"(M:2A.2).WhatMencius
    istryingtodoistotakeyinowincorporatingliandmakeitauniversalcategoryofmind,afacultypossessedbyallmen.Inthisway,hewillbeabletorefutethe
    Mohistattackonli.
    ThedebatewithKaoTzu,whichappearslaterinthebook,isonpreciselythisissue.57Despitethefameofthisdebateoverhsing,thefourpassageswhereMencius
    andKaoTzuarguefacetofacearenotveryinformativeaboutwhattheirconceptionsofhsingactuallywere.Thesepassagesseemprimarilyintendedtodemonstrate
    theuseoflogicandrhetoric,andtheywereprobablystudiedbydiscipleslearninghowtorefuteattacksonMencius'doctrine.58Ofthesefourpassages,thefirstthree
    neednotconcernushere.TheyareactuallyargumentsoverthelogicalconsistencyofanalogiesandsyllogismsthatKaoTzuchoosestoexpresshisviewthathsingis
    morallyneutral.Thesubstanceofhisviewisnevertouchedupon.59
    Thefourthpassageissomewhatdifferent.ItstopicisthefollowingstatementbyKaoTzu:"Appetitesandlustsarehsing.Jenisinternal,notexternalyiisexternal,not
    internal."Thedebatethenproceedsupontheissueoftheinternalityofyi.Nofurthermentionismadeofhsing(M:6A.4).
    ThepassagefollowingthisoneshowsMenciuscoachingapupilonthewaytorefutethedoctrinethatyiisexternal.Theillustrativeexamplesofwhatyiisarethese:
    thepropertreatmentofeldersorderofprecedenceinservingwinetoeldersthepriorityofrespectaccordingtoceremonialroleatsacrificesoverrespectaccording
    toage(M:6A.5).Alltheseareissuesofli.Mencius'pointisthatbehavioraccordingtoliisactuallydictatedbyamoralfacultyofmind,expressedspontaneouslyin
    feelingsofrespectanddeference.
    ThesefiveentriesformthefirstpartoftheMencius'discussionofthedoctrinethathumannatureisgood.Theonlyissuethatisdealtwithinanysubstantialwayisthe
    questionoftheinteriorityofyi.WhatthedebatesectionrepresentsisMencius'attempttorectifyamajorstrategicerrorinKaoTzu'sbattleagainsttheMohiststhe
    admissionthatyiisdeterminate,relative,andthereforeincompetenttoprovideasafehavenforRuistsinterestedindemonstratingtheabsolutevalueoflipractice.
    Here,whenMenciusarguesthathumannatureisgood,hisultimatemeaningisthatliisanaturalexpressionofthehumanmind.

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    ThesixthandmostcomplexentryintheKaoTzuchapterinvolvesanexpositionofnonMenciandoctrinesabouthsing,followedbyatwopartstatementbyMencius
    summarizinghisposition.ThefirstpartofthisstatementrecapitulatesMencius'theoryofthe"foursprouts,"atheorythatappearselsewhereintheMencius,completely
    independentofanyentailmentwithatheoryofhsing.ThesecondpartconcernstherelationshipbetweenthehsingandT'ien.Inthefollowingtwosections,wewill
    concentrateonthefirstpartofMencius'stateddoctrineofhsing.Subsequently,wewillexploreitslinkstoT'ien.
    Mencius'MillenarianBeliefsandthe"FourSprouts"
    Menciussetoutuponhistravelswithaconviction:giventhatbyprophecyandthesignsofthetimestheappearanceofthenewKingwasimminent,andgiventhat
    MenciushimselfpossessedtheunderstandingofthewaysuchaKingwouldrule,thenwhatwasimminentwasnotnecessarilythebirthofaparticularindividualwho
    wasdestinedtoconquerbecausehewasaSage,butmightmerelyinvolveadecisionbyanordinaryrulertoadopttheteachingsofMenciusashisguideandMencius
    ashisminister.ThisnewKingwouldnotnecessarilybeamanofsuperhumanvirtuehecouldbeanyman,giventherightconditionsoftimingandpoliticalopportunity.
    ThisexpectationprovidedarationaleforMencius'careerasawanderingSage,astherequirementoftheadventofaperfectrulercouldnothave.60
    Mencius'personalambitionsresteduponthepremisethatanyactualrulermightbecomeanidealruler.61Itisimportanttoimaginetheimplausibilityofthisideatomen
    ofMencius'time.MythicalemperorssuchasYaoandShun,warriorssuchasT'angandWuhadbeentransformedbyhagiographersintoperfectsaints,menlike
    gods.ItwastoomuchtoexpectthedebauchedfeudallordsofWarringStatesChinatostepintotheshoesofheroessuchasthese.AsonenativeofCh'iremarked,
    watchingMenciusdepartfromthatstateinfailure:"IfhedidnotrealizethatourkingcouldnotbemadeintoaT'angoraWu,thenhewasrather
    unperceptive"(M:2B.12).62
    Tomakehisexpectationsconvincing,bothtohimselfandtotherulerswhoseteacherhesoughttobecome,Menciusrequiredcarefullydeviseddoctrinesthathecould
    arguewithforce.Thedoctrineofthe"foursprouts"wastheultimateanswertothisneed.Itwasintendedtopersuadeanyrulerthathepossessedinhismindthesingle
    mostimportantattributecharacteristicoftheSageKing:thevirtuejen.
    Allmenpossessamindthatcannotbeindifferenttothesufferingsofothers.Theformerkingspossessedsuchamind,andtheirgovernmentswereoneswhichcared

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    forthepeople.Whenarulergovernsaccordingtohisnaturalcareforothers,hecanruletheworldasthoughitlayinthepalmofhishand.WhydoIsayallmenpossesssucha
    mind?Supposeamanweresuddenlytoseeachildabouttofallintoawellanymanwouldfeeldistressandcompassion....Thesenseofcompassionisthesproutofjenthe
    senseofshameisthesproutofyithesenseofdeferenceisthesproutoflithesenseofrightandwrongisthesproutofchiha.Menpossessthesefoursproutsastheypossess
    theirfourlimbs....Ifamanbringsthesesproutstofruit,hecanprotectthefourquartersoftheworld.Ifhedoesnot,hecannotevenservehisparents(M:2A.6).

    ThisisoneofseveralargumentsinwhichMenciusappealsforrecognitionofthespontaneityofsudden,"moral"anxiety,topersuadelistenersoftheinnatenessof
    moraldispositions(seealsoM:3A.5).
    ThemessagespokenherereverberatesthroughtheaccountsofMencius'conversationswithrulers.HetellsKingHsuanofCh'ithathistendernesstowardanoxbeing
    ledtoslaughterisamanifestationofthevirtueofjenthatcanmakehimatrueKing(M:1A.7).TheKing'sloveofdebasedmusicisidentifiedastheseedofalovefor
    hispeople(M:lB.1).HisgreedforwealthandlustforsexaretransformedintothetrueKing'sdelightintheprosperityofhisstateandthebeautyofhisqueen
    (M:1B.5).
    Althoughthetheoryofthefoursproutsassertstheuniversalpossessionoffourdifferentqualitiesofmind,thedemonstrationofitstruthinvolvesonlyasinglevirtue:jen.
    Apparently,atthetimethediscussionofM:2A.6wasfirstrecordedMenciuswasunabletoarriveatproofsfortheotherthreevirtues,oratleastwecanspeculatethat
    hisproofsweretooweaktoconvince,ortomeritinclusioninthetext.Infact,theonlypieceofconvincingmaterialthatMenciuswasabletooffertoprovethetheory
    ofthefoursproutswastheoccasionalarousalofunselfishfeelingsofcompassioninpeople.Fromthissinglethread,Menciusspunhisdoctrineoftheidentityofactual
    andidealman.
    Itwasnatural,then,thatMenciusidentifythiscompassionateresponsewithjen.JenwascertainlythemostimportantoftheRuistvirtues,anddemonstratingitsinnate
    existenceinthemindgreatlyhelpedMencius'theorybeartheweightoftheotherthreesprouts,whoseinnateexistencehunguponthesingleproofofjen.Butby
    makingthisabsoluteidentificationbetweenjenandthecompassionateresponse,MenciusacquiescedtoaconsiderablechangeintheRuistmeaningof"jen."No
    longerdidithavethebroadrangeoftheAnalects'totalisticvirtue.Instead,"jen"intheMenciusisgenerallyrestrictedtothemeaningof"compassion,"identicalwith
    Mohistusage.Itisnolongeracomprehensivevirtue,butonlythefirstamongmanycardinalvirtues.
    Thus,inthecourseofarguingtheexistenceofSagequalitiesinactualrulers,MenciusimplicitlyloweredhisexpectationsofwhataSageshouldbe.Thetotalismthe
    truegoalofRuistswhoaspiredtoSagehoodwas

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    lostintheaccommodatingidentificationofjenwithcompassionatefeelings.ThiscouldhavehadaseriouseffectonRuismifithadremainedthelastwordonthegoal
    ofSagehood.Butinfact,itwasnotthattheidealofthetotalismhadbeenlost,butonlythatithadbeendisplacedintonewterminology,whichmaynotyethavebeen
    formulatedatthetimeM:2A.6wasfirstrecorded.
    Aswenotedinsection1above,Book2oftheMenciusmighthavebeenauthoredindependentlyofandearlierthansomeoftheotherbooksofthetext,andmight
    notrecordthedoctrinesthatMenciusformulatedafterhisretirement.OnepieceofsupportingevidenceisthatBook2includesnomentionofthehsingorofMencius'
    positionconcerningthehsing.63
    WhenwereencounterthefoursproutsintheKaoTzuchapter,whichmayhavebeencompiledwithamoredetailedknowledgeofMencius'lastteachings,thecontext
    ofthedoctrinehasalteredconsiderably.Foronething,inthepassagesofthetextthatimmediatelyprecedeitsrestatementweseeMenciusarriveataproofthat
    demonstratessimultaneouslytheexistenceofthesproutsofyiandli:theproofthatyiisinternalandismanifestedasthesenseofrespect,orli.64Menciushasfilled
    outhistheory,and,whatismore,heisnowcitingitasageneralproofoftheexistenceofacomprehensivecategoryofmind:thegoodhsing.Inthehsing,which
    incorporatesallfourcardinalvirtues,wefindreconstitutedthetotalismthatintheAnalectshadbeensignifiedbytheterm"jen."Aswithjen,thehsingwas
    somethingthathadtobecultivated,andwewillseethatwhenthehsingwasfullyrealized,holisticunderstandingwasachieved("Toknowone'snatureistoknow
    T'ien").
    Theterm"hsing,"then,hasasomewhatunexpectedfunctionintheMencius.Althoughtheportraitofwhatisinnatetoaspeciesisgenerallyconsideredtobe
    descriptive,herewefindtheideastandingintheplaceoftheprescriptiveRuistvirtueofjen,asfoundintheAnalects.Whatactuallywasthemeaningoftheterm
    aroundwhichMenciusbuilthismostfamousdoctrine?
    TheMeaningof"Hsing"intheMencius
    Asnotedmanytimes,afundamentalreasonwhyMenciuswasabletomaintainthedoctrinethatpeoplearegoodbynatureathesisinconflictwiththeobservations
    ofnormalexperiencewasbecauseheusedtheword"hsing,""innatenature,"inanunusualway.AsGrahamstates,"Mencius...seemsnevertobelookingback
    towardsbirth,alwaysforwardtothematurationofacontinuinggrowth"(1967:216).65Thehsingisinnateinthatallpeoplesharethemoralsensesthatprovidethe
    opportunitytoachievepersonalperfection.ButitoftenappearsthatMenciusdoesnotenvisiona

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    personas"possessing"thehsinguntilafterthatpathtoperfectionhasbeentraveled.
    "Hsing"doesnotseemtodenoteeitherthecapacitiesofthemindatbirth,oracompositeofallcapacitiesthatapersoncouldconceivablydevelopinalifetime,both
    ofwhicharedescriptivenotions.Hsingpointstowardaparticulartypeofbeingtowhichmancanaspire.Itisaprescriptiveterm,denotingtheRuisttotalism,the
    holisticcomprehensionofallphenomenaandallactionimperatives,attainablethroughritualselfcultivation.
    Menciuswasperfectlyawarethathisuseoftheword"hsing"wasnotconventional.WefindseveralsuchacknowledgementsintheMencius.Themostimportantis
    also,unfortunately,themostobscurelyphrased.Inordertomakeitsmeaningclear,Iwillfirsttranslateithere,andthenofferaperiphrasticrestatement.66
    Whenpeoplespeakof"hsing,"theyreferonlytoourprimitivebeing,andthatismovedonlybyprofit.Whattheydislikeaboutintelligenceisthatitforcesitsway.Ifintelligence
    actedasYdidinguidingtherivers,thentheywouldnotdislikeit.WhenYguidedtherivers,hefollowedtheirspontaneouscourses.Ifintelligencealsofollowedits
    spontaneouscourse,itwouldbegreatwisdomindeed.Heavenishighandthestarsaredistant,butifweseekaftertheirprimitivebeing,wecanpredictthesolsticesfora
    thousandyears(M:4B.26).67
    Whenpeopletalkabout"humannature,"theyrestrictthemeaningofthetermtoourmostprimitivethoughts,andthesearemovedonlybyprofit.Theyrefusetoallowthat
    intelligenceisapartofthenaturebecausetheyseeitasadistorting,ratherthanaspontaneousforce.ButifintelligenceweretoactasYdidwhenhedredgedtheriversofChina,
    thentheycouldhavenoobjectiontoincludingintelligenceintheirconceptofthenature.WhenYdredgedtherivers,hefollowedtheirspontaneouscourses.Ifintelligencealso
    followeditsspontaneouscourse,itwouldbegreatwisdomindeed.Heavenishighandthestarsaredistant.Butifweapplyourintelligenceinthestudyoftheirspontaneous
    courses,ourintelligencecanrunaheadoftheirspontaneitywithoutdistortion,andthesolsticesofthenextthousandyearswillmerelyverifyourintelligence.

    Thus,Menciusdoesnotwishtoexcludeapriorianyaspectofhumanselfcultivationfromthenotionofwhatisinnatetoman,providedthattheactivityaccordswith
    whathefeelstobeman'sspontaneouscourse.
    ExamplesofmenwhohavedisplayedthistypeofnaturalselfcultivationincludetheRuistmodelstheEmperorsYaoandShun,andthedynasticfoundersT'angand
    Wu.TheirtypeofselfcultivationislinkedtotheRuistidealinthefollowingpassage:
    YaoandShundiditbynatureT'angandWureturnedtoit.Everymotion,everystancepreciseinliasonegoesround:thisistheacmeoffullvirtue(M:7B.33).

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    Theemergenceofman'snatureisinfactatransformationfromactualtoidealmanbyanactofdecision:
    Vastterritoriesdenselypeopled:thechntzuwantsthem,buthisjoydoesnotlietherein.Tostandatthecenteroftheworldandsettlethepeopleofthefourquarters:thechn
    tzurejoicesinit,buthisnaturedoesnotlietherein.Whatthechntzutakesashisnatureisnotincreasedbygreatachievements,nordecreasedbyretirementinfailureitsplace
    isset.Whathetakesashisnaturearejen,yi,li,andchih,rootedinhismind,bloomingbrightlyoverhisface,coursingthroughhisspine,flowingthroughhislimbs.Silent,heis
    understood(M:7A.21).

    Menciusconceivedofman'snatureasidenticalwiththenatureofThechntzudoesnotpossesshisnaturepassively,asaninevitablepropertygrantedatbirth.He
    determinesitactively,seizingitasanopportunitythathasbeenaffordedhimthroughhisconstitutionatbirth.
    Sagehood,rightdowntotheritualprecisionoftheSage'sstyleofaction.Thefoursproutsarepossessedbyallactualpeople,butman'snatureisrealizedexists
    onlyinthepersonoftheSagewhoachievestheRuistidealoftotalisticcomprehension.
    TheconceptofhsingreconstitutestheRuisttotalismthatMenciusseemedtoputasidewhenhesethisgoalsonidealizingactualrulersandlimitedthescopeofjen.It
    wouldmakeperfectsense,then,forMenciustoclaimthatman'snaturewasgood.Itsgoodnesshadbecomeimbeddedanalyticallyinthetermfor"nature"itself.And
    thisgoodnesswasnothingabstract.ItconsistedspecificallyoftheRuistcategoriesofmind:jen,yi,andmostimportant,li,whichhadbeenincorporatedintothis
    universalideal,themindoftheSage.Menciushadmanagedtoimplantthehomunculusofthechanting,dancingRuintheuniversalmindpossessedbyallmen.
    3.3.
    HsingandMing:TheInterfaceofthePrescriptiveandDescriptiveDimensionsofT'ien
    Wehavebeendescribingtheprescriptivedoctrineofthegoodnessofhumannature,anditsfunctionalityinreconstitutingtheparticularritualvaluesofRuismashuman
    universals.ForMencius,thedispositiontoactaccordingtoritualandright(liyi)isauniversalpropertyofmen'sminds.
    ThelinkageofthegoodnaturetoT'ienisnotfrequentlydiscussedinthetextoftheMencius,butitisclearandlogical.InthelastpartofM:6A.6,thepassageinwhich
    thefoursproutsareincorporatedintothetheoryofthegoodhsing,MenciusconcludeshisdiscussionwithacitationfromthePoetrythattiestheuniversaldispositions
    ofthehsingtotheabsoluteauthorityofT'ien:

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    ThePoetrysays:
    T'iengavebirthtotheteemingmasses
    Everythinghasitslaw.
    Thenormwhichpeoplepossess
    Isloveofsplendidvirtue....
    Therefore,foreverythingtheremustbealaw,and"thenormwhichpeoplepossess"isinnately,"theloveofsplendidvirtue."68

    ThecontextinwhichthepoemiscitedmakesitclearthatforMencius,thisisanauthorityprovingthatT'iencreatedthehsingasamoralproperty.T'ienengendersin
    peopletheirmoralpredispositionsitisthesourceofethicalvalue.
    OtherpassagespointmoreexplicitlytoT'ienasthesourceoftheparticularmoraldispositions.Forexample,incontrastingtheMohistimperativetoloveallequally
    withthespontaneousimpulsetolovethoseclosesttoone,Menciusremarks:"WhenT'iengivesbirthtoathing,itrootsitinasinglesource[itsparents][theMohists]
    wouldgiveitasplitsource"(M:3A.5).
    Furthermore,bylinkingman'smoraldispositionstoT'ien,Menciusisabletoguaranteetheabsolutevalueofthosedispositions,becauseinthesediscussions,T'ien
    standsasanethicalabsolute,fulfillingtheoriginalethicalroleitplayedinChoureligion.ItisateleologicalforceasitwasinthepolilticaldiscussionsofM:5A.56
    anditsengenderingofthegoodhsinginmanindicateswhatman'spurpose,or"finalcause,"istobe.
    ThereareofficeswhichT'ienbestowsandofficeswhichmenbestow.Jen,yi,devotionandtrust,andtheuntiringloveofgoodaretheofficesofT'ien.Highministriesand
    councilorshipsaretheofficesofmen(M:6A.16,cf.2A.7).

    IfonecultivatestheofficesthatT'ienbestows,onecantakeone'sproperplaceasT'ien'sagent(M:2A.5).
    Moreover,T'ienhasengenderedinmantheabilitiesthatheneedstocultivatehismoraldispositionsandachieveSagelyunderstanding.
    Theorgansoftheearandeyecannotthink,butareenvelopedbyobjects.Whenthey,asobjects,encounterobjects,thereismerelyaforceofattraction.Buttheorganofthemind
    canthink.Ifitthinks,itcanunderstand(techih)ifitdoesnotthink,itwillnotunderstandthisiswhatT'ienhasgivenus(M:6A.15).

    TheethicalpotentialofmanpreciselyparallelstheethicalnatureofT'ien.
    Thereisapathtobecomingethicallycomplete(ch'enga):ifonedoesnotcompre

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    hendgoodness,onecannotbeethicallycomplete.Thus,ethicalcompletionistheWayofT'ientoconcentrateonethicalcompletionistheWayofman(M:4A13).

    ThissymmetryofhumanpotentialandthenatureofT'iencreatesthepossibilityofadirectexperienceofT'ienascomprehensiveethicalperfection.
    Hewhoexhaustshismindknowshisnature(hsing).Toknowone'snatureistoknowT'ien(M:7A.1).

    Thus,T'ienisboththepriorsourceofman'spotentialtobecomeaSageandimmanentintheexerciseofthetotalisticunderstandingoftheSage.Thisisthe
    metaphysicalmodelthatMenciusemploysasaframeworkforhisuniversalizationofRuistvalue.
    <><><><><><><><><><><><>
    OurdiscussionhastakenusfromtheroleofliintheMenciustotheroleofT'ien,andwehavetriedtoexplorehowthewebofmetaphysicaldoctrine,ofwhichT'ien
    wasapart,wastiedtothepracticalinterestofdefendingthevalueofliandtherituallifestyleofRuism.BecausethetextoftheMenciusissoreticentabouttheactual
    activitiesofMencius'extensivestudygroup,ourdiscussionhasnecessarilybeenspeculative.ButinitwehavereconciledMencianRuismwiththemainstreampractice
    ofRuismportrayedinchapterII,andithasyieldedaportraitoftheprescriptiveroleofT'ienintheMenciuscloselyresemblingthatfoundintheAnalects.Inboththe
    AnalectsandtheMenciusT'ienisthesourceandthesupportinggroundfortheRuistpathtoSagehood(ethicalselfcultivationthroughritualstudy)andfortheRuist
    idealoftheSagelytotalism.ThisisthecentralmeaningofT'ieninitsprescriptivesense.
    ButMenciusdiscovered,ashadConfucius,thattheassurancethatT'ienhadprescriptivelyordainedhisethicalvaluesdidnothingtoexplainthefailureofhispolitical
    actions.WehavestilltoconsiderhowMenciususedT'ientoexplainthedescriptiveamoralityoftheempiricalworld,manifestinthefailureofRuistprinciplesto
    influencesocietyandbringanendtothechaosoftheWarringStates.
    Mencius'FailureandtheDescriptiveRoleofT'ien
    Wesawearlier,insection2,thatMenciuswaspreparedtosubscribetoanextremedescriptivistviewofT'ieninordertorationalizeviewsofhistorythatsupportedhis
    politicaldoctrines.Indoingthis,however,MenciusdidnotrelinquishtheimplicitclaimthatT'ien,indirectinghistory,pursued

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    ateleologicalplan.Onthecontrary,thecontortedargumentsofM:5A.56aredesignedtoshow,againstallodds,thathistoryrevealstheethicalpremisesofT'ien's
    action.
    Menciushadhimselfbecome,throughhisownambitions,asignificantactorinthehistoryofhisday.Convincedoftheopportunitiesprophesiedbynumerologyand
    manifestinthedesperationofthetimes,MenciusriskedputtingRuistpoliticaldoctrinestotheirgreattestandhadbeenwillingtobecomeapartinnameatleastof
    theamoralpoliticalsystemoftheWarringStates.Menciuswasconvincedthathispersonalvirtuewassocompleteastoallowhimtolink,inpractice,themoietiesof
    Ruistdoctrine:selfcultivationandpoliticalaction.MenciusputtothetesttheassertionthatgenerationsofRuhadavoidedtesting:thatatrulyvirtuousRu,giventhe
    opportunitiesofthetimes,couldtransformtheworld.69
    Hefailedcompletely.AndhedidnothesitatetoattributehisfailuretotheworkingsofT'ien'sultimateteleologicalplan:
    AsMenciuswastravelingafterhisdeparturefromCh'i,Ch'ungYquestionedhim.''Sir,youseemtobeunhappy.YetformerlyIhaveheardyousay,'Thechntzudoesnot
    complainagainstT'ienorblamemen.'""Thatwasonetime,"Menciusreplied,"thisisanother.70EveryfivehundredyearsatrueKingshouldarise,andintheintervaltherewillbe
    thosewhobringfametotheirgenerations.SincetheChouithasnowbeenoversevenhundredyears.Accordingtocalculation,thetermispast,andifwejudgebythetimes,they
    areripe.ItisthatT'iendoesnotyetwishtobringpeaceandordertotheworld.Ifitdid,inthisage,whobesidesmyself[coulddoso]?Why,then,shouldIbe
    unhappy?"(M:2B.13).

    TheattributionofhisownpoliticalfailuretoT'ienparallelsthewaytheAnalectshandlesthesimilarproblemofConfucius'failure,butitseemsclearthatforMencius
    thiswasabitterpilltoswallow.Afterall,MenciushadConfucius'exampletoworkfrom,andhewasnotsimplyactingonavoluntaristicimperative:hehadjudged
    thatthetimeswereripe,andhewaswrong.Hehadmishandledthedoctrineoftimeliness,andtherewerethosewhoregardedhimashavingactedeitherfoolishlyor
    inconsistently(e.g.,M:2B.12,6B.6).And,perhapsmostimportant,histestoftheRuistassumptionthatagreatRu,giventheopportunity,couldtransformtheworld
    hadnotonlymisfired,buthadresultedinRuismbecomingentangledintheimmoralrapeofYenbythearmiesofCh'i(seechapterII,section2.2).Hispersonalfailure
    waspotentiallyasevereblowtotheRuistcommunity.
    ButMencius'politicalfailurewasmostlikelythespurthatledhimtodeveloponeofthemostintriguingaspectsofhisphilosophy,thecomplexdoctrineofthe"personal
    decree,"orming.71ThisdoctrineisspelledoutinanumberofpassagesintheMencius,allappearinginthefinalChinhsin

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    chapter.KanayaOsamuhasspeculatedthatthischapterisprobablythelatestindateofallthebooksoftheMencius,andrepresentsprimarilythelastteachingsof
    Menciusinretirement(195051:24).IfKanayaiscorrect,thenwearejustifiedintakingtheconfinementofthedoctrineofthepersonaldecreetothatchapteras
    indicatingitslatedevelopmentasaresponsetothepracticalproblemofrationalizingMencius'politicalfailure,soastominimizethatfailure'sdetrimentaleffectupon
    bothMencius'personalstatureandthestatureofRuismasasect.
    ThedoctrineofthepersonaldecreerepresentsMencius'mostsophisticatedpositionontheethicalambiguityofempiricalsocietyandthestancethatthemorally
    committedindividualmusttakeinlightofit.Byexploringthisdoctrineindetail,wewillbeabletounderstandmorefullynotonlythedescriptiveroleofT'ieninthe
    Mencius,butalsotheoccasionallydynamicinterplaybetweenthatroleandtheprescriptiveroleexemplifiedbythehsingthatMenciantheoryentails.
    ThedoctrinesofhsingandmingrepresentcomplementarymodelsexplaininginmetaphysicaltheorytheprescriptiveanddescriptiveactionofT'ien.Aswehaveseen,
    elementsofthetheoryofthegoodhsingwereinitiallypromptedbyMencius'needtoshowthattheexistingfeudalrulersofhisdaypossessedthepotentialtobecome
    SageKingsandsofulfillmillennialprophecy.ThetheoryitselfbecamefullydevelopedasapartofMencius'tacticaluseofmetaphysicsandethicalepistemologyto
    defendtheritualbasisofRuismagainstphilosophicalattackslaunchedbycompetingschools.Thetheoryofming,probablydevelopedbyMenciusafterthecollapse
    ofhispoliticalmission,wasdesignedtorationalizethatdefeatandtoprotectRuistdoctrinefromtheimplicationsofhisownactioninputtingthosedoctrinestoatest
    theyessentiallyfailed.
    ThePersonalDecree
    InourdiscussionofMencius'politicalideas,wesawthatinM:5A6heexplainedthenotionoftheMandateofHeavenincompletelydescriptiveterms:"Whatisdone
    withoutanyonedoingitisT'ienwhatcomeswithoutanyonebestowingitistheMandate(ming)."Alittlefurtheroninthesamechapter,wefindahintthatthis
    "ming"canberelevanttopeoplewhoarenotdestinedtoberulersaswellastoKings.RespondingtorumorsthatConfuciushadtwicecompromisedhispolitical
    integritybyacceptingthepatronageofunsavorycharactersinthestatesofWeiandCh'i,Menciusreplies:
    Confuciusadvancedaccordingtoliandretiredaccordingtoyi.Astowhetherornothereceivedemployment,"Thatisming,"hesaid.NowtotakeaspatronsYung

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    ChortheeunuchChiHuanwouldhavebeentoactwithouteitheryiorming....IfConfuciushaddoneso,whereinwouldhehavebeenConfucius?(M:5A.8).

    Inthispassage,wecandiscernthreeprinciplesguidingaction:li,yi,andming.Thefirsttwowehavealreadydiscussedtheyarecompletelyintelligibleinthecontext
    ofMenciandoctrine.Buttheuseofminghereisunusual.WhenweencounteredmingintheAnalectsitwasapurelydescriptiveterm,denotingthelimitsofindividual
    ethicalendeavor.ThemostconspicuoususeofthetermappearsinA:14.36,whereitisusedinthesamewayasitisusedinthefirstinstanceinthepassageabove.
    However,whenMenciusgoesontosaythattohaveactedimmorallywouldhavebeentobe"withoutming,"heisgivingmingaprescriptivesensethatisnoteasy
    tounderstand.Inthisprescriptivedimension,mingseemstoencroachupontheprovinceofhsing,confusingtheneatcomplementaryrelationbetweenthetwo.This
    prescriptive/descriptiveambiguityiscrucialtotheMenciandoctrineofthepersonaldecreedevelopedintheChinhsinchapter.
    Theambiguitycanbetracedtotherootmeaningsoftheword"ming."Themostcommonmeaningofthewordis"command"or''decree"anditisusedinthissense
    throughoutearlybronzeinscriptions.72Commandshavedescriptivedimensionstothedegreethatthey"must"beobeyed,buttheyarebasicallyprescripts,andcanbe
    contravened."Must"means"mustorelse!"Thepurelydescriptivesenseof"ming"derivesfromanearlyandimportantsecondmeaning:"lifespan."Thewordis
    occasionallyusedinthissenseinbronzeinscriptions,aswellasinlatertexts,suchastheAnalects(e.g.,A:6.2,6.10).73Itisonlythislattermeaningthatcarriesthe
    exclusivelydescriptivesensethatallows"ming"tobeproperlytranslatedattimesas"fate."
    Now,theMoTzuattacksRuismasa"fatalistic"doctrine,andthereissomebasistothecharge.74Itisdifficulttoignorethedeterministicimplicationsofpassagessuch
    asA:14.36orM:5A.8thatseemtoattributetheoutcomeofeventstomingratherthantohumaneffort,andalsopassagessuchasM:2B.13andM:1B.16thatcitethe
    descriptiveactionofT'ieninthesamespirit.However,althoughRuisttextsoccasionallychoosetheoptionoffatalisticrhetorictoexplainRuistpoliticalfailures,
    systematicRuistdoctrinewasnotfatalistic,andtheprescriptivedimensionofMencius'useofmingillustratesthis.
    Mencius'useofmingderivesstrictlyfromtherootmeaningof"command"andisgovernedbyapoliticalmetaphor.T'ienissuesdecrees,asdoesaruler,andmanis
    obligedtoobeythem,asisasubject.Thatobligationisethicalandoccasionallycoerciveitisnot,however,relatedtopredeterminedorinevitablecircumstance.T'ien
    rulesasdoesahumanruler.Itswillshallbedone,butitisaresponsivewill,notapredetermined

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    one,andtheeffectivenessofT'ien'scommandsinnowayremovesfromitssubjectstheresponsibilitytoobey,nordoesitfollowthattheywillbeobeyingcommands
    eveniftheyexertnoefforttodoso.ItisdescriptivelytruethatT'ien'scommandsshallbefulfilled,asistrueofgreatearthlyrulers,butobeyingthemisprescriptive.
    ThemetaphoroftherulerandthesubjectpervadestheMencius'discussionsoftherelationbetweenT'ienandman.
    Hewhoexhaustshismindknowshisnaturetoknowone'snatureistoknowT'ien.ThewaytoserveT'ienistopreservethemindandnourishthenature.Thewaytostand
    [waiting]forT'ien'scommands(ming)isthis:neverwaverforfearofdeath,justcultivateyourselfandawaitthem(M:7A.1).75
    Everythingisdecreed(ming):obeybyreceiving[thosecommands]proper[toyou].Thus,thosewhoknowtheircommandsdonotstandbeneathhighwalls.Aman'sproper
    commandistofollowtheWaytotheendanddie.Todieinshackles[cannotbe]aman'spropercommand(M:7A.2).76

    Thesepassages,whichopentheChinhsinchapter,illustratethebalanceofprescriptiveanddescriptiveimplicationsthatfollowfromthepictureofT'ienasruler.
    M:7A.1beginswiththepurelyprescriptiveimperativetocultivatethegoodhsing,followingtheRuistpathtoSagehood.ThehallmarkoftheSageisthecomplete
    selfconsciousdevelopmentofthemoralnature,whichisidenticaltoaknowledgeofT'ienortheethicalorderoftheworld.Thisprescriptivepathleadstoan
    understandingofhowtoreadpersonalimperativesoutofthecourseofevents.T'ien,actingthroughpeopleandevents,isconstantlyissuingcommands,butnotall
    commandsaredirectedtowardsanyoneindividual.ThepassagespicturetheindividualasoneofmanysubjectsofT'ien,standingintherainofdescriptiveeventsthat
    areT'ien'sdecrees,watchingthemforthemoralopportunitiesthatconstitutehisownprescriptiveorders.77
    Theruler/subjectmetaphorthatgovernsthediscussionofthemingiseffectiveintheoreticallyreconcilingRuistpoliticalfailurewiththevalueofRuistpractice.By
    assigningtomantheroleofsubject,thisportraitreinforceshisethicalobligations(studyandawaitethicalopportunity)withoutdemandingthatthosebeinanyway
    entailedwiththeactualoutcomeofevents.T'ienguaranteestonoonepersonthatobediencetoitsorderswillresultinapreconceivedoutcome.Theethicallyabsolute
    natureofT'ienmerelyguaranteesthatobeyingitsdecreesisamoralobligationandthatthecourseoftheT'ienguidedworldis,insum,ethical.Thus,theRuist
    persistenceinethicalconductinthefaceofpoliticalfutilityisfullyrationalizedbythismodel.
    Theinterplaybetweenprescriptivedimensionsofhsingandmingforms

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    acomplexdoctrinalweb.ThepassagesoftheChinhsinchapterthatareconcernedwiththedoctrineofthepersonaldecreetendtocontrast,explicitlyorimplicitly,
    theprescriptivenotionofhsing(which,asman's"innatenature,"wouldseemtobeanintuitivelydescriptivenotion)withming,whichMenciusendowswitha
    substantialprescriptivecomponent.Thethirdpassageofthechapterstressesthedistinctdimensionsofhsingandming.Itcommentsontwoplatitudes,thefirst
    describingthecultivationofthehsing,orthetotalism,theseconddescribingthequestforpoliticalinfluence.
    "Striveforitandgetitletitgoandloseit":herestrivinghelpstogetit,becausewhatIstriveforlieswithinme."Thereisawaytostriveforitgettingitlieswithming":here
    strivingdoesnothelptogetit,becausewhatIstriveforliesoutsideofme(M:7A.3).78

    Hsingistheutmosttowhichamancanstrive,andbydevelopinghishsingamanbecomesfittotakeonhisroleintheteleologicalcourseofhistory.Buthisisonlythe
    roleofasingleperson.Mingrepresentsthecircumscribinglimittothepracticalpowersofindividualeffort,aboundarybeyondwhichonecannotreach.79Regardless
    ofone'sdetermination,theinfinitecontingenciesofactualsocialexistencerestrictwhatanyonepersoncanachieve.Mingpossessesadescriptivemeaninghere,
    representingtheplenitudeofsocietyandhistoryfacedfromtheperspectiveoftheindividual.Becauseitappearsinthiswayasalimit,itcouldbetranslatedas"fate"or
    "inevitability,"inthatitacknowledgestheinabilityofanindividualtoexercisecompletecontrolovertheworldhefaces.Butthesamenotionalsosuppliesanimperative
    because,bybeingtheoutwardboundofhsing,itpresentsthegoaltobereached.Itisthedutyoftheindividualtoreachit,toexhausthimselfandencounterthe
    inevitablelimitthatisentailedwithexistenceasadeterminateentity.
    LaterintheChinhsinchapterwefindapassagethatstraightforwardlyaddressestheambiguitiesthatexistinthedoctrinesofbothhsingandming.Init,Mencius
    usesthedescriptivedimensionofmingasafoiltomakeclearhisspecialuseof"hsing"(aswediscusseditearlierinconnectionwithM:4B.26).
    Theresponseofthemouthtoflavor,oftheeyetobeauty,oftheeartomusic,ofthenosetofragrance,ofthebodytoease:thesebelongtothenature.Buttheyareinescapable
    (ming),andthechuntzudoesnotspeakofthemasthenature.Theresponseofthesenseofjentoone'sfatherorson,ofthesenseofyitoone'slordorminister,ofthesenseofli
    toone'shostorguest,ofthesenseofchihatoablemen,oftheSagepersontotheWayofT'ien:theseareinescapable.Buttheybelongtoournature,andthechntzudoesnot
    speakofthemasinescapable(M:7B.24).

    Tounderstandthispassageproperly,itisusefultorecallthatMenciuspicturesthefoursproutsasresponsiveorgansofthebody,justasaneyeor

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    earwouldbe(M:2A6).Inthispassage,the"moraltropism"ofeachofthefoursproutsisdescribedbyaparallelwiththespontaneousactionofasenseorgan.80The
    ethicalcomprehensionoftheSageisthenlikenedtothesensoryroleofthebody,whichintegratesthevarioussenses.Thus,thetotalism,whichspontaneously
    embracestheholisticWayofT'ien,ispreciselythecoordinateddevelopmentofthecardinalmoraldispositionsofthe"greaterbody"ofeachindividual,asopposedto
    his"lesser"biologicaldimensions(seeM:6A:1415).
    TheoverallpointofM:7B.24istoacknowledgethathsingcanreferdescriptivelytothenatureofourphysicalendowment,butthatbecausewecannoteverdevelop
    thisendowmentbeyonditsprimitivestate,itisbetterclassifiedasming,initsdescriptivesense.
    Now,thefoursproutsareasresponsiveanduniversalastheothersenseorgansthey,too,operatewithoutourconsciousdirection,asisillustratedinM:2A.6bythe
    exampleofthechildfallingintothewell.Theiraffectiveoperationisinnateandspontaneous,andtheyareinthissensea"decree"beyondourpowertoevade.
    However,ratherthanlimitingus,theserepresentouropportunitytoparticipateinlifeasT'ien'sagents,andtheirdevelopmentdependsuponourvolitionallyseizingthat
    opportunity.Thus,theyarepresentedtousprescriptivelyasethicalimperatives,andMenciuslabelsthemwiththeprescriptiveterm:"hsing."
    Thecontrastingimportoftheseprescriptiveanddescriptiveaspectsofhumannaturearesummedupelsewhereintheepigram:"Aman'slooksandfigureareT'ien
    endowedhsing,butonlyafterbecomingaSagedoesamanknowhowtomovehisfigure"(M:7A.38).
    WecansummarizeMencius'doctrineofthepersonaldecreeindiagrammaticform:
    DimensionsofHsing,Ming,andT'ienintheMencius

    PrescriptiveDimension

    DescriptiveDimension

    Hsing

    Moralnature(foursprouts)

    Biologicalnature(body,appetites)

    Ming

    Courseofeventswithinone'spowerto
    determine(selfcultivationethicalopportunity)

    Courseofeventsoutsideone'spowertodetermine
    (actsofothersinT'iensteleologicalplan)

    Endowsmoralnatureinman

    Ordainseventsaccordingtoteleologicalplan,notto
    rewardthevirtueofanyoneperson

    T'ien

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    Theeffectofthecomplementaryrelationbetweenhsingandmingistomaintaintheethicalimperativesofselfcultivationandtimelypoliticaleffortfortheindividual,
    guaranteethesuccessofpersonalendeavorstoreachSagehood,andaccountforpoliticalfailuresthatmayresultinspiteofthatsuccess.Althoughthestyleinwhich
    theMenciusachievesthisresultdiffersconsiderablyfromthatoftheAnalects,whichavoidsinvolvementinmetaphysicaldoctrinessuchashsingandming(explicitly
    notedinA:4.15and9.1),thestructuresofthedoctrinesinvolvedaresimilarinthetwotexts.AndtheportraitofT'ienthatemergesintheMenciusisnotmuchdifferent
    fromthatoftheAnalects.
    Inbothtexts,T'ienrepresentsthesourceandenduringfoundationoftheRuistritualpathandtheRuistSagelytotalism.Inbothtexts,T'ienplaysadescriptiverolein
    explainingthroughateleologicalmodeltheultimatelyethicalnatureofRuistpoliticalfailures.WheretheMenciusdiffersmostmarkedlyfromtheAnalectsisinits
    elaborationoflargelymetaphysicaldoctrinestorepresenttheprescriptiveanddescriptiverolesofT'ien,andinitsattempt,initsfinalchapter,todescribeadynamic
    interactionbetweenthetwo,whichhelpstoreconciletheseemingcontradictionsinT'ien'srelationtoman.
    Summary
    TheMenciuspresentsaportraitofT'ienveryclosetothe"mainstream"portraitfoundintheAnalectsinterpretedasaneditedtext.
    T'ien'sprescriptiveroleintheMenciusistoserveasacentralelementinawebofdoctrinerevolvingaroundthenotionofthegoodhsing,whichrepresentsthe
    totalisticidealofSagehoodinmuchthesamewaythatjendoesintheAnalects.
    AlthoughtheMenciusisreticentabouttheroleofliintheconcretepracticeofMencianRuism,thisprobablyreflectsthepolemicalobjectivesofthetextratherthana
    significantdeviationfromthegeneralmodelofRuistpracticepresentedinchapterII.Mencius'theoryofhsingincorporatedRuistpredispositionstowardsritualaction
    asauniversalcategoryofmind.Bytreatingliasaninnatetendencyratherthanasapositivecode,MenciusdefendedRuistritualpracticeagainstthecriticismthatit
    absurdlysoughtanabsoluteperfectionofmind,Sagehood,throughanarbitrarydynasticcode.WhileavoidingtheclaimthatChouliconstitutedthepathtoSagehood,
    Mencius'theoryofhsingpreservedanessentialtheoreticallinkagebetweenliandtheidealofSagehood.Theritualtotalismwasreformulatedinitasthesimple
    realizationofinnatepredispositions.
    ThevoluntaristicspiritofMencius'doctrineofthegoodhsingwasmodifiedbyMencius'personalexperiencesofpoliticalfailure.Thisfailureprob

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    ablyspurredhimtoelaborateatheoryofT'ien'sdescriptiveaction,thetheoryofming,orthe"personaldecree."Theeffectofthisdoctrinewas,asintheAnalects,to
    alignRuistpoliticalfailurewiththeteleologicalplanofT'ien.ItsimpactontheRuistcommunitywastohelpprotectitagainstthenegativephilosophicalimplicationsof
    Mencius'politicalfailure.Itidentifiedthepoliticalimpotenceofthecommunitywithitsfuture,T'ienguidedascendance:
    WhenT'ienintendstoplacegreatresponsibilityuponaperson,inevitablyitfirststeepshiswillinbitternessandsubjectstotoilhismuscleandbone,withershisskinwithhunger
    andexhaustshispersonwithpoverty.Ineveryactionitfrustrateshisdesign,andinthiswayitmotivateshismind,toughenshisnaturetoendure,andsonurturesinhimthe
    abilitieshelacked(M:6B.15).

    ThebitterfailureofMencius'missionwasjustonemoretestadministeredbyT'ientopreparetheRuistcommunityforitsdestinedrole.

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    ChapterVI
    RitualasaNaturalArt
    TheRoleofT'ienintheHsunTzu
    UnliketheAnalectsandtheMencius,theHsunTzuincludesadirect,detailed,andanalyticaldiscussionofT'ien,knownastheT'ienlun,or"TreatiseonT'ien."this
    essayaddressesabroadrangeofissues,suchaswhetherT'iendetermineseventsinthehumansphere,respondstohumanaction,orrevealsitswillinsymbolicform
    throughportents.
    Modernscholarshavefocusedonthe"Treatise"tofindHsunTzu'simplicitanswertoaquestioncentraltotheirinterpretiveframeworks:wasT'ien,forHsunTzu,a
    godoranaturalforce?AconsensushasemergedwhichcharacterizesHsunTzu'spostitiononT'ienbystressingthathesawT'iennotasananthropomorphicgod,but
    asanimpersonalforceofNature(Fung1931:355,Hou1957:53132Fung1962:49899Hsia1979:45Fu1984:16770),orasnaturaloruniversallaw(Dubs
    1927:62).
    Thereisagreatdealoftruthinthisconsensusview,butthismighthaveobscuredthefactthatitisnotthewholestory,nor,perhaps,eventhecentralthemeoftherole
    ofT'ienintheHsunTzu.SomerecentJapanesewritershavepointedoutthatcertainspiritualistelementsinthetext'sviewofT'iencontradicttheconsensusview
    (Ikeda1965:1921Itano1968).1 MatsudaHiroshi,inparticular,hasstressedthatthenormativewayinwhichT'ienisfrequentlyspokenofinthe"Treatise"and
    elsewhereintheHsunTzushouldwarnusagainstmakinganoversimplifiedequationbetweenT'ienandNature,scientificallyconceived(1975).
    OneoftheproblemswiththeconsensusviewisthatitimplicitlyassumesthattheHsunTzu'stheoriesaboutT'ienreflectanabstractphilosophicalinterestinT'ien.
    ScholarsholdingtotheconsensusviewhavetendedtoidentifytheHsunTzu'sphilosophicalagendawiththeirown.WehaveseeninourothertwoearlyRuisttexts
    thattheauthorsofthosetextsdidnotdiscussT'ienoutofabstracttheoreticalinterest,butbecausetheywereanxioustousetraditionalnotionsaboutT'iento
    rationalizetheircommitmenttoritualandselfritualization.WewillseethatthesamecanbesaidoftheauthorsoftheHsunTzu.And,asintheothertexts,an
    importantindicationthatthisissoisthefactthatmajorinconsistenciesarefoundinthewayinwhichthetextdiscussesT'ien,inconsistencieswhichappearevenwithin
    theconfinesofthe"TreatiseonT'ien."

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    WewillfindinouranalysisthatthetheoryofT'ienthatisthefocusofthe"consensus"viewisonlyoneofseveralimplicitandexplicittheoriesthatappearinthetext.
    Thesetheoriesareinmanyrespectsmutuallycontradictory.Theyarelinked,however,byacommoninstrumentalfunction:allservetolegitimizeritualandritualself
    cultivation.
    Broadlydescribed,wewillencounterthreetheoriesofT'ieninthischapter.ThefirstisthetheoryofT'ienasnonpurposive,nonnormativeNaturethetheory
    recognizedbytheconsensusview.Thistheory,whichiscentraltotheHsunTzu'sdoctrineofhumannatureasevil,effectivelymaintainsthatthatwhichisofethical
    valuetomancannotbefoundinthenaturalworld,whichisnonethical,butmustbesoughtintheworldofhumaneffort,anonnaturalworld,whereethicalvalueis
    created.Liistheepitomeofsuchvalue.
    Thisfirsttheory,whichinitsdenialofpurposeandvaluetoT'ienasNatureseemstocarryprotoscientificovertones,hastraditionallycommandedtheattentionof
    commentatorsbecauseofitsintellectualsophistication.Itmustbeunderstood,however,thatforallitsintellectualvirtuosity,centralfeaturesofthetheoryareunlikelyto
    havebeenoriginaltothetext.TheHsunTzu'snaturalisticviewofT'ienismostlikelyderivative,reflectingwhatwereprobablythedominanttrendsoflateWarring
    Statesmetaphysicalspeculation.Similartheoriesappearintextsassociatedwithvarioustypesofnaturalisticphilosophy,andwewillseethatatthetimethattheHsun
    Tzuwascomposed,naturalismwas,indeed,thedominantphilosophicalmodeoftheday.TheoriesofT'ienasNature,inoneformoranother,werenotuncommon.
    ThedistinctiveachievementoftheHsunTzuwastocooptthistypeoftheoryandapplyitinatypicallyRuistway,toreinforcetheRuistcommitmenttoritual.
    Thekeyfunctionofthisfirsttheorywastorespondtonaturalisticphilosophies,whichlegitimizedNatureasasourceofethicalvaluebyidentifyingitwithaprimary
    ethicalterm:"t'ien."TheHsunTzuacceptedthatidentification,butdeniedtoT'ienasNaturetheethicalsignificancetraditionallyassociatedwiththeword"t'ien."
    ThesecondtheoryofT'iendiffersfromthefirstinasubtlebutimportantway.It,too,viewsT'ienasNature,butitdoesnotseektodivestT'ienasNatureofethical
    significance.Rather,portrayingthisnaturalT'ienasnormative,itseekstoshowethicalcontinuitybetweenthenaturalrealmandtheprimaryartifactofhuman
    perfection:li.Inthistheory,man'sritualmakingabilityispicturedasamanifestationofanormativenaturalendowmentpossessedinnatelybyman.Liisportrayedas
    anextensionofnaturalpatterns,andT'ienasNatureispresentedasaprescriptivemodelwhichtheRuistSagealoneisabletoemulate.
    Thissecondtheoryhasnotbeengenerallyrecognizedbycommentators.

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    Ittakesavarietyofformsinthetext,themostprominentofwhichareaportraitofhumanpsychologyendowedwithnormativelydescribed"T'ienlike"qualities,a
    theoryofthecontinuityofli:"ritual,"andlia:"naturalprinciple,"andadoctrinethatproclaimsanideal"trinityofheaven,earth,andman."alloftheseideasappearin
    the''TreatiseonT'ien,"andwewillencountertheminouranalysisofthatchapter.Thenotionofacontinuitybetweenritualandnaturalprincipleisalsolinkedimplicitly
    totheHsunTzu'sportraitoftheworldofthings,whichwewilldiscussinconnectionwiththethematicunityofthetext.
    AsthethirdcomponentoftheHsunTzu'sdiscussionsofT'ien,wewillencounterinthetextseveralinstanceswhere"t'ien"seemstobeusedasanormativeterm
    withoutanydirectreferencetoNatureatall.Intheseinstances,T'ien,asgod,asethicalprescript,orasfate,isemployedinconventionalRuistfashiontolegitimize
    Ruistritualinterests.
    <><><><><><><><><><><><>
    Theorganizationofthischapterwillbeasfollows:First,wewillexplorethehistoryandstructureoftheHsunTzu.Ourmainconclusionwillbethatthecentralportions
    ofthetextareunlikelytohavebeentheworkofasingleauthor,andthatthetextisbestviewedasacollectivework,theproductofaschoolofRuismfoundedinthe
    stateofCh'ibythephilosopherHsunK'uangduringthethirdcenturyB.C.
    In"TheChallengeofNaturalism,"wewillarguethatthetextshouldbeviewedas,inlargepart,asectarianresponsetotheriseinpopularityexperiencedduringthe
    lateChoubyawidevarietyofphilosophies,allofwhichsharedaninterestinderivingethicalvaluefromNature.Wewillbrieflysummarizewhatweknowaboutthese
    various"naturalistic"schools,allofwhichthreatenedRuismbecausetheyclaimedthatvaluemustbesoughtintheworldofNature,ratherthanincultivating"non
    natural"artifactsofhumanculture,suchasli.Wewillthengoontoargue,throughanexaminationoffiveoftheHsunTzu'smostdistinctivephilosophicaltheories,that
    theHsunTzu'sorganizingthemeshouldbeviewedasamultifaceteddefenseofritualandritualselfcultivation,athemethatitstheoriesofT'ienareintendedtoecho.
    Finally,wewillanalyzedirectlythefunctionofT'ieninthetext,focusinginparticularonthosesectionsofthe"TreatiseonT'ien"thatilluminatetheoriesofT'iendifferent
    fromthatrecognizedbytheconsensusview.
    OurconclusionwillbethatalthoughincooptinganaturalisticterminologyforT'ientheHsunTzudiffersfromtheAnalectsandMencius,intermsoftheinstrumental
    meaningof"t'ien"thereissubstantialcontinuitywiththeearliertexts.

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    1.
    TheNatureoftheText
    ThetextoftheHsunTzu2 hastraditionallybeenattributedtoaWarringStatesRuistnamedHsunK'uang(var.SunK'uang3 styledCh'ing),whoflourishedduringthe
    thirdcenturyB.C.WeknowverylittleaboutHsunK'uang'slife,andwhatdocumentationwedopossesstendstobeconfusingandcontradictory.
    HsunK'uang'sbirthdateisthesubjectofmuchdispute,andscholarsvaryintheirchoiceofdatebyasmuchasthreedecades.4 Hisdeathdateislikewiseunknown.5
    HeissaidtohavebeenanativeofthestateofChaoinnorthcentralChina.Sometimebetweenabout305and285B.C.,hecametostudyandteachatthegreat
    ChihsiaAcademyinthestateofCh'i.6 TheacademyhadbeenfoundedatthecapitalcityduringthemidfourthcenturyB.C.bytherulerofCh'i.7 Itofferedfamous
    thinkerslargestipendsandstatehonorsinreturnfornoservicesotherthanremaininginCh'iandexpoundingtheirdoctrines.BytheearlythirdcenturyB.C.,it
    numberedamongitsmembersvirtuallyallthegreatestthinkersofthetime,andthesemenandtheirdoctrinesarefrequentobjectsofpolemicalattackintheHsunTzu.
    In285B.C.,theexcessiveexpansionismofKingMinbroughtCh'iintoadisastrouswarwithneighboringstates.Thekingwaskilled,Ch'inearlydismembered,and
    theChihsiaAcademydissolved.8 Onesourcetellsusthatataboutthistime,HsunK'uangtraveledtothestateofCh'u.9 Later,whentheAcademywasreassembled
    underKingHsiang(r.283265B.C.),HsunK'uangseemstohavereturned,eventuallybecomingtheseniorscholarattheAcademy10
    DuringthereignofKingHsiangandhissuccessor,T'ienChien,11thesouthernregionsofCh'isufferedsteadyencroachmentbyCh'u.Between261and255B.C.,
    Ch'useizedthosepartsofCh'ithatconstitutedtheoldRuisthomelandofLu(absorbedintoCh'iduringthefourthcenturyB.C.).Theseizurewasorchestratedbythe
    greatCh'uwarlordHuangHsieh,knownasLordCh'unshen,andhecappedhistriumphin255B.C.,byappointingHsunK'uang,themostfamousRuofhisday,
    magistrateoftheLutownofLanling.12HsunK'uangseemstohaveservedasmagistrateuntil238B.C.,theyearofHuangHsieh'sassassination.13
    HsunK'uanglivedduringanageofperipateticwisemen,wanderingfromcourttocourtinsearchofsympatheticrulers.TheHsunTzudoesnotnarrateHsunK'uang's
    travels,butitdoescontainsetpieceswhichportrayHsunK'uanginaudiencewiththerulersandleadingstatesmenofthestateofCh'inandofhishomestateof
    Chao.14ThesedialogueshavegenerallybeenacceptedasconvincingevidencethatHsunK'uangdid,infact,traveltothesestatesasa"persuader,"andtheyhave
    beenemployedinallattempts

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    toconstructabiographicaloutlineforHsunK'uang.Itisentirelypossiblethattheyareactuallyfictionalizedaccountsphilosophicalargumentsrenderedmore
    impressiveandattractivebybeingsetinthecommonanecdotalformatoftheaudience.15ButiftheyarevalidtestimonyofHsunK'uang'stravels,thiswouldmean
    thathewasinwesternChinabetween266and255B.C.orbetweenthedeathofKingHsiangofCh'iandhisownappointmentatLanling.16
    WhatwecanreconstructofHsunK'uang'sbiographypotentiallypointsusintwodifferentdirectionsasweapproachafunctionalanalysisoftheHsunTzu.Ifwelay
    greatstressuponHsunK'uang'stravelsamongfeudalcourtsandonhisappointmenttoanofficialposition,wewilltendtoviewthetextoftheHsunTzuasessays
    directedtowardsrulerswiththeaimofsecuringforHsunK'uangandhisdisciplespositionsofgovernmentalresponsibilityasHsunK'uang'sportfolio,sotospeak.
    If,converselywelaygreateststressuponHsunK'uang'slongtenureatChihsiaanduponhisapparentsuccessasanacademicthere,wewilltendtoviewthetextasa
    philosophicalpolemic,directedprimarilyagainstotherChihsiathinkersandtheirschoolswiththeaimofrationalizingthecharacteristicthoughtandactivitiesofHsun
    K'uangandhisRuistdisciples.
    Obviously,themodelofearlyRuismpresentedinthisbooksuggeststhegreaterlikelihoodofthelatterinterpretation,andIwillargueforitintheremainderofthis
    section.
    LetusturnfirsttothematterofHsunK'uang'sappointmentatLanling.ThefactthatHsunK'uangappearstohaveoccupiedapostofadministrativeresponsibilityhas
    traditionallybeenviewedasevidenceofhispoliticallyactivistorientation.How,wemustask,ishistenureatLanlingconsistentwithaportraitofHsunK'uangasa
    politicallywithdrawnRumaster?
    Wemustexaminethecircumstancesoftheappointment.Itwasmadein255B.C.,atatimewhenHsunK'uangwasprobablybetweensixtyandeightyfiveyears
    old.17Heheldthepostforeighteenyears,untilatleastageseventyeight,andretiredonlybecauseofthedeathofhispatron.Theimplicationisthatthepostwas
    intendedasalifetimesinecure,andthismaybetakenasevidencethatitwaslittlemorethananhonoraryposition.18HsunK'uang'sappointmentwasprobably
    designedtoenhancethereputationofHuangHsiehandpacifythepopulaceoftheconqueredregionofLu.WehavenoevidencethatHsunK'uangpursuedapolitical
    careerpriortohistenureatLanling.19Thepostmightwellhavebeenunsought,andthelinkageoftheappointmenttoHuangHsieh'sconquestssuggeststhatHsun
    K'uangmayhaveacceptedemploymentundersomeduress.Hispositionwas,inanyevent,farremovedfromtheseatofCh'upower,whereanyinfluenceonstate
    policymighthavebeenfelt.Inshort,

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    HsunK'uang'spostatLanlingshouldnotleadustoportraythemanasanofficeseeker,ortoviewthephilosophyoftheHsunTzuasspringingfromthemotivations
    ofpoliticalambition.
    TheportraitoftheHsunTzuasanacademicratherthanapoliticaltextisalsoenhancedifwequestiontheascriptionofthetexttoasingleauthor.Ithaslongbeen
    recognizedthatcertainportionsofthetextwereclearlynotwrittenbyHsunK'uang.Thetext'searliestannotater,YangLiangoftheT'angDynasty,concededthat
    chapters27through32werenottheworkofHsunK'uangalone.20Othershavenotedthatportionsofother,moreseminalchapters,suchasJuhsiao("TheRuist
    Paradigm"),Yiping("DebateontheMilitary"),andCh'iangkuo("StrengtheningtheState"),speakofHsunK'uanginthethirdpersonbyhonorific,andseemtohave
    beenwrittenbydisciples.21Itistruethatgreatconsistencyofstyleandthoughtisfoundthroughoutmanyofthechaptersandthis,takenalone,mightindicatethe
    likelihoodofasingleauthor.Inparticular,theHsunTzuconsistentlyemploysunusualvocabularyfoundrarelyinotherpreCh'intexts.22Yetthesewordsareusedas
    frequentlyinchaptersthatareclearlytheworkofdisciplesasinotherchapters,hencetheirusethroughoutthetextcannotprovethatHsunK'uangwasauthorofany
    givenpart.
    ThehypothesisthattheHsunTzuismoreplausiblyviewedasacollectiveworkof"HsunTzu'sschool"thanastheworkofasingleindividualisnotanewone.23The
    foremosttextualanalystoftheHsunTzu,KanayaOsamu,hasdemonstratedthatconsistentargumentscanbeofferedforbothviews(1951).24Thepreponderanceof
    evidence,however,pointstowardcollectiveauthorship.YetlittleisknownaboutHsunTzu'scircleoffollowers.
    TheHsunTzuiswritteninanimpersonalstyleandrarelyinterjectsnarrativepassagesaboutHsunK'uangandhisdisciples.Thetextitselfseemstomentionthenames
    ofonlytwodisciples,25andnotmanymorecanbefoundthroughothersources.26Weknow,however,thatteachersatChihsiahadlargefollowings,withdisciples
    numberinginthehundreds.27GivenHsunK'uang'selevatedstatusthere,hetooprobablyattractedaconsiderablefollowing.28Theoutsizedinfluencewhichhis
    worksexertedduringthelateChouandearlyHanperiodsnootherphilosophicaltextwassopromiscuouslyplagerizedbylaterauthors29confirmstheexistence
    ofalargebodyofdiscipleswhopassedalongtheirMaster'swisdom.
    Theconnectionbetweendisciplesandtextisalsosuggestedbythefactthatvirtuallynoneofthechaptersspeakofpersonsoreventswhichallowustodatethem
    post255B.C.,thatis,afterHsunK'uang'sfinaldeparturefromChihsia.Thereareexceptions,30butacasecaneasilybemadefortheargumentthatHsunK'uang
    addednothingtotheliteratureafterhisdeparturetoLanling,andthatwhateverportionoftheHsunTzuhemayhave

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    writtenbeforehisappointmentatLanlingwaslefttohisdisciplesinCh'itodevelopandedit.31Thetextbelongedtothegroup,nottheMaster.
    IdonotmeantoarguethatHsunK'uangwrotenoneoftheHsunTzu.Ibelievehemayhavewrittenagreatdealofitandinspiredtherest.Theintimacyofcertain
    polemicalpassages,suchasthetiradeagainstSungChienintheChenglun("RectifyingDoctrine")chapter,clearlyechoesthefrustrationsofthejealousacademician
    andcanbestbereadasHsunK'uang'sownwords(seeHsia1979:26).Mypointisthatthetextasawholeshouldbeviewedasthestatementofascholasticsect
    overtheperiodof,say,100years,andanalyzedintermsoftheenduringinterestsofthatsect,ratherthanintermsofanysupposedpoliticalambitionsofitsleader.It
    shouldbeviewedasatextbookforRuistdisciples,writtentoinstructtheminselfperfectionandequipthemwithrhetoricalweaponstofendoffphilosophicalattack
    similar,inthelatterway,totheMencius.
    ThecommunalRuistbackgroundofthetextis,perhaps,bestglimpsedintwoofitsmoreobscurechapters:theCh'enghsiang("InCadence")andFu
    ("Conundrums")chapters,eachnamedforandwritteninapopularliteraryform.Ch'enghsiang,whichisanelegantsummationofthemajorpointsofthephilosophy
    oftheHsunTzu,iswrittenasasimplerhythmicalchant.32"Fu"denotedatypeofriddleformduringthepreCh'inperiod,andtheFuchapteropenswithaseriesof
    riddles,followedbybriefversesectionsdescribedinthetextasan''eccentricode"(kueishih)anda"ditty"(hsiaoko).
    Ch'enghsiangcanbedatedpost238B.C.33andseemsverylikelytohavebeenwrittenafterHsunK'uang'sdeath.Itsuniquestylecanbeexplainedbyviewingitas
    asummarymnemonicforbeginningstudentsoftheHsunTzuschoolofRuism.Itiscompletewithcuelines,andmighthavebeenarecitation,guidedbyapercussive
    rhythmmarker.TheriddlesoftheFuchapterareclearlygroupgamessomearequitetrivialandinthemwemaybereadinganeartranscriptofaRuistschoolin
    "recess."34Readasrecordsofgrouprecitationsandgames,thesechapterstransmitadistantechooftheculticnatureoftheHsunTzuschool.theiranonymous
    speakersservetoremindusthatalthoughweknowlittleofHsunK'uang'sdisciplesandsuccessors,theirinfluenceonthetextoftheHsunTzumayhavebeengreat
    indeed.
    AsweexaminetheHsunTzu,then,wewilldobesttoreaditasthestatementofoneamongthemanyscholasticsectsgatheredatChihsiaduringthethirdcentury
    B.C.,eachofthembusilyengagedinprogramsofselfcultivationandphilosophicalspeculation,vigorouslydisputingamongoneanothertoearnpreeminenceamong
    theacademicschools,attractstudentsfromthecommunityandbeyond,andretainorincreasethestipendsgrantedthembytherulersofCh'iallthisuntilthe
    whirlwind

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    conquestsofCh'inscatteredthemintoisolation,eachschoolreligiouslyelaboratingdoctrineandperfectingpracticeinthehopeoffutureexaltation,believingthat,
    "disciples,ifyoustudyhard,T'ienwillnotforgetyou!"(H:26.32).
    2.
    TheChallengeofNaturalism
    ThetextoftheHsunTzuopenswithaparadox:"Studymustnevercease:bluedyeisprocuredfromtheindigoplant,butitisbluerthanindigo"(H:1.1).35Paradoxis
    indeedakeythemeoftheHsunTzu,forifanysinglelessonpermeatesthetext,itisthisparallelparadox:Sagehoodandsocialperfectionbornofnonnaturalliare
    cultivatedinmanasanaturalanimal,buttheyarefargreaterthananythinginnatelyinman'snature.ThecentralgoaloftheHsunTzuistodemonstratethedynamicsof
    thisparadox,whichstoodindirectconflictwiththedominantmodeofcontemporaryphilosophy:naturalism.Thisisnottosaythattheauthorsofthetexthadonlyone
    pointontheirminds.NootherpreCh'intextoutsideofcompendiasuchastheKuanTzuandLshihch'unch'iushowsasmuchdiversityofinterestandgenius.
    Noteverypassageofthetextislinkedonthesinglethreadofritualselfcultivation.Butthepredominantideasofthetexttheevilofhumannature,thesocialnatureof
    man,thedynamicsofscarceresources,thedesignofafairsociety,theepistemologicalstructureofthemindallarefacetsofacentralprojecttolegitimizenon
    naturalliinthefaceofthegrowingauthorityofNatureinthelateChouphilosophies.
    Inthecourseofthissection,Ihopetoshowthatthisisso,andtodemonstratethattheurgencyofformulatingtheargumentsthatcomprisetheHsunTzuwascreated
    bythegrowthofavarietyofnaturalisticsystemsofthoughtduringthelastcenturyoftheWarringStatesperiod,allofwhichthreatenedtheintellectuallegitimacyofthe
    Ruistdevotiontononnaturalli.
    WeshallseethattheHsunTzurespondedtothechallengesofnaturalismwiththreebasictypesofargument:First,whatisbiologicallyinnateinmanandmaterially
    naturalintheworldisinsufficientlyvaluabletoserveasanethicalstandard.ThisargumentappealstothetheoryofT'ienasnonpurposiveandnonnormativeNature.
    Second,theformsofritualandsocialorderaremetadimensionsofnaturebecause,althoughtheyare"art,"theyareinducedthroughthedynamicinteractionsof
    naturewiththestructureofthehumanmind.Third,theformsofritualandsocialorderaretheteleologicalculminationofthenaturalcosmos,andtheirtransforming
    functionestablishesthemasextensionsofNatureandasethicalstandardsthatis,ritualorderisthe"finalcause"oftheprocessesmanifestinbiologicalNature,human
    actionbeingtheimmediateagentofthatculminating

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    order.TheselasttwoargumentsappealtothenotionthatT'ien,asNature,isnormativeandismanifestintheritualorganizationofsociety.
    Inthesectionbelow,wewillbrieflysurveythevarietiesofcontemporarynaturalisticphilosophiesthatchallengedthelegitimacyoftheRuistschoolinthelastcenturyof
    theChouperiod.ThefollowingsectionwillthenportraythemainoutlineoftheHsunTzuasamultifaceteddefenseofritualpracticeinresponsetothenaturalistic
    challenge.
    2.1.
    LateWarringStatesNaturalism
    TheearliestphilosophicalschoolsoftheWarringStatesperiod,RuismandMohism,soughttosolvecontemporaryissuesofvaluebyimposinghumanisticinterpretive
    frameworksonthephenomenalworld:theframeworksofaestheticritualismandrationalisticutilitarianism.AstheWarringStateseraprogressed,however,arangeof
    philosophicalschoolsarosethatlookedtoNatureasthesourceofvaluesandthestartingpointofphilosophy.Thesenaturalisticphilosophiesvariedintheir
    approachestoNature,butallstoodincontrasttoRuism(andMohism)intheethicalprimacywhichtheygrantednaturalprocesses.
    Inthissection,wewillcharacterizebrieflysomeofthesediverseschoolsandtheirinfluencesontheHsunTzu.AmongthosewewillconsiderareearlyTaoism,
    "Yangist"naturalism,"SungYin"or''Chihsia"naturalism,TsouYen'syinyangnaturalism,and"divinistic"or"shamanistic"naturalism.Someoftheseschoolsdiffered
    sharplyintheirnotionsofNature,buttheyarelinkedinthattheyalllookedtothenaturalworldtofindguidanceforhumanwisdomandbehavior.Ourbriefsurveywill
    illustratethepervasivenessoflateWarringStatesnaturalismandthehostilephilosophicalclimatethatsurroundedRuinthatperiod.
    EarlyTaoism
    TheHsunTzushowsanawarenessofboththeChuangTzu(H:21.22:"ChuangTzuwasobsessedbyT'ienanddidnotknowman")andtheLaoTzu(H.17.51:"Lao
    Tzuunderstoodrecession,butdidnotunderstandassertion"),andmentionsotherthinkersoftenassociatedwithearlyTaoism.36ManyearlyTaoistwritingssurvive
    today,andthisisnottheplacetoenterintoalongdiscussionoftheirviewsofethicsandnature.Thesecanbefoundelsewhereinabundance.Forus,thesalientpoint
    aboutearlyTaoistthoughtisthatitgenerallyemployedacriterionof"naturalness"todeterminevalueandregardedethicaldistinctionsofthesortcentraltoRuist
    ritualismasforced,unnatural,andofnocardinalvalue.37
    TheHsunTzuisheavilyinfluencedbyTaoistideas,particularlyinchapterssuchasPukou("BeNotErrant")andChiehpi("DispellingBlindness").38However,this
    influenceshouldbeviewedasacooptationofthose

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    aspectsofTaoistquietismthateasilyenhancedRuistselfcultivationpractice.TheHsunTzuconsistentlyqualifiesitsTaoisticdiscussionswithstatementsassertingthe
    absolutenecessityoftraditionalritualandsocialcodes,whicharewhatgiveRuistvaluetotheinnatequalitiesofmindandbodyprizedbyTaoists.39
    InbothitscooptationofTaoistlanguageandideas,andinitsdefensiveassertionsofritualvalues,theHsunTzudemonstratestheintellectualpressurewhich
    naturalisticTaoismexertedonlateChouRuism.
    "Yangism"
    TheLshihch'unch'iu,whichaccordingtotraditionwascompiledinthestateofCh'inlateinthethirdcenturyB.C.,includesasetofchaptersthatGrahamand
    othersbelievetocontaintheideasofthelostphilosopherYangChu.40Thefirstofthesechapters,Pensheng,beginsthus:
    ItisT'ienwhichfirstgivesbirthtoititismanwhonurturesittofulfillment.HewhocannurturewhatT'ienhasgivenbirthto,withouthinderingit,iscalled"thesonof
    T'ien"(LSCC:1.6).

    The"Yangist"chapterscelebratethesacrednatureofthebodilyselfasanaturalproductandplacethehighestvalueuponprotectionofthatnaturalobjectinits
    spontaneousdevelopmentfromyouthtooldage.
    NeedhamremarksthatYangismdemonstratednointerestinNature(1956:6768).ItistruethatinthesmallcorpusofchaptersascribedbysometoYangChu,there
    isnointerestinNatureasanobjectforempiricalobservation.ThehighvaluationonthelivingbodyasasacredproductofNature,however,identifiestheYangist
    chapterswithotherlateChounaturalismsinthatvalueisderivedfromNature,whichservesasanethicalfoundation.
    Furthermore,asNeedhamnotes,thepossibilityexiststhatthethinkerswhoproducedtheYangisttextsfiguredinthedevelopmentofimmortalityandbodyhygiene
    cultsthatbecameprominentduringtheHancultsthatactivelytookNatureasanobjectofstudyinthebeliefthattheultimatesecretsoflifelaywithinitsherbsand
    minerals.Whilewelacktheevidencetodemonstratethatthiswasso,theforceofthespeculativelinkageissignificant,andtheYangistchaptersmustbeincludedin
    anyaccountoflateChounaturalisms.
    "SungYin"or"ChihsiaMaterialism"
    AtroughlythesametimeastheLshihch'unch'iuwasbeingassembledinWesternChina,thecompendiumKuanTzuwasbeingassembledinCh'i,probablyat
    Chihsia.41AmongthechaptersofthatworkareagroupthatseveralmodernChinesescholarshaveidentifiedasthelostbooksofSung

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    ChienandYinWen,twophilosophersofthelatefourthandearlythirdcenturiesB.C.42Theidentificationismuchdisputed.43Howeverthephilosophicalimportance
    oftheideasinthesechaptersandtheirapparentstronginfluenceontheHsunTzuisnotindoubt.ManykeyphrasesintheKuanTzuchaptersappearnearlyverbatim
    intheHsunTzu,andphilosophicalmodels,suchasthemetaphorofthemindandbodyasapoliticalhierarchy,appearinbothtexts.44
    ThesechaptersoftheKuanTzupresentaprogramofbodilyselfcultivationbaseduponaportraitofthenaturalselfasanextensionofacosmicorder.Theystressthe
    notionthatquietism,suppressionofdesire,andstrictregulationofbodilyactivitiessuchaseatingcangivepeopleaccesstothenaturalspiritforceofthecosmosand
    controloverthematerialworld.45
    Althoughthechapters,astheyappearintheKuanTzutoday,includepassagesclearlyintendedtoreconcilethisasocialquietismwithRuism,46theprimaryinterestof
    theirthoughtisunquestionablyanathematoRuism'sritualstandpoint.Valueisnotlocatedinthecreativeactsofhumanbeingsortheperfectionofanethicalsociety,
    butinthesuppressionofnarrowhumanimpulsesandthesearchforatranscendentalcosmicforce.47
    TheprimaryconcernofthesechapterswithnaturalforcesoftheuniversehasledFungYulanwhodoubtsthattheywereauthoredbySungChienandYinWento
    placetheminalargergroupofKuanTzuchapters,whichhedescribesas"Chihsiamaterialism"(1962:274).
    TsouYen'sYinYangNaturalism
    WiththeexceptionofYangChu,perhapsthemostelusiveofpreCh'inphilosophersisTsouYen.48AccordingtotheShihchi,TsouYenwashighlyreveredinCh'i
    betweenthetimesofMenciusandHsunK'uang,thatis,c.300B.C.(SC:74.2344).49Allaccountsofhisthoughtstatethatheformulatedadetailedcosmology,based
    ontheinteractionofyinandyangandthetheoryofthe"fiveelements."50
    Ifwearetobelieveearlysources,TsouYen'sideaswereenthusiasticallyreceivedinnorthernChina.Thereis,however,littleexplicitevidenceoftheirinfluenceinthe
    HsunTzu.TsouYen'snameisnevermentioned,althoughabriefattackismadeonadoctrineoffiveelementsattributedtoTzussuandMencius(H:6.1112).Noris
    anymarkedinterestfoundinthenotionofyinandyangitplaysneitherpositivenornegativephilosophicalroleinthetext(Ikeda1965:13).
    Nevertheless,giventheaccountsofsecondarysources,suchastheShihchi,whichascribeenormousinfluencetoTsouYen'sideas,itwouldseeminappropriateto
    dismissanypossibleinfluenceontheHsunTzu.TheapparentpopularityofTsouYen'sideas,eveniftheyescapedthedirectcriticismoftheHsunTzuschool,would
    haveenhancedthegeneralappealofnatu

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    ralisticideasduringthelateChou.Moreover,theeffectthatTsouYen'sphilosophyhaduponspiritualism,describedbelow,wouldinitselfconstituteaninfluenceon
    theHsunTzu,whichsoactivelyattacksspiritualism.
    Finally,weshouldnotetheintriguingpossibilitythatTsouYenwasinitiallytrainedasaRu,anotionstronglysuggestedbytheShihchiandothersources.51Itmaybe
    thattheHsunTzu'sattackonMenciusandTzussu,mentionedabove,wasactuallyadirectattackuponTsouYen,apossibilityifTsouwereknowntohavebelonged
    atonetimetoaRuistfactionassociatedwiththeMenciantradition.
    "Divinistic"or"ShamanisticNaturalism"
    OneofthebestknownandmostcelebratedaspectsoftheHsunTzuisitsuncompromisingrejectionofallformsofspiritualism,frombeliefinghoststodivinationon
    thebasisofnatural"portents."52ThisstanceisgenerallyconsistentwiththereligiousagnosticismexpressedintheAnalects,buttheHsunTzucarriesscepticismmuch
    further,eventothepointofflatlydenyingthespiritualefficacyofthosereligiousritualsinwhichRuistsspecialized(H:17.3839).
    ThestrengthoftheHsunTzu'sscepticismshouldbeunderstoodinthecontextofthedivinisticcosmologiesandshamanisticcultsofthetime.Itiswellestablishedthat
    duringtheHanDynasty,Ruistsanddiviners(fangshih)wereadversariesinthestruggleforimperialrecognition(SC:28.1398).ThepolemicsoftheHsunTzusuggest
    thatmutualantipathyflourishedduringtheChouaswell.
    Divinationandsorcerywere,ofcourse,ancientartswithahallowedtradition.Itwouldprobablybecorrecttolabelthistraditionreligious,ratherthanphilosophical.
    Spiritualistschoolsdifferedinintellectualtonefromtheothernaturalisticschoolsdiscussedinthissection,yettheystillmustbeconsideredasapartofthelateChou
    flourishingofnaturalism.Aswithothernaturalisms,spiritualistschoolsheldthatmanmustlooktotheprocessesofbiologicalNaturetofindkeystoethicalaction.
    Althoughspiritualistpracticemight,likeRuism,focusuponritualsofsonganddanceandincantation,unlikeRuism,theseritualswererationalizedbymaintainingthat
    theirefficacywasduetoanentailmentintheactionofnatural(orsupernatural)processes.Nature,nothumanethicalstandards,wastheultimatelegitimizationfor
    spiritualistdoctrineandpractice.Inthis,lateChouspiritualismwasalignedwithother,morephilosophicalnaturalisms.
    BylateChoutimes,adeptsofspiritualismwereabletoelaboratesophisticatedcosmologicalmodelstorationalizetheirpractices.TheTsochuanisourprimary
    sourceforinformationinthisregard.Itcontainsseveralpassageswherespiritualistsemploycomplexcosmologicalmodelstorationalizetheirsoothsaying(e.g.,Hsiang
    9:14.5357).Despiterootsinsupersti

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    tion,spiritualistsystemsappeartohavebecomecrediblecompetitorsofmorephilosophicallyorientedcults,suchasRuism.Forexample,althoughtheTsochuan
    generallyholdstoanantispiritualistline,53itsometimesseemstobecoopting,ratherthanrefuting,spiritualistcosmologies,whichindicatestheintellectualcredibilityof
    spiritualismduringthelateChou.54
    ThesophisticationofspiritualistideologyseemstohavebeengreatlyenhancedbythedevelopmentoflateChounaturalisms.TheShihchiprovidesthefollowing
    accountoftheproliferationofChouHandivinersorcerers:
    FromthetimeofthereignsofKingsWeiandHsuanofCh'i(i.e.,c.300B.C.),menlikeTsou[Yen]wrotetreatisesabouttheendlessrevolutionsofthe"fivevirtues"(wute:water,
    fire,wood,earth,andmetal)....[TsouYen'sdisciples]SungWuchi,ChengpoCh'iao,Ch'ungShang,andHsienmenKaowereallfromYen.Theypracticedthemagicalartsof
    immortality,thedissolutionofthebody,andthewaysofghostsandspirits.TsouYenexplicatedforrulershowyinandyangcontrolledtherevolutionsofthecosmos,butthe
    divinersofthecoastsofYenandCh'itransmittedhisartswithoutunderstanding,andfromthissprangthecountlesshoardswhodealtonlywiththeprodigiousandbizarre
    (SC:28.136869).55

    ThisaccountpointstoearlylinkagesbetweenTsouYen'sstyleofcosmologicalnaturalism,portentdivination,andtheriseofimmortalitycults,soprevalentduringthe
    Han.56
    TheselinkagessuggestthatinattackingcrudespiritualismtheHsunTzumighthavebeen,inpart,attackingmoresophisticatedphilosophicalviewsthatlookedto
    analysesofnaturalorcosmicforcesforethicalguidance.InthesamewaythatTaoistobsessionwiththespontaneousnaturalnessortrancendentalgreatnessoftheTao
    threatenedtodrainallpossiblevaluefromRuistli,sothespeculationofcosmologistslikeTsouYenandthedivinersorcererswhousedhisideastoclaimesoteric
    transcendentalknowledgethreatenedtheethicalstatusoftheRuistpathofSagehood.57
    Insum,intheintellectualenvironmentwithinwhichHsunK'uangandhisChihsiadiscipleslived,themostvigorousphilosophicaltrendwasclearlynaturalism,whether
    ofthesubtle,paradoxicalstyleoftheChuangTzu,theprotoscientificstyleofTsouYen,orthespiritualisticstyleoftheearlydivinersorcerers.Differentastheywere,
    alltheseideologiessharedaconvictionthathumanvaluesmustbefoundedupontheprehumanentityofNature.What"Nature"meantforeachschoolorphilosopher
    variedwidely.ButregardlessoftheimageinwhichNaturewascast,theascriptionoffundamentalvaluetoitthreatenedtotrivializetheRuistcommitmenttonon
    naturalli.TheHsunTzushouldbeviewedasfirstandforemostaresponsetothatthreat.

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    3.
    TheThematicUnityoftheHsunTzu
    TheproliferationofnaturalisticphilosophiesduringthefourthandthirdcenturiesB.C.leftRuisminanexposedposition.Agrowingconsensusheldthatman'sonly
    hopeofenhancingthevalueofhislifeorhissocietylayinlearninghowhecouldfitintoalogicallyprehumancosmicschemeandbringitspowerstobearthroughhis
    actions.Thephilosophicalstrengthofthissortofpositionwasconsiderable,anditmaywellbethatritualcenteredRuismwas,atthistime,onthewaytobecomingan
    outmodedwayofthought.IfweeliminateHsunK'uangandhisfollowersfromthehistoryofthethirdcenturyB.C.,notmuchthatisRuistremains(although,wereone
    toassigntheTahsuehandChungyungtothisperiod,thepicturewouldbesomewhatchanged).58ButwhattheHsunTzuSchoolachievedwasaremodelingof
    Ruism'spolemicalarmorythatallowedRuiststodefendtheircommitmenttononnaturalliagainsttheonslaughtofnaturalisticattacks.
    Ruism'ssurvivalofthenaturalisticheydayisanimpressiveachievement.Naturalismwas,inmanyofitsforms,amethodicallyrationalandwellgroundedapproachto
    solvingbothmetaphysicalandethicalproblems.Itwasalsoextremelyadaptable,asitsemploymentbyschoolsasdivergentasLegalism,Taoism,anddivinistic
    shamanismsuggests.Inretrospect,thesurvivaloftheRuistphilosophicalpositionseemsextremelyunlikely,andRuism'sabilitytoholditsownwassurelydueinlarge
    parttothefactthatitnumberedamongitsdefenderstheauthorsoftheHsunTzu.
    Inthissection,wewillarguethatthewiderangingdiscussionsoftheHsunTzushouldbeunderstoodlargelyasimprovisationsonabasictheme:thetheoretical
    defenseofliasafundamentalhumanvalue.59Thetaskofprovidingavarietyofsophisticatedargumentsdemonstratingthathumanritualcancompetewithnatural
    processesasabasisofphilosophicalunderstandingisaunifyingthreadthattiestogetherthetext'smanyinterests.60
    Thecentralityofthisissuecanbediscernedbyexploringitspervasivenessinthetext.Thelegitimationofliliesatthebaseofvirtuallyeverymajortheoretical
    achievementoftheHsunTzu.Herewewilldiscusstherelationofthisinterestoffiverealmsoftheory:(1)theoryoftheworldasanobjectofknowledge,(2)political
    theory,(3)theoryofhumannature,(4)theoryofeducation,and(5)teleologicalmetaphysics.Ineachoftheserealms,theHsuTzuelaboratessophisticatedandsubtle
    theoriesthatcanbeandareusedtodemonstratethefundamentalvalueofnonnaturalli.
    Ourgoalinsurveyingthelinkageofthesedoctrinesisnottodemonstratethatallwereformulatedindirectresponsetonaturalisticthoughtsomewereclearly
    elaboratedtocounterotherschools,suchasMohismandthelogicians.WhatoursurveywillshowisthatthetextoftheHsunTzustandsasacoherentwhole.Its
    majordoctrinesareallintelligiblycon

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    nectedtothethemeofphilosophicallygroundingRuistdevotiontoritualbyrationalizingtherelationofhumanritualformstotheformsofNature.
    3.1.TheWorldofThingsasaTaxonomy
    TheHsunTzuelaborates,sometimessystematicallybutmostoftenindirectly,detailedtheoriesofthestructureoftheworldandtheprocessofknowning.61So
    interestingarethesetheoriesthattheyarecommonlyanalyzedinisolation,withoutconsiderationofhowtheyrepresenttheoverallconcernsofthetext.Thesetheories
    arestructuredtoupholdthevalueofpositiveritualforms.TheyareexemplaryRuisttheories.
    ThecoreoftheHsunTzu'sportraitoftheworldofthingsisataxonomicalviewofaworlddividedintocategories,roles,andprinciples,basedonthefundamental
    pivotof"samenes"(t'unga)and"difference"(yih).(Thestresson"t'unga"and"yih,"whichfortheHsunTzusignifysamenessordifferenceofdistinguishingtraits
    ratherthanofexistentialidentity,wascharacteristicoflateChoulogicalschools,suchastheMohistsandlogicians.)
    Thistaxonomicalportraitpossessesobviouspotentialforlegitimizingritualforms.Bysketchingapictureoftheworldasnaturallystructuredbycategoriesand
    relationships,thetextimplicitlyportraysNatureasananalogueofritual.Thisstructuralcongruitybetweenthelogicofnatureandritualorderisessentialtotheexplicit
    linkagesbetweenNaturalprinciplesandritualli,detailedinthediscussionofman'scosmicrole,below.ItisalsoofcriticalimportancetothemodelofT'ienasthe
    basisofanormativehumanpsychology,whichwewilldiscussinconnectionwiththe"TreatiseonT'ien."
    "Whatmakesmanman?"asksthetext."Theabilitytomakedistinctions"(H:5.2324):
    Inthepropercourse(tao)ofhumanlife,everythingisaccordingtodistinctions.Amongdistinctions,nonearemoreimportantthanroledistinctions(fen).Amongroledistinctions,
    nothingismoreimportantthanli(H:5.28).

    Thisnotionisreflectedthroughoutallsectionsofthetextintheprevalentuseofataxonomicvocabulary.Wehearfrequentlyof"types"(lei),of"positions"or
    "roles"(fen),of"rules"(fa)and"principles''(lia").AndtheSage,welearn,isamanwho"tiestogether"(t'ung)relatedthings,who"grasps"(ts'ao),"strings
    together"(kuan),"unifies"(yib),"orders"(lia),or"classifies"(lei).62
    ThispositionismostsystematicallypresentedintheanalysesofknowingintheChengming("RectificationofNames")chapter,whichiscommonlyandcorrectly
    viewedasarefutationofthemethodsoftheSchoolofLogicians,butwhoseimplicationsarefarbroader.

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    Chengmingconstructsamodeloftheproperfunctionoflanguageonthebasisoftheclaimthattheroleof"names"(generally,substancewords)istodistinguish
    differencesin"realities"(shihe).63Theworldispicturedasafieldofobjectsthatarenaturallyorderedintosetsonthebasisofsameness(t'unga)anddifference(yih).
    Manisinnatelyequippedtodistinguishthesetwoprimalqualities.64
    Thethingsoftheworldinteractatcomplexlevelswhichparallel,inascendingorder,thelogicofnames,compoundwords,discursivespeech,andvalidargument(in
    thesenseofexpositorytheory).Hence,thestructureoftheworldisreflectedintheconfigurationofspeechandofideasexpressedasdoctrines.65"[Valid]argumentis
    themindcreatinganimageoftheTruth(tao)"(H:22.40).66
    Whenthemindaccordswiththetao,doctrineaccordswiththemind,andwordsaccordwithdoctrine,thennamesarerectifiedandproperlycombined,theessencesofthisare
    understood,differencesaredistinguishedwithouterror,anddistinctionsaccordingtotype(lei)areextrapolatedwithoutcontradictionsasonelistensto[theSage's]speechitis
    consistentwiththepatternofthings(howen)andhisargumentsexhaustprimitivereality(chinku)(H:22.4142).

    Notethattheidealandempiricalworldshaveunexpectedlymingledhere:wordsandspeechfindtheirultimatereferenceinthetaoratherthaninthenaturalworld.
    Thisisnotmerelyadigressioninargumentation.ItsignalstheprimaryfunctionoftheHsunTzu'stheoryoftheworld.Althoughthetextoutlinesthistheoryinpassages
    oftheChengmingchapterwheretheargumentationisconstrainedtoavaluefreedimension,itappliesthatmodelanditsterminologyinethicaldiscussion.Outside
    thecoresectionsoflogicalargument,weseeashiftinfocusfromtheoriesaboutobjectsandaboutknowingtoethics,andthevocabularyoftheformerdimensionsis
    appliedwithoutmodificationtothelatterdimension.
    Whenweviewthetextasawhole,itisapparentthattheterms"type"(lei)and"distinction"(pien)areusedtoreferlesstoobjectiveentitiesthantosituations,
    behavior,andvalue.Forexample,thenotionofobjecttypeisadapteddirectlytoethicalaction:''Thatobjectsaremanifestasparticulartypesisduetotheirorigins
    peopleencountergloryorshameaccordingtotheirvirtue"(H:1.13).Situationsoccurinclasses:"Inpassinglegaljudgment,applylawwherecodifiedlawsexist,and
    wheretheydonot,judgeaccordingtotype"(H:9.13).67
    Thenotionofmakingdistinctions(pien),whichisnomorethana"true"perceptionofnaturaldivisionsintheconstitutionoftheworld,isinextricablylinkedtotheidea
    ofcreatingproperorder:"Makingfairequity(p'ingchn)universal,withallorderedaccordingtotheirdistinctions(chihpien):inthisthehundredkingswerealike
    thisisthegreatrole(fen)ofritualand

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    law(lifa)"(H:11.63,11.99)."Duties(fen)dividedwithoutdisorderabovetalentswithoutexhaustionbelow:thisistheultimateoforderaccordingto
    distinctions"(H:8.55).
    Thisoverlapbetweenethicsandthetext'sostensiblyobjectiveportraitoftheworldofthingspointstothedoctrinallogicoftheHsunTzu'smodelofreality.The
    pivotalnotionisthatknowingisarecognitionofclassdistinctions.68Thisisgroundedinthetext'sportraitofanaturalworldconstitutedofqualitativecategories.But
    itscentralfunctionistosupportadescriptionofSagewisdomastheabilitytoclassifysituationsaccordingtotheirethicalimplicationsandrespondproperlytothem:
    "torespondtothingsastheycome,anddistinguishthecharacterofsituationsastheyarise"(H:3.40,21.93).
    Theeducationalandsocialcontextthatfostersthisskillofknowingisanenvironmentthatmanifestsethicaldistinctions:theenvironmentofritual."Theliarethe
    foremostcomponentsoflawandtheguidelinesofclassificationaccordingtotype"(H:1.2829)."Liistheultimateoforderaccordingtodistinction"(H:15.78).69
    Indescribingaworldslicedintopiecesandroles,andahumanmindthatlearnstruthbydistinguishingclasses,theHsunTzudesignsrationalizingtheoriesthatmakeits
    ritualethicsappeartobeananalogueofNature.ByprovidingliwiththisstructuralaffinitytoNature,itbecomespossibletoclaimthatritualisanextensionofNature's
    organizingprinciples,aclaimthattheHsunTzudoesmake,andwhichwewillexplorebelow.
    3.2.
    TheNaturalLogicofSocialForms
    WenotedearlierthatthetextoftheHsunTzuopenswithaparadox,andthatparadoxiscentraltotheHsunTzu'srationalizationofthenaturalvalueofnonnaturalli.
    NowhereisthemethodofargumentfromparadoxmoreskillfullyemployedinthisregardthanintheHsunTzu'sportraitofritualhierarchyasanaturallawofsocial
    integration.
    Twolevelsofparadoxareinvolved.First,thereisthecounterintuitiveanomolythatsocialdifferentiationistherootofsocialintegration."Unequalyeteven,crooked
    yetsimpletofollow,disparateyetaunity:sucharehumanrelations"(H:4.77).70
    Second,andmoreimportant,isthenotionthathumansocialformsaretheconsequenceofnaturallaws:
    Whenallotmentsareallequalthereisinsufficiencywhenauthorityisdividedevenlythereisdisunitywhenthemultitudesareallequalthereisnodirection.Thereissky(t'ien)
    andthereisearth,hencethereisdiscrepencybetweenwhatisaboveandbelow....Itisanaturalrule(t'ienshu)thattheequallyeminentcannot

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    71

    serveoneanotherandtheequallyhumblecannotdirectoneanother....Theformerkings,loathingsuchdisorder,fashionedritualandpropriety tocreatedistinctions[ofrank]
    (H:9.1518).

    AconsiderableportionoftheHsunTzuisdevotedtopoliticaldiscussionchapterseightthroughsixteenaboutonequarterofthetotaltextformacoherent
    subtextonRuistpoliticalscience.72Nothemeismoredominantinthissubtextthanthecriticalroleofliinpolitics:"ThefateofindividualsrestswithT'ienthefateof
    statesrestswithli"(H:16.4).73
    Thepowerofthethemerestsonthenaturalnecessityofli.Inchapternine,Wangchih("TheRuleoftheKing"),thetextportraysa"chainofbeing"thatdescribesthe
    distinguishinginnatepowerofmanashissenseofyi,orpropriety.Consequently,manaloneisabletoformsocialgroups(ch'n).74"Howisheabletoformsocial
    groups?By[creatingsocial]divisions(fen).Howdosocialdivisionswork?Throughthesenseofpropriety''(H:9.71).75
    Inchapterten,Fukuo("EnrichingtheState"),thetextexpoundsonthesocialpowersofmanbysettingforththebasicdialecticthatforcessocietiestotaketheshape
    theydo."Peopledesireanddislikethesamethings:whendesiresaremanyandgoodsarescarce,conflictisinevitable"(H:10.45).Forsocietytosucceed,goods
    mustbeapportioned,andthisisthefunctionofsocialdivisions.Socialdivisionsdistributescarceresourcesamongpeoplewithoutconflict,thuscontrollingtheir
    naturallyinexhaustabledesires.76"Humanlifecannotexistwithoutsocialgroups,butifgroupslackdivisionsthereisconflictconflictleadstodisorder,anddisorderto
    poverty"(H:10.2223).Thus,thedistinguishingcharacteristicofmanasanaturalbeingishisneedandabilitytoformsocialgroups.Socialdivisionsareanecessary
    conditionfortherealizationofthisability.
    Thepublicmanifestationofsocialdivisionisritualform.Itisthevocabularyofsocialsyntax.Thetrappingsofritualformmusic,costume,decorationperformthe
    functionof"bringingtolightthepatternsofjen"(H:10.26).77Thetoolthatsociety'srulersusetoelaborateritualformsiseconomicsurplus.ThecentralthesisofFu
    kuoisthatinvestmentofsocialresourcesinritualformscreatesanefficientsocialordercapableofproducingtheeconomicsurplusnecessarytofurtherperfectthe
    ritualdisplayofsocialstructure.
    OpposingtheMohistnotionthatscarceresourcesmustbegovernedbyanethicoffrugality,Fukuoarguesthatthecentralissueisnottheallocationofscarce
    resourcesbutthecreationofplenty(H:10.4771).78Thiscanbeachievedthroughtheperfectionofsocialorganization,aperfectiononlyattainablethroughritual
    forms."Thriftmustbegovernedbyli"(H:10.10).Thecultivationoftheinsigniaofstatusfinehouses,clothes,andfoods"isnotmotivatedbyextravagance"itis
    themeanstocreatingefficientsocio

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    economicorder(H:10.26,10.30).Theculminationofaestheticelaborationinthefigureoftherulertheinvestmentofresourcesinhismaterialdisplayisnotonlythe
    dutyoftherulerhimself(H:10.6063),butthenaturaldesireofapopulacecreatingabundanceoutofritualorder(H:10.3235).
    Thistypeoftheoryisechoedinotherchapters.TheformulathatappearsintheChntao("WayoftheRuler")chaptersuggestsalinkagetothetext'staxonomic
    portraitoftheworld:"TheSageKingmoldssurplustobringtolightdistinctions(pienyi)"(H:12.5354).
    Nonnaturalritualforms,then,areconsequencesofanaturalprocess:theinteractionofinnatedesirewithanempiricallygivenscarcityofresources.Theyareameta
    naturalphenomenon.ThistheoryliesattheheartoftheHsunTzu'spoliticalargument,andrepresentsavirtuosocooptationofnaturalisticvaluesinthedefenseofRuist
    interests.79
    3.3.TheCardinalValuelessnessofHumanNature
    TheHsunTzuhastraditionallybeenbestknownforitstheorythathumannatureisinnatelyevil,aviewsystematicallyexpoundedinitsessayHsingo("TheEvilof
    HumanNature").ThiscelebrateddoctrinebearsdirectlyuponouranalysisoftheroleofT'ieninthetext.Soextensiveisthesecondaryliteratureonthesubject,
    however,thatIfeelitisappropriatetomakeonlyaselectiveanalysisofthedoctrinehere.80Itshouldbeborneinmindthatwhilethediscussionherereflectsa
    dominantlineofthoughtintheHsunTzu,importantpassagescontradictit.TheWangchihchapter'sassertionthatmancaninnatelyrecognizepropriety(yi)andthe
    sectioninthe"TreatiseonT'ien"thatdiscussesman'sT'ienlikequalities,pointtowardsanevaluativelypositiveviewofhumannature.Nevertheless,thenegative
    assessmentdiscussedhereismorefrequentlyencounteredinthetextandhasbeencentraltotraditionalinterpretationsoftheHsunTzu.
    ThecentraltenetoftheHsunTzu'stheoryofhumannature(hsing)isthatanexaminationofman'sspontaneousbehavioraldispositionsrevealsinthemnothingof
    inherentethicalvalue.81Thatwhichisofethicalvalueinman'sbehavioriscreatedthrougheffortandartifice(wei)involvingsuppressionofspontaneousdispositions.82
    Theseefforts,fortheHsunTzu,constituteavaluecreatedinthehumansphereratherthanbytheactionofNature.83
    TheHsunTzuconcludesthatman'sethicalroleistoescapethelimitsofhsingthrougheffort.Thispositionisgenerallyandcorrectlyregardedasarefutationofthe
    Menciantheoryofhsing,whichholdsthatman'sroleistodevelophisinnateethicalpotential.InHsingo,Menciusisrepeatedlyattackedbyname.
    ButtheHsunTzu'spositionshouldalsobeviewedincontrasttodoctrinesofhsingfoundinsomenaturalistictexts.Naturalismstendedtovaluethatwhichisuntrained
    andspontaneousinhumanbehaviorbecauseit

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    mostdirectlyexpressesman'scharacterasaproductofNature.Taoisttexts,forexample,glorifytheimageofprimalmanasaplainoruncarvedblockofwood:"Bea
    flowingstreamtotheworldconstantvirtueunfragmented,youreturntochildhood....Beavalleytotheworld:constantvirtuefulfilled,youreturntoanuncarved
    block"(TTC:28)."Togetherinignorance,virtueunfragmentedtogetherwithoutdesire:thisisuttersimplicity(sup'u).Inuttersimplicity,thepeoplefulfilltheir
    hsing"(CT:9.1011).84TheHsunTzucriticizesChuangTzuforhisethicofdocilecompliancewithT'ien,orNature(H:21.2224).Itsgreatstressoneffort,wei,
    seemsanobviousresponsetotheTaoteching'sdoctrineofnonstriving(wuwei).85AnditattacksphilosophersidentifiedasTaoistsfor"givingfreelicensetothe
    hsing''(H:6.23).86
    WhenweexplorenaturalisticchaptersintextssuchastheKuanTzuandLshihch'unch'iu,asimilarethicofspontaneityoftenappears,eveninchaptersthatpay
    lipservicetoRuiststyleli.The"Yangist"chaptersoftheLshihch'unch'iuplacegreatemphasisupon"preserving"whatT'ienendows:"HewhonurtureswhatT'ien
    givesbirthtowithoutinjuringitiscalledtheSonofT'ien"(LSCC:1.4a).87The"SungYin"chaptersoftheKuanTzudespiteRuistadmixturesconveyaquietist
    portraitofselfcultivationfarclosertonaturalisticthanRuistvalues.
    BecausetheHsunTzufrequentlydeniesanyaprioriethicalvaluetoman'sinnatedispositions,theentireburdenofendowingmanwithethicalunderstandingfallsupon
    aposteriorieducation."Withoutateacherandwithoutrules,themindofmanisjusthismouthandbelly"(H:4.52).88Theethicalimperativeformanisto"change
    whatisprimitive(pienku)"(H:4.49).89
    Humanteachers,humancodes,humaneffortthisiswherevalueliesforhumanbeings.ItisuponthistheoreticalfoundationthatHsunTzubuildsaphilosophyof
    educationthatlegitimizesthegoverningroleofRuistritualforms.
    3.4.
    EducatingtheSage
    "Theprogramofstudybeginswiththechantingoftextsandendswiththestudyofliitssignificanceisthatonebeginsbybecomingagentlemanandendsbybecoming
    aSage"(H:1.2627).NopropositionwasmorecentraltolegitimizingRuistpractice.AnanalysisoftheinstrumentalityofRuistdoctrineswouldshowthatthevast
    majorityofthemweredesignedultimatelytopromoteanddefendthisnotion.
    TheHsunTzu'stheoryofhumannaturetellsusthatallethicalqualitiesareacquiredthroughtraining.ThetotalisticmodelofSagehoodtellsusthatapersoncanbe
    transformedintoanethicallyomniscient,perfectbeing,who,"Sittinginhisroomseesalltheworldlivingintodayunderstands

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    distanthistory"(H:21.4142).90Thus,thetexthasraisedthestakesofeducationveryhighitisessentialthattheabsolutevalueofliineducationbepersuasively
    demonstrated.
    TheHsunTzugoesaboutthisinvariouschaptersandinvariousways.Atthetheoreticalbaseofitsdiscussionsofeducationliesamodelofhowandwhylearning
    occurs.Whatgoesoninlearningisaninteractionbetweenthemotivationofaplenitudeofinnatematerialurgesandman'suniqueabilitytomakedistinctionsthrough
    theorganofthemind.Thefundamentaldistinctionsthemindmakesarejudgmentsonwhetheroptionsforactionareultimatelyappropriateforthepurposeofgratifying
    spontaneousurges."DesiresdonotawaitpossibilitiesoffulfillmenttheyarereceivedfromT'ien.[Methodsof]pursuit[ofgratification](ch'iu)followpossibilitiesof
    fulfillmenttheyarereceivedfromthemind(hsina)"(H:22.5758).
    Aswesawabove,ifanindividualdevelopsaccordingtohisspontaneousnature,"hismindisjusthismouthandbelly"(H:4.52).Thisisanaturalstateof"narrow"(lou)
    perception.Asanindividualisbroadenedbyexperienceguidedbyteachersandrules,helearnsfundamentallessonsofdeferredgratificationandqualityof
    gratification.91
    Thesearehardwonlessons,learnedgraduallyoverhumanhistoryandavailabletoindividualsthroughteachingsandsocialculture.Theaccumulatedteachingsofthe
    SagesofhistorythePoetryDocuments,li,andmusictheserepresentthedistillationofhumanforethought,andthuscanserveasguidestotheworld(H:4.6668).
    Theyarelegitimizedbytheiroriginsinextensivehumanexperience.
    Althoughthemindpossessesthepowertoacquireknowledgethroughtheinteractionofmind'sdistinctionmakingcapacitywithspontaneousmotivatingurges,this
    processisinitselfinsufficient.Withoutguidance,thedistinctionmakingpowerofthemindoperatesrandomlywhenfacedwiththeplenitudeofexperience.
    Whatmanemploysinknowingishisnature92whathecanknowaretheprinciplesofthings(wuchihli).Ifonetakesthenaturebywhichoneknowsandpursuesknowledgeof
    theprinciplesofthingswithoutanylimitingboundaries,93thenonecouldcontinuetotheendoftheworldandneverbecomplete.Topenetrateamillionprinciplesfallsfarshort
    ofbringingintocoherencethechangesoftheworld:itisthesameastotalignorance(H:21.7880).94

    Thenaturalworldprovidesthemindwithlittleornoguidance.Thatmustbeprovidedbytheworldofhumansociety,withitslonghistoryofeffortinthought.
    Studyisthestudyoflimiting[theboundsofknowing].95Wherearethelimits?Ingreatestamplitude.Whatdowemeanby"greatestamplitude?"Sagehood.Sagehood

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    istheexhaustivecomprehensionofrelationships.AndTrueKingshipisthefulfillmentofgoodregulation(chihg)[ofthese]....Thusinstudy,taketheSageKingsasteachersand
    theirregulationsasrules.Followtheirrulestopenetratetheirgoverningcategories(t'unglei)andtoemulatetheirpersons(H:21.8183).

    Theindividualbeginsselfimprovementbymasteringthedistilledexcellenceofhumanachievement:culturalcodifications.These,andnotnaturalstructures,arethe
    embodimentofhumanvalue.
    TheWay(tao)oftheformerKingsistheexaltationofjen:cleavetothecenterinfollowingit.Whatisthecenter?Ritesandpropriety.ThiswayisnotthewayofT'ien,andnotthe
    wayoftheearthitisthatwhichmantakesastheWay,itistheWaytrodbythechntzu(H:8.2324).

    TheRuistsyllabusistheepitomeofthisWay:
    TheSageistheWay'spiper,andhesoundstheWaytotheworld.TheteachingsofthehundredKingsareoneinthishencethePoetryandDocuments,liandmusicallreturnto
    this(H:8.6566).96

    ThenotionofstudyasthedelineationoftheboundsofknowledgerelatestoourearlierdiscussionoftheHsunTzu'staxonomicportraitoftheworld.Aswenoted
    there,whentheHsunTzuslicestheworldintopiecesandprinciples,itdoessonotonlyforobjectiveentitiesbutforlifeconceivedassituationsandroles.This
    analogousstructurebetweennaturalandethicalworldsallowstheHsunTzutomakeanimplicitbutclearclaimtotheeffectthatritualliembodyintrinsicprinciplesof
    ethicalexistencefundamentallyequivalenttoprinciplesofnaturalexistence,or"lia."97Ritualliare,inessence,theextensionofnaturalprinciplesintothehumansphere.
    Thisextensionissignaledinthetextinanumberofways.First,behavioraccordingtonormisdescribedas"accordingtoprinciple(lia)."98Second,theaestheticforms
    ofritualliaredesignatedas"patternprinciples"(wenli).99''Theapotheosisofritualliisaplentitudeofprinciplesofpatternandascarcityofspontaneous
    actions"(H:19.38).Finally,inalinkageofmanandnature,ritualliaredirectlydescribedasmanifestationsofprinciplesofnaturalexistence."Musicisthemanifestation
    ofunchangeableharmonicsritualliisthemanifestationofunchangeableprinciple"(H:20.33).100
    Thisbringsustothedoctrineofhumansocialformsasmetanaturalphenomena.
    3.5.Man'sCosmicRole
    Initstheoryofhumannature,theHsunTzudrawsacleardemarcationbetweenwhatbelongstothenaturalrealmandwhatbelongstothehumanrealm.The
    phenomenaofthephysicalworld,uptoandincludingthatin

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    manwhich"cannotbestudiedorreformedthrougheffort"(H:23.11)belongtoNature.101Thatwhichiscreatedonhumaninitiativeandwhichrequiresstudyto
    masterbelongstomanThedichotomyofmanandnatureisafundamentalcharacteristicofreality.
    Butthedivisionisinnowayadversarial.Therealmsofnatureandmanformacontinuumwithateleologicaldirection.ManisNature'scomplementinthecreationofa
    perfectuniverse.Itisinthissensethattheartificeofritualsocietycanbeviewedasanextensionofnaturalprinciple.
    Thedistinguishingcharacteristicofmanishisabilitytomakedistinctions(pien).Thatabilitydifferentiatesmannotonlyfromanimals,butalsofromNatureitself:"T'ien
    cangivebirthtothingsitcannotmakedistinctionsamongthings(pienwu)....TheuniverseofthingsandthehumanraceawaitedthecomingoftheSagetobe
    assigneddivisions(fen)"(H:19.7879).
    Theportraitofthehumancomponentastheteleologicalcompletionofcosmicorderiseloquentlyframedinthepoliticalessay,Wangchih:
    Heavenandearth102arethesourceoflife.Ritualandproprietyarethesourceoforderthechntzuisthesourceofritualandpropriety.Topracticethese,penetratetheirunity,
    multiplythem,andlovethemtothefullisthesourceofbecomingachntzu,andthechntzu,orders(lia)heavenandearth.Thechntzu,formsatrinitywithheavenandearth:
    heistheconsummationoftheworldofthingsthefatherandmotherofthepeople.Withoutthechntzu,heavenandearthwouldbewithoutorder,ritualandproprietywithout
    coherence(t'ung).103
    ...[Thesocialrolesof]rulerandminister,fatherandson,elderandyoungerbrother,husbandandwifewhichbeginandendandbeginagainanewtheseareguidedbythe
    sameprinciplesasheavenandearth,andareaseternalasthegenerationsoftheworld(H:9.6467).

    Wefind,then,alevelabovebothnaturalandhumandimensions,alevelfromwhichthelimitsofbothnatureandmancanbeobserved.Fromtheperspectiveofthat
    level,natureandmanarelinked.Thisisthemetanaturalleveloftheteleologicalcosmos.
    TheHsunTzuhasnosystematicmetaphysicalmodelhypostatizingthiscosmicintegrationasatranscendentalrealmofreality,butthetextoccasionallycomescloseto
    makingone.Forexample,certainpassagesthatspeakoftheSage'sabilitytofocusthemindandcomprehendaunitybehindtheworld'smultiplicitydescribethisas
    "penetratingthespiritual(shenming)andformingatrinitywithheavenandearth"(H:8.111,23.6869cf.25.1516).Itmaybethatintheseandinsomeother
    instances,theterms"shen"or"shenming''aremeanttosuggestatranscendentalreality.104
    Elsewhere,weseemtocatchaglimpseofatranscendentalrealmcalledthe"GreatOneness"(t'aiyi)(H:19.2527),anotionwewilldiscussinourconcluding
    chapter.

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    Whetherornotwepositacosmicrealmbeyondnatureandman,thefactremainsthatthehumansphere,characterizedbyartificeandritual,ispicturedintheHsun
    Tzusimultaneouslyasanextensionandasatransformationofthenaturalworld,atleastwhenthehumanworldisgovernedaccordingtoRuistprescripts.Whilethe
    humansphereisadevelopmentfromNature,itisqualitativelydifferent.SuchamodelrepresentsanargumentagainstanydirectuseofNatureasavaluestandard,and
    effectivelylegitimizestheRuistexaltationofritualforms.
    OursurveyofthemostsignificantdoctrinesoftheHsunTzuindicatesthatthediverseintellectualissuesthatthetextaddressesshouldbeviewedintermsofan
    overarchingunityoftheoreticalandpracticalconcern.ThewiderangingdiscussionsoftheHsunTzushouldbeunderstoodlargelyasvariationsonasinglebasic
    theme:thetheoreticaldefenseofliasafundamentalhumanvalue.Thatthemeis,ofcourse,closelylinkedtothecoreissueofpreCh'inRuism:thepreservationand
    promotionoftheritualcenteredlifstyleoftheearlyRuistcommunity.InexploringanysingletheoryordoctrineintheHsunTzu,suchastherolethatT'ienplaysinthe
    text,theimportofthatdoctrinemustbeexpressedlargelyintermsofitsrelationtothecoreinterestofthetext:thedefenseofli.
    4.
    TheHsunTzu'sTheoriesofT'ien:The"TreatiseonT'ien"
    WeturnnowtodirectanalysisoftheroleofT'ienintheHsunTzu.Becauseofthelengthandcomplexityofthetext,itisnotpracticaltoattempttodiscusseach
    instanceinwhichtheword"t'ien"occurs,aswewereabletodointhecasesoftheAnalectsandtheMencius.
    Ouraim,then,willbethis:toillustratebyaselectivechoiceofpassagesinwhich"t'ien"appearsthattheHsunTzuembracesatleastthreedifferenttheoriesof
    T'ienthethreetheoriesdescribedintheopeningsectionofthischapter.Theyare:
    1.TheportraitofT'ienasnonpurposive,nonnormativeNature.ThistheoryrespondstonaturalisticideasbyclaimingthatT'ienasNaturecannotbeasourceof
    ethicalstandards.Suchstandardsmustbesoughtinnonnaturalli.
    2.AportraitofT'ienasNatureendowedwithaclear,normativedimension.ThistheorypicturesT'ienasthenaturalbasisofthehumanabilitytomakeethical
    distinctionsandcreateritualorder.Itcomplementspassagesthatportraylinotasnonnaturalphenomena,butasextensionsofthestructureofT'ienasNatureinto
    thehumansphere.Itanswersthechallengeofnaturalisminamannerdifferentfromthe

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    precedingtheory,inthatitseekstoreconcilehumanritualwiththeprehumanformsofbiologicalNaturewhich,fornaturalism,mustbetheultimatesourceof
    humanvalue.
    3.Usagesof"t'ien"insensesotherthanNature,whichindicatethepersistenceintheHsunTzuofnotionsofT'ienasgod,asfate,orasthedirectbasisofritual
    ordernotionswehaveencounteredearlierintheAnalectsandtheMencius.
    Thesetheoriesare,toalargedegree,mutuallycontradictory.Whileitistruethatsocomplexanareaofspeculationastherelationshipbetweenmanandnatureor
    cosmosisalwayslikelytogeneratephilosophicalconfusions,thedegreetowhichwecandiscerninconsistenciesintheHsunTzu'sportraitofT'ienmorelikelyreflects
    theindirectnatureofthetext'sagenda.TheHsunTzu,aswithearlierRuisttexts,isnotprimarilyconcernedwiththephilosophicaltaskofformulatingconsistent
    metaphysicaltheory.ForallitsdiscussionofT'ien,T'ienisnotthepoint.Theprimaryconcernisthelegitimationofli,andtheinstrumentalsignificanceofallinstances
    of"t'ien"inthetextisconsistent,inthatallservethebasicfunctionofaidingthetextinthetaskoflegitimizingritualformsandpractice.
    Wehaveseeninearlierchaptersthattheword"t'ien"performsroughlysimilarfunctionsintheAnalectsandintheMencius.Tooverstatethecaseforclarity,each
    textemploysthewordprescriptivelyasasourceoforethicalbasisforthesystemofaestheticritualconductthatlayattheheartofearlyRuism,anddescriptivelyto
    suggestateleologicalcourseofhistorythatimpliedthattheRuistcommunityshould,foratime,bepoliticallyobscureinorderthatitbepreparedtoassumetheworld's
    burdenswhenthetimesripenedforutopianreform.
    WehavealreadyencounteredintheHsunTzuanentirelydifferentuseoftheword"t'ien."ThisusagedenotesT'ieninasensecloseto"Nature,"anditsignifiesa
    nonnormativeprocessofcreativityinthematerialworld.ThisprocessthisT'ienispreciselywhathumanbeingsshouldnotuseasastandardformeasuringethical
    ideasandacts.Itisnonpurposive,nonteleological,purelydescriptive,and,unlikethedescriptiveaspectofT'ienintheAnalectsandMencius,devoidofethical
    significance.
    ThisisthemostcelebratedmeaningofT'ienintheHsunTzu.Itisaclearcooptationofthenaturalisticschools'identificationofT'ienandnaturalprocesseswiththe
    aimofdenyingforthoseprocessesprescriptivemeaning.105
    ButthisT'ienisnottheonlyT'ieninthetext.TheHsunTzuusesanonprescriptiveT'ieninanegativewaytolegitimizeritualforms,butwhatisgenerallyoverlookedis
    thatitalsousesanormativeT'ieninapositivewaytoachievethesameend.Furthermore,theteleologicalinterpretation

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    ofT'ien'sdescriptiveroleasanhistoricalforcedoesappearinthetext,albeitveryrarely.Thetext'suseof"t'ien"thusincludesnotonebutseveraldimensions,and
    amongthesearesomethatarecharacteristicoftheearlierRuisttexts.
    Inthesectionswhichfollowhere,ourprimary,thoughnotoursolesourcewillbethe"TreatiseonT'ien,"whichiswheretheHsunTzuformulatesitstheoriesofT'ien
    withmostcoherence.The"Treatise"isthesinglemostextendeddiscussionofT'ieninearlyRuisttexts,andananalysisofitinitsentiretywouldnotbeoutofplaceina
    studysuchasthis.However,the"Treatise"alonecontainssomuchmaterialconcerningT'ienthatacompleteexegesisinthecourseofthediscussionherewouldserve
    onlytoconfusethelinesofanalyticalargumentwearepursuing.Forthisreason,atthispointwewilldealonlyselectivelywiththe"Treatise,"referringthereadertoan
    annotatedtranslationoftheentirechapter,whichappearsasappendixC.Peripheralissuesofvariousmeaningsoftheword"t'ien''arediscussedinthenotestothat
    translation.
    (Notethatinthediscussionwhichfollows,referencestomajorsubsectionsoftextwithinthe"Treatise"aremadebymeansofnotationwhichappearsintheappendix.
    Thus,whenreferenceismadetosectionsA,B,etc.,thepreciserangeofthereferencecanbelocatedbyconsultingappendixC.)
    4.1.
    ThePortraitofT'ienasNonpurposiveNature
    Beginningstendtocapturetheattention,andtheconsensusviewofthemeaningofT'ienintheHsunTzuprobablyowesagreatdealtothefactthatthemostforceful
    presentationofthattheoryconstitutestheinitialsectionofthe"TreatiseonT'ien."
    Thefirstsectionofthe"Treatise"describesT'ienasanuncompromisinglynonnormative,descriptiveentityorprocess.Itisnonpurposive,predictablewithinlimits,and
    indifferenttoman.
    T'ien'swaysareconstant:itdoesnotprevailduetoYaoitdoesnotperishduetoChieh.Respondtoitwithorderandgoodfortunefollowsrespondtoitwithdisorderandill
    fortunefollows(H:17.1).

    Thepassagecontinuesbyraisingexamplesthatmayhaveeitherpoliticalorpersonalsignificance:
    Bringnurturancetocompletionandactonlywhenthetimeisripe,andT'iencannotsicken.CultivatetheWaywithoutirresolutionandT'iencannotdevastate(H:17.2).

    Thesectionbringshomeacentralpoint:eventsinthehumanspherethathaveethicalsignificancearemeaningfulinanevaluativesensepre

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    ciselybecausetheyaretheconsequenceofhumanaction,ratherthanactionbyT'ienasNature.Forexample,inthecaseofmisruleanddisorder:
    Thoughtheseasonsrevolveastheydoinorderedtimes,disasteranddevastationariseunlikeinorderedtimes.T'iencannotbeblameditisaconsequenceofthepath[chosenby
    man](H:17.5).

    TheargumentsofsectionAshouldbetakenasaresponsetocontemporaryschoolsofthoughtthatpositedthatpoliticalsuccessandfailurearetheconsequencesof
    eitherlongterminfluencesofnonpurposivenaturalforcesororcircumstantialconsequencesofsupernaturalpurposemanifestthroughnature.106
    ThepoliticalargumentofsectionAisresumedinsectionD(H:17.1922),whichclaimsthatT'ienhasnoinfluenceoverwhetherstatesarewellorpoorlyruled.Further
    on,insectionH(H:17.346),wellcraftedargumentsagainstomenologyandshamanismmakeasimilarpointconcerningthelackofinfluenceofhumanreligiousrites
    oneventsinNature.
    Throughoutallofthesesections(A,D,andH),T'ienisnonpurposive,descriptive,andveryclosetowhatwemeanby"Nature."Thesepassagesformtheheartofthe
    HsunTzu'scelebratednaturalizationofT'ien.WenotethemhereinordertohighlightbycontrastverydifferentnotionsofT'ienthatappearinsubsequentsectionsof
    the"Treatise,"notionsfarlesscelebrated,butinmanywaysmorerevealingofthetext'scentralgoals.
    4.2.T'ienasPrescriptivePsychology
    Thesecondsectionofthe"Treatise"isthelongestandbyfarthemostdifficulttounderstand.Althoughitisrelativelyfreeoftextualcorruptions,itslanguageisattimes
    sovaguethat,inonecaseatleast,anentirearticlehasbeenwrittentointerpretasinglephrase(Kodama1972).Ibelievethatkeyportionsofthissectionhavebeen
    misunderstood.AsIinterpretthem,thesepassagesattempttoforgealinkbetweentwospeciesofT'ien:adescriptivenaturalisticT'ienandaprescriptivemetaphysical
    T'ien,whoseactionmancanandshouldemulateor,moreprecisely,fulfill.Thelinkageisdesignedtolegitimizeritualstudyanddiscreditempiricalinvestigation.My
    beliefthattheHsunTzu'sviewofT'ienismorecomplexandtypicallyRuistthanhasbeenpreviouslynotedrestsinlargepartontheinterpretationofsectionBwhich
    follows.
    SectionBopenswithacharacterizationofT'iendescribedbyitsmanifestworks:"Thatwhichisaccomplishedwithoutaction,obtainedwithoutpursuit:thatbelongsto
    theofficeofT'ien"(H:17.6).Manisurgedtorecognizethedemarcationbetweentherealmofhumanactionandtherealmof

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    T'ien'sactionandnottoattempttointerfereintheactionofT'ien.Thisthetextcalls"notcontestingofficewithT'ien"(H:17.7).
    AllofthisechoesthefinalsentenceofsectionA:"HewhounderstandsthedistinctrolesofT'ienandmanmaybecalledtheperfectman,"butitdoesnotcarryforward
    thepoliticalframeofreferencethatpervadesthelanguageofsectionA.
    AfteraninterveningpassagethatgivesacosmologicaldescriptionoftheactionofT'ien(andwhichisverylikelytobealatercommentaryinsert,seeappendixC,note
    10),thetextreturnstopickupthethreadofthe"officeofT'ien":
    WiththeofficeofT'iensettledandtheworkofT'ienaccomplished,thephysicalformisintactandthespiritisborn.Love,hate,pleasure,anger,grief,andjoyareassembled
    therein:thesearecalledthe"T'ienlikedispositions"(H:17.1011).

    Atthispoint,thetextembarksuponaportraitofman'spsychologyandethicalconstitutionthatlinksman'snaturalbeingwiththeactionofT'ien.Theportraitoccupies
    theremainderofsectionB.Itformsthecoreofthetext'sportraitofT'ienasanormativenaturalforce.ThedistinctionbetweenthenonnormativeT'ienofsectionA
    andthenormativeT'ienofsectionBisthemainpointIwanttoillustrateinthisdiscussionofthe"Treatise."
    ItisinthedescriptionofmanasasetofT'ienlikecomponents,beginningatH:17.11,thatthetextbeginstobridgethegapbetweennonnormativeT'ienandethically
    perfectableman.Asweread,weseeT'iengraduallyextendfromhumanfacultiesproperlyregardedasvaluefreetoethicallysignificantaspectsofman:
    Theears,eyes,nose,mouth,andbodyhavetheir[realmsofsensual]encounterwithoutduplicativeability:thesearecalledthe"T'ienlikefaculties."Theminddwellsinthevacant
    centerandtherebygovernsthefivefaculties:itiscalledthe"T'ienlikeruler"(H:17.1112).

    Weareclearlymovingheretowardanormativeuseof"t'ien,"andthisisatoddswiththeoriesfoundelsewhereintheHsunTzu.107Notethatinthedescriptionof
    theT'ienlikedispositionsabove,"desire"(y),atermwithgenerallynegativeevaluativeovertones,doesnotappear.Thisissurprising,inlightofthemajorrolewhich
    "desire"playselsewhereinthecharacterizationofman'sinnatenature.108Note,too,theassociationofT'ienwiththeoperationofthemind,whichpossessestheability
    tomakedistinctionsandrefinedesires.Elsewhereinthetext,thecapabilitiesofthemindareassignedtothehumanratherthanthenaturalsphere.Whilethemindis
    naturallyinnate,itsgoverningfunctionischaracteristicofhumantraining.Withouttraining,themindispreciselythemouthandthebelly(H:4.52)untilit

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    learnstheartofconcentrationitis"withoutdiscrimination"(H:21.4647).109
    SectionAofthe"Treatise"preparedusforatheorystressingthesharpdivisionofT'ienandman,buthereT'ienhasspreadratherthoroughlythroughman'sbeing.
    WiththeascriptionofagoverningroletotheT'ienlikerulingmind,theterm"T'ienlike"isclearlyborderingonanormativesense.
    Thetwophrasesthatfolloware,Ibelieve,themostcrucialtounderstandingthissectionofthe"Treatise."Theyalsopresentgreatexegeticaldifficulties.My
    interpretationdifferssharplyfrompreviouscommentariesandtranslations.Letmegiveithere,precededbythetranslationsofChanandWatson:110
    Toplanandusewhatisnotofone'skindtonourishone'skindthisiscalled"naturalnourishment."Toactinaccordwith[theprincipleandnatureof]one'sownkindmeans
    happiness,andtoactcontraryto[theprincipleandnatureof]one'sownkindmeanscalamity.Thisiscallednaturalgovernment(Chan1963:118).
    Foodandprovisionsarenotofthesamespeciesasman,andyettheyservetonourishhimandarecalledheavenlynourishment.Hewhoaccordswithwhatispropertohis
    specieswillbeblessedhewhoturnsagainstitwillsuffermisfortune.Thesearecalledtheheavenlydictates(Watson1963:81).
    [Themind]moldsthingsnotofitsspeciesinordertonurtureitsspecies:thisiscalled"T'ienlikenurturance."Itjudges(weia)thingswhichaccordwiththeirspeciestobe
    fortunateandjudgesthingswhichdiscordwiththeirspeciestobeillfortuned:thisiscalled"T'ienlikerule"(H:17.1213).

    ThemostobviousdifferencehereisthatChanandWatsoninterprettheinterestoftheentirepassageasshiftingabruptlyfromapsychologicaltoasocialorpolitical
    focus.Asidefromcreatingaproblemoflackofcontinuity,theirinterpretationsposeotherproblems.Forexample,theyreadthetextasraisingasomewhatirrelevant
    point:thatmanfeedsonthingsnotofhisownspecies.Thisseemshardlyworthmentioningunlessthepassageismeanttodolittleotherthantomakealistofthings
    thatcanbeassignedthename"T'ienlike"or"natural."Afurtherproblemofsignificancearisesimmediatelybelow,wheremisguidedpeoplearecharacterizedas
    forsakingtheir"T'ienlikenourishment,"achargethatisdifficulttounderstandifweabidebyChanandWatson.
    Moreover,bothChanandWatson(particularlyWatson)failtodealsuccessfullywiththeword"weia"inthesecondphrase."T'ienlikerule,"ifwefollowthetext,
    doesnotmeanthatthingswillencountergoodorbadfortuneaccordingtothedegreetowhichtheiractionsaccordwiththeirproperrolesitmeansthathuman
    judgmentshouldbepassedonthevalueofconductaccordingtothisrule.
    Todealwiththeissueofcontinuityfirst,continuitycanbepartially

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    restoredtothepassagebymakingthe"T'ienlikeruler"thegrammaticalsubjectofthesephrases.111Ifwepositthemindassubject,weareatleastabletosuggesta
    formalextensionofthepsychologicalfocus.Butthisdoesnoteliminateotherproblems.Thesuddenpoliticaladmixtureremains,asdoestheproblemofphilosophical
    vacuity.
    Thesolutionliesinunderstandingtheuseoftheterms"mold"and"nurturance"inthefirstphraseofthepassage.
    Thewordfor"mold"is"ts'aia":"riches,"or"richesofnature''(cognate"ts'ai").Commentarytraditionhascorrectlytakenthisverbalusageasaloanfor"ts'aic":"to
    cutcloth,"withthesenseof"adaptobjectsforuse.112Watson,Chan,andmostothercommentators,takethenotionof"ts'aiwu"torefertoagriculture.Thisrenders
    thecurrentpassageoflittleinterest.Infact,"ts'aiwu"hererefersustoanentirelydifferentnotion,oneofgreatphilosophicalinterest.
    WefindanotionthatappearsseveraltimesintheHsunTzutotheeffectthatthemanwhosimplygratifieshisspontaneousdesiresintheendbecomestheservantof
    things(yiywu),buttheSagemakesobjectsservehim(yiwu).ThisthemeappearsintheHsiushenandChengmingchapters(H:2.20,22.8288),andineach
    instanceisassociatedwiththenotionof"nurturance"(yang).(AsimilarassociationappearsintheKuanTzu,confirmingtheimportanceofthetheme.)113Although
    thephrase"yiwu"doesnotappearinthespecificphraseswearediscussinghere,itdoesappearsoonthereafter.TowardtheendofsectionB,weareindeedtold
    thattheoutcomeoffulfillingone'sT'ienlikequalitiesisthat"thethingsoftheworldwillserveyou(wanwuyi)"(H:17.15).Thedescriptionof"moldingthings"clearly
    seemstorefernottoagriculturebuttothisideal,anditdenotestheexerciseofhumancontrolovertheworldforethicalhumanpurposes.
    Inseveralotherplaces,theHsunTzutouchesonthenotionofmoldingthingsfornurturance,andtheseinstancescanenlightenourreadingofthe"Treatise."Insomeof
    theseinstances,themeaningof"moldingthings"(ts'aiwu)mightbelimitedtotheeconomicnotionofhusbandryforsubsistance(e.g.H:6.18,8.13,9.54),andthese
    wouldtendtosupporttraditionalinterpretationsofthephraseasusedinthe"Treatise."Butthetermisalsousedinabroadersensetorefertotheappropriationof
    surplusresourcestoenhancethehumanconditionthroughthecreationofritualsocialforms:"TheSagemolds(ts'aia)economicsurplustomakedistinctions
    manifest"(H:12.5354).Ritualsocialforms,inturn,createtheordernecessarytoincreaseeconomicproductivityandfurtherritualizesociety(H:9.717410.30
    31).114(Theseissuesarediscussedinmoredetailinsection3.2above.)
    Asforthenotionof"nurturance,"thiswordtoorefersfrequentlytoritualcultivation,ratherthanagriculturalsubsistence,asinthedoctrinethat

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    nurturanceofthemindandbodilyspirit(ch'i)ismosteffectivelyachievedthroughritualstudy(H:2.18).TheHsunTzufullyarticulatesthisfacetofritualinits
    systematicdiscussionofthedoctrinethatliisnurturanceperse:
    Theformerkingsdetestedthe[natural]chaos[ofhumanrelations],andsofashionedritualandproprietyinordertocreatedistinctionsamongpeople,tonurturetheirdesires,
    providethemtheirwants...thusliisnurturance(H:19.23).

    Here,"nurturingdesires"meanssomethingcloseto"cultivatingtastes"thatis,refiningnaturalurgessothattheyfindsatisfactionswithinthemeasuredboundsofritual
    society.Itdoesnotsignifythebasesatisfactionofdesire,butratherthemoldingofhumandispositionsinordertocreateamoreperfectsocialbeing.Thus,finefoods
    nurturethepalate,fineperfumesnurturethesenseofsmell,finecarvingsandpatternsnurturetheeye,andsoforth.(H:19.35).Inshort,''Ritualandpropriety,pattern
    andprinciplearethemeansbywhichnaturaldispositionsarenurtured"(H:19.10).Nurturance,then,doesnotsignifymeresubsistance,butaprocessofself
    transformationthroughcultivationofthesensualself.Itisnotsustenancebutgrowth.115
    Returningtothephraseatissue"themindmoldsthingsnotofitsspeciesinordertonurtureitsspecies"wemayinterpretitasmeaningthatthemindhasthe
    capacitytodirecttheappropriationofthethingsoftheworldinordertocultivatetheinnatedispositionsandfaculties,therebyaccomplishingtheimprovementofthe
    humanspecies.Thisclearlynormativeability,repletewithritualsignificanceiscalled"T'ienlikenurturance,"whichistheabilityofthehumanmindtotransformthe
    natureofthehumanspeciesintoanethicalobject.
    Thepassagethenproceedstodescribehowthehumanmindgoesontocreatevalueinaconcretewayitgroundsethicaljudgmentsbymeasuringhumanactions
    againstthisevolvingspeciesdescription.Thismaysoundundulysophistic,butitssimplesensecanbemadeclearbyparaphrasingtheentirepassage:Themind
    appropriatestherichesofthenonhumanworldinordertorefinethehumanspeciesitthendefinespropitiousnessaccordingtothedegreetowhichindividualsactin
    accordancewiththisrefinedspeciesideal.116
    Suchaportraitofhumancapacities,withitsclearfunctionalityinsupportingritualselfcultivationagainstnaturalisticchallenges,makesperfectsenseinatextsuchas
    theHsunTzu.Whatissomewhatsurprisingisthatthesecapacitiesshouldbecalled"T'ienlike,"inviewoftheHsunTzu'srestrictionofthemeaningof"t'ien"
    elsewheretononnormativeNature.Itisquiteclearthat"t'ien"isusedhereasanormativeterm,andthe

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    traditionalrhetoricalauthorityofthewordisbeingemployedtobringlegitimacytoatheoryofthe"natural"psychologicaloriginsofritualsociety.T'ienhascrossedthe
    boundarybetweenhumannature(hsing)andhumaneffort(wei).Itisnolongerconfinedtothenarrowlimitsofinstinctthatmanmusttranscend,butnowplaysarole
    innormativesocialcapacitiesthatmaninaMencianfashionmustaspiretofulfill.
    WecansummarizesectionBtothispoint:theoperationofT'ienasNaturecreatestheformsoftheworld,oneofwhichisman.ManpossessesinnatelyasetofT'ien
    likeorgansandcapacities,whichincludesspontaneousdispositions,sensefaculties,intellect,andthepoweroftheintellecttodelineateman'sspeciescharacterby
    usingtheobjectsoftheworldtotrainandrefinehisdispositionsandfacultiesandtoformethicalvaluejudgmentsonthebasisofthisselfcreatedspeciesrole.
    The"Treatise"goesontolinkthefulfillmentofthesecapacitiestotheteleologicalnotionofthe"completionofT'ien'swork":
    Todarkenone'sT'ienlikeruler,disorderone'sT'ienlikefaculties,forsakeone'sT'ienlikenurturance,discordwithone'sT'ienlikerule,contraveneone'sT'ienlikedispositions,
    andsodissipateT'ien'swork:thisiscalled"greatestevil."TheSageclearshisT'ienlikeruler,rectifieshisT'ienlikefaculties,fulfillshisT'ienlikenurturance,followshisT'ienlike
    rule,nurtureshisT'ienlikedispositions,andsobringscompletiontoT'ien'swork(H:17.1315).

    "CompletingT'ien'swork"echoesthehomily:"Heavenandearthgivebirthtoit,theSagecompletesit"(H:10.39,27.35),117summarizingthecosmicroleofritual
    socialactiondescribedearlierinthischapter.
    ThefinalpassageofsectionBreformulatesthislessoninlanguagethatrecallsthediscussionoftheofficeofT'ien.
    Thusifoneunderstandswhatheistodoandnottodo,thenheavenandearthwillfulfilltheirproperfunctionsandthethingsoftheworldwillservehim.Actsfullyruled,
    nurturancefullyrealized,inlifesufferingnoagony:thisiscalled"knowingT'ien."Thusthegreatestcraftliesinactsnottaken,thegreatestwisdominthoughtsnotpondered
    (H:17.1516).

    Thepassageissuggestivenotonlyofthe"Treatise's"divisionoftheofficesofT'ienandman,butoftheHsunTzu'stheoryofeducation.RecallthatfortheHsunTzu,
    studyproduceswisdomnotthroughtherandomaccumulationofempiricalfacts,butby"limiting"thevisionofthestudenttothoselessonsthatareofvaluetoman
    (H:21.7883).Thestudent'sgoalisnottobroadenhisknowledge,butto"unify''it(H:1.4345):tolearn"linkage"(H:1.46),"classification"(H:2.37),and"penetration"
    toanelevated,totalisticviewpoint(H:8.111,15.57,23.69).

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    Accordingtothe"Treatise,"then,thislimitationofvisiontoman'sethicalmissionsofselfcultivationandtransformationoftheworldisafulfillmentofallthatisT'ien
    likeinhim:itistherealizationofateleologyimplicitintheNaturethatgivesbirthtoman.ThisistheRuistwaytoknowT'ien,anditstandsinsharpdistinctiontothe
    cosmologicalspeculationsofaTsouYen,tothespiritualisticmanipulationsofashamanordiviner,toregimensofbreathcontrolordiet,ortotheTaoistidealof
    nonpurposivespontaneity.
    ItalsostandsincontrasttoideasfoundelsewhereintheHsunTzu,forinextendingwhatisT'ienlikeinmantoincludehispowersofritualselftransformation,the
    "Treatise"resemblestheAnalectsandtheMenciusfarmorethansomeoftheHsunTzu'sotheressays,suchasJungju("GloryandShame"),Chengming,and
    Hsingo,wheretheactionofanonnormativeT'ienasNatureisspecificallyexcludedfromthenormativeaspectsofthehumanpsyche.
    Wecanconclude,then,thattheHsunTzudisplaysmajorinconsistenciesinitstheoriesofT'ien.WeencounteredsimilarinconsistenciesintheAnalectsandthe
    Mencius,andonceagainweshouldreadthemasconfirmationthatthemotivationgivingrisetothesetheorieswasnotanabstractphilosophicalinterestinT'ien,buta
    needtomanipulatetheoriesofT'ientoservemoreconcreteRuistinterests.
    4.3.
    FormingaTrinitywithHeavenandEarth
    EarlierinthischapterwediscussedtheHsunTzu'stheorythatritualsocialforms,li,are,atroot,merelyextensionsofprinciplesofnature,lia,whichgovernevery
    aspectofthecosmos.Inthistheory,Nature,orT'ienasNature,istiedtothenormativedimensionsofritualsocialbehavior.
    Inthe"TreatiseonT'ien,"thereisaseconddimensiontotheportraitofT'ienasanormativenaturalforce,apartfromthepsychologicalmodellaidoutinsectionB,
    anditrelatescloselytothenotionofthecontinuitybetweennaturalprinciplesandritualforms.
    ThisdimensionappearsinsectionEofthe"Treatise,""118asectionthatenlargesuponastatementthatappearsearlier,insectionA,119totheeffectthatmanhasthe
    capacityto"formatrinitywithheavenandearth."
    ThenotionofthetrinityisapervasiveoneintheHsunTzu.Theformulaisexplicitlystatedineightdifferentessays(H:3.1314,8.111,9.65,13.46,17.7,23.69,
    25.13,26.6,26.11),andtriadiccomparisonsbetweenheaven,earth,andtheSageappearelsewhere(e.g.,H:1.5051,6.3119.36).120Theformulaemploys
    "heavenandearth,"theequivalentofT'ien,121asaprescriptivemodelofperfectionformantomatch,andthusgivesT'ienanormativesense,againsomewhat
    inconsistentwithstatementsrejectingT'ienasasourceofvalue.The"Treatise"makesthisnormativedimensionexplicitby

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    portrayingthedisinterestedactionofT'iendescribedinsectionAfromadifferentperspective,onethatfindsmoralmeaninginwhathadseemedtobeaphenomenon
    outsidethesphereofvalue:
    Heavendoesnotsuspendwinterbecausepeopledislikecoldearthdoesnotcontractitsbreadthbecausepeopledislike[traveling]greatdistancesthechntzudoesnotcurtail
    hisactionsbecauseoftheclamorofpettypeople.Heavenhasaconstantwayearthhasconstantprogressionsthechntzuhasconstancyofperson(H:17.2224).

    Heavenandearth,inthesenseofNature,areprescriptiveidealsthatreinforcethechntzu'sassuranceofthevalueofconstantethicalaction.Justwhatthataction
    consistsofisspelledoutbyacitationfromalostpoem:
    Thechntzutakeswhatisconstantashiswaythepettymancalculateshiscredits.ThePoetrysays:"[Undeviatinginritualandright],whybeconcernedwhatothersmay
    say?"(H:17.24).122

    Interestingly,then,Natureisbeingusedhereasaprescriptivemodelensuringthevalueofnonnaturalli.Thisistheparadoxofthe"trinity"throughoutthetextitisjust
    wheremanmostradicallydepartsfromNaturethathegainsthepowertobeNature'sequal.
    AlthoughinsectionE,thetrinitymodelservestolegitimizelionlyindirectly,elsewhereinthe"Treatise"itisusedinaslightlydifferentwaytosupportaclaimforthe
    valueofli:
    Inheaven,nothingshinesmorebrightlythanthesunandmoononearth,nothingshinesmorebrightlythanwaterandfireamongobjects,nothingshinesmorebrightlythan
    pearlandjadeamidsthumanity,nothingshinesmorebrightlythanritualandpropriety(H:17.4041).

    Thissortofmechanisticparallelism,whichbringsNaturetothesupportofli,appearsinotheressaysoftheHsunTzuwithsomewhatmoreprovocativemetaphysical
    implications.Forexample,theWangchihchapter,whichdrawsparallelsbetweenSagegovernmentandtheactionofNature,holdsthatsocialrolesexemplifythe
    sameprinciplesthatgovernthepatternsofheavenandearth(H:9.67translatedinsection3.5above).ApassageintheLilun("TreatiseonLi")makesasimilarclaim
    forthecosmicbasisofli(H:19.26).SuchpassagessuggestanunderlyingambivalenceintheHsunTzu'sstressupontheethicaldichotomyofT'ienandman.
    ThecontentofT'ienasNatureitsethicalvaluelessnessasmanifestinman'sinnatenatureisthenegativemodelawayfromwhichmanmust

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    aspiretoclimb.ButthegrandeurandperfectionofT'ienasNatureneverthelessservesasapositivemodel,andrepresentsthegoalofhumanaspiration.T'ien,like
    Sagehood,embracesinatotalismallworldlyphenomena.TheSage,likeT'ien,"embracestheuniversewithinhim"(H:21.43).123Natureiswhatmanmusttranscend
    tobecomeethical,yetthegreatestofgoalstowardwhichmancanstriveistobecomeNature'sequal.
    4.4.
    T'ienasaHistoricalForce
    ThePortraitofT'ienasanormativeforceofthenaturalworldisthemostimportanttheoreticaldeparturefromthetheoryofanonnormativeT'ienasNaturethat
    commentatorshavelongrepresentedasthesole"theoryofT'ien"intheHsunTzu.ThetwotheoriesT'ienasnonnormativeNatureandasanormativenatural
    forcearefundamentallycontradictory,buttheyareconsistentinthatbotharedesignedtocounterthedevaluationofnonnaturallibycontemporarynaturalisms.The
    firstdeniesthepossibilityoffindingvalueinthenaturalsphere,thesecondpositsanessentialcontinuitybetweennormativenatureandnormativeritualbehavior.
    Inthefollowingsections,wewillcompleteouranalysisoftheroleofT'ienintheHsunTzubyexaminingothermeaningsofT'ieninthetext,inparticular,meaningsthat
    apparentlyhavelittleornothingtodowithNature.Wewillseethatscatteredthroughoutthetextareusesof"t'ien"inavarietyoftraditional,andmutuallyinconsistent
    senses.TheseinstanceswillreinforcetheconclusionthatforgingaconsistenttheoryofT'ienwasbynomeansaprimaryconcernoftheHsunTzu.T'ienwasa
    malleablenotion,embracinganevolvingvarietyofpossiblemeanings.TheHsunTzu,likeotherRuisttexts,usedthetermt'ieninanysenseconsistentwithitsprimary
    motiveoflegitimizingliandperpetuatingtheRuistritualcommunity.Inthissection,wewillexaminepassagesinthe"Treatise"andelsewherewhereT'ienappearsto
    haveadescriptivesenseclosetothenotionof"fate."
    InboththeAnalectsandtheMencius,T'ienwaspictureddescriptivelyasateleologicalforceofhistory,directingaflowofeventsthatrationalizedthecontemporary
    politicalsubmergenceofRuismasapreparatoryphase,tobeendedwhenthetimeswerereadyfortheRuistschooltograspthereinsofgovernmentandleadman
    towardaritualutopia.ThisphilosophicalmessagewaslinkedinbothtextstotheindividualpoliticalfailuresofConfuciusandMencius,whoconstitutedtheliteraryfoci
    ofthosetexts.
    TheHsunTzuisadifferentsortofbook.HsunK'uangisbynomeansafocusofthetext,andevenwhenhemakesaninfrequentappearance,hispersonalhistoryis
    notrelevant.124Hispersonaismerelyavehicleforrhetoricalexpression.Norisotherhistoryofgreatmomenttothetext,

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    exceptasphilosophicalgrist:thebookisprofoundlyahistorical,totallyfreeofnarrative.
    ThisformalaspectoftheHsunTzuprobablyaccounts,inlargepart,forthegeneralabsenceofanyportraitofT'ienasadescriptivehistoricalforce.Moreover,unlike
    theothertexts,intheHsunTzuwemisstheimplicitaudienceofdisciplesthatliesbehindeventhemostcontextfreeproverbsoftheAnalectsandMencius.Without
    thecontextofdisciples,animportantdimensionoftheneedtorationalizeRuism'spoliticalfailuresismissing:theneedtoencouragedisciplesbyassuringthemofT'ien's
    teleologicalplan.
    Averyfewchapters,suchasCh'enghsiangandFu,doseemtoprovidesuchanimplicitaudiencethoughtheirrelationtoHsunK'uangisquestionable.125Andin
    thelatterchapter,sureenough,wedoencountertheteleologicalT'ienoftheothertextsinapoignantrhyme:
    Ohdarkistheworld,plungedsoinblindness,
    ShouldT'ien'slightnotreturnmycareswillbeboundless.
    Anewstarteverythousandyears,sogoestheancientrule
    Disciples,studyhard!T'ienwillnotforgetyou!
    TheSageclaspshishandsthetimeisalmostcome(H:26.313).
    TheselyricsreflectbetterthananytextIknowthepoliticalalienationoftheWarringStatesRuandtheirconsequentfaithinT'ien'steleologicaldirection.Butelsewhere
    inthetexttheportraitofT'ienasahistoricalactorisrarelyglimpsed.
    InsectionEofthe"TreatiseonT'ien"weencounteredaninjunctionreminiscentofConfucius'admonitionstodisciplestoexemplifyforbearanceinthefaceofsociety's
    hostilitytorightRuistaction:"Thechntzudoesnotcurtailhisactionsbecauseoftheclamorofpettypeople."Itgoesontospeakofthechntzu'sadoptionofwhat
    is"constant"ashisguide.
    AsimilarformulaappearsintheJungjuchapter,andtheretheissueofjustrewardformoralactionisclosertothesurface:
    Jenandyi,virtuousconduct:thesearetheartsofconstantsecuritynevertheless,theydonotguaranteethatonewillneverbeindanger.Deviousness,lying,violence,and
    thieveryaretheartsofconstantdangernevertheless,theydonotguaranteethatonewillneverbecomfortable.Thusitisthatthechntzutakesashiswaywhatisconstant
    (ch'ang)whilethepettypersontakesashiswaywhatisaccidental(kuai)(H:4.4142).

    Thus,theHsunTzuclearlyholds,withotherRuisttexts,thatrightconductis,inthe"usual"courseofthings,eventuallyrewarded.Itrecognizes,however,that
    circumstancesfrequentlydictateotherresults.

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    InsectionFofthe"TreatiseonT'ien"theinjunctiontoactaccordingtoprescriptdespiteconsequentsocialobscurityisrelatedtoT'ien,hereclearlyportrayedasa
    historicalforce:
    ThatthekingofCh'umayhavearetinueofathousandchariotsdoesnotmeanthatheiswise.Thatachntzumayhaveonlybeanstoeatandwatertodrinkdoesnotmeanthat
    heisstupid.Theseareduetotherhythmsofcircumstance.Toberefinedinpurpose,richinvirtue,andclearinthoughttoliveinthepresentbutbedevotedtothepastthese
    thingsarewithinone'spower.ThechntzuattendstowhatiswithinhispoweranddoesnotaspiretothatwhichiswithinthepowerofT'ienalone.Thepettypersondefaultson
    whatiswithinhispowerandaspirestothatwhichiswithinthepowerofT'ienalone.Thusthechntzu...goesforwarddaybyday,andthepettyperson...goesbackwardday
    byday...(H:17.2428).

    T'ienherehasnothingtodowithNature.Itisacontrollingforcethatdeterminesthe"rhythmsofcircumstance"(chieh)atermwhosemeaningisvirtually
    indistinguishablefrom"ming":"fate."Itis,infact,definedelsewhereinthetextas"ming"(H:22.6seeHTCC:11.28).Thepassagebringsouttheethicalgulf
    betweenRuistprescriptandT'ienguidedhistoryinamannercloselyresemblingtheearlierRuisttexts(A:14.35M:7A3).
    Thesignificanceofthepassagehasbeengenerallymisinterpreted.126Onceunderstood,itisclearthatT'ienisuseddescriptively,butnotinthesenseofnon
    purposiveNature.Initself,thepassagedoesnotprovideenoughinformationforustosaythattheHsunTzu,liketheAnalectsandMencius,rationalizedthe
    descriptiveroleofT'ieninhistorythroughateleologicalmodel.However,ifweweretotakeittogetherwiththepassagefromJungjucitedabove,whichholdsthat
    goodconductgenerallyyieldsmaterialrewardsinlife,thenwecouldclaimthatT'ien'sactionincontrollingeventsintheamoralmodeoftheHsunTzu'sdaywas
    viewedbytheHsunTzuasunusualandtheunfavorabletimesseenasanaberrationinanethicalorder.IfwegofurtherandaddherethemillennialpassageintheFu
    chapter,wecanclaimaskeletalteleologythatpicturesthelateChouasa"lasttimes,"muchastheMenciusdoes(M:2B.13).Althoughthedoctrineisrarelyglimpsed
    intheHsunTzuwhichmightbefunctionofthetext'schosenstyleofabstractandseeminglyobjectiveargumentationinstancesinotherchaptersconfirmthata
    teleologicalroleforT'ienisanoccasionalundertone(H:2.4445,8.5051,27.75,28.3334).
    4.5.MiscellaneousT'iens
    ForadditionalmeaningsofT'ien,wehavetolookoutsidethe"TreatiseonT'ien."WithouranalysisofsectionFwehaveencounteredthelastinstanceofamajornew
    usageinthatchapter.127Interestingly,T'ienisnotmentionedintheTreatiseaftersectionL(H:17.46),andthefinalportionof

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    theTreatiseislargelyadiscussionofthevalueofli,ashiftintopicthatshouldseemintelligibleinlightofthecloseconnectionswehaveseenbetweenthetext'stheories
    ofT'ienanditsinterestinli.
    AswelookthroughtheentiretextoftheHsunTzu,searchingforinstanceswhere"t'ien"isemployedinwaysotherthanthosepredictedbytheconsensusviewof
    thetext,wefindmostfrequentlyexamplesof"t'ien"beingusedinthesenseofadeity.IkedaSuetoshihasidentifiedthesepassages(1965:20),andthelisthehas
    compiledincludesninesuchinstancesinsevenchapters.128IkedamaintainsthatthesepassagesareevidencethattheprimarytheoryofT'ieninthetextisabeliefin
    T'ienasagod,butthisclearlygoestoofar.Whilepassagessuchas,"T'iengavebirthtotheteemingmultiudes"(H:4.25),and,"Inli,oneservesT'ienaboveandthe
    earthbelow"(H:19.15),clearlydemonstratethatthenotionofT'ienasgodwasintelligibletotheauthorsandreadersoftheHsunTzu,itsuseinthetextisprimarily
    rhetorical,nottheoretical.
    Asomewhatmoreintriguingusageoft'ien,appearsintheTaleh("GreatSummation")chapter.WereitnotthatTalehfallsontheedgeoftherangeofchapterswe
    aretreatingasthe"core"ofthetext,Iwouldstressthisusage,asitfitsintomyoveralltheoryofRuismwithgreatelegance.
    InTaleh,theword"t'ien"twiceoccursinthecompound"t'ienfu":"thestorehouseofT'ien."The"storehouse"isdefinedthus:''Thebreadthofthesixartsisthe
    storehouseofT'ien"(H:27.79),129and,"Everstudyingwithoutsurfeit,unceasinglylovingthe[exampleof]gentlemen:thisisthestorehouseofT'ien"(H:27.9495).
    TheimaginationneednotroamfartoseetheethicalperfectionofanyandalltraditionalT'ienssuffusingthesyllabusandmembershipoftheRuiststudygroup.
    Summary
    TheroleofT'ienintheHsunTzudifferssignificantlyfromitsroleintheAnalectsandMenciusinthataportraitofT'ienasnonnormativeNatureisintroduced.
    DespitetheinnovationthatthisportraitrepresentsforRuism,itsrolehasbeenoverstressedbymostcommentators.
    ThedescriptionofT'ienasNaturewasnotoriginaltotheHsunTzu.Similardoctrinesappearinthetextsofseveralnaturalisticschools,andsomeofthese,the
    ChuangTzu"InnerChapters"forinstance,clearlypredatetheHsunTzu.NoristhistheonlydimensiontoT'ienintheHsunTzu.T'ienisusedinanormativewayto
    legitimizeRuistdevotiontoritual.Insomeinstances,T'ienasNatureisinterpretednormativelyasthesourceofman'sabilitytotransformhimselffromabeing
    characterizedbydesirestoonegovernedbystyleandprinciple.ThisisthemeaningofsectionBofthe"TreatiseonT'ien."Inotherinstances,nonpurposiveNatureis
    portrayedas

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    anexemplarofperfectionthatcanformamodelforman'sefforttoachieveadistinctiveperfection:theethicalperfectionexemplifiedbyritualorder.Thisisthe
    doctrineofman'spotentialtoformatrinitywithheavenandearth.Inafewinstances,T'ienappearstoplayateleologicalhistoricalrole,anditsdescriptiveactionis
    usedinformulasthatexhortadherencetoRuistprescript.
    TheoverridingpointabouttheroleofT'ienintheHsunTzuisthatregardlessofwhetherT'ienispicturedasnonpurposiveNature,asanormativenaturalforce,as
    fate,orasapurposivedeity,itsinstrumentalfunctionremainsalwaysthesametolegitimizeritualforms,ritualstudy,andritualsociety.ThesenseofT'ienasNature
    predominatesinthetextbecausesuchausageprovidedthemosteffectivewaytorespondtothechallengestoritualpresentedbytheethicalvaluationofNature
    characteristicofcontemporarynaturalism.T'ienasNature,initself,isnotanobjectofinteresttotheHsunTzu,asthetextmakesexplicit.Itislithatisofinterest,
    andT'ienisaddressedonlytothedegreethatcontemporarytheoriesofT'ienaffectli.
    TheinstrumentaluseofT'ieninaframeworklegitimizingliisacharacteristicRuistusage,closelyresemblingtheroleplayedbyT'ienintheAnalectsandMencius.It
    alsointegratestheHsunTzu'stheoriesofT'ienwithitsothermajortheories:itstheoriesoftheworldofthingsandofknowing,itspoliticaltheoryanditstheoryof
    education.Alltheseareasoftheoryjoininthetexttocompleteacentralmission:thedevelopmentofacoordinatedtheoreticalrationalizationofli.Onthebasisofsuch
    anarrayoftheories,thelateChouRuistcommunitycouldpersevereintheiruniqueritualpracticeswithoutfearthattheywouldeverbeunarmedindefendingtheir
    eccentriclifestyleagainstphilosophicalattack.

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    CONCLUSION
    SAGEHOODANDPHILOSOPHY
    Whenthisstudywasbegunseveralyearsago,itwaswithasimplegoal:tofindaunityunderlyingmultiplicityinthemeaningsof"t'ien"inearlyRuisttexts.Inthe
    continuitiesofinstrumentalmeaningswehavefoundintheAnalects,Mencius,andHsunTzu,wehaveatleastpartiallyachievedthatgoal.
    Butinthecourseofthestudy,thenotionofunityhasbeenmoreconsistentlyapplicabletowhatmightbeafarmorephilosophicallyinterestingaspectofearlyRuism
    thanT'ien:theidealofSagehood.Indeed,SagehoodwasthedominantissueofearlyRuism,andwehavediscoveredinthecourseofthisstudythatinmanywaysthe
    meaningofT'ienwasalwaysafunctionoftheRuistcommitmenttothatideal.Consequently,inthisconcludingchapter,wewillexamineonceagaintheidealof
    SagehoodintermsofitsconcreteimplicationsforRuistthoughtandpractice,andalsointermsofourownphilosophicalinterests,asdelineatedintheintroduction.
    Weclosethisstudy,then,withashortsummaryanalysisofearlyRuistSagehood,withtheparticularaimofgettingbeyondexplicitdoctrineinordertoglimpsethe
    experientialbasisthatledRuiststoestablishthisidealandtopursueitwithsodeepacommitment.Itistheconnectionbetweenthisexperientialbasisandthesynthetic
    formofRuistphilosophythatultimatelyconstitutesthephilosophicalnatureofRuismandmakesplausibletheclaimthataschoolthatwasgroundedintheascriptionof
    cardinalvaluetoaccidentalpatternsofsocialcustomcanbeconsideredphilosophical.
    Toplacethisanalysisinperspective,wewillbeginwithabriefoverviewofthemainoutlinesofthisstudythathaveledustothispoint.

    APhilosophicalRecap
    Ifweweretoselectasinglephilosophicalthemetosummarizethesignificanceofwhatwehavefoundinthisstudy,itwouldbethis:skillsorskillsystemsarecentralto
    determiningmeaningandtruthforindividuals,andthephilosophicalenergyofRuismwasdevotedtotailoringeverydisciple'srepertoireofskillstodeterminehowhe
    wouldseemeaningsandtruthin

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    theworld.Inthissense,Ruismwasquintessentiallyasyntheticphilosophy:itsmethodologylaynotinaneloquenceofsyllogisticreasoning,butinaneleganceof
    educationaldesign.
    FungYulanonceobservedthatChinesephilosophy,"asfarasregardsdialecticalmethodandelucidation,holdsahumblepositionwhencomparedwiththe
    philosophiesoftheWestorofIndia"(1931:8).WhileenthusiastsofMohismortheearlyschooloflogiciansmightdisagree,thisstatementiscertainlytrueforearly
    Ruism,whosetextsarefilledwithargumentsfromauthority,speciousreasoning,andlogicalgaps.Ruistswere,infact,doctrinallyhostiletowardanalyticrigorin
    argumenttheytendedtoviewitprincipallyasameansofobscuringratherthanelucidatingtruth.1
    TherigorofRuismdidnotlieinitsanalyticproofofphilosophicalclaims.Itlayinsteadinthecarewithwhichitdesignedasystemofeducationthatmadethoseclaims
    seemselfevidentlytruetothetraineddisciple.Thisiswhata"syntheticphilosophy"mustdo:itmustorganizethewayinwhichsyntheticthoughtisgenerated(seethe
    discussionintheintroduction).Itsarticulatedoctrinemerelydescribesinsightsthatfollow.Proofcannotlieinanalysisitmustlieinduplicatingthegoverningskill
    matrix.
    InchapterII,weexaminedinsomedetailtheRuistsyllabusthatgeneratedtheskillsystemsgoverningRuistTruth.Wesawthatthesyllabuswasvariedandspecific.
    Mohistscomplainedthatthesyllabuscouldnotbemasteredinalifetime(MT,FeiJu:9.21a).Yetdespiteitsbreadth,Ruisteducationwasunifiedbythecentraltheme
    ofselfcultivationthroughli:theritualizationoftheselfthroughprogressivemasteryofanancientchoreographyofdailylife.Oncethethreadofselfritualizationhad
    beengrasped,individuallessonsandskillscouldbestrunguponit.AstheHsunTzuputsit,Ruisteducationdoesnotlieinbroadeningknowledge,butinunifyingit
    (H:1.4445).
    TheHsunTzualsotellsusthateducationliesinlearninglimits(H:21.81),andthishasaparticularlyaptapplicationtoRuistritualeducation.Itiseasytooverlookthe
    factthatthebasisofRuisteducation,li,consistedofrulesratherthanskills,whiletheultimategoalofRuisteducationwasnotknowledgeofrulesbutskillinaction.
    ThissuggestsalacunainRuistsyntheticmethodology.Intheory,anunbridgeablegapexistsbetweenrulesandacts.Rulesareinflexibleandlimited:toapplyarulein
    actionrequiresasecondaryruleofapplication,anditissimpletoseethatthisleadsustoaninfiniteregress.Inshort,rulesandactsaredifferentlogicalspecies,and
    thegapbetweenthemcannotbebridgedanalytically.However,weare,infact,abletobridgethisgapinordinarylifewedoitsynthetically,thatis,bypracticetrial
    anderror,repeateduntilwearesatisfiedthatskillhascapturedandtranscendedprescript.Toapplyrulesinliferequiresnotlogic,butart.2 Thisartisthelimiting
    boundaryofrulelearningonceitismastered,

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    theguidingroleofexplicitrulesbecomessecondary.TheHsunTzu'sformulamakessense:thegoalisnotthelearningofevermorenumerousanddetailedrules,itis
    supersedingruleswiththeorganizationalunityofaskillsystem.
    ThispointiscentraltotheRuistdoctrineoftheunityofknowledgeandaction,anotionofgreatimportancetoRuismthroughoutitshistory.Thisdoctrine,whichclaims
    thatknowledgeisnotcompleteuntilithasbeenappliedinaction,implicitlyrecognizesthatcognitiveknowingandskillapplicationarecategoricallydistinct.Onecannot
    possessaskilluntilonehasappliedtheruleswhichgovernithaphazardlyatfirst,thenwithincreasingcompetence."Studyendswithapplication(hsingc).Whenone
    applies[whatonehaslearnt],onecomprehendscomprehendingisSagehood"(H:8.1023).
    TheMohistsmisunderstoodRuismtobeteachinganendlesssetofrules,wheninfactitwasteachingasingleart.Thatartwasaproductoftheeducationalintegration
    ofabroadvarietyofskillsystems:archery,textualstudy,music,dance,andsoforth.Thesediscreteskillmatriceswerelinkedthroughaframeworkofnormative
    doctrineandaestheticaffect,andtheywereintendedultimatelytogenerateasingleallencompassingmastermatrix:Sagehood.ForRuists,Sagehoodbornofsuch
    studywasampleenoughtocomprehendholisticallytheinterrelatedsignificanceofallphenomena.3 WeexploredthisnotionbrieflyinchapterIII,wherewedescribed
    itinthetheoryofpracticaltotalism.
    ThisSagehood,whichforRuistswasanultimatebreadthofvision,mustseemtousaproductofnarrowness.Itwasdeterminedbyarangeofskillsystemswhich,
    fromourculturalstandpoint,wasclearlylimitedandarbitrary.Ruistswereundernoillusionsaboutthesourceoftheiridealtheyunderstoodthatitwasaproductofa
    limitedsetofskills.TheHsunTzuexplicitlycelebratesthisprocess,whichitregardedasfarmorereliablethananyabstractattemptbythemindtopenetrateuniversal
    truthsonitsown:"Orderingthemindisnotasgoodaschoosingone'sskills....Whentheproperskillsaremastered,themindwillfollowthem"(H:5.23).4 Ruists
    understoodthegeneticbasisoftheirSagehood,but,unlikeus,theysawitasafoundationofethicalbreadth.FortheRu,theirritualskillsweretheculminationofa
    worldofhistoryandtheacmeofsocialandethicalperfection.If,aspracticaltotalismimplies,therecanbeonlyonespeciesoftrueSagehood,whatsinglesetofskills
    couldbemorelegitimatethanthesewithwhichtogenerateit?5
    Insum,Ruismwasarigorous,syntheticphilosophy,whichaimedtocultivateindisciplesacomprehensionofmeaningandtruthbornofritualskillmastery.Inourquest
    fortheRuistmeaningofT'ien,wehavehadtoreturnalwaystothiseducationalsourceoftheRuistvision.

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    ButtoknowT'ienthoroughlytoseeitinritualandtowatchitchangeinmeaninginthelightofpoliticalfailureandphilosophicalthreatstoknowwhatthis
    changeablenotionwastoRuistsovertheearlyyears,wewouldhavetomasterRuistskillsandbecomeRuists.Aswehaveargued,RuistTruthisnotdemonstratedin
    argument,butinanarrowlydelimitededucatedunderstanding.
    WecannotbeChouperiodRu,sowecannot,intheend,knowwhattheykneworwhatT'ienmeanttothem.Butwecan,Ithink,learnsomethingmoreaboutitifwe
    findamodernanalogueforRuistSagehood,amodelthatmightappealdirectlytocontemporarypersonalexperience,therebygivingusgreaterempathywiththe
    experiencesofRuistdisciples.ThisiswhatIhopetodointhenexttwosections.ThefirstwillcompilefromtheearlytextsadescriptiveportraitofRuistSagehood.
    ThesecondwilldrawonsomerecentstudiesofthepsychologicalconcomitantsoftheexerciseofskillmasterytosuggestcommonalitiesbetweenseminalRuist
    experiencesandourown.

    TheElementsofSagehood
    Asweindicatedintheintroduction,thepresumptionsofthemodernscholarlypointofviewleadustobescepticalaboutwhetherRuistseverachievedintheirpersons
    anythingsimilartotheperfectionidealizedasSagehood.Nevertheless,giventhecommitmenttothatidealevidencedbygenerationsofRu,itwouldbecynicalto
    maintainthatthisnotionofritualperfectionandsocialomnisciencewasanarbitraryclaimmadebyRuistssimplytoglorifytheirsectanditsleaders.Itisreasonableto
    believethatthenotionwasnotarbitrary,butmerelyanidealizationofanattainablelevelofhumanaccomplishmentandrewardthatRuistsexperiencedinthecourseof
    theirstudiesandpractice.
    Thisisessentiallyaquestionofsincerityandintellectualhonesty.When,forexample,weencounterapassagesuchasMencius'descriptionofthefloodlikeenergy
    (M:2A.2),unlesswearewillingtoarguethatMenciuswasacharlatan,wemustbelievethathisRuistselfcultivationhadledhimthroughatleastoneprofoundly
    movingexperienceofwhichhisstatementsweredescriptive.
    TheHsunTzucontainsapassagewhichisevenmoreconvincingonthisscore.ItseemstodescribeaRuistritualexperiencewemightcallmystical,buttoallowthat
    thesameexperiencecanbeachievedinanonRuistway.
    Alllibeginsinsparseoutline,becomescompleteinpatternedstyle(wen),andendsintakingjoyinitsconfines.Thus,initsmostcompleteform,spontaneousfeelings(ch'ing)
    andstylizationarebothfulfilled.Thenextbestisforspontaneous

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    6

    feelingsandstylestoovercomeoneanotherinturn.Andlowerstill,onecanreverttospontaneousfeelingsand,evenso,returntotheGreatOneness(H:19.2526).

    Now,theGreatOneness(t'aiyi)isdescribedearlierinthesamepassageasanexperienceavailablethroughceremonialaction(H:19.21).Thetermitselfsuggestsan
    encounterwithsometranscendentlevelofunity,butwehavenofurtherinformationaboutit,andspeculationonsohazyanotionwouldbeunproductive.Whatis
    remarkableaboutthepassage,though,isthefinalphrase,whichallowsthattheexperience,whateveritmayhavebeen,couldbeencounteredthroughwhatappearsto
    beanecstaticratherthanastylizedapproachthatis,itcouldbeachievedinanonRuistmanner.Thisisadoctrinallydisinterestedstatement,andassuchitis
    convincingevidencethatthisisasinceredescriptionofactualexperience,andnotsimplyselfservingrhetoriccastinamysticalmode.Itisstrongtestimony,which
    lendscredencetoawealthoftextualdescriptionsofSagehood,allofwhichmayhencebereadasexaggerationsoridealizationsofrealexperiences.
    Ifwegathersomeofthesetogether,andorganizethembycommonelements,wecanarriveatageneraldescriptionofthecomponentsoftherootexperiencesof
    RuistSagehood.Thedescriptionincludesfourmajorelements:(1)focusofconcentration(2)integrationofphenomena(3)asenseoftotalcontroland(4)feelingsof
    freedomandjoy.
    FocusofConcentration
    IntheAnalects,Confuciussaysthatachntzuneverforaninstantdeviatesfromjen.Nomatterwhatthecircumstances,histask"mustbehere"(A:4.5).Thisidea
    thatonemustlearntofocusone'sattentiononthetaskofselfperfectionpervadesallthreeofourtexts,andrepresentsbothamethodforbecomingaSageanda
    characteristicoftheSage.
    Focushastwoelements:itmeansnarrowingone'svisiontoincludeonlythefieldofethicalaction,anditalsomeansconcentratingallone'sattentiononthatfield.7 This
    secondelementbecomesincreasinglyimportantasamarkofSagehood.WhenMenciustalksaboutthepropermethodforcultivatingthe"floodlikeenergy,"hesays
    itcomesfromtheaccumulatedpracticeofrightactionanddescribesthatprocessbysayingthat"themattermustalwaysbethere,andthemindmustneverforgetitnor
    forceit"(M:2A.2).8 Inthiswayonecannurturean"unmovedmind."Ifthemindstraysforaninstantthenitsproperpathbecomesovergrown(M:7B.21).9 Onemust
    unifyone'sdispositionsandthusfocusthenaturalenergiesofthebodyuponone'sethicaltask(M:2A.2).10
    IntheHsunTzu,thisthemeisrepeatedlystressed.Onemustfocus(yib)themind,because"theeyescannotlookattwothingsandseeclearlythe

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    earscannotlistentotwothingsandhearclearly"(H:1.2022).Ineveryfacetofselfperfection,thekeyisto"unifyallandneverbedivided"(H:8.11011).11
    Integration
    ThesecondelementofSagehoodistheabilitytograspthemeaningofphenomenaintermsofaunifiedviewoftheworld.IntheAnalects,thisconceptisexpressedin
    theformula,"Ilinkalluponasinglethread,"whichwehavealreadyexaminedinchapterIII.12
    IntheMencius,thisideaofintegrationisexpressedinstatementssuchas"theworldofthingsiscompletewithinme"(M:7A.4),and"hewhoexhaustshismind...
    knowsT'ien"(M:7A.1).Thistotalisticunderstandingisoftendescribedasanextensionofordinarywaysofthinking,andasubstantialtechnicalvocabularyreflectsthis
    idea.Inadditionto"exhausting"(chin)themind,theMenciustellsusto"fillout"(ch'ung)ourinnatemoralinclinations(M:2A.6,7B.25,7B.31),to"extend''(t'ui)
    them(M:5A.7,5B.1),to"complete"(ta)them(M:7A.15,7A.19,7B.31).13Thisextensionispreciselyequivalenttoanunswervingdevotiontojenandtoright
    action.14
    InthecaseoftheHsunTzu,wehavealreadydiscussedasimilartechnicalvocabulary(chapterVI,section3.1),withinwhichthenotionoflei,inferencefromtype,
    playsaleadingrole.15TheSagehasdevelopedthefacultyofmoralinferencetoperfection."Hegraspswhatisdeepbymeansofwhatisshallow,whatisnewby
    meansofwhatisold,themanybymeansoftheone(H:8.9798cf.5.3132)."Hemeasuresallbymeansofhimself....Hecanlookuponrandomthingsandnot
    becomeconfused"(H:5.3537).
    SenseofTotalControl
    BecausetheSagehasaunifiedunderstandingoftheworld,healwaysknowswhattodo.ThismeansthattheSagealwaysrespondsproperlytocontingencies,and
    alsothathecontrolsevents.
    Wehaveseenhow,intheAnalects,theSageisneveranxious,perplexed,orafraid.Confucius(andYenYuan)alwaysunderstoodwhenitwaspropertoservealord
    andwhennotto.AstheMenciusputsit:"ConfuciuswastheSageoftimeliness(shih)"(M:5B.1).16
    TheSage'stotalisticunderstandingallowshimtoactwithfargreatersubtletythantheordinaryperson.Havingmasteredthecomprehensiveartofritualaction,heisno
    longerboundbylimitedmoralrules.Thus,Confuciusperceivesinagreatminister'sapparentcowardiceahigherprincipleofaction,andpraiseshimasjen(A:14.16
    17).AndMenciustellsusthattheSage'swordsandactionsmightnotconformtoordinarystandardsofmorality(M:4B.11).TheSagealonecanweighandevaluate
    alltheconsequencesofhisacts.17
    TheMenciustellsusthattheSage"rightshimselfandtheworldofthings

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    isrighted"(M:7A.19).TheHsunTzuagrees:hegraspstheunityofthetotalismand"allthingstaketheirproperplace"(H:21.53).ThisisbecausetheSage"controls
    things,"heisnot"controlledbythings"(H:2.20).
    Moreover,theSagemeetseverycontingentcircumstancewithanabsoluteperfectionofmovement.ItisworthrepeatingtheHsunTzu'sdancelikedescription:
    Hemovesalongwithtimehebowsorarchesasthetimeschange.[Fastorslow,curledorstretched,]athousandmovestenthousandchanges:hisWayisone(H:8.8687).18

    FreedomandJoy
    Confuciustellsus,intheAnalects,thatatagefifteenhesethisheartonstudy,andwhenhewasseventy,hecouldfollowthedesiresofhisheartandnevertransgress
    (A:2.4).Asamasterofritualart,hehadbecomeasourceofmorallaw,andhecouldconfidentlyenjoyperfectfreedomtodoashepleased.FortheHsunTzu,thisis
    theinevitableoutcomeofSagehood,forhavingperfectedthetotalisticunderstanding,whatneedwouldtherebetoforceorrestrainoneselfinordertodowhatis
    right?
    TheSagegivesfreereintohisdesires,embraceshisspontaneousdispositions,andallhecontrolsisperfectlyruled.Whatneedtoforce,torestrainwhatdangercouldtherebe?
    ThusthejenpersonwalksalongtheWaywithoutpurposiveeffort(wuwei)theSagewalksalongtheWaywithoutstriving.Thethoughtsofjenpeoplearedecorous(kung)the
    thoughtsoftheSagearejoyful(H:21.6667).

    TheHsunTzuevenstatesthattheSageneednotplanhisactionhisunpremeditatedimpulsesnotonlywillbemoral,theywillperfectlysuiteachcontingency(H:5.5,
    17.16).19
    Andinhisstateofsupremewisdom,theSagefindstranquilityandjoy.IntheAnalects,bothConfuciusandYenYuanaredescribedasmenofjoy,unaffectedby
    circumstance(A:6.11,7.19).Mencius,too,believedhehadmasteredanunswervingtranquility:an"unmovedmind"(M:2A.2).TheMenciusspeaksofafeelingof
    freedombornoflovingrightaction,anditdescribesajoysointensethatallunaware,"thefeetpranceandthehandsdance"(M:4A.27).
    <><><><><><><><><><><><>
    ManyotheraspectsofSagehoodcouldbecited,politicalprowessbeingone.ThiswasanaspectofSagehoodreadintohistory,ratherthancontemporarysociety.In
    theRuistview,theSagesofthepasthadinventedsocietyandbeenitskingstheywereSagesasleaders.Inadditiontomasteringthe

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    artofrespondingtocontingencies,theywereabletotransformtheworld.
    WehavelimitedourselvesheretononpoliticalaspectsbecausetheyaredescriptiveoftheSageasopposedtotheSageKing,andsoapplicabletothereal
    experiencesoflateChouRuists,andalsobecauseIbelievethattakenjustthisfar,thesedescriptivequalitiesarecomprehensibleasawholeandsuggestbelievable
    humanattributes.
    TheRuisttexts,unlikesomeTaoisttexts,donotgenerallyclaimpowersfortheSagethatconflictwiththephysicallimitationsofman,suchastheabilitytofly.The
    Ruistidealisstillamortalman,albeitaperfectone.AlthoughthereareprobablyfewpeopleinthemodernWestwhowouldadmitthatsuchtotalisticperfectionis
    possibleinahumanbeing,thisdescriptionoftheSagebecomesrecognizabletousasapersonaencounteredinlifeifweslightlyalteritscontext.Ratherthantryingto
    applythisidealizeddescriptiontoapersonashelivesthroughthevariedscenesofhislife,ourRuistSagewillbecomeaplausibleandentirelyfamiliarfigure,only
    slightlyexaggerated,ifwenarrowthescopeofhispowersbycomparinghimtoaskilledMasterintheprocessofperformingaspecialandlimitedart.

    ThePhenomenonofMastery
    Thestructureofskillperformanceissometimesdifficulttoisolate.Virtuallyeveryactperformedduringthecourseofalifetimecanbedescribedastheperformanceof
    skills.Actionsarenot,however,usuallyinterpretedinthiswaytheyaregenerallyunderstoodininstrumentalcontext,thatis,theyareentailedwiththeeventsoflife,
    anditistheconsequencesofanacttowhichwetendtopayattention,ratherthanthestructureoftheactitself.Itsmeaningisafunctionofitscontext.
    However,wedorecognizeareasinwhichskillperformanceisrelatively(althoughnotcompletely)disengagedfromlife,areassuchasthearts,athletics,andgames.
    Therelativenoninstrumentalityoftheseactivitiesallowsustoseemoreclearlyattributesthatcharacterizeskillperformance.
    RecentstudiesbypsychologistMihalyCsikszentmihalyihaveexaminedsomecharacteristicsofskillperformanceintheserelativelynoninstrumentalcontexts,andthe
    descriptionsthatsubjectsgiveoftheirexperiencestallywellwithRuistdescriptionsofSagehood.Successfulperformanceofskillsisassociatedwithafocusof
    concentrationuponalimitedphenomenalfield,facilitatedbythefactthattheskilledactoriscompletelyacquaintedwiththelimitedpossibilitieswhichthatfieldoffers
    forhisorherskill.20Theinfinitecontingenciesofnormalexperiencehavebeennarrowed:"[E]verythingneededforactinginthesituationisavailableallthe
    informationisthere,allthetoolsareathand."21Theskilledperformer(pianist,fencer,

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    skier,dancer)adoptsasingle,unifiedpointofviewfromwhichallrelevantparticularphenomenaarecomprehensibleinrelationtothewhole.22
    Theresultisatotalityofcontrolexperiencedinnoothertypeofactivity.Themasterperformerhasabalanceof"inner"skillsand"outer"challengesthatengendersa
    feelingofcompletecontroloversituations.23Andthissenseofcontrolisconfirmedbyanabilitytoactinextraordinarilyappropriateways.Decisionsseemtotheactor
    unpremeditated,yetareunfailinglycorrect.24Withinthecontextofmasteredskill,itispossibletobecomeaSage.
    Complementingthisexerciseofskillisaprofoundaffectiveelement,describedasacalmness,orharmony,an"aliveness":wefindadeepsenseofjoy.25Thisfeelingis
    sometimesdescribedasaspecialtypeofenergyorasenseof"Oneness"withsomethinggreaterthantheself,descriptionsthatremindusofpassagesfromourRuist
    texts.CompareMencius'descriptionofthe"foodlikeenergy"withdancers'statementsthatwhenaperformanceisgoingwellandconcentrationiscomplete,thereis
    "noareawhereyoufeelblockedorstiff.Yourenergyisflowingverysmoothly.""Iamincontrol.IfeelIcanradiateanenergyintotheatmosphere....Ibecomeone
    withtheatmosphere.''"Iwanttoexpand,hugtheworld."26
    ThesignificanceofstatementssuchastheseforunderstandingRuismcanonlybeappreciatedwhenwerecallthatwhatRuistswereperfectingduringtheirlongyears
    ofselfcultivationwerepreciselyskillssuitedforthistypeofnoninstrumentalaction:skillsinthehumanarts.Inthecourseoftheirstudyofritual,music,anddance,
    Ruistsmorethanlikelyencounteredtheverysortsoftotalisticexperiencesdescribedbymodernartists,athletes,andothers.Suchexperiencesofcompletecognitive
    andmotorcompetencecouldhaveprovidedthemodelforthetotalisticRuistportraitofSagehood.27
    Didthey?Ibelievetheydid.MyfeelingisthatindescriptionsofthepsychologicalconcomitantsofskillmasteryweencountertherootofearlyRuistpracticeandits
    elaboratingdoctrine,andthegenerationoftwomillenniaofRuisthistory.Thehypothesisisnotsubjecttoproofor,moretelling,todisproof.Itismerelyspeculation.
    Nevertheless,thisspeculationmakessenseandisenlightening,anditislegitimatetoacceptitforwhatitisasatisfyingandconsistentconclusiontoanexploratory
    philosophicalquest.
    <><><><><><><><><><><><>
    Attheoutsetofthisbook,wesuggestedthattheparadigmaticroleoftheRuistphilosopherwasasaMasterofdance,andourreinterpretationofearlyRuismhas
    frequentlyemployeddanceasaguidingmetaphor.The

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    metaphorhasformedalinkingthemeonseverallevels.
    Ruistsstudieddanceandweredancers.TheChouceremonialdancestheypracticedintegratedanartisticmasteryoverritualmusicandsong,thebearingofritual
    costume,andtheritualdancestepsthemselves.WhileritualdancemaynothaveoccupiedRuistsdailytothedegreethatotherformsofceremonydid,itstoodasthe
    ultimateexpressionofRuistaestheticmastery,combiningmanyaestheticskills,andexemplifyingthebasictaskofallritualstudy:thechoreographyofordinary
    existence.Itsmeaningwasselffulfilled,astheHsunTzurecognized:
    Howdowecometoknowthemeaningofadance?...Oureyesnotseeingforthemselves,ourearsnothearingforthemselves,welookdownandup,wecurlandstretch,we
    advanceandretreat,wequickenandslowinallwearestrictlyruled.Weexhaustthestrengthofmuscleandbone,constrainingourselvestotheconvergingrhythmsofgong
    anddrumwithouttheslightestdeviationandgradually,themeaningbecomesclear(H:20.3940).28

    Then,too,danceexemplifiestheperfectbondingofsocialritual:theidealthatRuistsprefiguredintheirmillennialvision.Asintheirutopianworldwheretheprescripts
    ofdelineatedsocialroleswoulduniteallindividualsinapredictable,largelyrepetitive,butsupremelyrewardingwebofsocialaction,justsodanceunitesitsmembers
    intheaestheticsatisfactionsofintegratingthemotionsofindividualsinaperfectfigureofsocialcooperation.
    Finally,asanarenaofnoninstrumentalskill,Iknowofnoactivitythatmoreuniversallyelicitstheexultantexperiencesofskillmasterywehavediscussedinthis
    chapter.Sincebeginningthisstudy,Ihaveencounterednumerousindividualswhohavetoldmeofadevotiontodancebasedonpreciselythesesortsofrewards,and
    Iexpectthattheyarecommonpropertyofartisticandritualdanceinallsocieties.29
    WhenwelookforaRuistmeaningofT'ien,wemustanticipatethatmeaningtobefundamentallyafunctionofthecorerewardsofRuistpractice:thejoyconcomitant
    toskillmastery.WhetherT'ienwasinvokedaspartofadoctrinalstructurethatlegitimizedanddefendedthatritualpractice,orwhetheritwassimplyreveredasa
    projectionofRuists'devotiontotheirartanditsrewards,theRuists'T'ienalwaysprefiguredthesenseoftheworldasseenbytheMasterofritualchoreography,the
    modeloftheSage.
    ThedanceofRuismpossessedselffulfilledmeaningthemeaningofT'ienmustbesoughtinthedance.

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    APPENDIXA
    THEORIGINSOFTHETERM"T'IEN"
    Theetymologicaloriginsoftheterm"t'ien"areobscure.TheearliestunambiguousinstancesofusagedatefromtheearlyWesternChou,thatis,theeleventhcentury
    B.C.Thisfactiscentraltothemostpopulartheoryconcerningtheoriginsoftheterm,firstproposedbyHerrleeG.Creelin1937.CreelproposedthatT'ien,asaterm
    andasadeity,wasaChouinnovation.AnalternativetoCreel'stheorythatreliesonanattempttodemonstratethattheterm"t'ien"appearswithfrequencyinpre
    ChousourceswasproposedbyShimaKunioin1958.Boththeoriesareplausible,buteachalsoinvolvesflawsinevidenceandargumentation.Acompletepicture
    wouldprobablyincludeelementsofboththeories,aswellasinformationconsideredbyneither.1
    BynotinghereboththecontentsandlacunaeinthemodelsofCreelandShima,andsupplementingtheseearliertheorieswithspeculationsalongindependentlines,we
    canglimpsethecomplexhistoryoftheterm"t'ien"thatformedthebackgroundtoRuistusage2

    Creel'sTheoryofT'ienastheChouAncestralKings
    Creel'stheoryissimplystated:
    ThistheoryholdsthatthecharacterT'ienisavariantformofthecharacterta[ ].Taisapictographofalargeorgreatman,anditnodoubthadthatsenseoriginallyamongthe
    ChoupeopleaswellastheShang.ButamongtheChouaparticularformoftabecamespecializedtoreferonlytothegreatestmen,theKings,andespeciallythedeadKings,who
    wereevenmorepowerful...Thus,T'iencametomeanthegroupofancestralKings(1970:502).3

    Thisis,Ithink,awellreasonedtheoryhowever,thereareproblemswithit.ThemostevidentproblemisonethatCreelhimselfnotes:thereispracticallynotextual
    evidencetosupportit.Butwhilethisisunfortunate,itisalsolikelytobetrueofanytheorythattriestogetatrootmeaningsof"t'ien."Ifthelackofevidencemeansthe
    theorycannotbeproved,itdoesnotmeanthatitisnotplausible:thereisnotextualevidencetorefuteiteither.4
    AmoreseriousproblemliesinCreel'sassumptionthattheword"ta"meant"alargeorgreatman."Otherproblemsinvolvethefactthatagraph

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    identicalto"t'ien"isusedintheShangtextsinthesenseof"great,"anddifficultiesconnectedwithCreel'ssuggestionofaphoneticevolutionfrom"ta"to"t'ien."Let
    usconsidertheseproblemsinturn.
    Creel'stheoryreliesheavilyintheglossof"ta"as"largeorgreatman."Butweareabletotrace"ta"backthroughtheoracletexts,andnowheredowefindstrong
    evidenceofsuchameaning.5 Thewordseemsconsistentlytomean"big"andthefactthattheoraclegraph( ,meaning"ascend,"everdenotedtwofeet,oneontop
    oftheother.6 Creelhasconfusedtwoprinciplesofcharacterformation,the"portraitofform"(hsianghsing)withthe"indicationofaffairs"(chihshih).
    Creelwishestoshowthat"t'ien"wasusedasaloanfor"ta"inthesenseof"great"andinthisheiscertainlycorrectthereismuchevidencetobearhimout
    (1970:49799).7 However,someoftheimplicationsofthisworkagainstCreel'stheory.TheloanrelationshipappearsinShangoracletextsaswellasinChoutexts,
    andthegraphusedintheShangtexts( )doesnot,asCreelnotes,denoteT'ieninthesenseofadeity.WhatCreelissuggestingthenisthatfortheChou,"ta"
    evolvedinto"t'ien"inthesenseof"heaven,"withagraphemic(andphonetic)developmentaccompanyingthesemanticone,whilefortheShang,anidentical
    graphemicdevelopmentoccurredindependentofsemantic(orphonetic?)change.Thisseemsimprobable.
    AkeyelementofCreel'stheoryisthattheChourulerwascalled"T'ientzu":"thesonofT'ien,"whichsupportsthenotionthat"t'ien"basicallydenotedtheformer
    Kings(Creel1970:50304).Butjusthereiswheretherelationshipbetween"ta"and"t'ien"maybecritical,because"t'ientzu"maymean"greatson"aseasilyas
    "sonofT'ien."EvidencethatitdidcanbefoundintworelatedShangbronzeinscriptions,theToyaShengyiandtheShengku.Thefirstoftheseinscriptionsreads:

    Onhsinssu,thekingwinedthe[leaderofthe]gravemen(?)Shengatthesacredshrine...wherefore[I,Sheng]makethis?vesselforTatzuTing(Shirakawa196364:1.13).

    Thesecondreads:

    T'ientzuShengmakesthisyivesselforFatherTing(Shirakawa196364:1.16).

    Theinscriptionspresentproblemsofinterpretation,buttheessentialfactseemstobethat"tatzu"and"t'ientzu"areequivalent,withSheng

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    succeedingtohisfather'stitle,whilehisfatherisstillreferredtobythattitleintheearlierinscriptions.8 Thiswouldindicatethattheoriginalmeaningof"t'ientzu"was
    not"sonofT'ien"but"greatson."
    Finally,Creel'sassertionthatthegraph
    InevaluatingCreel'stheory,wemustconcludethathisargumentsarenotadequatetosupporttheclaimthat"t'ien"wasaformof"ta"meaning"greatmen,"andby
    extension"theformerKings.''However,itisequallytruethatthebasicideathat"t'ien"denotedtheformerKingsremainsplausibleandunaffectedbyflawsinCreel's
    argumentation.Buildingonverylittleevidence,Creel'stheoryisreasonableandremainsimportant.

    Shima'sTheoryofT'ieninShangOracleTexts
    Theprincipalattractionofthetheoryof"t'ien's"originsproposedbyShimaKunioisthat,ifhistheoryiscorrect,itwouldallowustotracktheoriginsofT'ienthrough
    theShangoracletexts.Shima'stheorycanbedividedintotwoparts.Thefirstpartholdsthattheword"t'ien"doesindeedappearintheoracletexts,representedby
    thegraph (Shima1958:17486).9 Shimaarguesthevalidityofthefirstpartofhistheorybycitingthesecondpart.Wewilldistinguishthetwopartsclearlyhere
    becauseourconclusionwillbetorejectthesecondpart.whileallowingtheplausibilityofthefirst.
    Shima'stheoryisdesignedtocoverarangeofinstancesofthegraph ,butnotallofthem.Thefunctionsofthegraphasacyclicalsignarecompletelydistinctfromits
    hypotheticalfunctionasT'ien.Thefirststepinevaluatingthetheoryistodelimitthecorpusoftextstowhichitismeanttoapply.10Oncethisisdone,Shimaidentifies
    twofunctionsofthegraph:todenoteatypeofsacrifice,andtodenoteadeity(1958:17980).

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    Shimaholdsthatasasacrificename, (1958:17980,184).Hisargumentsrestonanextremelytenuousbaseofambiguous"loan"relationshipsandtortuous
    reasoning.Theseargumentsareinadequatetoovercomeacentraldifficulty,whichisthatthefunctionsofthesegraphsarealmostcompletelydisjoinedintheoracle
    texts.Inthecaseofthesacrificenames,theyhavenosacrificialobjectsincommon,andthestylesofdivinationappliedtothetwotypesarecompletelydifferent.11
    Thedifferencesareequallyclearinthecaseofthetwodeities.TheportraitofTiconveyedbytheoracletextsisofoneormanyhighgodsthatactivelyinfluencea
    widevarietyofhumanaffairs,butthatarerarely,ifever,directobjectsofsacrifice(Eno1984:5365).UnlikeTi,thedeitydenotedby israrelypicturedasactively
    influencingevents,andistherecipientofawidevarietyofsacrifices.12
    Despiteallthis,thehypothesisthattheShanggraph representsthesamewordastheChougraph remainstobeexplored.13
    Themostpersuasiveevidencethat might,indeed,havedenotedthedeityT'ienisthatsacrificesto occasionallywereperformedonatrulyimpressivescale.Three
    inscriptionsrecordthesacrificeof300humanvictimsto .14Withonepossibleexception,Ibelievethesearetheonlycasesofsomanyhumanvictimsbeingoffered
    toasingledeity.15Apartfromthis,theevidencethat denotedT'ienislargelynegativeifitisonceconcededthat heredoesnotfunctionasacyclicalsigndenoting
    aparticularancestor,thenwhatdeityotherthanT'iencoulditdenote?Giventhesizeofthesesacrifices,alternativestoT'ienarenoteasytojustify.Further,the
    phoneticrelationshipbetween*tieng/ting and*t'ien/t'ien isquitecloseconceivably,thegraphfortheformerwasloanedtoprovideagraphforthelatter.16
    Wefindotherinstancesof intheoracletextsthatmightprovideevidenceofacorrespondencebetweenthatgraphand"t'ien."Inonedivinationformula,oappears
    inparallelusagewithMountainandRiver,andthesenseofthesetextsappearstoindicatethatrainprayersweremadetothesedeitiesbydecapitatingfemalehuman
    victims.17Thismaysuggestthat wasanaturegod,whichwouldbringitcloserto"t'ien"inthesenseof"sky."Anotherseriesofdivinationsreferstothe"tingjen"
    ofcertainplacesortemples,thesepeopleallbeingwomen(S:2866).18InChoubronzeinscriptions,thephrases"t'ienchn''
    and"t'ienyin"
    seemto
    havethemeaningof"consort"insomecases"tingjen"mightpossessarelatedmeaninghere.19
    IfShima'stheorywerecorrect,whatrootmeaningsof"t'ien"wouldwebeabletodiscern?Thegraph isitselfsosimpleastoallowalmostanyinterpretation,and
    manyhavebeensuggested.20Theremightbeahintamongtheinscriptionswherethegraphseemstofunctionasasacrificename.

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    Intheseinscriptions, ,whichinthesecasesapparentlycarriestheconcurrentmeaningsof"shrine"and"shrinesacrifice."21Threeformulasappear:(1)
    :
    "tsungtingsacrifice....24"Tsung"seemstodenoteasacrificeherebyvirtueofbeingtheplacewheretheritualisperformed.Ifwetake"ting"asparallel,it,too,
    wouldrepresentaritualplace,butbecauseitisalsosubordinateto"tsung"wewouldexpectittorepresentaritualareawithinthetsungshrine.25Ifweallowthat
    thegraphmightnotbealoangraph,thenwemaygofurtherandsuggestasquareshapedritualplace.
    Turningtoothermembersofthegraphemicfamilytowhich*tieng/ting

    :"thetop."27

    Ifitweretruethat representedthedeityT'ien,wecouldarguefromthisevidencethatthewordasusedintheShangtextsreferredambiguouslytotheskyandtothe
    squarealtaruponwhichsacrificestoT'ienasskygodweremadeandwhoseshapemightitselfhavebeensymbolicofthesky.Thisessentialambiguitywouldbe
    hiddeninthedivinationtextsthemselves,becausethelanguageofthetextsgenerallydoesnotdistinguishbetweenthemeanings"sacrificeto"and"sacrifice
    at"(Keightley197980:29).
    If,indeed,"t'ien"originallycarriedameaningof"altar,"thenthatsenseofthewordwouldappeartohavediedoutduringtheChou.Butoneofourearliestreliable
    Choutexts,theHotsuninscription,mightindicatethatthismeaningwasstillavailablesoonaftertheChouconquest.ThatinscriptioncontainsfourreferencestoT'ien,
    andatleasttwoareproblematical.Ifweallowthattheword"t'ien"mayhaveambiguouslydenotedadeityandanaltaratonce,theseproblemsmightberesolvedto
    somedegree.Thefourpassages,translatedaccordingtothishypothesisarethese:
    1.

    ItwaswhentheKingfirstremovedhisresidencetoCh'engChou,carryingonanewtheritesofKingWu,[heperformed]fusacrifices[starting]fromthet'ien(altarofT'ien).28

    2.
    [KingWu]madeacourtyardannouncementatthet'ien.

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    3.
    Lookto[theexampleof]yournobleclansman,who[earnedthehonorof]havingavessel[dedicatedtohim]atthet'ienbycarryingouthisduties.29

    4.
    MaytheKing'sreverentvirtuebathethet'ien.30

    Inthefirstpassage(1),thefactthat"t'ien"denotesatemplelocationisagreeduponbymostcommentators.31Heretheellipsisoftheshrinenameisexplainedby
    takingthesenseasimplicitintheword"t'ien"itself.Thesecondpassage(2)exhibitsthesameambiguityof"to''and"at"aswefindintheoracletexts.An
    announcement"atthet'ien"wouldbeidenticaltoanannouncement"toT'ien."Inthethirdpassage(3),theoddideaof"havingrankwithT'ien"isexplainedbysticking
    totheconcreteimageryofthetext.Inthelastcase,thetroublesomeimageoftheKingsomehowbeingabletobathe(orcover)theskyoraskygodwithhisvirtueis
    resolvedbyusingtheconcreteimageofthealtar.32
    AllofthisprovidesconsiderablecircumstantialsupportforthemainpointofShima'sthesis,that inthesenseofadeityrefertotingsignkingsremainsplausible.In
    otherwords,althoughShima'stheoryhasagreatdealtooffer,itremainsatheorybasedonlittleevidence.Onewouldexpectthatifthetheorywererightandthese
    inscriptionswerereferringtoadeityofT'ien'sstature,theissuewouldnotbeindoubt.

    T'ienandtheSkyBorneDead
    AsalastattempttogetattherootsofT'ien,Iwouldliketoofferahypothesisconstructedlargelyfromcluesscatteredthroughlatephilologicalsources,suchasthe
    Shuowenchiehtzu,aworkofthelateHanperiod.Becauseofthelatedateofmuchofthematerial,thiscanatbestbeaspeculativetheory,butduetothegreat
    difficultyofextractinghelpfulinformationconcerningT'ienfromreliablyearlysources,Ifeeltheattemptisjustified.Whatwewillfindherearethepossibletracesofa
    traditionthatpicturedT'ienastheskyintheveryliteralsenseofthedirectiontakenbytheashesofpeopleburntuponapyre.Wewillsuggestthatthismighthave

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    reflectedanearlyritualtraditionofhumansacrifice,onewhichmighthavegivenwaytomoresymbolicpopularshamanisticritualsduringtheChou.
    Ourstartingpointisthedefinitionof"t'ien"foundintheShuowen.*T'ien/t'ienisdefinedthereas*tien/tien :"thetop,"awordtowhichitisphoneticallyrelated.
    Now,oneofthereasonsthattherootmeaningof"t'ien''issodifficulttotraceisbecausethegraphemicfamilytowhichthewordbelongsisalmostdevoidofother
    members.33Whatwearegoingtodohereistotakethemethodologicallyarbitrarystepofassociating"t'ien"withthegraphemicfamilyofitsShuowendefiniens.
    Wecanonlyhopethatthediscoveriesresultingwilltendtoconfirmthejusticeofthisstep.
    "T'ien's"fosterfamilyisruledbythephoneticandsemanticelement

    isdefinedas"risinghigh"inthesenseof"flyingonfire"(SWCTKL:3A.1144a).

    Letusassumethat"t'ien's"newfamilyisinvolvedwiththeimagesuggestedhereofapersonbeingburntandascendingtothesky.Isthereotherevidencetosupport
    this?Ifweallowourselvessomewhatmorespeculativeleewaythanisusual,wemightconsiderthefollowingfamilymembers: :"topplingover"(SWCTL:4A.1439b
    7B.3314b2A.596b9A.3976b2B.889b).Theseallappearapplicableasdescriptionsofapersonbeingburntuponapyre.
    Consideralsothefamilymember

    ,whichisdefinedasaburntofferingtoT'ien(SWCTKL:10A.4452b).35

    Anothergraphemicfamilycomesintothepicturehere,onewhichisphoneticallyclosetothe
    hengstates,itmeans"theequivalentofdeath"(SWCTKL:4B.1716b).37

    ",whichmeans"toexhaust"inthesenseof"todie,"or,astheLun

    AllthisseemstopointtoanassociationofT'ienwitharitualwherepeoplewereburntinordertosendthemtothesky,thehomeofthetransformed"immortals."But
    wastheresucharitual?WeknowfromabundantarchaeologicalevidencethattheShangandChoupeoplesburied

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    theirdead,theydidnotburnthemonpyres.However,indicationsarefoundthatcremationwaspracticedbypeoplestothewestoftheChoupolity,andthismight
    haveincludedtheareaoftheancientChouhomeland.PerhapstheechoesofsuchatraditionmayhavepersistedthroughtheChouperiod.38Itisatleasttruethatone
    ofthenamesforthedeathofaChourulerwastheverytermusedtonamethebarbarianpracticeofcremation(LC,Chli11:1.21a).39
    Furthermore,evidenceexiststhatsuggestsshamansandwitcheswereburntuponpyresasarainprayerritualduringboththeShangandtheChou.40Perhapsitis
    significantthatagraphusedintheoracletextstodenotethisritualwas ,acognateword.
    Indications,then,suggestthatT'ienwasconceivedinonetraditionasthesky,inthesenseofthedestinationoftheflamebornedead.Originally,thismayhave
    involvedtheactofburningpeople,butlaterthemeaningmusthavebecomemoreasymbolicone,shamansperhapsflyingtowardT'ieninthought,ratherthaninflame.
    Thetransformationissuggestedbythepresenceofthe

    topray''(SWCTKL:A.43441A.7273).

    Summary
    Becauseareliablebodyofevidencefortracingtheearliestmeaningsof"t'ien"islacking,effortstoisolatethosemeaningsnecessarilyresultintheoriesthatarerather
    speculative.Inthissection,wehaveconsideredthreesuchtheories.H.G.Creel'stheoryleadsustowardtheimageofT'ienastherulersofthepast,collectively
    conceivedaslivinginheaven.FollowingShimaKunio'stheory,wearrivedatapossiblerootmeaningof"t'ien"asconcurrentlytheskyorskygodandthealtarof
    thatgod.AthirdspeculativetheoryledustothinkofT'ienasthedestinationoftheashesofcrematedsacrificialvictims,ameaningof"sky"linkedtotheimageof
    deathbyfire.
    Investigationsof"originalmeanings"generallyaimatthediscoveryofarootreferentsoconcreteastoexplainallambiguitiesoftermusageasfunctionsoflater
    developmentofintellectualabstractions.Itmightbe,however,thatthedeepseatedambiguitiesthatpervadeallourresearchintotheoriginsoftheterm"t'ien"
    indicatethatvarietiesofreferentsandintellectualabstractionwerecharacteristicofthefunctionofthetermfromitsbeginnings.WhatwasT'ien:thesky,thedeadwho
    livedthere,thevictimswhowereburntandsentthere,oranaltarwheretheywereburnt?Inmany

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    ways,itmakeslittledifference.PerhapsT'ienreally"wasnot."PerhapseveninitsmostconcretesenseT'ienwasavanishingpoint,representingtheapexratherthan
    theobjectofreverence.Inareligiousmatrix,thesky,thespirits,theholyaltaranyofthesecouldhavebeenT'ien,andallwithequalrhetoricalforce.Andatone
    timeoranother,allmighthavebeen.

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    APPENDIXB
    ATHEORYOFTHEORIGINSOFTHETERM"JU"
    OnepotentiallyenlighteningtacticforfillingoutourportraitoftheearlyRuistcommunitywouldbetoexploretheearlymeaningsofthetermthatwasusedtodenote
    thegroup:"ju" 1 Unfortunately,thesourcesofthetermareobscure:itsmeaningandsignificancehavebeensubjecttolongdebate.Itispossibletooutlinea
    theoryoftheoriginsofthetermthatoffersstrongsupportfortheportraitoftheRuistcommunitydevelopedinthisessay:atheorythatlinkstheterm"ju"totraditions
    ofdance.Thetheory,however,isspeculative.ItshareswithmanyotherexplorationsinChinesephilologythemethodologicalweaknessoffocusingonasinglethread
    ofloanconnectionsamongwordswithoutofferingabalancingscaleofprobabilitytoweightheconclusivenessofeachlinkinthechain.Moreover,inmyviewatleast
    twolinksofthechainIwillattempttoforgebelowaretooweaktoallowtheanalysistostandaloneasademonstratedhypothesis.Asaresult,thepersuasivenessof
    thetheorymustrelyinpartuponthecoherenceofthecentralargumentsofthisbook.Forthisreason,itisincludedasanappendix,ratherthanasasupporting
    argumentinthemaintext.

    TheSilenceofthePreConfucianRu
    Beforeturningtoanetymologicalanalysisoftheterm"ju"wemustascertainwhethertheterm,initsWarringStatesusage,wasappliedexclusivelytothefollowersof
    Confuciusorhadabroaderrangeofapplication.Thecoreofthisquestionreducestoasimplerone.Wasthereagroupofpeopleknownas"Ru"priortothetimeof
    Confucius,orwasConfuciusthefirstRu?
    MostcommentatorsholdthattherewerepreConfucianRu:ritualspecialistsatfeudalcourts,whoserankswereprobablyfilledonthebasisofheredity.Thetheory
    wasmosteloquentlystatedattheturnofthecenturybyChangPinglin(CSTS,Kuokulunheng:12528).Chang,relyingonstatementsfromtheChuangTzu,held
    thattheoriginalRuhadbeenastrologersandmeteorologists,andthat"ju"becameagenericnameforalltypesof"skilled"(shu )ritualists.2 Manyscholarshave
    followedChang'smajorthesis,whiledifferingwithspecificsofhisargument.3

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    Chang'stheoryimpliesthatatsomepoint"Ru"denotedtwotypesofpeople:thesuccessorsofthepreConfucianRu,courtritualists,perhapsofhereditarylineage,
    andConfucius'followers,whoresembledtheoriginalRuintheirinterestinli,butwhoweredrawnfromsocietyatlarge,andwhoalsosubscribedtospecificdoctrines
    preachedbyConfuciusthatmightnothavebeenknowntooracceptedbyall"original"Ru.
    Thereisnoquestionthattheoriesofthisnatureareintuitivelyplausible.Themainproblemwiththemisthevirtualabsenceofsupportingevidence.Tomyknowledge,
    onlyonepassageexistsinverifiablypreCh'inliteraturethatappearstousetheterm"ju"torefertoagroupofmenotherthanthefollowersofConfucius.That
    instanceoccursintheAnalects(6.13),whereinConfuciusinstructshisdiscipleTzuhsiatobea"chntzuRu"ratherthana"vulgarRu."HuShiharguedthatthe
    languageofthepassageprovedbeyondadoubtthat'ju''wasusedasagenericnamepriortoConfucius'time(1934:56).
    A:6.13isgoodevidencetosupportsuchaclaim,butitisnotconclusiveevidence,anditstandsvirtuallyisolated.Theword"ju"isusedonlythisonceinthe
    Analects,anditappearsnowhereinpreConfuciantexts,suchasoracleorbronzeinscriptions,thePoetry,norevenintheDocuments.IntheMoTzuandthe
    Mencius,thewordisalreadyemployedsolelyasanameforConfucius'school,asitisinlaterworks.
    PerhapsthemostpersuasivecaseagainsttheexistenceofpreConfucianRuisanargumentfromsilencebasedontheevidenceoftheTsochuan,aRuisttextthat
    presentsaromanticizedhistoryofthecenturiesimmediatelyprecedingConfucius'time.SuchatextmightwellbeexpectedtogivepreConfucianRuasignificantrole,
    anditseemsthemostlikelyplacetoturntofindaninstanceoftheterm"ju"appliedtopreConfucianfigures.Surprisingly,theTsochuanusestheword"ju"just
    once:itappearsinthecompound"Rubooks'(jushu[Ai21:30.45]),wherethetermisemployedindirectreferencetoanincidentinvolvingConfucius'disciples(cf.
    Ai17:30.3940),andtheword"Ru"clearlydenotesthemandnotanypreConfuciangroup.4
    ThefailureoftheTsochuanandotherearlytextstoconfirmtheexistenceofpreConfucianRuleavesthestatusofA:6.13verymuchinquestion.Todate
    persuasivelyindividualpassagesintheAnalectsortoevaluatetheirauthenticityashistoricalaccountsisnotoriouslydifficult.ButgiventheisolationinwhichA:6.13
    standsintermsofevidenceofpreConfucianRu,sustainingthepresumptionthatitaccuratelyreportswordsutteredduringConfucius'lifetimeisdifficult.
    Insum,groupsofmenprofessionallyskilledinceremonialpracticeinwayssimilartoConfuciusandhisfollowersunquestionablyexistedpriortoConfucius'time:
    however,virtuallynoevidenceisfoundtosuggestthatthe

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    word"ju"waseverusedtodescribethem.5 ThetermseemstohavebeenaninnovationoriginallyintendedtodenotethenewsectfoundedbyConfucius.6

    TheSourcesoftheTerm"Ju"
    Iftheword"ju"wascoinedasanameforthefollowersofConfucius,theoriginalmeaningofthetermshouldbeofgreatinterestindevelopingaportraitofthat
    communityofdisciples.Currently,ourunderstandingofthewordissoshallowthatthenamebywhichtheRuistcommunitywasknownaddsalmostnothingtoour
    insightintothenatureofthegroup.

    TraditionalApproaches
    ThestartingpointforalletymologicalworkinancientChineseistheShuowenchiehtzu,adictionarycompiledbythelateHanscholarHsuShenaboutA.D.100.
    TheShuowengivesusthefollowingdefinitionofju":"'Ju'means'flexible'(jou
    )"(SWCTKL:8A3483).Theword"jou"hasadditionalmeaningsof"soft,"
    ''weak,"and"tocomfort."Ofthese,themeaning"weak"hasattractedtheattentionofinterpretersmostoften.7
    HuShihlinkedtheideaof"weakness"toacomprehensivetheoryheheldthatviewedpreConfucianRuasthedescendantsofShangritualistswho,asthepriestclass
    ofaconqueredpeople,prizedthevalueofsubmissiveness(1934).Hu'stheorywasdisputedbyFungYulan,whobelievedthatthenameof"Ru"wasappliedinthe
    senseof"weak"tothefollowersofConfuciustodistinguishthemfromthemartiallyskilledMohists(1935).8 LiuChieh,adoptingportionsofFung'sarguments,
    stressedthatthename"Ru"postdatedConfucius'timeandwasprobablyasatiricalterm,coinedbyMohistswhodisapprovedofthenonmilitarynatureoftheRuist
    syllabus(1943:218).9 Allthesetheoriesremaintenable,butwedonothaveadequateevidencetoadjudicatebetweenthem.
    Acommonflawthatpervadesmostofthetheorieswehavementionedisthattheydonotaccountfortheterm"ju"butratherfortheterm"jou,"theShuowen
    definiens.WhileitistruethatShuowendefinientiaareoftenetymologicallyrelatedtothewordstheydefine,therelationissometimesmoreobliquethan
    straightforward.Anyattempttopenetratethesenseoftheterm"ju"shouldbeginbyadoptingadifferentmethodology.10

    TheDwarfDancers
    Theprimaryreasonwhyscholarshavebeendriventoexamine"jou"ratherthan"ju"liesinthefactthattheword"ju"virtuallyneverappearsin

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    preCh'intextsinanysenseotherthan"Confucian."Theonlyexceptionisitsappearanceasthesecondelementofabinome:theword"chuju" meaning"dwarf
    dancer,"aspeciesofperformer,partacrobat,partshaman,ofquestionablereputation.11Thesemanticcontributionoftheelement''ju"inthiscompoundisnotclear.
    "Chu"initselfmeans"dwarf,"butnoinstancesarefoundof"ju"appearingindependentlytoconfirmaglossof"dancer."ItisacharacteristicofancientChinesethat
    inbinomesinwhichbothelementsrhyme,thesecondelementoftenmakesnosemanticcontribution.Ifthebinome"chuju"(
    )wereatrue"rhymingbinome"
    thenwecouldinfernoinformationconcerningthecharacter"ju."12
    Itispossible,however,that"chuju"isnotatruerhymingbinomeandthatbothelementsofthetermmakesemanticcontributions.Examplesofapparentlyrelated
    binomesarefoundinwhichsecondsyllabledoesmakeasemanticcontribution.Forexample,theKuangyun,awordbookdatingfromthesixthcenturyAD.,
    equatesthemeaningofacognatebinomechunou
    withitssecondelement.13
    Similarinstancesshedfurtherlightonthemeaningof"chuju"andof"ju."Thebinome*iu :"fearful"(cowering?),couldeasilyreflectsuchameaning.15An
    elegantlinkageoftheideasofdwarfanddancecouldbeachievedbysuggestingthatthehunchedqualityofthe"ju"maynothavebeenacharacteristicofhisperson,
    butratherofthedancesperformed.Inparticular,flowingmovementsforwhichdancerswerenecessarilyarchedorbowedmighthavesuggestedanassociationwith
    thehunchbackform.16
    Theimplicationsarethatthecharacter"ju"mayhavepossessedanindependentmeaningeitheridenticalwiththeoverallsenseof"chuju,""dwarfdancer,"orwith
    thesimplemeaningof"dancer."Onsonarrowabasisofevidence,however,suchaconclusionmustbejudgedspeculative.

    TheFlexibilityoftheApe
    Tomakesuchspeculationpersuasive,themostpromisingapproachwouldbetodemonstratethattheword"jou,"theShuowendefiniens,waslikewiseconnectedto
    thenotionofdance,andthatthecharactersfor"ju"and"jou"were,infact,simplyalternategraphsforasingleword,asdemon

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    stratedbysignificantindicationsofloanuse(arelationthatcharacterizesmanyofthedefiniendaanddefinientiaintheShuowen).Asitturnsout,theword"jou"does
    indeedhavecloseconnectionstodancehowever,significantindicationsofloanusearelacking.
    BronzeinscriptionsdatingfromtheearlyChoumakeclearthatthecharacter"jou"wascommonlywrittenwithagraphthatevolvedintothecharacter"nao" (in
    theearlyChoutheseweremostlikelyhomophonous).17"Nao,"theShuoweninformsus,was"anavariciousbeastsomesayitisamotherapewhoresemblesa
    person"(SWCTKL:2326b).18
    Onthebasisofthebronzeforms,wecaninferthat"nao"representstheoriginalgraphfortheword"jou,"whichlatercametoberepresentedbyafarsimplergraph.
    theShuowendefinitionfor"jou"is:"thestraighteningandbendingofwood,"whencethesense"flexible.''Themeaningof"flexible,"whichtheShuowenrather
    forciblyconnectswithwoodonthebasisofthewoodsemantemeinthelatergraph,wasmoredirectlyconveyedbythecrouchedfigureoftheape,representedinthe
    earliergraph.

    TheApeDancers
    Theword"nao"leadsusintoaclusterofphoneticcognatesthatincludetheelements
    laterperiod.20

    :"dancer,"awordthatleadsusbacktoour"chuju"dwarfsofasomewhat

    Thetypeofdancerdenotedbytheword"yu"wassimilartothatdenotedbythebinome"chuju,"andthesedancerswerealsooftenreferredtobycompound
    words,suchas"p'aiyu"
    TheuseofthesetermsinlateChouandHantextsindicatesthatthesewerecomicdancers,associatedwithperformances
    consideredlewdbycontemporaryconservatives.Additionally,inthisregardtheywereexplicitlylinkedtothechujudancers.Considerthefollowingpassagefromthe
    Lichi,aRuisttextlikelytodatefromtheearlyHan:
    Tzuhsiasaid,"...Intoday'snewmusictheranksofdancersareallcrooked,andlascivioussoundsunceasinglyoverflow.Andthentheyuandchujuminglemaleandfemale,like
    apes(nao)whocannotdistinguishparentfromchild(Yuehchi:11.15b).21

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    IfRuistsderivedtheirnamefromassociationwithdancersofsuchatype,theywouldhavebeenunlikelytowelcomesuchalinkage.Thetermwouldsurelyhavebeen
    intendedsatirically:ameansofmockingRuistobsessionswiththeartistryoforthodoxmusicanddance.Perhapsitwasinaspecificefforttoparrythethrustofsucha
    jibethatRuistselaboratedthetaleofthemostdramaticepisodeinConfucius'biography:hisroleasaministertoDukeTingofLuatameetingwithDukeChingofCh'i
    atChiaku,in500B.C.IntheShihchiaccount,ConfuciusconfrontsDukeChing'slackofritualproprietysoeffectivelythatCh'iispromptedtoreturntoLu,with
    apologies,threeparcelsofLulandsthatCh'ihadformerlyannexed.HereishowConfuciusmadehispoint:
    TheCh'iMasterofCeremonieshurriedinsaying,"Weaskpermissionforaperformanceofpalacemusic.""Granted,"respondedDukeChing.Theyuch'angandchujubegan
    theiracrobatics.Confuciushurriedforwardupthedaissteps,callingashebegan,''Commonerswhodazethemindsoflordsmustsufferexecution!Letthemastersofceremonies
    beorderedaccordingly!"Themastersofceremoniescarriedoutthelawhandsandfeetwerescatteredinalldirections.DukeChingwasmovedwithfear(SC:47.1915).

    Withsuchaclimaxtothepoliticalcareeroftheirfounder,Ruistswouldhavebluntedatleastsomeofthenegativeeffectsoftheirunfortunatetitle.22
    YetalthoughitmayseemobvioustouswhyRumightfeeluneasyatbeingnamedaftercomicorlewddancerswhorecalledtheformsoffemaleapes,thereisno
    evidencethatRuistsmadeanydirectattempttorejectthename"ju,"orexpresseddissatisfactionwithit.Thismaymerelybealapseintherecord,butitdoesnot
    serveourtheory.Perhapsanotherexplanationcanbefound.

    TheMaskedDanceMasters
    Theword"jou,"asJaoTsungyihasstressed,canhaveapositivesense,asisexemplifiedinthephrase"jouyuannengerh"
    animalsnotsurprisingbecausebothwordsbelongtothefamilyofwordsgovernedby"nao,"theape.23

    ,"totame,"asintotamewild

    Theword"jao"isusedinthesenseof"taminganimals,"butitisalsousedinthesenseof"educatingthepeople."Forexample,intheChouli,thehighofficeofT'ai
    tsaiincludes"responsibilityforestablishingthestatebymeansofthesixconstantcodes."Ofthe"codeofinstruction,"thetexttells

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    us:"Itisusedtobringpeacetothestate,toinstructitsofficials,andtoeducate(jao)themyriadpeople"(CL:1.lOa).Thetermsuggestsaprocessofpacifyingthrough
    enlightenedtraining.
    AswesawinchapterII,forRuisttextssuchastheChouli,theprocessofeducationwasbuiltaroundtraininginmusicanddance:theidealizededucationinstitutions
    ofsuchtextsarepresidedoverbymusicmasters,andthecurriculaconsistlargelyofgraduatedcoursesinceremonialdance.Thewords"jao"
    wouldhavean
    originalmeaningverycloseto"dancemaster,"wherethemasterispicturedatonceasthemaskedanimaldancerandthetamerofanimals.Ifsuchweretherootsof
    theterm"ju,"itwouldexplaintheapparentsatisfactionwithwhichtheRuistschoolboreitsname.
    Colorfulasthislineofspeculationis,furtherevidencewillberequiredbeforethetheorycanberegardedasmorethanplausible.24Theabsenceofstraightforward
    loanrelationshipsbetweenwordsofthephoneticclassof"ju"andthoseoftheclasstowhich"jou"and"jao"belongremaintroubling.25Oneclosinginstancethat
    bearsonthetheory,however,mightbeworthnotinginbrief.
    InthesectionoftheDocumentsthatpurportstorecordeventsatthecourtsoftheEmperorsYaoandShun,asectionprobablycomposedbyRuistauthorslateinthe
    WarringStatesperiod,twosimilarpassagesappearthatseemsuggestive.ThesepassagesfocusonapersonagenamedK'uei )seemstobearthisout,asit
    picturesafigurewithanoversized,misshapenheadunmistakablymasklikeabentbody,andonegreatfoot.Asithappens,itisthegraphfor"nao,"theapeand
    apemaskeddancer(latescriptevolutionestablishedasmalldistinctionbetweenthetwocharacters).
    K'uei,then,seemstohavebeena"nao,"andsoitisnotsurprisingtofindthatinhisRuistincarnationintheDocuments,heiscastastheroyalmusicmasteratthe
    courtoftheEmperorShun."K'uei!"commandstheEmperor:
    "Iorderyoutocodifythemusicandinstructthenoblesons....Letthemspeaktheirmindswithpoetryletthemchanttheirspeechinsongletthemlinktheirchantstothetones
    ofthescalelettheirmelodiesbringthetonesinharmony.Theeightinstrumentsintunewithoneanother,noneusurpinganother'srolethusmayspiritsandmenjoinin
    harmony.""Oh,yes,"repliedK'uei."ForwhenIstrikethechimeofstoneitsetsthehundredbeaststodancing"(Shuntien:1.11).26

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    Surely,ifK'ueiwasanao,thoughanaowereanape,aRucouldbewellsatisfiedtobecalledoneaswell.

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    APPENDIXC
    HSUNTZUTREATISEONT'IEN

    [A]2
    (1)3 T'ien'swaysareconstant:itdoesnotprevailduetoYaoitdoesnotperishduetoChieh.Respondtoitwithorderandgoodfortunefollowsrespondtoitwith
    disorderandillfortunefollows.Strengthentheroot4 andregulateexpenditures,andT'iencannotimpoverish.(2)Bringnurturancetocompletionandactonlywhen
    thetimeisripe,andT'iencannotsicken.5 CultivatetheWaywithoutirresolution,andT'iencannotdevastate.Floodanddroughtcannotbringstarvationextremesof
    coldandheatcannotbringsickness(3)prodigiesandfreakscannotbringillfortune.Lettherootsshrivelandspendextravagantly,andT'iencannotenrich.Skimp
    nurturanceandactcontrary6 tothetimes,andT'iencannotcomplete.(4)AbandontheWayandactwantonly,andT'iencannotbringgoodfortune.Thereis
    starvationwithoutfloodordroughtthereissicknesswithoutextremesofcoldandheatthereisillfortunewithoutprodigiesandfreaks.(5)Thoughtheseasons
    revolveastheydoinorderedtimes,disasteranddevastationariseunlikeinorderedtimes.7 T'iencannotbeblamed:itisaconsequenceoftheway[chosenbyman].
    HewhounderstandsthedistinctrolesofT'ienandmanmaybecalledaperfectman.

    [B]
    (6)Thatwhichisaccomplishedwithoutaction,obtainedwithoutpursuit,thatbelongstotheofficeofT'ien.8 Thoughitbeprofound,manaddsnothoughttoitthough
    itbegreat,manaddsnoabilitytoit(7)thoughitbekeen,manaddsnoinsighttoit.Thisiscalled"notcontestingofficewithT'ien."T'ien(theheavens)hasitsseasons,
    earthhasitsriches,manhashisrule:thisiswhatismeantby"formingatrinity."(8)Todiscardthemeansforjoiningwiththeothertwoandinsteadtoaspiretotheir
    [likeness]:thisisdelusion.9
    Theranksofstarsrevolveinprocession,thesunandmoonshineinturn,theseasonssucceedoneanother,theforcesofyinandyang[alternate]in

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    greattransformation,(9)thewindsandrainsgivebroadnourishment,thethingsoftheworldeachobtainaharmony[offorces]wherebytheycometolifeeach
    obtainsnurturancetogrowtocompletion:theprocessunseenbutthefinishedworkmanifestthisiscalled"spirit."(10)Allknowitbythatwhichitbringsto
    completion,butnoneknowitsformlessbeingthatiscalled"T'ien."OnlytheSagedoesnotseektoknowT'ien.10
    WiththeofficeofT'iensettledandtheworkofT'ienaccomplished,thephysicalformisintactandthespiritisborn.11(11)Love,hate,pleasure,anger,grief,andjoy
    areassembledtherein:thesearecalledthe"T'ienlikedispositions."Theears,eyes,nose,mouth,andbodyhavetheir[realmsofsensual]encounterwithoutduplicative
    ability:thesearecalledthe"T'ienlikefaculties."(12)Theheartdwellsinthevacantcenterandtherebygovernsthefivefaculties:itiscalledthe"T'ienlikeruler."It
    moldsthingsnotofitsspeciesinordertonurtureitsspecies:thisiscalled"T'ienlikenurturance."(13)Itjudgesthingsthataccordwiththeirspeciestobefortunateand
    judgesthingsthatdiscordwiththeirspeciestobeillfortuned:thisiscalled"T'ienlikerule.''12
    Todarkenone'sT'ienlikeruler,bringdisordertoone'sT'ienlikefaculties,forsakeone'sT'ienlikenurturance,discordwithone'sT'ienlikerule,(14)contravene
    one'sT'ienlikedispositions,andsodissipateT'ien'swork:thisiscalled"greatestevil."TheSageclearshisT'ienlikeruler,rectifieshisT'ienlikefaculties,fulfillshis
    T'ienlikenurturance,followshisT'ienlikerule,(15)nurtureshisT'ienlikedispositions,andsobringscompletiontoT'ien'swork.13
    Thus,ifoneunderstandswhatheistodoandisnottodo,thenheavenandearthwillfulfilltheirproperfunctionsandthethingsoftheworldwillservehim.(16)Acts
    fullyruled,nurturancefullyrealized,inlifesufferingnoinjury:14thisiscalled"knowingT'ien."Thus,thegreatestcraftliesinactsnottaken,thegreatestwisdomin
    thoughtsnotpondered.15

    [C]
    (17)WhatmanseeksfromT'ien(thesky)shouldmerelybeitsmanifestimages,bywhichtimemaybemarked.Whatmanseeksfromearthshouldmerelybethat
    whichmaybeappropriatedfromit,16whichmaybehusbanded.Whatmanseeksfromthefourseasons(18)shouldmerelybetheirregularsequence,towhichhecan
    actinresponse.Whatmanseeksfromtheforcesofyinandyangshouldmerelybetheirharmonies,whichhecanemploytocreateorder.17Functionarieskeeptrack
    ofT'ienyoumustkeeptotheWay.18

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    [D]
    (19)Areorderanddisorderdeterminedbythe[actionof]theheavens(t'ien)?[I]say:the[regularities]ofthesunandmoon,stars,planets,andconstellationswere
    identicalforbothYandChieh.YcreatedordertherebyChiehcreateddisorder.Thus,orderanddisorderarenotdeterminedbytheheavens.(20)Arethey
    determinedby[theactionof]theseasons?Proliferationandgrowthinspringandsummer,harvestandstorageinautumnandwinter,this,too,wasidenticalforYand
    forChieh.YcreatedordertherebyChiehcreateddisorder.Thus,orderanddisorderarenotdeterminedbytheseasons.(21)Aretheydeterminedbytheland?He
    whoacquireslandisabletolivehewholoseshislandwilldie:this,too,wasidenticalforYandforChieh.Ycreatedorderthereby,Chiehcreateddisorder.(22)
    ThePoetryputsitthus:"T'iencreatedthemountaintall,KingT'aibroughtcultivationtoithehavingdoneso,KingWenbroughtpeacetoit."19

    [E]
    T'iendoesnotsuspendwinterbecausepeopledislikecold(23)earthdoesnotcontractitsbreadthbecausepeopledislike[traveling]greatdistancesthechntzu
    doesnotcurtailhisactionsbecauseoftheclamorofpettypeople.T'ienhasaconstantwayearthhasconstantprogressions(24)thechntzuhasconstancyof
    person.20Thechntzutakeswhatisconstantashiswaythepettypersoncalculateshiscredits.21ThePoetrysays:"[Undeviatinginritualandright,]whybe
    concernedwhatothersmaysay?"22

    [F]
    ThatthekingofCh'umayhavearetinueofathousandchariots(25)doesnotmeanthatheiswise.Thatachntzumayhaveonlybeanstoeatandwatertodrink
    doesnotmeanthatheisstupid.Theseareduetotherhythmsofcircumstance.23Toberefinedinpurpose,richinvirtue,andclearinthought24(26)toliveinthe
    presentbutbedevotedtothepast25thesethingsarewithinone'sownpower.Thechntzuattendstowhatiswithinhispoweranddoesnotaspiretothatwhich
    iswithinthepowerofT'ienalone.Thepettypersondefaultsonwhatiswithinhispower(27)andaspirestothatwhichiswithinthepowerofT'ienalone.Becausethe
    chntzuattendstowhatiswithinhispoweranddoesnotaspiretothatwhichiswithinthepowerofT'ienalone,hegoesforwarddaybyday.Becausethepetty
    persondefaultsonwhatiswithinhispower(28)andaspirestothat

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    whichiswithinthepowerofT'ienalone,hegoesbackwarddaybyday.Thus,the[pivotsof]thechntzu'sdailyprogressandthepettyperson'sdailyregressare[at
    root]one.Thedifferencebetweenthetwoliesinthis.

    [G]
    (29)Whenstarsfallortreessing,thepeopleofthestateallaskinterror,"Whatdoesthismean?"[I]sayitmeansnothing.Thesearethechangesoftheheavensand
    theearth,thetransformationsofyinandyang,(30)rareeventsintheworldofthings.Itispropertowonderatthemitiswrongtofearthem.Eclipsesofthesunor
    moon,unseasonablerainorsnow,theoccasionalappearanceofstrangestars:(31)therehasneverbeenanagewithoutthem.Iftherulerisenlightenedandhis
    governmentstable,thenthoughtheseappearinseriesduringhisrule,noharmwillbedone.Iftherulerisbenightedandhisgovernmentreckless,thenthoughnoneof
    thesethingsoccur,(32)itwillbeofnouse.Thefallingofthestars,thesingingofthetrees,thesearethechangesoftheheavensandtheearth,thetransformationsof
    yinandyang,rareeventsintheworldofthings.Itispropertowonderatthemitiswrongtofearthem.

    [H]
    (33)Amongeventsthatmayoccur,thosewhichshouldbefearedarehumanportents.26Whencarelessploughingcausescropstosufferandthosewhoweedleave
    weedsbehind,whengovernmentisrecklessandlosesthesupportofthepeoplethefieldsunkempt,thecropsmeager,grainsolddearandpeoplestarving,(34)
    corpseslyingintheroad:thesearewhatImeanbyhumanportents.Whengovernmentdirectivesareunenlightened,thepopulacesummonedtolaboroutofseason,
    agricultureleftindisorder:thesearewhatImeanbyhumanportents.(35)Whenritualandproprietyarenotcultivated,publicandprivateaffairsnotproperly
    distinguished,whenmaleandfemalemixwantonlyandfatherandsondoubtoneanother,whensuperiorandinferiorbecomeestranged,whenbanditryandinvasion
    appearintandem:thesearewhatImeanbyhumanportents.(36)Suchportentsarebornofchaosifallthreetypesoccuratonce,therecanbenopeaceforthestate.
    Thereasons27aresonearathandthecatastrophesotragic!

    [I]
    Whenlaborsareunseasonable,cowsandhorsesgivebirthtooneanother'sprogenyandprodigiesappearamongthesixtypesoflivestock.

    Page202

    (37)Itispropertowonderatthisitiswrongtofearit.Theteachingssay:Theprodigiesoftheworldofthingsshouldberecordedbutnotexplained.28Analysesthat
    havenoapplication,investigationsthatdonotproceedfromurgency:theseshouldbediscardedandnotcultivated.(38)Asfortheproprietiesgoverningrulerand
    minister,theaffinitiesgoverningfatherandson,andtheroledistinctionsgoverninghusbandandwife,theseshouldbeunceasinglyrefined.29

    [J]
    Whenperformanceofthegreatraindanceisfollowedbyrain,whatdoesthismean?[I]sayitmeansnothing.Itisasthoughtheraindancehadnotbeenperformed
    andithadrained.(39)Theritualsof"saving"thesunandmoonwhentheyareeclipsed,ofperformingtheraindanceintimesofdrought,ofdiviningwithboneand
    milfoilbeforedecidingagreatmatter,thesearenotperformedasmeansofgaininganendtheyaremeansofornamenting(wen)[action].(40)Thechntzu
    understandsthemasornamental,thepopulaceunderstandsthemasspiritual.Understandingthemasornamentalleadstogoodfortuneunderstandingthemasspiritual
    leadstoillfortune.

    [K]
    Intheheavens,nothingismorebrilliantthanthesunandthemoon.Onearth,nothingismorebrilliantthanwaterandfire.(41)Amongthings,nothingismorebrilliant
    thanpearlsandjade.Amidstmankind,nothingismorebrilliantthanritualandpropriety.Ifthesunandmoonwerenothigh,theirbrilliancewouldnotshine.Ifwater
    andfiredonotcollectintomasses,(42)their[powersto]brightenandmoistenwillnotbespreadabroad.Ifpearlandjadearenotpolishedthenkingsanddukeswill
    notregardthemastreasures.Ifritualandproprietyarenotappliedtothestate,thenthefameofitsaccomplishmentswillnotbecomeknown.Thusitissaid:(43)The
    lifespanofamanresideswithT'ienthelifespanofastateliesinli.30Ifhewhorulesmenexaltsliandhonorstheworthy,hewillruleaskingifhelaysstressonlaws
    andvaluesthepeople,hewillruleashegemonifhelovesprofitandproliferatesdeceit,hewillruleindangerifhereliesoncalculatingschemes,(44)subversionand
    periloussecrecy,hewillbetotallydestroyed.

    [L]
    ExaltT'ienandcontemplateit?
    Rather,husbanditscreaturesandsoregulateit!

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    FollowT'ienandsinghymnstoit?
    Rather,regulateT'ien'smandateanduseit!31
    (45)Lookupontheseasonsandawaitthem?
    Rather,respondtotheseasonsandexploitthem!
    Acceptthingsastheyareandincreasethem?
    Rather,givereintotalentsandtransformthem!
    Contemplatethingsandtreatthemasgivens?
    Rather,createorderamongthingsand
    (46)unfailingly[seizetheirpotential]!
    Longforthesourcefromwhichthingsareborn?
    Rather,promotethemeanswherebytheyare
    broughttocompletion!
    Hence,tosetasidemanandcontemplateT'ienistomistakethebasicnatureofthings.32

    [M]
    (47)Thatwhich[abided]unchangedthroughthereignsofthehundredkings[ofantiquity]mayserveasthelinkingthreadoftheWay.Respondtothetransienceof
    affairswiththisthreadallprincipleswillbelinkedwithoutdisorder.Ifyoudonotknowhowtolink[thingsinthisway],youwillnotknowhowtorespondtochange.
    Theessenceofthislinkingthreadhasneverceasedtobe.33(48)Disorderisbornofdeviatingfromitorderexhaustsitseveryaspect.
    Hence,[inpursuing]thegoodnessoftheWay,followwhatfullyaccordswithitwhatdistortsitonemustnotdotomistakeitisthegreatestconfusion.Whenmen
    wadeacrossrivers,(49)theymarkthedeeppits.Ifthemarkersarenotclear,otherswilldrown.Thosewhorulepeople[must]marktheWay.Ifthemarkersarenot
    clear,thereischaos.Theliarethemarkers.Torejectliistodarkentheworld,andadarkenedworldisingreatestchaos.(50)Thus,iftheWayismadethoroughly
    clear,ifinnerandouteraredistinctlymarked,ifthereisregularityinthehiddenandthemanifest,thenthepitswhichdrownthepeoplewillberemoved.

    [N]
    TheworldofthingsisbutacorneroftheWayone[speciesof]thingisbutacorneroftheworldofthings.Afoolishmanisbutacornerofone[speciesof]thing,(51)
    yethebelievesheknowstheWay.Heiswithoutwisdom.34

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    ShenTzucouldsee[theadvantagesof]beinglast,butcouldnotsee[theadvantagesof]beingfirst.LaoTzucouldsee[theadvantagesof]beingbent,butcouldnot
    see[theadvantagesof]holdingstraight.(52)MoTzusaw[theadvantagesof]ofequality,butcouldnotsee[theadvantagesof]inequality.SungTzusaw[the
    advantagesof]few[desires],butcouldnotsee[theadvantagesof]many.
    Ifallarelastandnonefirst,thentherecanbenogatewayforthemasses.Ifallarebentandnoneholdstraight,(53)thentheeminentandthehumblecannotbe
    distinguished.Ifallareequalwithoutinequalitiesthencommandsofgovernmentcannotbecarriedout.Ifallhavefew[desires]andnonehavemany,thenthereisno
    meansoftransformingthemasses.TheDocumentsputsitthisway:(54)"Donotlovedoinganyonething[only]followtheWayoftheking.Donothatedoingany
    onething[only]followthepathoftheking."35

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    NOTES

    Introduction
    1.Frequently,statementsinConfuciantextsthatseemhighlysuggestiveintermsoftraditionalWesternphilosophicalcategoriesarenotdevelopedsufficientlytoallow
    ustodomorethanadumbrateConfuciananswerstoWesternquestions.ThisisnotamatterofundisciplinedthinkingonthepartofConfucians,itreflectsdifferences
    inthephilosophicalenterprisesinChineseandWesterntraditions(seethediscussioninHallandAmes1987:15).IntheMenciuspassage,forexample,itwouldnot
    belegitimatetoclaimthatthefocuson"knowing"signalsanentailmentwithanepistemologicaltheory.Neithertheterm"toknow"(chih)northestructureofthe
    ConfucianquestforunderstandingcorrespondswithanyprecisiontocomparabledimensionsofWesternepistemologicaltheory(HallandAmes1987:68).
    2.Inourdiscussions,whenevertheword"T'ien"appears,withoutitalicsandgenerallywithoutquotationmarks,thewordisbeingusedasifitweredenotinga
    hypotheticalentityintheworld,muchthesameasifthetermthatappearedwere"God,""Nature,"or"Heaven.''Inthisusage,theChinesewordissimplytreatedasan
    anglicizedterm.Ontheotherhand,wheneverthetermitself,ratherthanthehypotheticalentity,isbeingdiscussed,itappearsitalicizedandinquotationmarks:"t'ien."
    3.IhaverenderedFung'stermssomewhatdifferentlyfromBodde(Fung1952:31).FuPeijunghasrecentlydevelopedanexpandedlistbasedonFung'scategories
    aspartofasustainedstudyoftheroleofT'ieninearlyConfucianismandTaoism(Fu1984).Fu'sanalysisfocusesonexpandingthecategoriesofT'ienasRuleror
    GodandT'ienasNature,andhisfinelynuancedmodelrepresentsanimprovementonFung'sbasicscheme.
    4.FuPeijung(1984)isanexceptioninthathedoesnotfocusonanevolutionarymodel.
    5.ThesetranslationsdonotnecessarilyrepresenttheinterpretationsIwouldchooseforeachofthepassages(seechapterIV).Themeaningof"t'ien"inseveralof
    themhasbeenthesubjectofdebate.Ihaverenderedthepassagesheresoastoillustratetheissueofambiguity.
    6.ThispointhasbeenmadebyPaulSeligman,fromwhomthephrase"keyterm"isborrowed(1962:4).

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    7.JohnDardesshasillustratedhowthevaguenessoftheterm"Confucianism"canbesubversiveofclearanalysiseveninthecontextoflateimperialChina,theera
    whosehistorytendsmosttocolorouruseoftheterm(1983:78).
    8.TranscribingtheChinesetermforConfuciansas"Ru"ratherthan"Ju"departsfromthenormsofthemodifiedWadeGilestranscriptionsystemusedinthisbook.I
    dothisbecausethewordanditsanglicizedderivativesarecentraltothisstudy,andIdonotwishtoburdenreadersunawarethataWadeGiles''j"isclosetoan
    English"r"withsorecurrentapronunciationtrap."Ruism"isanunlovablemongrel,butatleastitlooksasitsounds.(Problemsoftheoriginandmeaningoftheterm
    "ju"arediscussedinappendixB.)Itshouldalsobenotedthatthetranscriptionsinthisbookemployumlautsonlytoavoidphoneticambiguity,not,forexample,in
    syllablessuchas"hsu"or"yuan."
    9.IwouldnotliketoclaimthatthisaccuratelydescribestheontologicalassumptionsofallWesternphilosophy,butIdothinkitrepresentsanenduringgroundof
    philosophicalcommonsense.ThemostexplicitstatementofthispointofviewofwhichIamawareisthatgivenbyWittgensteininhis"Tractatus"(1922:2.12.2,
    especially2.18).TheearlyWittgenstein,ofcourse,recognizedthattheremightbemoretotheworldthanthis,butbarredtheremainderfromthearenaofphilosophy.
    10.Theseideasinformtheportraitofhumanbeingsasintrinsicallyrelational,whichisthefocusofchapterIII.
    11.ThisideaisfullycompatiblewiththenotionofaConfucian"ontologyofevents,"describedinHallandAmes1984:"Confucianphilosophyentailsanontologyof
    events,notoneofsubstances.Understandinghumaneventsdoesnotrequirerecourseto'qualities,''attributes,'or'characteristics'"(15).
    12."Tao"maymean"apath"or"amethod,"ortheverb"tospeak,"allofwhichsensesseemtoliebehinditsusetomean"ateaching."Anexcellentdiscussionofthe
    wordappearsinHansen1983a.
    13.TheTaoistphilosopherChuangTzuseemstoclaimthatataoisinherentlyasystemofpractice,andassuchnotsubjecttodiscursivejudgmentsoftrueandfalse.
    Itisthegrowthoftheverbalcomponentintoarationalsystem,whichcommitstheteachingtoanontologyforChuangTzuanecessarilyinvalidcommitmentthat
    rendersataoinauthenticasapracticalmatrixandfalseasdoctrine(CT:2.2326).
    14.MohistcommitmentstologicaremostevidentinneoMohistanalytics,whichhavebeenextensivelystudiedbyA.C.GrahamandChadHansen.ButtheMohist
    convictionthatuniversallyheldpowersof

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    reasoncanadjudicateissuesoftruthisequallyevidentintheearlierdiscourses.Forexample,initsfamouschapterson"UniversalLove,"theMoTzurepeatedly
    concludesitssemisyllogisticargumentsbyappealtoacommonpowerofpeople'smindstoseetheirselfevidentvalidity:"Havingheardofthisexplanationof
    universality,Icannotseeanyreasonwhymenwouldthinktoconfuteit"(MT,Chienai111:4.1112).
    15.AnimportantimpetusforthisapproachwasGilbertRyle'sargumentthattheboundarybetweenmotorandcognitiveskillsisnotabsolute(1949:Ch.2).
    16."Thefirstevidenceofcapacitytoorganizeappearsinthedevelopmentofhabitualactions[termed]schemata.Theirchiefcharacteristic,whatevertheirnatureor
    complexity,isthattheyareorganizedwholes,frequentlyrepeated..."(Beard1969:3).Piaget'sschematarepresentthelowerlevelofthespectrumofskillacquisition
    asitgeneratesconceptual/behavioralstructures.InlightofRyle'sdemonstrationthattheboundarydividingmotorandcognitiveskillsisproblematic,wecansuggest
    thatattheupperendofthespectrumwewouldfindsuchstructuresbeinggeneratedfromskillmanipulationfullydisplacedintocognitiveactivity.ThomasKuhnhas
    describedthenetworksoftheorythatgoverneachbranchofthenaturalsciences(andScienceasawhole)as"paradigms"thatorganizeperceptionofthenaturalfield
    anddictatethesynthesisofnewideas(1962:1011,4351).IfweweretoseriouslylinkPiaget'sschemataandKuhn'sparadigms,itmightsuggestthatthe
    perspectivesofallintellectualactivity(includinganalyticphilosophy)andtheirselfevidentaxiomsareultimatelyboundtotherepertoiresofskillpossessedbythose
    whoengageintheseactivities.
    17.ThemostsuccinctexpressionofPolanyi'sthought,whichhasgreatlyinfluencedthisstudy,ishisessayTheTacitDimension(1966).
    18.ThepowerofcomplexskillsystemstogeneratevalueperspectivesandinfluenceindividualcommitmentsisdescribedbyAlasdairMaclntyreinhistheoryof
    "practices"asethicalenterprises(1984:187203).
    19.Foradiscussionofthistheoryofembodimentanditsrelationtomeaning,seeEno1984:2327.TheChuangTzuhasapassageinwhichamasterswimmer
    describeshisskill,andthedescriptionsuggestsanextremenotionofskillembodiment,whereanindividual'snatureisactuallyconstituted,afterbirth,throughskill
    mastery:"Mybeingbornondrylandandfeelingathomethere"theswimmersays,"ismyprimitiveendowment(ku).Igrewupinthewaterandbecameathome
    there:thisismynature(hsing)"(CT:19.5354).ItisnotsurprisingtofindresonancesofthissortbetweenearlyTaoismandRuism,aswewilldescribeit.Thesetwo
    schoolsstandopposedtotheothermajorschoolsofMohismandLegalisminthattheformerwereessentially

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    taophilosophies,whereindoctrinegrewoutofpractice,whereastheothertwowerelessso:forthem,doctrinewastheessentialelement.
    20.AnexamplewouldbeA:17.19,inwhichRuistmourningritesarerationalizedinamannerthatmightsatisfyanuncriticalaudience,butwhichJamesLeggejustly
    termed"puerile."
    21.Itisimportanttomakeclearthatintheanalysesoftheterm"t'ien"thatwilloccupythesecondpartofthisbookwewillfrequentlyfindourselvesinvolvedwith
    issuesofreferentialratherthaninstrumentalmeaning.ThisisbecausetheRuisttextsthatareoursolerouteofaccessintotheschooldo,infact,createanelaborate,if
    shaky,theoreticalarchitecture.Wewillalwaysneedtosetthisarchitecturestraightinordertolookbeyondtothepracticalissuesthatgeneratedit.Basically,however,
    thetheoreticalapproachthatgovernsissuesofwordmeaninginthisstudyisanadaptationof"usetheories"derivedfromWittgenstein'slaterthought(particularly
    Wittgenstein1953).ThisapproachcanbedistinguishedfromearlierstudiesofearlyConfucianconceptsofT'ieninthatpreviousworkhasimplicitlyadoptedan
    ''ideationaltheory"inwhichwordmeaningsareviewedasreferentialtoa"mentalconcept"(Alston1964:2225),whereaswewouldassumethatineachinstanceof
    usagemeaningisafunctionofhowusage"fits"thecontextoftheenterpriseunderway:thateveninphilosophysyntheticoranalyticwordsareemployedtorealize
    lifegoalsandmeaningisultimatelyreducibletothese.(ForthosefamiliarwiththeterminologydevelopedinJ.L.Austin'sanalysesoflanguage,thelevelofmeaningof
    greatestinteresttousisgenerallythe"perlocutionary"function[1962:94107].)TheseissuesarediscussedindetailinEno1984:1723.
    22.ArthurDantohasmadeanumberofinsightfulobservationsconcerningthesignificanceofthephilosopherasmodelinChinesethought(seehis"Postscript"to
    Munro1985),andanexcellentdiscussionoftheholisticroleoftheteacheralsoappearsinFingarette1983.Ontheenormousimportanceofthemodelinearly
    ConfucianismandinChinesethoughtandsocietyingeneral,seeMunro1969:96102.Theimportanceofmimicryinlearningphilosophyhasnotbeengenerally
    acknowledgedintheWest,butMerleauPontyobserved,"Ibegintounderstandaphilosophybyfeelingmywayintoitsexistentialmannerbyreproducingthetone
    andaccentofthephilosopher"(1962:179).

    ChapterI
    1.CompareHsunTzu'seconomictheoryoftheoriginsofli(H:19.13).
    2.Itisdifficulttocharacterizeproperlythepoliticalstructureofthe

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    Shangpolity.Iusetheterm"tribe"toindicatetheprobableinsularityandindependenceofthelocalterritoriallineageunitsofShangculture,relativetothelater
    situationundertheChou(ontheadhocnatureofShangpoliticalstructure,seeKeightley1983:54851).ThecomplexitiesoftheissueofShangpoliticalstructure
    arewellrepresentedinMortonFried'sanalysisoftheapplicabilityoftheterm"tribe"withregardtotheShangpolityanditsneighbors(1983).
    3.ThebestoverviewoftheprocessbywhichtheoracletextshavebroadenedourunderstandingofearlyChinesesocietyinEnglishisTung1964(updatedinChinese
    asTung1974forarecentsurvey,seeWuandP'an1985).Ontheoraclematerialsthemselves,Keightley'sstudy(1978)isincomparable.
    4.SomescholarshavesuggestedthatthecomplexityoftheShangpantheonisdueinparttoaprocessofreligiouscooptation,wherebyearlyShangrulers
    consolidatedtheirinfluenceoveranexpandingpolitybyincorporatingintoroyalreligiousstructuresdeitiesofbordertribesnewlyabsorbedintotheShangpolitical
    network(Hsu1984:967).
    5.Thegenerictermforritualsacrifice,"ssua,"became,duringthelateShang,synonymouswith"nien"("harvest")indenoting''year."
    6.Theoracletextsrefertomanytypesofreligiousactorsamongthem:diviners,liturgists(chu),shamans(wua),andscribes(shiha)ontheirreligiousorigins,see
    Shirakawa1974:517.
    7.ForasurveyofissuesconcerningtheriseoftheChou,seeHsu1984:3370.
    8.ThedateoftheconquestisaccordingtoNivison1983a.(Nivisonhimselfhassuggestedareviseddate[198283],buthisoriginalcalculationshavebeendefended
    byShaughnessy[198587:56n27].)ForanaccountofKingWu'swardance,seeKY,ChouyIII:3.24.
    9.ThemostextensiveEnglishaccountofWesternChoupoliticalorganizationappearsinCreel1970:31787.ForadetailedstudyofWesternChoufeudalism
    incorporatingmorerecentarchaeologicalfinds,seeHsu1984:13973.AsiscustomaryindescribingChousociety,IusetermsdrawnfromEuropeanfeudalism,
    despitethefactthatChou"feudalism"wasaverydifferentspeciesofpoliticalstructure.
    10.DavidNivisonhascompiledanimpressiverevisedchronologyoftheWesternChouusingboththeBambooAnnalsandothertraditionalsourcesaswellas
    bronzeinscriptionsdatedaccordingtohisowncomplexformulas(1983).Nivison'saccountgenerallymarksthecrisesinWesternChoupolitics,andifitisbornein
    mindthattheperiodcoveredcomprisestwoandonehalfcenturies,theseseemfewindeed.
    11.JudgingbyaccountsoftheperiodintheShihchiandChushuchinienandbytheevidenceofthebronzeinscriptions,afterKingCh'engandtheDukeofChou
    putdownarebellionduringthefirstyearsofKing

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    Ch'eng'sreign,Choumilitaryactivityuntiltheearlyninthcenturywasdirectedagainst"barbarian"tribeswithinandoutsidethebordersoftheChoupolity,and
    thesecampaignsweregenerallysuccessful,apartfromsetbacksunderKingChaointhemidtenthcentury.Thiswouldnotindicateanyweaknessonthepartof
    thedynastycampaignsagainstbarbarianscouldequallybeasignofvigor.
    12.TheportraitoftheWesternChoupresentedherereliesprimarilyoninscriptionalmaterial,supplementedinafewinstancesbysectionsofthePoetry.Idonotcite
    materialfromtheDocumentschieflybecauseIamunsureofthehistoricalstatusofthattext.Myscepticismextendstothosetwelvechaptersacceptedas"genuine"by
    Creel(1970:44763mostscholarsarelesscriticalthanCreelandacceptamuchbroaderrangeofchapters).Thechiefreasonsformyscepticism,brieflystated,are
    asfollows:(1)ThetraditionthatDocumentstextswerefaithfullytransmittedovercenturiesbecausetheywereregardedas"sacred"isbeliedbythepresenceof
    acknowledgedforgeriesinthebookandtheexistenceofvariantversionsofthetextsrevealedthroughdivergentcitationsinpreCh'intexts(2)Theprofusionof
    RuistflavoredvaluewordsinpresumablyauthenticchapterspurportingtodatefromtheearlyChouisanachronisticwhencomparedwithcontemporaryinscriptional
    material(3)ThecurrenttextoftheDocumentswasonlyoneofanumberthatcirculatedduringtheHan.TheinterestedroleoftheRuistswho"recovered"itfromthe
    recitationsofanelderlyscholar(who,accordingtotradition,possessedaheavydialectaccent)createdlikelyconditionsformisunderstandings,tampering,orforgery
    (4)WiththeexceptionoftheK'angkaoandpossiblytheChiukaochapters,noneoftheotherchaptersacceptedbyCreelarecitedinpreCh'intexts(see
    Matsumoto1966:543,641,67879[chart]).Forthesereasons,IprefernottorelyontheDocumentsforevidenceofearlyChouthoughtandpractice.Ishouldnote
    thatmycautionappliesprimarilytothosesectionsoftextsthatpurporttobe''transcripts"ofspeeches,ratherthantoprefatorystatementsconcerninghistoricalevents.
    ItisinterestingthattheShihfuchapteroftheYiChoushu,whichEdwardShaughnessyhaspersuasivelyarguedtobeapreservedpreCh'inversionofthelost"Wu
    ch'eng"chapteroftheDocuments(198081),isalmostentirelynarrative,whereasalmostallchaptersofthecurrentDocumentstextareprimarilyofthe"transcript"
    variety.Forafullerdiscussionoftheseissues,seeEno1984:12224.AdiscussionofWesternChouideologyandtheroleofT'ieninitbasedentirelyonthe
    DocumentsandPoetryappearsinFu1984:2875.
    13.SeeBenjaminSchwartz'sbalancedassessmentofthenatureoftheearlyChousuccess(1985:4145).

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    14.ElaboratelegendcloudsthehistoricalrecordconcerningtheDukeofChou.Whatseemscertainisthatheseizedpoweruponthedeathofhisbrother,KingWu,
    abouttwoyearsaftertheconquest,toruleasregentduringtheminorityofthelateking'sson.SeveralofKingWu'sotherbrothersraisedarevolt,apparentlyinthe
    beliefthattheDuke'strueintentwastousurpthethroneovertheircompetingclaims.TherevoltwasputdownbytheDuke'sforces,protectingthelegitimacyofthe
    royallineage.ButtheactconstitutingtheDuke'sgreatestcontributiontothesanctifiedauraoftheChouthronewasprobablythefulfillmentofhisvowtorestorehis
    nephewtothethrone,hehimselfeventuallyretiringafterorderhadbeenfullysecured.AnargumentthattheDuke'srolewas,infact,farlesssignificantthan
    traditionallymaintainedappearsinBarnard1965:33941.
    15.Afewinscriptionsexistthatarelegalinnature,recordingthesettlingoflanddisputes,andsoforth.Buteveninthesecases,thecastingofaritualvesseltosealthe
    outcomeandreportitonthetoolsofancestralsacrificesuggestsahighlyrituatizedcontextofcontractsettlement.
    16.SomesourcesindicatethatChouliwastheexclusiveprovinceofthearistocraticclass(H:10.1819LC,Ch'liI:1.14a).Othersimplythatthiswasnotthecase
    (H:12.54KY,Ch'uy:18:45).
    17.See,forexample,Poetry.266:"Howmanytheknights,possessingpatternedvirtue(wente)!"
    18.SeeEno1984:204n39.Forvariants,seeGlossary(wena).
    19.Thecharacterappearsintheformofabird(wenb)ontheFuTingtou(K'ochai:17.18b).Theword"wen"wasusedtodenoteonecategoryofdance,most
    likelydancesinanimalandbirdcostumesthenameforacomplementarycategoryofwardances,"wu,"probablydenoteddanceswithweapons(seeEno
    1984:204n39).OnthepossibleconnectionbetweenritualdancesinanimalcostumesandthenameoftheRuistschool,seeappendixB.
    20.Theearliestexampleof"wen"usedinthiswayisthePaoyuinscription(Ch'en195556:1.157).ThepiecedatesfromthefirstdecadesoftheChou.Onthe
    connectionoftheword"huang"withdance,seeIkeda1955:7677and,especially,Kuo1962:67.
    21.Otherwellattestedearlymeaningsoftheword,suchas"patternedanimalskin,"and"tattoo,"seemclearlyconnectedwiththenotionofdancerscostumedin
    animalskinsorpaintedwiththeirpatterns.Whichusageisstrictly"original"isarguable.
    22.Asindance,theterms"wen"and"wu"formedacomplementarypairinnamingkings.ThisusagemightnothaveoriginatedwiththeChoutheShangreferredto
    apairofkingswhosesacrificialceremoniesfellonthesamedayofthecalendricalcyclebythepairednames"wen"

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    and"wenwu."
    23.Thegraph"li"doesnotappearinearlybronzeinscriptionsritualsarenamedindividually.Thecognategraph"lie":"sweetwine,"doesappearinthephrase
    "wangch'ing[=hsiang]li""thekingheldaceremonialbanquet(withritualwine?)''(SannienHsinghuCh'angTs'unghoShihChfangyi).Anothergraph,
    "feng,"mayhavebeenusedasaloanfor"li"(Tafengkueionthereliabilityofwhich,however,seeEno1984:112n32).However,neitherofthesegraphswas
    usedtorefertoritualingeneral,onlytospecificinstances.
    InthePoetry,weencountertheword"li"insixpoems,and,incontrasttothebronzetexts,thewordissometimesusedtorefernottoaninstanceofli,buttoli
    asabodyofcodes,asin:"Iamnotplunderingmyactsaccordwithli"(193/5).However,inonlyoneinstancedoes"li"seemtodenoteageneralcategoryof
    action:"Amanwithoutli:shallhenotsoondie?"(52/3).(Theworddoesappearinthe"Choushu"sectionoftheDocuments,albeitveryrarely,andthereitdoes
    carrythegenericsenseofritual,butseenote12).
    24.SeethediscussioninCreel1970:9399.
    25.ThishadnotbeenthecaseintheShang.ThereareinscriptionsthatportraytheShanghighgodTiasthepotentialadversaryofthekingandthestate(seethe
    divinationexamplesinCh'en1956:57071,whereTiispicturedaspotentiallydestroyingthecapitaloftheShang).
    26.ThevirtualidentityofkingandT'ienseemstosuggestaclearandsimplestructuretoChoureligiouspractice.Nothingcouldbefurtherfromthetruth.Themandate
    theoryprobablyhadlittleimpactonthecomplexreligiouspracticesofthetime.ForadescriptionofChoureligiouspracticeasacomplexofthreelevelsstate,clan,
    andpopularseeEno1984:8385.
    27.Bronzeinscriptionalsourcesareconsistentwiththisportrait.WeoccasionallyseethekingsacrificeatT'ien'saltar(e.g.,theHotsuninscription),butwedonot
    seeotherssacrificeorpraytoT'ien.LateChouandearlyHantextsclaimthisasarule,anddeviationsarecondemnedasunsanctioned(seeEno1984:8688).
    28.Tayting,Tahsi:3.34a.ReigndatesforWesternChoukingsareaccordingtoNivison1983.
    29.SeeKuoMojo'scommentaryinWW1972:9.210.Iamtaking"ch'ien"asaloanfor"ch'iena":"tosendoff,"ratherthanasaname"ch'ienling"thusarethe
    "marchingorders"issuedbytheking."Ch'eng"isreadas"peace"awellattesteduse,ratherthanas"complete."Thegraph"tu"isreadas"yif,""sated,"ratherthan
    "defeat."
    30.Takingthefirst"wang"as"mang":"darkened,ignorant,"togowith"mei"ofthesamesense,andchangingthemetaphorfromblindness

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    todeafness."Ts'ai"isreadas"tsai""disaster,"acommonloan."Yi"istranslatedas"all,''anextensionofitsmeaningas"norm."
    31.ThePankueiissometimesdatedtothereignofKingCh'eng,inwhichcase"deaftoT'ien'sorders"mightimplyanunwillingnesstoacknowledgethechangeof
    dynasties.ButsomecommentatorshavesuggestedthatthevesselshouldbedatedtothereignofKingChao(977957)(Hsu1984:17879),andIsuspectthat
    calligraphicevidencemightsupportanevenlaterdating(seeEno1984:127n112).
    32.ThiscontrastswiththeportraitoftheShanghighgodTirevealedintheoracletexts.Tiisbynomeansapredictableforce,andlittleornosenseofethical
    regularitytoTi'sactionsisfound.
    33.Fukuei,WW1979:4.8990.ThepieceisassignedtoKingLionthebasisofT'angLan'sidentificationofFuwithHu,whichwas,accordingtotheShihchi,the
    personalnameofKingLi.NotethatShirakawarejectstheidentification(KBTS:18.27475).Inmytranslationhere,Itake"p'in"inthesenseof"she":"crossovera
    river,"linkedwith"chihchiang":"ascendinganddescending,"allinthesenseofpicturingthemovemententailedinrenderingservicetoTibycarryingouthisorders.
    MyunderstandingoftheinscriptionhasbenefitedfromsuggestionsbyAnneBehnkeandBillSavage.
    34.ForthetextanddatingoftheYting,seeHsu1959.
    35.ItissodatedbyKuoandShirakawa(Tahsi:3.135bShirakawa196364:3.21).Thedatehasbeenamatterofextensivedispute,withscholarsplacingitas
    earlyastheeleventhcenturyB.C.andaslateastheseventh(seeKBTS:30.689700).
    36.Reading"min"("pitying")inthesenseofitsantonym.
    37.ThisisanimportantpointbecauseitdistinguishestheactionofT'ienpicturedintheseinscriptionsfromthetheoryofT'ien'sethicalperfectionaspresentedinthe
    Documents.Inthattext(andincertainpartsofthePoetry),T'ienpunisheskingsonlyiftheylackvirtue:itisajustandresponsivepunishment.Thisformulaprovides
    fortheprescriptiveperfectionofT'ienbyassigningalleviltohumanbeingsascauses.Butwedonotfindthisideainthebronzeinscriptions.Perhapsthelaterkings
    simplydidnothavetheintellectualpowerorpersonalinclinationtoshouldertheburdenofkeepingT'ienpure,eventhoughthedynasticfoundershadgiventhemthe
    rhetoricalbasistodoso.IftheearlyChouchaptersoftheDocumentsarenotviewedasgenuinelyearly,thenthedoctrineofthe"mandate"probablywasonly
    partiallyelaboratedduringtheearlyChou,holdingprescriptivelythatthekinghadtoworkhardtobeworthyofthemandate,andthatthemandatecouldbe
    withdrawn,butnotstressingthedescriptiveimplicationthatifT'ienwithdrewthemandateitmeantthatthekinghadnotbeen

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    worthy.IfT'ienwerenotethicallyperfect,thiswouldnotbeanecessaryimplication,andtheselatekingsobviouslypreferrednottodrawit,insteadsuggestingthe
    waywardnessofT'ien.
    38.Notethattheauthenticityofthisinscription(theShihP'oukuei,whichsurvivesonlyintheformofahandcopy[Tahsi:3.139a])isborneoutbyadifferentbut
    formallysimilarinscriptiononanattestedvessel,theShihHungkuei(Barnard1965:36567).(ShirakawarendersthetitleastheShihHsunkuei[KBTS:31.710].)
    39.Ch'inKungkuei(Tahsi:3.247a).Forthedate(earlyseventhcenturyB.C.)seeWW1978:11.13,whichdiscussesthesimilartextofthelatelyexcavatedCh'in
    Kungchung.Iamreading"mi"asagraphicvariantof"shang,"inaccordwiththislatterinscription.
    40.HsuWangYich'uchuan(Tahsi:3.162a).NotealsotheinscriptionoftheTsengPoXfu(3.186a)thatpraysthatT'ienwillbestowitsblessings,ausurpationof
    theking'sexclusiveprerogativetoaddressT'ien.
    41.Ontheoriginsoftheterm"t'ien,"seeappendixA.
    42.Itake"ch'e"inthesenseoftheMaochuan,asaloanforche:"carttrack"(seeKarlgren1944:92Karlgrendoesnotacceptthisgloss).
    43.Forexample,referringtotheevilsofKingYu'sconsort:"ThisdisorderdidnotfallfromT'ien,itwasbornofawoman"(Poetry:264/3).Inupbraidingincompetent
    officials,anotherpoemsays,"ThesufferingsofthepeopledidnotfallfromT'ien,"implyingitwascausedbymortalministers(193/7).(Thelanguageofthesepoems
    suggeststhatthesestatementsmaybemoreironicthansubstantive,perhapsbettertranslated,"Theseevilsdidnotfallfromthesky.")
    44.Ikeda'smanyexamplesareprimarilydrawnfromtheTsochuanforinstance:"Ihavehearditsaidthatwhenacountryhasnovirtue(wutao)andtheharvests
    areabundant,itisT'ienaidingit"(Chao1).ItisimportanttodistinguishT'ienasFate,inthesenseofanamoraldeity,andtheideathatT'ienismoralbut"worksin
    mysteriousways,"andsomaynotseemmoralatcertaintimes.WhenMenciussays,"MynotmeetingtheMarquisofLuwasduetoT'ien"(1B.16),hedoesnotmean
    thatT'ienhasdoneevil,butthatT'ien'sethicalplansrequiredthisunfortunateinterlude.

    ChapterII
    1.Theterm"li"mayapplytoceremonialritual,includingreligiousritual,andalsotomostformsofsocialetiquette.Ruistsdidnotgenerallydistinguishthesetwo
    sensesoftheword,anditislikelythatforthem,thetwodimensionswerenotdistinct.Iusethetermheretoreferindiscriminatelytobothaspects,defininglias
    "stylizedbehaviorthat

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    accordswithexplicittraditionalnorms."Theword"li"canbeusedasasingularnoun,denotingaparticularruleorsetofrules,oritcanbeusedasaplural,
    collectivenoun.
    2.ThedetailofprescriptinRuistliistrulyremarkable.EvenintheAnalects,thedetailofroutineetiquetteisevidentinrulessuchas,"Oncehavinglaindown,one
    doesnotspeak"(A:10.6),and,"Onedoesnotsleepinthepositionofacorpse"(A:10.17).
    3.See,forexample,MT,KungMeng:12.10a.EvenRuistsacknowledgedthatliweresubjecttochange(A:2.23,3.9,9.3).
    4.Indiscussingritualintheseterms,Idonotmeantoimplythatnoothersignificantaspectsarefound.Thevalueofthissimpleschemaisonlythatithelpsusspeak
    moreclearlyabouthowtheroleofritualchangedduringtheChou.
    5.Thissortofbeliefmightbepartofasystematiccosmologythatexplainsnatural/supernaturalentailments,oritmightbelongtounintellectualizedsuperstition.
    6.Fingaretteoffersamodernexampleofthissubtlepowerofritual.IndemocraticAmerica,nearlyeveryoneshakeshandsuponmeeting,andtheformoftheritualis
    verynarrow.Butthevarietyandsubtletyofinformationpassedthroughthesimplehandshakestrong,fishy,hearty,cursoryisimpressiveindeed(1972:910).
    7.ManyinstancesofthisritualaredescribedintheTsochuan.PerhapsthemostintricateandmovingappearsatChao16(TC:23.4950).
    8.TheYiliisacollectionofceremonialcodesandscripts,probablyincorporatingsomeearlymaterials,butshowingaRuistinfluencethatindicatesaratherlatedate
    offinalediting(followingLiangCh'ich'aoinWSTK:27980).
    9.TheseobservationsareconsistentwiththemodelofritualactionpresentedinFingarette1972:chapterI.Fingarettearticulatesthistheorythroughadiscussionof
    ritualactsasformsofperformativeutterance.
    10.ThisinterpretationreliesuponM:3B.7andassumesthatYangHuoisidenticalwiththeLuusurperYangHu,anassumptionnotacceptedbyallinterpreters.Note
    thatalthoughtheAnalectspassageindicatespreliminaryassent,ConfuciusapparentlydidnotserveYangHuo.
    11.Thispassagemayhavebeenincorporatedintothetextratherlate(Kimura1971:410).ItappearstobeanattempttocoopttheTaoistLegalistidealofnon
    striving(wuwei)bygivingitaritualcast(suggestedbytheword"reverence"[kung]),andportrayingitinaRuistmodel.
    12.OntheShangraindance(yb),seeCh'en1956:599603.NumerousreferencesshowthatthedancewasperformedthroughouttheChou.
    13.Manyearlyritualdanceswereprobablywardances.TheChouliindicatesthatwarriorswereunderthetutelageofadancemaster,who

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    drilledtheminavarietyofsacrificialdances(Tikuan,Wushih:3.36b37a).TheKuoydescriptionofKingWu'swardance,notedearlier,showsthatthe
    practiceofwardancewasunderstoodduringtheChou.Battlesweredirectedbythesamemusicalsymbolsthatdirecteddance:drumsinitiatedattacks,gongs
    broughtthemtoaclose(H:15.589).Terminologyalsosuggestsalinkbetweendanceandwar.Leadersoftroopswereknownas"shihd"duringtheearlyChou
    (asmanybronzeinscriptionsshow).Later,thetermisappliedtoteachersand,moreparticularly,tomusicmasters.(Earlyevidenceforthisoverlapappearsin
    WesternChousourcessee,forexample,theShihLikueiinscription[KBTS:31.76775].)IkedaSuetoshihasarguedthattheword"wu":"war,"wascognate
    withitsexacthomophone:"dance"(1955:74).SeealsoTongKinwoon'srecentdemonstrationsoftheextensiveinfluenceofmusicanddanceonthelexiconofthe
    oracletexts(1983).
    14.Idonotmeantosuggestthatacompletecorrespondenceexistsbetweenwhatisethicallyrightandwhatisaestheticallyright,butonlythattheoverlapis
    recognizableandsignificantenoughforaestheticcriteriatoserveas"rulesofthumb"inguidingmuchethicalaction.SeethediscussionsinHallandAmes1987:105,
    266.
    15.Initsearliestuses,"yi"seemstohavedenotedexternalstandardsofcorrectactionanddemeanorratherthananabstractideaofmoralrightness.Chou
    inscriptionalusagemakesnographemicdistinctionbetween"yi"and"yia,"andtheywere,atroot,one(Eno1984:201n18).
    16."Ifoneweretoexhaustliinservingone'slord,people[today]wouldtakeittobetoadying"(A:3.18).
    17.ThisisevidencedbymanypassagesinMohistandTaoisttexts,forexample,TTC:38.
    18.SuchethicalattitudesarereflectedinthechallengetoRuistritualismthatappearsintheAnalects:"Achntzushouldsimplybenaturallyhonest(chihb),whathas
    hetodowithrefinementsofstyle(wen)?"(A:12.8).
    19.FewtopicsofcomparableimportanceinChinesehistoryarelessaccessibletousthanthebiographyofConfucius.Therealmanisshroudedinatraditionof
    hagiographythatbeganshortlyafterhisdeathandcontinuedunabatedforcenturies(seeCreel1949:182210).ForarecentlypublishedbiographyofConfuciusthat
    incorporatesthebroadestrangeoflatematerial,seeK'uang1985:32104.Inthissection,weareconfiningourselvestotheoutlinesofConfucius'career,uponwhich
    sourcesgenerallyagree.
    20.OnConfucius'birthdate,seeCh'ien1956:12.
    21.TheMenciusreportsthatConfucius'earlycareerincludedtenuresas

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    agranaryclerkandsupervisorofcrops(M:5B.5).TheTsochuan,Shihchi,andK'ungTzuchiayincludeaccountsofConfucius'lifethatgrowincreasingly
    detailedastheirdistanceintimefromConfuciusgrows.
    22."WhenIwasyoungIwasofhumblestation"(A:9.6).ThereisconsiderableevidencethatConfucius'forbearswerenativesofthestateofSungand,hence,were
    descendantsoftheShang(e.g.,TC,Chao7:21.679LCT'ankung:2.10b).
    23.ShirakawahassuggestedthatConfuciuswastrainedinlibecausehewasthesonofasorceress(1972:1624).
    24.CertainpassagessuggestthatConfuciusheldsomeofficialrankinLuduringhislastyears(A:11.8,13.14,14.21),buttheirtoneandvaguenessmayindicatethat
    therankwashonoraryandhispoliticalinfluencenil.
    25.Again,thelivingConfucius'rankseemstoriseproportionatetothesource'sdistancefromhisdeath.
    26.SeeDubs1946.
    27.Fordetailsofthechronology,seeCh'ien1956:2651.
    28.AccordingtotheTsochuan(Ai11:29.6265,75)andtheShihchi(47.1934),theinfluenceofJanCh'iubroughtaboutConfucius'returntoLu.
    29.OnthedateofConfucius'death,seeCh'ien1956:5860.
    30.ThetraditionaltaleofthewayConfuciusbecameateacherappearsintheTsochuan(Chao7:21.679),wherethedyingnoblemanMengHsitzuordersthathis
    sonsbeentrustedtotheyoungConfucius'tutelage.Idonotfeelthattheanecdote,asitstands,ishistoricallycredible.
    31.OnTzulu'stenurewiththeChifamily,seeA:16.1TC,Ting12:28.32.AlthoughtraditionhasitthatTzulufirstreceivedpoliticalofficethroughConfucius'
    recommendation,heprobablywasinvolvedinpoliticspriortostudyingwithConfucius(seeEno1984:203n36).OnJanCh'iuandtheChifamily,seeA:11.17,16.1.
    32.ThesensethatsocietywasdisintegratingincivilwarmayhavebeenheightenedinConfucius'timebytheunravelingofareasonablyeffectivegeneralarmistace,
    concludedin546B.C.,shortlyafterthebirthofConfucius.CalculatingbytheTsochuanrecord,asharpdropininterstatemilitaryactivityinthenorthernareasofthe
    Choupolityoccurredduringthesecondhalfofthesixthcentury,particularlymarkedinthestatesofSung,Confucius'ancestralstate,andLu,hishomeland.Bythe
    turnofthecentury,however,theeraofrelativepeacewasapparentlyatanend(seeTCHC,Hsiang27:18.4243Legge1872:53435).
    33.AsMohisttextspointout(seechapterV).
    34.A:8.8isaninewordliterarymasterpiece."Riseup"(hsingb)isapunontheliterarydeviceusedtoopenmanyodesinthePoetry(forathoughtfulinterpretationof
    theterm,seeChen1974:1424)"stand"

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    ("lic")playsonnearcoincidencesofwordimageryandsoundwithritual"li,"adeviceusedseveraltimesintheAnalectsthetermfor"complete,""ch'eng,"was
    alsousedtodenoteamusicalcoda.
    35.IntheAnalectsthereissometimesasensethatstyleisnotasimportantasaresimpleprescriptiverulesandrightattitudes(A:1.6).Elsewhere,however,itisa
    definingaspectofthechntzu(A:6.18).Perhapswecanunderstandthisapparentconflictbyreasoningthatstylewas,inpracticalterms,acentralRuistconcern,but
    thatphilosophicallyitcouldnotbeethicallylegitimizedindependentofotherethicalnotions,suchasliandjen.Itcouldnotbeacardinalvalue.Butinplaces,the
    Analectsseemstogetaroundthisbyusing"wen"inanextendedsensetodenoterightconduct(A:5.15,14.18).Andinonepassage,styleevenhasacertain
    practicalpriorityoverjen:"TsengTzusaid,'Achntzureliesonhisstyletoattractfriends,andhereliesonhisfriendstosupporthisjen'"(A:12.24).
    36.ThisapproachwouldhavedistinguishedtheRufromothergroupstraditionallycommittedtoritual,suchastheshamans(wua)andliturgists(chu).
    37.Thisdistinctionwasneverclearlyworkedout.Ruistsconsistentlymaintainedadoctrineofnaturalequalitythatundercutthelegitimacyofhereditaryprivilege
    (Munro1969:116),buthereditaryprivilegewasalsoaformoflihence,legitimate.TheonlyconsistentRuistpositiononhereditaryprivilegewasthattheabuseofit
    wascontrarytolihence,itcouldbeforfeited.
    38.Thisphrasecouldbealateinterpolation(Tsuda1946:141).Fingarette,whohaswritteneloquentlyaboutthisaspectofritualbehavior,referstothisasthe"magic"
    ofli(1972:35).
    39.ThisimperativeisimplicitintheAnalects'advocacyofliasasocialprogram(e.g.,A:2.34.13,etc.).Thenotionofanidealsocietycompletelyritualizedisevident
    throughoutthe"politicalchapters"oftheHsunTzu(chaps.816),forexample,H:9.6474,10.2935,12.5055,16.45.
    40.WemaynotethattheemploymentoftalentinpreferencetohereditaryappointmentwasagrowingfactofWarringStatesChina.WhentheRuistsspokeof
    "puttingthestraightoverthecrooked"(i.e.,promotingthevirtuous),the"crooked"wereincreasinglynotdecadentaristocratsbutpoliticaladventurers,withwhom
    Ruistsgenerallymaintainedanadversarialrelationship.
    41.Thisis,ofcourse,nottrueoftheritualtexts,whichdodescribeactivities.However,thesetextshavenotcapturedtheattentionofWesternwritersashavethe
    morephilosophicaltexts,suchastheAnalects,Mencius,andHsunTzu.
    42.Anoteonterminologyisduehere.Inthecourseofthisessay,wewill

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    usetheword"Sage"asourdescriptivetermfortheRuistidealofhumanperfection.InRuisttexts,severaltermscanbeusedtodenotethisideal.Theterm
    "shengjen"almostalwaysdenotesthisideal.Thetermchntzu(oftentranslatedas"gentleman")issometimesvirtuallyequivalentto"shengjen,"butitcanalso
    denoteapersononthepathtowardperfection,anditisoccasionallyusedinitspreRuistsenseof"nobleson''(onthistermseeHsu1965:15874).Otherterms
    suchas"hsienche"or"tajen"canalsodenotetheidealoftheSage(buttheformermoreoftenmeanssomethingless).Ingeneral,whentranslatingdirectly,we
    willrender"shengjen"as"Sage,"leavechntzuuntranslatedandtranslateothertermswithwordsotherthan"Sage."However,whenweinterpretthesenseof
    thetexts,wewilluse"Sage"todenotetheprescriptiveidealregardlessofwhichtermmaybeusedintheoriginaltext.
    43.Themeaningofthispassageshouldbeunderstoodintermsofthepassagesthatprecedeit.A:3.12describeusurpationsofroyalChoulibytheleadingwarlord
    familiesofLu.A:3.3criticizesthesewarlords,andalsoaccountsforwhytheirattempttoemulatetheritualsoftheSageKingswillnotresultinkinglygovernment.
    44.Thispassagehastroubledcommentators.AvariantreadingappearstwiceintheHouHanshu(Ch'en1968:64),andD.C.Lau,inhistranslationoftheAnalects,
    hasemendedthetextinaccordancewithit(1979:74seealsoMiyazaki1974:9293).Idonotthinkthattheemendationiscalledfor,bothbecauseitdoesnotaffect
    whatseemstobethetroublingpartofthepassage,thesecondphrase,andbecauseIthinkthepassagemakesgoodsenseasitstands.
    45."Hewhorectifieshisperson,whatdifficultycangovernmentpresenttohim?"(A:13.13).
    46.SeealsoA:5.21,7.11,14.1,14.3,15.7.
    47.ThedivisionofConfucius'disciplesintotwodistinctgenerationswasfirstproposedbyTs'uiShu,andisexploredindetailbyCh'ienMu(1956:8183).Ifthe
    Shihchidatingforthedisciplesisaccepted,thereisarathercleardivisionintermsofage,theseniordisciples(excludingTzulu,whowasfarseniortoall)beingten
    tofifteenyearsolderthanthejuniordisciples.
    48.AcompletelistofAnalectsentriesnotingdisciplesholdingsomeappointiveofficereadslikethis:Tzulu:11.22,11.23,16.1JanCh'iu:3.6,6.4,11.17,11.22,
    13.14,16.1Tzuyu:6.14,17.3Tzuhsia:13.17Chungkung:13.2YuanSsu:6.5Tzukao:11.23(cf.TC,Ai15)Tzuhua:6.4.
    49.SeetheTzuchangchapteroftheAnalects.Onthepreferenceofthejuniordisciplesfornonpoliticalstudies,A:11.3characterizestendisciplesbycategories:
    virtueinaction,skillinspeech,skillinpolitics,skill

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    inthestudyofstyle(wen).Onlythetwodiscipleslistedinthelastcategorybelongtothejuniorgeneration.
    50.TheTsochuanindicatesthatJanCh'iucontinuedtoservetheChifamily(Ai23:30.47).TzukaoandMengWupoarementionedinritualroles(Ai17:30.39).
    TheseniordiscipleTzukung,whoduringConfucius'lifetimeseemstohavebeenemployedasadiplomatistandritualistinLu(Ai7:29.2324Ai12:29.78Ai
    15:30.16)mighthavecontinuedtobeassociatedwithcourtactivitiesafterConfucius'death(A:19.23).(NotethetaleofTzukung'sdiplomaticskillvariouslyreported
    inSC:67.21972201MT:9.21b22aHFT:19.2).TzukungisalsosaidtohavebeentheteacherofT'ienTzufang,whomayhavecarriedoutdiplomaticmissionsfor
    therulerofWeia(Ch'ien1956:129).Amongtheremainingdisciples,noneapparentlypursuedpoliticalcareers,althoughoneofTsengShen'spupilswasajudgeon
    theestateofawarlordfamilyinLu(A:19.19).
    51.WhileneithertheShihchinortheChankuots'ecanbeconsideredfullyreliable,theirinformationisatleastpresentedinahistoricalframeworkthatallowsusto
    makecertaintestsofconsistency,andthatprovidesimportantcontextforjudgingthehistoricalvalueofastatement.CertainlyinthecaseoftheShihchiwecanrely
    ontheoutlineofthechronicleandonthehistoriographicalmotivesoftheauthor.Otherearly"free"textsmaycontainreliablehistoricalmaterial,butthemotivesofthe
    authorsaregenerallypolemical,andassessingthehistoricityofanecdotesandotherstatementsthatappearinthemisvirtuallyimpossible.TheportraitofRuismin
    politicsthatispresentedhereismainlybasedonasurveyoftheChankuots'e,Mencius,HsunTzu,andthosesectionsoftheShihchithatdealdirectlywith
    WarringStateshistory.Despitethelimitedbasefortheportrait,theevidenceofthehistoriesissostrikinglynegativewithregardtoRuistpoliticalinvolvementthatit
    seemsunlikelythatourconclusionscouldbefaroffthemarkparticularlyifweallowthatamidHanworksuchastheShihchiwouldseemmorelikelyto
    exaggerateearlyRuistpoliticalactivitythantooverlookit.
    52.Inadditiontotheinformationcitedaboveconcerningthedisciples,thefollowingrepresentstherecordofRuisminpoliticsduringtheWarringStatesperiod.
    (1)TheMenciustellsusthatatonetimethestateofLucontemplatedgivingcontrolofadministrationtoanerstwhilepupilofMencius(M:6B.13).Thereisno
    recordthatthiswaseverdone,however.InM:1B.16welearnthatthepupil,YuehchengTzudidhavesomeinfluenceinLu,butthatthisinfluencewasnot
    sufficienttogainMenciusanaudiencewiththeDuke(heisnotmentionedintheShihchi).Amorepertinent

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    issueiswhetherYuehchengTzuwasadisciple.Apparently,judgingbyM:4A.2324and6B.13,YuehchengTzudidnottravelwithMencius.AlthoughYueh
    chengTzuisnamedbyhonorificinthetext,thisdoesnotconclusivelyindicatethathewasaRuistMasterinlateryears(inM:6B.8,thegeneralShenKuliis
    referredtobythehonorificShenTzu,andotherpossibleexamplesofnonRuarenamedinthisway).OtherevidencesuggeststhatYuehchengTzu'srelationto
    Menciusmayhaveinvolvedmorecourtesythanreverence.
    TherewasaRuistMastersurnamedYuehcheng,butLiangCh'ich'aoandCh'enCh'iyuareprobablycorrectinidentifyinghimasTsengShen'spupilYueh
    chengTzuch'un(HFTCS:1083n10).AccordingtotheLichi,YuehchengTzuch'undidbecometheMasterofastudygroup(Chiyi:14.12b)wehavenosuch
    informationaboutMencius'pupil.Possibly,theYuehchengTzuoftheMenciuswasadescendantofTsengShen'spupil."Yuehcheng,"whichoriginallydenoted
    theofficeofMusicMaster,seemstohavebeenasurnameofthestateofLu(seeM:5B.3foranotherYuehchengofLu).Theclanname,withitsmusical
    associations,initselfsuggestsapossibleconnectionwithRuistinterests.IfwehypothesizethattheYuehchengTzuoftheMenciusstudiedwithMenciusasa
    temporarypupil,withhisfamily,byvirtueoflongstandingRuistconnections,arrangingtheemploymentofMenciusashistutor,ratherthanasadisciplewho
    traveledwithMenciusandidentifiedhimselfasaRu,thiswouldseemtomatchtheportraitofthemanvisibleintheMencius:amanwithRuistantecedentsand
    politicalambitions.
    (2)TheMenciusalsotellsusthatduringthereignofDukeMuofLu(r.c.415383B.C.)Ruistsoccupiedpositionsingovernment(M:6B.6).Anechoofthestory
    appearsintheShihchi(119.31012),butitscontextisanecdotal,anditshistoricalvalueisquestionable.
    (3)AfamousexampleofgreaterreliabilityisthecaseofthephilosopherHsunTzu,whowasappointedamagistrateinthetownofLanlinginLubythewarlord
    primeministerofthestateofCh'u,whichhadjustconqueredLu(SC:74.2348,78.2395).Thesignificanceoftheappointmentisunclear,however.Bysome
    reckonings,atthetimeoftheappointment(255B.C)HsunTzuwasovereightyyearsold,andthepostmayhavemerelybeenaformalrecognitionofhis
    intellectualeminence.Inanyevent,wefindnorecordofHsunTzuseekingapoliticalposition,andthecircumstancesofCh'u'sconquestmighthavemadethisone
    difficulttodecline.(TheseissuesarediscussedfurtherinchapterVI.)AnotherversionofthisincidentholdsthatsoonafterbeingappointedtogovernLanling,
    HsunTzuwasdismissedandwenttothestateofChao,wherehewasmadeahighminister(ch'ingb),

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    whichposthesoonresignedinordertoreturntohispostinLanling(CKT:5.38b40a).ThetaleprobablyarisesoutofthefactthatHsunTzu'sstylenamewas
    Ch'ing,andhewasfromChao.ThehistoricityofthistalewasquestionedasearlyasthemidCh'ingbyWangChung,andhisscepticismisendorsedbyCh'ienMu
    (1956:432).Knoblock,however,acceptstheepisode(198283:41).
    (4)AfterHsunTzu'stime,theonlyrecordofaRuistholdingagovernmentpostisabriefstatementintheShihchithatadescendantofConfucius,knownasTzu
    shenorTzushun,heldhighofficeinthestateofWeia(SC:47.1947).However,therecordsofthatstate,asfoundintheShihchi,donotmentionhim(Ch'ien
    1956:490).Possiblythepostwasaritualistposition(seenote105).
    ThishandfulofexamplesplusthespecialcaseofMencius,whichisdiscussedelsewhererepresentsvirtuallytheentirerosterofmenwhowereunquestionably
    RuistsandwhoheldadministrativepositionsingovernmentduringtheWarringStatesperiod,basedonourbestsources.Inadditiontotheseexamples,however
    thereareanumberofotherinstanceswheremenwhomighthavebeenRuappearinpoliticalpositions.
    (5)Amongtheseareagroupofshadowyfigures,aboutwhomweknownexttonothing,whoappearbrieflyintheShihchi.ThesemenspeakoractlikeRu,but
    theyarenotidentifiedassuch,andtheyappeartobemorelikelegendarycharactersorpureliterarydevicesthangenuinehistoricalfigures.TheseincludeKan
    LungandTuChih(SC:5.203,68.2229),ChaoLiang(68.223335),andNiuHsu(43.1797),whoissaidtohavebeenacourttutorinChao.Fewofthesefigures
    aredefinitelyidentifiableasRu,buttheyaremadetomouthideasconsistentwithRuism,andtheirroleinthetextmayreflectthefactthattherewerefrequently
    Ruistretainersatfeudalcourtswhoweregrantedaudiencesorwereallowedtoadvisetheirrulersoccasionally,onthebasisoftheirreputationsaswisemen.
    Apartfromtheseexamples,weencounterafewcertifiablyhistoricalfigureswhoareclassifiedasRuistsinsomesources,butwhopossiblyorprobablywerenot.
    (6)Ofthese,perhapsthemostelusiveisYCh'ing,whoselostbookYshihch'unch'iuislistedamongRuistworksbytheYiwenchih(HS:30.1726).Y
    Ch'ingwas,foratime,PrimeMinisterofChao,butwasheaRu?Theevidenceisveryslim.HisShihchibiographymentionsnoRuistconnectionsitcallshima
    "wanderingpersuader"(yushuichihshih).TherecordofhistenureinChaoindicatesthatheengagedinamoralintriguesuchasanyotherpoliticianofhisday.
    Buthedoesstandoutbecausehereportedlyresignedhispostforethical

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    reasons,toprotesttheunjustpersecutionofafriendbytheChaoruler,whowasbendingtopressurefromCh'in.AsfortheclassificationofhisbookasRuistin
    theHanshu,itsreliabilityisunderminedbytheinclusionofanumberofmanifestlynonRuistbooksinthesamecategory(Eno1984:212).Probablyanytexttitled
    a"ch'unch'iu"wassoclassified,regardlessofcontent.
    (7)Wemustmention,finally,thesurprisingdescriptionofLiK'oandWuCh'iasRuists.Bothmenwererenownedasmilitaristthinkers,andtheirfamerested
    solidlyontheirskillsinwarfareanddiplomaticintrigue.However,evidencereportsthatbothstudiedunderRuistMastersforatime,andsomesourcesclassify
    themasRuists.LiK'oislistedasastudentofTzuhsia(Ch'ien1956:132),butthereliabilityoftherecordiscastindoubtbythefactthatMoTzu'sdiscipleCh'in
    Kuliisalsosolisted(SC:121.3116).LiK'oandTzuhsiabothservedatthecourtofMarquisWenofWeia,andthebeliefthatLiwasastudentofTzuhsiamay
    havearisenfromnomorethanthiscoincidence.WuCh'iissaidtohavestudiedwithTsengTzuforatime(SC:65.2165),andthePiehlulistedhimasa
    transmitteroftheTsochuan(Ch'ien1956:156).Butifeitherofthesemendid,infact,studyunderRuistMasters,inachievingpoliticalprominenceitseemsthey
    musthaveabandonedeveryprincipleofRuistdoctrine,andreliedonskillsutterlydivorcedfromtheirRuiststudies.LiK'owasknownforhisabilitytoplan
    strategicwarfareonthebasisoftopographicaladvantage:"WeiaemployedLiK'o,whocouldexhausttheadvantagesoftopographytostrengthenhislord.
    Henceforward,allcompetedinwar,valuingcunningandforceanddespisinghumanerighteousness..."(SC:30.1442cf.74.2349,129.3258).(However,see
    alsoSC:44.1840,whereLiK'oisportrayedinawayconsistentwithRuistvalues.)WuCh'i'sskilllayinbattletactics:"MarquisWenaskedLiK'o,'Whatsortof
    amanisWuCh'i?''Greedyandlustful,'repliedLiK'o.'Butindisposingtroops,[none]cansurpasshim'"(SC:65.2166).IfthesetwomenhadRuistbackgrounds,
    theymustbeconsideredexceptionsthatprovetherule,foriftheyrepresentRuwhofollowedtheirpoliticalambitionstoachievepowerandfame,thentheyalso
    showthatonlyacompleterejectionoftheirRuistpersonascouldallowthemtofollowthiscourse.
    53.OnewriterwhoseemstohavenotedtheearlyRuistdetachmentfrompoliticsafterConfuciusisH.G.Creel(1949:176).Itisinterestingtospeculateonhowthis
    politicallywithdrawnperiodofRuismcametoanend.MyownviewisthatRuismwas,notsurprisingly,politicizedbythepersecutionitsufferedundertheCh'in.
    DuringtherevoltofCh'enShe,Ruistsparticipatedaspartisansoftheinsurgent(SC:121.3116).

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    Subsequently,theyappeartohavesidedactivelywithHsiangY,whopossessedafiefintheRuisthomelandofLu.ThelanguageoftheShihchiseemstoimply
    thattheRuwereatleastpartiallyresponsibleforthestateofLubeingthelastpartoftheEmpiretosurrendertoLiuPang(SC:7.33738,121.3117).Ifthiswere
    true,wewouldexpecttheRutohavebeenpersonanongrataduringtheearlyHan,andindeed,itwasseveraldecadesbeforetheRuattainedanysignificant
    influenceattheHancourt.
    54.Thescaleofsuchpatronagecouldbeimpressive.AfterresigninghispostasasenioradvisorinCh'i,Menciuswasofferedanhonorariumsufficienttosupporthim
    andallofhisdisciples,simplyforremainingwithinthebordersofCh'itoserveasamoralexemplarforthepeople(M:2B.10).Hedeclined.
    55.Eventhe"agriculturist"HsuHsing,amanofnodiscernablepoliticalwisdom,wasgrantedanaudienceandastipendinT'eng(M:3A.4).Forabriefsurveyofthe
    scopeofthistypeofpatronage,seeYang1980:4013.
    56.OntheMarquis'policyofhonoringworthies(whichwasprobablyintendedtolegitimizehisrulehewasausurper),seeCh'ien1956:12934.
    57.MenciustraveledtoCh'iduringthereignofKingHsuan,anotedpatronofworthies(SC:46.1895).TheinferencethatT'engwasfollowingasimilarpolicyis
    suggestedbytheaccountofHsuHsing(M:3A4).AsforSung,inabout328B.C.,therulerofSungtookthetitle"King."JudgingfromM:3B.5,Menciustraveledto
    Sungataboutthistime,probablyintheexpectationthattherulerwouldtrytolegitimizehistitlebyproclaiminganethicalpolicyofhonoringworthies(seeCh'ien
    1956:345butseealsoLau1970:211foradifferentview).
    58.ConfirmationofthenonpoliticalcharacterofRuatcourtcanalsobefoundintheChuangTzu,whichclassifieswisemenintosixgroups,onebeingwiseministers
    ofcourt,andanentirelyseparateonebeingthosewho"speakofrighteousness,devotion,andfaithfulness,respect,prudence,andcourtesy,anddevotethemselves
    completelytoselfcultivation"(K'oyi:15.14).
    59.Warlords,too,couldenhancetheirstatureanddefuseobjectionstotheirusurpationsoffeudalprerogativebypatronizingworthies.DuringthethirdcenturyB.C.,
    thegreatwarlordsofCh'i,Chao,Weia,andCh'uviedtopatronizewisemenandknightserrant,evenastheypursuedruthlesspoliciesofexpansion(seeYang
    1980:403).TheShihchisummarizesoneyear'sachievementsbyCh'u'sgreatwarlordPrimeMinisterLordCh'unshenbynoting:"OnbehalfofCh'uheattackedthe
    NorthandextinguishedthestateofLu,andheappointed[HsunTzu]magistrateofLanling"(SC:78.2395).
    60.Weshouldbeawarethatinmanyinstances,thepresenceofRuist

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    stylerhetoricinatextmightreflectnotthesubstanceofanhistoricalspeech,buttheliteraryorideologicalinterestsoftheauthorofthetext.Inthecaseofthe
    Chankuots'e,theauthorscannotbesuspectedofRuistloyalties(butseeCh'ien1956:452).However,thenatureofthetextskewsitshistoricalvalueandmay
    accountfortheoccasionalintrusionofRuistrhetoric.AsJamesCrumphasdemonstrated,thebasicattitudeofthetextwaslesshistoricalthanliteraryitwasa
    compendiumofrhetoricaltechniques,whichcouldserveasahandbookfor"persuaders"ofrulersandwarlords(1964).Whileitsauthorswerenotthemselves
    Ruists,thetextaptlyshowsthattheywereinterestedintheartofmanipulatingRuistrhetoric,justastheywereinterestedinmanipulatingTaoistandLegalist
    rhetoric.Hence,Ruistargumentsarelikelytoappearincontextswheretheyclearlydonotbelong(e.g.,thecourtlyRuistdebateovertheadoptionofbarbarian
    dressinChao[CKT:6.16b23b]).
    AsfortheShihchi,weshouldbearinmindthatSsumaCh'ienwaseducatedasaRu,studyingatleastbrieflyunderTungChungshu(SC:130.3297).Although
    hemighthavebeenattractedtoTaoistideas,theoveralloutlookofhishistoryisclearlyRuist,andanyThucydideanattemptstoprovidethegistofmissing
    speechesmighthavebeeninfluencedbythis.Inaddition,heapparentlyreliedheavilyonformsoftheTsochuanandChankuots'e,andthusperpetuatedthe
    skewedhistoriesofthosetexts,withtheirtransformationsofRuistideasintohistoricalincident.(OnthebiasoftheTsochuan,seeappendixB,note4.)
    61.AlthoughthetextprobablyfabricatestheRuistarguments(whichareformulatedinacynicalfashion),itislikelythatonlyRuistargumentscouldhavebeen
    employedtopersuadeakingtocedehisthroneinthisway.
    62.TheroleofChungshanhasbecomeknownthroughinscriptionsonbronzevesselsrecentlyexcavatedinHopei(WW1979:1.131).Thephrasesquotedhereare
    fromtheChungshanfanghu.Therhetoricoftheinscriptions,forgedsoonafterthecivilwarinYen,containsagreatmanyRuistideas.But,inadditiontodamning
    thedecadenceofYen,thetextdoesnotfailtoemphasizethatthevalueofChungshan'sinvasionlayalsointheexpansionofthestate'snarrowborders.TheChan
    kuots'etellsusthatataboutthetimethesevesselswerecast,Chungshanwaspursuingapolicyofhonoringworthies(CKT:10.17b18a),andthisisborneoutbythe
    inscriptions,whichdulycelebratethispolicy.ItisnotunlikelythatRuistretainerswereavailabletocomposetheseinscriptions(aswell,perhaps,asother
    proclamations)legitimizingtheconductofthegovernment.Whethertherulersof

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    ChungshanactuallysympathizedwiththeseRuistsentimentsisamootpoint(seeLi1979:40).
    63.JudgingfromthetextoftheMencius,ahighministerofCh'ipaidan"unofficial"privatevisittoMenciusandinthecourseofitaskedhimwhetherhethoughtthat
    theconductofYenwasdeplorableandworthyofpunishment.Menciusrepliedthatitwas.Ch'isubsequentlyattackedYen,andthefactthattherulersofCh'iused
    Mencius'wordstojustifytheiractionsissuggestedbytheChankuots'eaccountandalsobytheMencius'depictionofsomeoneaskingMencius,"Isittruethatyou
    urgedthatCh'iattackYen?"(M:2B.8).Menciusmakesclearthathehadnotunderstoodtheconsequencesthathisremarkwouldhave.
    64.ThemostprominentofthesemilitaristswereYuehYiandChHsin.ThephilosopherTsouYenwassaidtobeamongthosewhorespondedtoYen'scalland
    receivedhighhonors,buthewasapparentlygrantednoroleingovernment(SC:34.1558,80.242728butseeCh'ien1956:439onTsouYen).
    65.OtherexamplesoftheinsinceremanipulationofRuistrhetoricincludetheuseofsuchrhetoricbythepragmaticpersuaderSuCh'intodeceivearulerwhomhe
    wishedsecretlytoundermine(SC:69.2265).
    66.TheAnalectstellsusthatTzuchangstudiedwithConfuciuswithsuchagoalinmind(A:2.18).Noevidenceexiststhatheeverreceivedpoliticalappointment,
    whichmightindicateConfucius'successinreorientinghisambition.ItisalsopossiblethatA:2.18refersnottoseekingpoliticalpostsbuttoseekingothertypesof
    employment,suchascourtritualist.
    67.Notetheclearsenseofbeingfreedfromanonerousburden.A:15.32mightbeinterpretedashavingasimilarmessage:"ThechntzuaimsattheWay,notat
    foodforhistable.Infarming,thereisastarvationinstudy,thereisareward.ThechntzuworriesabouttheWay,notaboutpoverty."Thisreading,whichtakes
    "neia"(starvation)and''lu"(emolument)asfigurative,wassuggestedtomebyWilliamTs'ai.
    68.CompareA:5.6.
    69.ThisisthediscipleTsaiWo.TheAnalectsdoesnotmentionTsaiWoasholdinganyposts,butitnearlyalwaysportrayshiminanunflatteringlight(A:3.21,5.10,
    6.26,17.19).TheShihchitellsus:"TsaiWowasanobleof[Ch'i].HejoinedT'ienCh'anginthelatter'srevolt,resultingintheexecutionofhisentireclan.Confucius
    wasashamedofhim"(67.2195).Ifthisweretrue,itmightaccountforthenegativeportraitencounteredintheAnalects.(SeeCh'ien1956:548,whereanattemptis
    madetorestoretoTsaiWohisgoodname.)
    70.Mencius'willingnesstomeetwiththeDukeofLu(M:lB.16)seemstohavebeenanexception,buthemighthavehadtoovercomehisscru

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    pleswhenhiserstwhilestudentYuehchengTzumanagedtomakearrangementsfortheDuketovisitMencius.When,afterall,theplanfallsthroughandtheDuke
    doesnotarrive,Menciusdoesnotseemmuchdisturbed.
    71.IfeelthatthetextoftheMenciusmakesthisclear.CommentatorsaredividedonthequestionofMencius'actualresponsibilitiesinCh'i(Ch'ien1956:23637).
    72.OtherpassagesthatindicateMencius'negativeattitudetowardspoliticalinvolvementincludeM:4A.18,7A8,7A.9.
    73.ThesignificanceofthestructureoftheHsueherhchapterwasfirstnotedbyTakeuchi(1939:90).
    74."KungMengTzucametoseeMoTzuwearingaceremonialpatternedhatandwaisttablet,inRuclothes....[Hesaid,]'Thechntzumustspeakanddressin
    ancientfashionbeforehecanbejen'"(MT,KungMeng:12.9ab).TheChuangTzureferstotheprevalenceofRuclothesinLuandprovidesadescriptionof
    them(CT:21.3844).ApassageintheLichideniesthatRuworespecialclothes,animplicitindicationthattheydid(Juhsing:19.3b4a).
    75.NotethattheFeiJupassagerequiresemendation(MTCK:9.33).A:7.18indicatesthattheuseofcourtdialectmayhavebeenconfinedtostudysessionsandritual
    occasions.
    76.OnthequestionofwhetherConfuciuswasthefirsttobecalledaRu,andontheoriginsoftheterm,seeappendixB.
    77.ExamplesincludeA:5.4,5.9,6.10,7.24,11.15,and11.21,thelastofwhichisparticularlypoignant.Init,Confucius'favoritedisciple,YenYuan,whoseearly
    deathwasthebitterestmomentofConfucius'life,catchesuptothegroupafterhavingfallenbehindduringatimeofperil."Itookyoufordead,"saysConfucius.
    "Whileyouarealive,"repliesYenYuan,''howwouldIdaretodie?"Ofcourse,moralmeaningsmightbeandwerereadoutofeveryAnalectspassage,butitseems
    tomethatthestorywaspassedonandincludedinthetextinordertomakefuturedisciplesweep.
    78.Confucius'sonpredeceasedTzulubyaboutthreeyearsaccordingtoCh'ienMu'sdating(1956:615).WemaywonderwhetherTzuluwasheretakingoverthe
    responsibilitiesofadeceasedoralivingson.
    79.PassagessuchasthisseemprovocativewhencastagainstthebackgroundoftheRuistinterestinfiliality.CommitmenttotheRuistmasterandstudygroupmight
    notalwayshavebeenconsistentwithcommitmenttoparents,particularlyifdiscipleslivedandtraveledwiththeirMasters(afactnotedintheYent'iehlun[5.2a]).
    ForevidencethattheRuiststressonfilialitymayhavebeenaresponsetoaninitialperceptionofthesectashereticallyunfilial,seeEno1984:222n93.

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    80.TheTzuchangchapteroftheAnalectspresentsportraitsofthedisciplesasMastersoftheirownstudygroups.
    81.DisciplessuchasWanChangandKungsunCh'ouwereamongthosewhoappeartohavetraveledwithMenciusextensively.IfoneacceptsKanayaOsamu's
    thesisthatthesecondbookoftheMenciusisaroughlychronologicalaccountauthoredbyKungsunCh'ou(195051:24),thenaccordingtoCh'ienMu'schronology
    (1956:31417),KungsunCh'ouwouldhavebeenwithMenciusthroughtheentirecourseofhistravels.(OnKungsunCh'ou,seeEno1984:363n11.)
    82.OntheidentificationofKaoTzuasaRu,seechapterV,note53.
    83.WeknowverylittleaboutHsunTzu'sstudygroup.TheHsunTzuisgenerallywritteninanimpersonalstyleandmighthavebeencomposedbyseveralauthors
    overaperiodofdecades(seeKanaya1951).VirtuallynoneofHsunTzu'sdisciplesappearinthetext.ButportionsofthetextoffercluesaboutthelifeoftheRuist
    groupinHsunTzu'stime.Thesechapters,Ch'enghsiangandFu,mayberecordsofRuistgroupchantsandgames,andtheyseemtoofferaglimpseofacohesive,
    dedicated,andsociallyalienatedorder(theyaredicussedfurtherinchapterVI).
    84.SeetheFeishiherhtzuchapterandtheattacksonMenciusinHsingo.
    85.SeeHu1919:120foraschematicclassificationofthesefactions.
    86.Itranslate"hsueh"as"study"ratherthanas"learn"or"learning"becauseIdonotbelievethatthesenseofcompletedactionthatisconveyedby"learn''is
    appropriate."Hsueh"generallydenotestheprocessratherthantheresultoflearning(A:1.7wouldbeanexception).Althoughtheword"study"hasitsownproblems,
    chieflyitsconnotationofbooklearning,itisfrequentlyusedinbroadersensesclosetothoseintheRuisttexts,asin"studyingdance."(Forcontraryviews,seeLau
    1979:44andHallandAmes1987:434339n12.)
    87.ThevariousaccountsofWesternChoueducationarediscussedandcomparedinCh'enP'an'sexcellentsurvey(1974).
    88.TheonlyformalinstitutionforeducationthatweknowdefinitelyexistedduringtheearlyChouwasthearcherytraininghall(Creel1970:407).Thehallmayalso
    havebeenwherewarriorsweretrainedtodance,asissuggestedbytheK'uangyuinscription,"KingYihadtheHsiangdanceperformedatthearcheryhall"(Ta
    hsi:3.8b).TheKungyangchuanalsomentionsapavilionthatwasalmostcertainlythearcheryhall(TCHC:11.489)asbeingusedtostoremusicalinstruments
    (KungyangchuanHsuan16:16.11).Onvarietiesofotherpossibleearlyinstitutions,seeEno1984:224n101.
    89.A:9.2indicatesthatthesestudieswerenotevaluatedashighlyasothers.CreelhasarguedfromthisthatConfuciusdidnotteachthem(1949:82).

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    90.TheYiliincludesanaccountofthevillagearcherymatch,whichinitselfmightindicatethatRuistsstudiedarcheryasaritualmode,ifweviewthetextasaritual
    handbook,studiedinclass.Notealsothatarcheryissometimesusedasasimileinethicaldiscussions(e.g.,M:7A.41),whereasmartialartslikeswordsmanship,which
    Ruseemnottohavestudied,arenot.
    91.Ofthethreecitationsof"Documents"intheAnalects(excludingtheYaoyuehchapter,whichisundoubtedlyalateadditiontothetext),one,A:2.21,citesa
    passagethatdoesnotappearinanypartofthe"NewText"(genuine)Documents,norisitcitedinanyotherpreCh'intext.Itsinvocation(shuyun)mightnotreferto
    theDocumentsweknow.InthecaseofA:8.20,thepassageisprobablyaninsertionfromthefourthcenturyB.C.(seeEno1984:29495).ThiswouldleaveA:14.40
    asthesolecitationoftheDocumentsthatmightdatefromtheearliestdaysofRuism.
    92.AdiscussionoftherulesofcitationappearsinTC,Hsiang4:14.1619.
    93.ItisonlywhenonetakesintoaccounttheritualroleofthePoetryinformalspeechthatA:13.5makessense:"Thoughonemaybeabletorecitethethreehundred
    odes,ifuponbeinggivengovernmentalresponsibilityonecannotconveyhisideas[bymeansofthem],orifwhensentasemissarytodistantlandsonecannot[use
    them]torespondonhisowninitiative,thenthough[onehasstudied]much,ofwhatuseisit?"StudyofthePoetrybynoblesonswasprobablywidespreadduringthe
    lateChou(see,e.g.,CKT:3.76b).
    94.RuisttextualstudyearlygrewtoincludetheSpringandAutumnAnnals(M:7B.2H:1.30,34),andtheYiching(e.g.,H:27.39).Onthelatter,theTsochuan
    showsanintenseinterestinthetext,butitisnotmentionedintheMencius,andthesinglepossiblereferencetoitintheAnalects(7.17)mightnotprovethatitwas
    studiedbytheearliestRuists(seeDubs1928).Inaddition,Ruisttextsrefertounnamedsources(chuan)andshowthoroughknowledgeofthedoctrines,andperhaps
    thebooks,ofcontemporarythinkers(verbatimknowledgeofcontemporarytextsissuggestedinRiegel'sanalysisofM:2A.2[1979:43738]).
    95.Thisisdiscussedinthecontextofautopianvisionofafullyritualizedsociety,whereeveryindividual'slideterminedmaterialenvironmentcultivatestheprecise
    virtuespropertohisdesignatedstation.
    96.Butnotealsothatlicouldbethebeginningsaswellastheendofstudy(A:19.12).
    97.TheHsunTzusatirizesRuwhoareunabletobringoffthedelicatestylizationoftheidealman(H:6.4548).Theintricatechoreographyoffinelyexecutedliiswell
    illustratedinA:10.14,whichdescribesthebehaviorofthechntzuatcourt.

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    98.SeealsoA:15.42,whereweseeamusicmastercometovisitthestudygroup.
    99.ItmightindicatethatConfuciusinstructedcourtmusicmastersabouttheproperoccasionsforperformingcertainpieces.
    100.TwopostCh'insourcesmentionthis:theMaocommentarytoPoetry:91/1,andWeiChao'scommentaryatKY,Luy:5.15b.ConfirmationinpreCh'intexts
    appearsatMT,KungMeng:12.11aTC,Hsiang16:16.3.SeealsoIkeda1955:75Chen1974:31.
    101.Onthetranslationof"feng,"seeEno1984:226n114.Thepassageisprobablyalateadditiontothetext(seeWSTK:454,458Kimura1971:353).Itmaybe
    viewedasacommentaryonA:5.8.Inthatpassage,thefirstthreeofthedisciplesarecharacterizedintermsofthepersonalgoalssetoutin11.24,andConfuciusnotes
    ineachcasethatwhethertheyarejenisdoubtful.If11.24wascomposedwiththeearlierpassageinmind,theimplicationwouldbethatTsengTien'sanswer
    encapsulatesjen.
    102.A:7.7indicatesthatatuitiongift,howeversmall,wasexpectedofdisciples(butnotethatChengHsuanofferedaverydifferentinterpretation[Ch'eng1965:388]).
    StresshastraditionallybeenlaidonthefactthatthepassageshowsthatConfuciuswasdemocraticallywillingtoacceptastuitioneventhesmallestclassofritualgift,
    thusnotexcludingpoorstudents.Butthepassagealsosuggeststhatheacceptedtuitionfromthislevel"onup",andtheremayhavebeenatraditionof"fromeach
    accordingtohismeans."M:2B.10impliesthatMasterssupportedtheirdisciples,butthemoregeneralrulemayhavebeenoneofsharingresourceswithinthegroup.
    103.TheroleofRuaspopularteachersissuggestedbytheChouli,whichreferstothemas"thosewhoemploytheWaytoattractthepeople"(T'ienkuan,T'ai
    tsai:1.15b16a),andliststhemalongwith"elders"and"teachers"(Tikuan,Tassut'u:3.17b).
    104.Occasionally,feudallordsmightevenbestowunsolicitedgiftsonprominentRu,asawayofdemonstratingtheirownvirtue(M:5B.6).
    105.AnumberofRuareseenoccupyingpositionsas"hsiang,"atermthatcoulddenoteahighpoliticalpost,butthatcouldalsomean"masterofceremony"ata
    ritualordiplomaticevent.ItisinthislatterrolethatRuistsappearintheTsochuan(e.g.,Confucius:Ting10:28.2124MengWupo:Ai17:30.39).
    106.DiscussionsappearinA:17.19M:3A.2H:19.7991andthroughoutearlyRuisttexts.Foranimportantdiscussionofthethreeyearsmourningritual,seeHu
    1934:2735.
    107.TheeconomicinterestthatRuistshadinpromotingfuneralsisviciouslysatirizedintheMoTzu'scaricatureofearlyRuists,whichis

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    worthquotingatlength:
    [TheRu]livesinpoverty...Heturnshisbackonwhatisbasicbyrefusingtowork,andcontentshimselfwithlazinessandarrogance.Hehasnomeansofkeepinghimselffrom
    starvingintimesofshortageandfreezingwhenitgrowscold...Inthesummerhebegsforgrain,butoncetheharvestisin,hegoeschasingafterbigfunerals.Allhischildren
    followhimthere,toeatanddrinktheirfill.Ifhecanmanageafewofthese,itwillbeenoughtogetby....Whenawealthyfamilyrequiresafuneralheisdelighted."Here,"hesays
    gleefully,"isthespringfromwhichfoodandclothingflow!"(FeiJu:9.17ab).|

    TheChuangTzuincludesaportraitthatisevenmoreunsavory,ifthatispossible.ItpicturesRuistfuneralexpertspiouslyrobbinggraves(CT:26.1618).The
    degreetowhichthesecaricaturesareaccurateiscertainlyquestionable,buttheydoalertustothepopularviewsofthecult,andseemtoshowthatthepictureof
    Ruasimpoverishedwaswidespreadandsurelyhadabasisinfact.
    108.ItispossiblethatnotallRuistswerereconciledtothenecessarycompromisesthatsociallivingentails.Thereareindicationsthatsomepreferredtorejectpaths
    ofeconomicopportunityandwithdrawintoeremeticlifestyles.OneofConfucius'disciples,YuanHsien(Ssu),issaidtohavedonethis(SC:67.2208),andtheelusive
    philosopherLuChunglien,ifhewas,infact,aRu,maybeanotherexample(SC:83.246069CKT,Chaots'e:4.5254).Inaddition,certainpartsoftheAnalects
    suggesteremetictendencies(e.g.,theWeiTzuchapter),andpartsoftheHsunTzuseemtohavebeenwrittenpreciselytocombataneremeticbranchofRuism
    (H:4.5758,5.4041,6.1112).

    ChapterIII
    1.TotalismisanonstandardphilosophicaltermthathasbeenappliedinvariouswaysinconnectionwithChina.RobertLiftonhasusedtheterminErikErikson'ssense
    toreferto"atendencytowardsallornothingemotionalalignments"(1961:129).Lifton'suseofthetermisnarrowerthanours,butisprobablycompatableasone
    aspectofRuisttotalism.
    2.CompareH:21.4142:"Sittinginone'sroom,onecanseethroughoutthefourseaslivingintoday,onecanseetheorderofdistantages."
    3.Thephraseappearsinseveralchapters:KT,HsinshuII:13.5aPaihsin:13.7bNeiyeh:16.4a.Foradiscussionofthesechaptersasrepresentativeofa"Chi
    hsiaschoolofmaterialism,"seeFung1962:274f.Ontheirauthorship,seethecontrastingviewsinHou1957:39799andFung1962:168.Thesamephrasealso
    appearsinalatechapteroftheChuangTzu(CT:23.3435).

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    4.Metzger'sdescriptionisappropriateforneoConfucianism,withitsgreatemphasisontheoreticalcoherence,butevenintheneoConfuciancaseextendingthe
    notionoftotalismtocoveractionmightbewarranted.AsMetzgerhimselfnotes,forneoConfucianstheimportanceofthinkingwastiedtothequestforaction
    standards(1977:66).TheexplicitlinkageofcognitionandactionasanenduringthemeofConfucian(andpostConfucian)philosophyhasbeenanalyzedbyDonald
    Munroinhismodeloftheclusteringofknowing,feeling,andpromptingstoactintraditionalChineseconceptsofmind(1977:2637).
    5.ThisnarrowdogmatismcanbegreatlymodifiedintextssuchastheChuangTzu,whereidentificationwiththeTaocanbeattainedthroughmasteryofalmostany
    skill:swimming,butchering,orcatchingcicadasonapole(butapparentlynotthroughritualmastery).However,nointrinsicvalueisfoundintheseactivitiesorin
    becomingskilledinthem.Ultimately,despiteapluralityofpathstothetotalism,thereisnopluralismofvaluesintheTaoistworld.
    TheclosedportraitofhumanperfectionentailedinpracticaltotalismmaybearupontheissuesraisedbyRosemontconcerningthe"openness"ofRuistidealsociety
    (197071).ThefactthattheguidingphilosophyoftheRuiststatewouldrejectapluralismofvaluesmightpredisposeittodevelopmentina"closed"direction.This
    issueisrelatedtothenatureofmoralchoiceinRuism,which,asFingarettehasnoted,becomesaunitaryissueoffollowingornotfollowingtheRuistTao
    (1972:chapter2).
    6.Theuseoftheword"jen"variesintheAnalects.Itcanbeusedinbothaweakandastrongsense(parallelingtheuseoftheword"chntzu").Usedintheweak
    sense,itmeanslittlemorethan"goodness."ExamplesofjenusedintheweaksenseincludeA:12.22,15.33(forchntzuintheweaksense,seeA:11.1,14.6).In
    discussingjenasthekeytotheSagelytotalism,weareexcludingpassageswhereitisusedinthisweaksense.
    7.Themysteryofthetermmayberelatedtothefactthat,asfaraswecantell,Confuciusseemstohavebeenthefirsthistoricalfiguretousethewordasamajor
    ethicalterm.ItisrarelyencounteredinpreConfuciansources,andwhenwedofindit,itdoesnotseemtocarryagreatdealofweight.Foradetaileddiscussion,see
    Lin197475.Linarrivesatarootglossof"manly"forjen.(17880).NotethatthereconstructedChoureading(
    )mighthavebeencognatewithning(*nieng):
    "glib,"andthegraphemicsofthisrelationshipwouldtendtoenhanceLin'sargument.(AllphoneticreconstructionsarebasedonGSR.)Ifthisrelationbetween"jen"
    and"ning"werepursued,itmightincreaseourunderstandingofAnalectspassagessuchasA:5.5.

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    8.A:6.30isanotableexception,butinthatcase,Confucius'response,whichstressesthatjenisfarsimplerthanwhathisdisciplesuggests,mightmerelyreversethe
    directionoftheproblemof"jen"ratherthansolveit(compareA:7.30).
    9.AfewcommentatorsdonotagreethatConfuciusgrantsthequalityofjeninthispassage(seeTing1949:3.3).IamgratefultoYanShouchengforalertingmeto
    this.
    10.Ihavetaken"lid"asaverbparallelto"ch'u,"basedonM:2A.7,4A.11(seeWangYinglin'scommentarytoA:4.1inCh'eng1965:197).Jenandwisdomare
    repeatedlylinkedintheAnalects(A:4.2,6.23,9.29,15.33).Inmostcases,theyshouldnotbetakenaseitherindependentormutuallyexclusive,as,forexample,
    Waley'sinterpretationofA:6.23(VI.21)suggests(1938:120,23940).
    11.Thecomprehensivenessofjenisindicatedinotherpassages,whereitispriortofiliality(hsiaoA:1.2),devotion(chungA:5.19,13.19),purity(ch'ingA:5.19),
    andvigilance(chingA:13.19)amongothers(cf.A:17.5).ThereisapassageintheAnalectswherejenseemstobesupersededbytheterm"Sage"(shengA:6.30).
    Tsudatookthistomeanthatinahierarchyofvirtues,"Sageliness"wassuperiortojen(1946:135).However,A:6.30isaparadoxicalreplytoaquestionaboutjen,
    stressingtheeaseofachievingjenincontrasttotheinterlocutor'shighflownportrait."Sheng"probablycarriedaspecialrhetoricalforcebecauseitwasatraditional
    termformythicalSages,whosestatureitwouldbeallbutimpioustoaspiretosurpass.TheseSages,aspastkings,notonlycamecompletewithallvirtuesbutwith
    breathtakingpoliticalachievementsalreadyonrecord.Theywerebothgoodandsuccessful.Thenotionofjenaddressesvirtue,butnotsuccess(exceptperhapsin
    A:14.1718).Itisnotthattheshengjenisbetterthanthejenjen,butthattheformertermcarrieddifferentrhetoricalovertones.Onproblemsofrationalizingthe
    Analects'hierarchyofterms,seeHallandAmes1987:18588.
    Inarelatedmatter,wemightnotethatwhatwasperhapstheprimarypreConfucianvirtue,"te,"alsoplaysaroleintheAnalects.Itisusedasanoncontroversial
    termdenoting"highvirtue,"asdistinguishedfromtheprovocativenewterm"jen,"whosemeaningwasnotfullydelineatedbytraditionaluse.Thetwowordshave
    roughlysimilarweightintheAnalects,andtheytendtoobeya"lawofavoidance"(theyappeartogetheronlyinA:7.6and14.4).They,too,shouldnotbe
    comparedaccordingtotheirstatusinahierarchyofvirtue.Theyessentiallybelongtodifferentterminologicalsets.
    12.Literally:"...Iwouldtapitatbothendsandemptyit."Thereseemstobeametaphoroperating,butIcannotidentifyit.

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    13.TheMenciuscontainsaveryeloquentpassagethatdescribestheteachingoftheineffabletotalisticskill:
    Thechntzudeeplyimmerses[hisstudent]intheWay:hewisheshimtofinditforhimself.Oncehehasfoundit,hewilllearntodwellinitatease.Oncehedwellsinitatease,he
    willlearntodrawdeeplyfromit.Oncehedrawsdeeplyfromit,thenashetakesittohimselfhewillencounteritssourcetohiseveryleftandright.Hencethechntzuwisheshim
    tofinditforhimself(M:4B.14).

    Previoustranslationshavetakentheobjectofthechntzu'steachingtobehimself,whichrunscountertothegrammarofthepassageand,asDobsonnoted,
    rendersthemeaningverydubious(seeDobson1963:148n31).
    14.TsengShenwasonlyabouttwentysixwhenConfuciusdied(Ch'ien1956:61516),oneoftheyoungestdisciples.Heprobablywouldnothavebeensodeeply
    initiatedasthispassagesuggests.ItwasprobablycomposedbypupilsofTsengShen(heisnamedbyhonorific),andifso,hisremarkswouldrepresenthismature
    interpretationofthe"singlethread."ThepassagemighthavebeeninsertedinBook4afterthebookhadalreadytakenshapeitistheonlyinterruptioninthestylistic
    homogeneityofthebook(exceptingthefinalentry,attributedtoTzuyuandprobablyappended).AnexaminationofthefunctionsofthedisciplesintheAnalects
    suggeststhatTsengTzuandthesubtleTzukungarecastincompetitionasauthoritativeinterpretersofConfucius'ideas.
    15.See,forexample,LYCY:82and,morerecently,Ch'ien1963:129.ThisalsoseemstobethefinalpositionofFingarette,whohasmadeadetailedanalysisofthe
    passage(1979a:39798).
    16.Loaninstancesarefoundbetween"chung"and"chungb"(H:25.33,29.35).Onthemeaningofthelatterwordas"innerrecessesofthemind"(asensecommon
    intheTsochuan),seeIkeda1968:27,30n8.
    17.OnlyonepassageintheAnalectsallowsustodistinguishwhether"chung"denotedloyaltytopersonsortodutyallotherspermittheambiguity.Thepassageis
    A:5.19.Itreads:
    Tzuchangasked,"TheGrandMinisterTzuwenwasthriceappointedasGrandMinisterandneverdisplayedpleasure.Hewasthricedischargedandneverdisplayeddispleasure.
    Invariably,hereportedtotheincomingministertheaffairsofhisterminoffice.Whatwouldyousayofhim?""Thathewaschung,"repliedtheMaster.

    "Chung"appearstosignifyacompletesubmergenceofselfinterestinscrupulousdevotiontoduty.Thepassagetendstoconfirmglossesof

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    "chung"as"exhaustingthemind"(SWCTKL:10B.4658b,TuanYts'ai'sgloss)or"exhaustingintegrity(ch'ing)"(HuangK'ancitingWangPi[Ch'eng
    1965:232]).
    Fingarette,inhisanalysisofA:4.15,stressesthenotionofchungasloyaltytopersons(1979a:389,393).Inplaces,however,heseemstoequatethiswithloyalty
    toresponsibilities(390).
    18.Note,however,thatintextssuchastheTsochuan,HsunTzu,Tahsueh,andChungyung,"shu"seemstomeansomethingcloserto"donotdemandfrom
    otherswhatyouarenotyourselfcompetenttodo."Theword"shu"doesnotappearinpreConfuciansources.ItappearsonlytwiceintheAnalects(4.15,15.24),
    andmuchofbothofthesepassagesmaybeborrowedfromotherentriesinthetext(15.3,5.12,12.2).OnecannothelpbutwonderwhetherConfuciushimselfever
    usedtheword.
    19.TheShuowengivesthevariantform(SWCTKL:100B.4672b).Notethatbecausenoinstancesofloansarefoundtoconfirmthisetymologicalanalysisof
    "shu"(sofarasIamaware),itmustbeconsideredspeculative.
    20.ItisinterestingtoconsiderChengHsuan'scommenttotheprefaceofthefirstodeofthePoetry:"'Chung'meanstofeelforanother(shu)fromtheheart'score
    (chunga)."(Theglossseemsoddincontext,andChengmayhaveborrowedit.)Notethatfromourperspective,shuis,perhaps,morelikelytohaveentaileda
    processofprojectingone'sownneedsratherthaninternalizingtheneedsofothers.ThisisparticularlysoinlightofatendencyinChinesethought,bothearlyandlate,
    totakeasanabasicaxiomtheassumptionthathumanneedsandemotionsareinnateanduniversal.TheresulthasbeenthatChinesethinkershavenotstressedthe
    needtomakeallowancesforimportantdifferencesamongindividuals,andtheparametersgoverningethicalprescriptstoempathizehavebeennarrow.Iamgratefulto
    DonaldMunroforbringingthistomyattention.
    21.Ihavesuppliedhereanadditionalphrasefromaparallelpassage(H:5.4647).Inthislatterpassage,thedancemetaphorismorecompletelydrawn,butbecomes
    mixedwithothermetaphors.IhavesuppliedthephraseforillustrativepurposesIdonotmeantosuggestthatthetextshouldbeemended.
    22.Waleyobjectedtotheinterpretationof"k'o"as"conquer"(1938:162nl),butrelevantpassagesintheTsochuan(Chao10:22.26Chao12:22.54,towhich
    Waleyalludes)indicatethattheevidencedoesnotsupporthisglossof"tobeable"(althoughthatis,ofcourse,acommonmeaningof"k'o"inearlytexts).
    23.See,forexample,Tu1968:3334.BenjaminSchwartz'srecentdiscussionoftherelationofjenandlialsoreflectsacommitmenttorationalize

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    thepriorityofjenoverritual(1985:8082).
    24.LinYshenghasmadepointssimilartothoseIammakinghere(197475:19396).Notethatthechntzuwillalwaysactaccordingtoliafter"throwingawayhis
    books."However,hewillhavemoreleewaytoactthanothers.AstheMenciusstates:"Thegreatmanwillnotalwaysbetruetohiswordorfollowthroughtothe
    end:hecleavestotheright"(4B.11seealsothediscussionofch'anin4A.18).TheSagefullyembodiesliand,assuch,becomesacreatorofliinthemannerofthe
    greatSagesofthepast.
    25.ManyideasinthisanalysisoweadebttoFingarette1972:chapter3.
    26.Fingarette'sclaimshavebeenstronglyrejectedbyH.G.Creel(1979:41012)andBenjaminSchwartz(1985:7880),butneitherhasofferedsustainedarguments
    todisprovetheseclaimsorattemptedtoexplainwhytheAnalectsissoreticentconcerningtheaffectivedimensionofdecisionmaking.
    27.ThedoctrineassociatedwithPlatoismostexplicitinAlcibiades1:12930.Althoughtheauthorshipofthetextmaybespurious,itisconsistentwithother
    dialogues,suchasthePhaedo.
    28.Forexample,A:4.17cf12.4.
    29.IambuildingontheShuowendefinitionof"ssu"asgrainandtheuseofthetermtodenotetheprivatefieldinPoetry277.
    30.SeeA:9.22,whereYenYuanisalsodescribedthroughthemetaphorofripeninggrainusingtheterm"fa."Theuseof"fa"inthesenseofgrainripeningappears
    inPoetry277.
    31.Thefactthat"hsing"heredenotesinspectionratherthanintrospectionissignaledbytheabsenceofthemodifier"inner"(nei).However,intheHsunTzuthe
    termneihsingisusedtorefertoselfexaminationofone'spublicconduct(11.96).CompareA:1.4,whichseemstobridgepublicandprivate:"Idailyinspect(hsing)
    mypersononthreecounts:HaveIbeenconscientiouswhenplanningonbehalfofothershaveIbeenfaithfulindealingswithfriendshaveIpracticedtheteachingsI
    passon?"
    32.Severalfactorsmighthavecontributedtothissortofportraitoftheself.Thelinkofprivateandpublicrealmsisconsistentwithassumptionsaboutthenatureof
    cognitiveprocessespervasiveinChinesephilosophy.DonaldMunrohasdemonstratedthatcognitiveactswereconceivedinamannerthatintrinsicallyentailedthem
    withactiondispositionsandthatthismannerof"clustering"mentalprocessesthatwedemarcaterigidlyisbuiltintothemeaningoftheverb"toknow"(Munro
    1977:2737).ThedifferencesbetweenChineseandWesternviewsofselfmayalsohavebeenfosteredbytheradicallydifferentlinguisticgrammarsthatinfluencedthe
    structureofontologicalassump

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    tions.ChadHansenhasarguedthatClassicalChineselacksprinciplesofnounindividuationthatarecharacteristicofIndoEuropeanlanguages(1985:4142),and
    thismighthavemilitatedagainstthesearchforacoresubstanceofindividuationsuchasguidedWesternapproaches.Hansen'sclaimthattheClassicalChinese
    equationalsentenceexpressesapartwholerelationshipratherthanasubstancepredicateonefitswellwiththenotionofindividualpersonsasintrinsicallysocial.
    33.Ontheatomicportraitoftheindividual,seeLukes1973:7378.
    34.Munro'saccountdescribestheresonancebetweentraditionalChineseviewsofhumannatureassocialandthoseofMarx.ForMarx'scritiqueoftheexclusionof
    socialdimensionsfromportraitsofhumannature,seeLukes1973:7576.
    35.TheMoTzuadoptsaHobbesianpictureofprecivilizedsocietyintheShangt'ungchapter(MT:3.12),andthiscouldindicateabeliefthatsocialattributesare
    notintrinsic.However,theHsunTzu'ssomewhatsimilarportrait(19.12)isreconciledwithintrinsicsocialdispositions.
    36.MysuggestionthatthenotionofhumannatureassocialmayhavebeenaprephilosophicalconsensusisbasedonfamiliaritywithChoubronzeinscriptions.The
    unfailinglinkageofindividualtoancestorsandprogenyinthosetextsseemstometoreflectafundamentalvisionoftheindividualasboundtothecontextoffamilyand
    clan.Thepersistenceoftheportraitoftheindividualassocial,demonstratedinMunro'swork,furthersuggeststhattheRuistportraitwasa"transmission"ratherthan
    an"innovation."
    37.OnthetheoriesoftheHsunTzu,seechapterVI.
    38.Forglossesofjenas"person,"seeM:7B.16CY:20.For"person"as"jen,"seeShihming,Shihhsingt'i:2.51.
    39.Hsiaoching:1indicatesthatfilialitywasviewedasthebasisofallrelationalroles.
    40.TheChuangTzuspeaksofthefutilityofdiscoveringatrueinnerselfthroughaninventoryofsubjectivefaculties(2.1618).Thisindicatesthatnotionscomparable
    toWesternportraitsoftheselfwerenotalientocontemporarywaysofthought.ThattheChuangTzuwasscepticalthataninnerselfcouldbefoundinthiswaydoes
    not,ofcourse,indicatethatthetextsubscribedtotheviewofmanasinnatelysocial.TheTaoistschoolsdissentedfromthemainstream,andthisprobablyisastruefor
    hsienTaoists(touseCreel'sterm)asfortheauthorsoftheChuangTzuandtheTaoteching.
    41.DonaldMunro,suggestsacontrastbetweenneoConfucianviewsoftheselfandanAugustinianmodel.MunronotesthatforAugustine,thepivotalaxisonwhich
    selfhoodrevolvesisaverticallinkbetweentheindividualsoulandGod:theselfoftheConfessionsisoneincreas

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    inglyalienatedfromitssocialsurroundingsinaninnersearchforthelinktoGod.ForChuHsi,theaxisishorizontal:thesearchfortheselfiscarriedoutthrough
    alertsocialpracticeitisthroughlinkswithotherhumansthatonediscerns,andthenshapesone'struenature(1988:1056).Inthisrespect,ChuHsiisfaithfulto
    theearlyRuistapproach.TheinfluenceofAugustinianselfscrutinyinlaterChristianviewsoftheindividualisnotedinLukes1973:9498.
    42.Hence,Mencius'remarkthatthosewhoallowtheirinnatemoralqualitiestobesubmergedinotherelementsoftheirnaturalendowmentseemnodifferentfrom
    animals(M:6A.8cf.4B.19).
    43.OnthesedimensionsinWesternportraitsoftheindividual,seeLukes1973:6777.
    44.InM:5B.1wearepresentedwithavarietyofSages,eachwithhisownpersonality,fromtheintolerantlyuprightPoYi,tothealtruisticYiYin,totheaffableLiu
    Hsiahui.However,thecaseforindividualityissomewhatvitiatedbythelatterportionofthepassage,whichexaltsConfuciusfarbeyondanyofthesemen.The
    passageseemscognatewithA:18.8.
    45.Onemightarguethatbyomittingindividualpersonalityfromdiscussionsoftheindividual,Ruistsinfactshieldedidiosyncraticthoughtandbehaviorfromthe
    negativeimplicationsoftheirritualistdoctrines.Whileselfregardingdispositionswerealwayssubjecttoattack,idiosyncrasyunderwentabenignneglectthatleft
    RuisminapositiontoabsorbaspectsofTaoisminconceivingwellroundedmodelsofthechntzu,particularlyfromtheT'angperiodon,modelsthatcouldsanction
    theinfluenceofaLiPoonaTuFu,ortheeccentricitiesofaSuTungp'o.
    Accordingtothetheoryofskillsystemsoutlinedintheintroduction,whatwerefertobytheterm''personality"mightcorrespondcloselytotheindividual's
    repertoireofskills.Ruism'scommitmenttoamonolithicsetofritualskillstends,intheory,toimplyaconvergenceofpersonalitiesamongRuistMasters.Butonce
    again,theoryandexperiencediverge.Ournotionofskillsystemsisadescriptivetoolandencompassesallaspectsofpersonalskill,notmerelyskillsacquired
    throughformaltraining.OurmodeltendstopredictthatthemembersoftheRuistcommunitystrivingforSagehoodthroughliwouldreflectthesortofpersonality
    convergencethatcharacterizesanyprofessionalcohortwhenviewedfromtheoutside.Viewedfromwithin,varietyofpersonalityappearsasanobviousfact.

    ChapterIV
    1.InpreparingtranslationsandcommentaryinterpretationsoftheAnalects,IhavetakentheLYYTtextasstandard,andIhavereliedonCh'en

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    1968forinformationontextualvariants.PassagecitationsconformtoLYYTnumbers.Fortraditionalcommentaries,IhavereliedheavilyuponCh'eng1965,
    whichincludesabroadrangeofmaterialswithpreSunginterpretationswellrepresented.IhavealsoreferredtotheLunychengyi[LYCY],anineteenth
    centurycommentarybyLiuPaonan.IhaveconsultedandbenefitedfromthefollowingEnglishandJapanesetranslations:Legge1894Waley1938Chan1963
    (partial)Kaizuka1973Miyazaki1974Lau1979.Alltranslationsappearinginthechapteraremyown.
    2.ThesimplesttheoryoftheoriginsoftheAnalects,towhichalmostallscholarssubscribeinoneformoranother,isstatedintheYiwenchihchapteroftheHan
    shu:"TheLuny[Analects]containstheteachingsthatConfuciusspokeinrespondingtodisciplesandcontemporaries,andthelessonslearnedfromtheirMaster
    thatthedisciplesspoketooneanother.Eachdiscipleofthetimemadehisownrecord.AftertheirMaster'sdeath,hisfollowerscollectivelyeditedandcollatedthese
    hence,theyarecalledthe'collatedteachings'(luny)"(HS:1717).Infact,wepossessnotestimonyconcerningthecompositionoftheAnalectspredatingthefirst
    centuryA.D.,theYiwenchihandtheChengshuochapterofWangCh'ung'sLunhengbeingourearliestsourcesonthismatter.Neithertextisabletoreport
    specificsofcompilationortransmissionofthetextpriortotheearlyHan.
    TheLunhengtellsusthatduringtheearlyHan,untilthereignofWuti(14087B.C.),nocopiesofthetextweregenerallyknownduetothegreatCh'inbook
    burnings.(TheYiwenchihdoesnotreportthis,butitstestimonymaybeconsistentwithWangCh'ung'sreport[Kimura1971:165].)Possiblynotextknownas
    the"Luny"existedduringthepreCh'inperiod,whichcouldindicatethatthefinaleditorialstagesoccurredaslateastheCh'inorearlyHan.(D.C.Laubelieves
    thatanexplicitcitationfromthe"Luny"intheFangchichapteroftheLichiprovesthatthetextexistedinitscurrentformpriortotheCh'in[1979:220].
    However,thedateoftheFangchichapterisuncertainandisbynomeansnecessarilypreHan[seeIto*1969:3035,alsoTsuda1946:4754].Thefactthatthe
    name"Luny"ismentionedinnootherpreCh'inworkisgoodevidencethatthename,atleast,wasaHaninvention.)
    VerypowerfulevidencesupportingthenotionofalateeditingdateisprovidedbytheHsunTzu.Atleastsixpassagesinthattextappeartobenearverbatim
    citationsoftheAnalects(compare:H:1.6,A:15.31H:1.32,A:14.24H:8.96,A:2.17H:9.68,A:12.11H:27.9,A:17.9H:27.122,A:13.25),yetnoneoftheseis
    attributedtoConfuciusortoanytext(note,however,thatH:1.6appearsintheTTLCversionattributedto

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    Confucius[7.6]).ThesestatementsareallpresentedasiforiginaltoHsunTzu.Furthermore,noneofthemanystatementsattributedtoConfuciusintheHsunTzu
    appearsinthecurrenttextoftheAnalects(althoughthereisthematicoverlap,e.g.,H:28.31,A:9.19).HsunTzuwasfamousforhiseruditioninRuisttexts
    (accordingtoLiuHsiang'sSunCh'inghsinshuhsulu[HTYT:11012]).HealsospentmanyyearsattheChihsiaAcademyinCh'i,thecenterforscholastic
    learningduringthethirdcenturyB.C.ItseemsinconceivablethatthetextoftheAnalectswepossesstodaycouldhaveexistedinitscurrentformatthattime,
    giventheevidenceoftheHsunTzu.
    ForinformationaboutthevicissitudesofthetextduringtheHan,seethebriefsummaryinLau1979(22022)orthemoredetailedaccountsinTakeuchi1939
    (7286)andTsuda1946(83101).
    3.ArgumentsfromhisLunyyshuoappearinWSTK(45459).
    4.ThemostdetailedofthoseIknowareTakeuchi1939Tsuda1946Kimura1971.Thesethreestudiesrelyupondifferentfundamentalassumptionsandparameters
    ofanalysis,andtheydiffersignificantlyintheirconclusions.Takeuchiattemptedtoreconstructthecompositionprocessbyanalyzingthecurrenttextinlightofthetypes
    ofvarianttextsreportedbyWangCh'ungtohavebeenextantduringtheearlyHan.HismodelreliesheavilyuponthenotionthattheindividualbooksoftheAnalects
    werecoherentandindependentunitsfromveryearlyon.Tsuda'sanalysisstressestheneedtochallengeassumptionsthattheeditingprocesswaslargelycompleted
    duringtheearlystagesofthetext'sdevelopment.HecitestheevidenceofunattributedAnalectspassagesinlatetextstosupporthisviewthattheorganizationof
    entriesintobookswasalatedevelopment.ForTsuda,thestructureofthetextaswehaveittodayoffersonlyminimalcluestotheprovenanceofindividualentries.
    Kimuraattemptstotreadsomethingofamiddlepath.FacedwithTsuda'sfindings,butlackinghisscepticaloutlook,Kimuratriestosolvetheproblembystressingthe
    importanceof"linked"entries:contiguousentrieswithinasinglebookthatshareasingleprincipleoforganization.Tendingtoassigntopassagestheearliestdateof
    originhedeemspossible,Kimuraarrivesatadetailedschematicmodelofthedatingandgeographicalorfactionalclassificationofthenuclearlinkedgroups.Myown
    viewfallsbetweenthoseofKimuraandTakeuchi.IbelievethatKimuraiscorrectinconsideringlinkedgroupsasthenuclearliteraryunitofthetext(althoughIwould
    identifymanyspecificgroupsdifferentlyfromKimura).However,Ihavecometofeelthatmorethanonehalfthebooksconstitutecoherentarrangementsofthese
    linkedgroupsinsuchawaythatweshouldbewaryofattributinggroupsofpassageswithinasinglebook

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    todiversefactionalorigins,aviewmoreintunewithTakeuchi.Tsuda'scounselofdespairisbestemployedasacautionarydeviceratherthanasamethodological
    priciple.
    5.EventhemostcredulousofinterpretersmustfollowtheYiwenchihintakingthecompilationofthetexttohavebegunafterConfucius'death,andmost
    commentatorswouldagreethatananalysisoftermsofappelationinthetextindicatesthatfullscaleeditorialworkwasmostlikelyinitiatednoearlierthanthesecond
    generationofdisciples(A:14.1providing,perhaps,themostprominentchallengetothisprinciple).Thus,evenatraditionalapproachtothetextleavesaconsiderable
    gapbetweenConfuciusandhiseditors,whichcreatesproblemsforthosewhowishtodiscoverConfucius'ideasthroughadetailedanalysisofprecisephraseology.
    6.Whererelevant,analysesofthedatingofindividualpassageswillappearinthecourseofourdiscussion.However,inordertoalertthereadertoimplicitbiasesin
    mypresentation,IwillstatebrieflymycurrentapproachtodatingAnalectsentries.
    FollowingTakeuchiandmostotherinterpreters,Iseethedivisionofthetextintobooksasprovidingsignificantcluestodiscoveringrelativedatesofcomposition
    andfactionalorigin.ItakeBooks37tohavebeenjoinedatarelativelyearlydatetheyareonthewholestylisticallyandphilosophicallycompatible,and,
    together,theycontainnoreduplicatedmaterial.Theyinclude,however,passagesthatIbelievewereinsertedorappendedafterthebookswerejoined(e.g.,5.13
    146.2930).IaminclinedtoviewportionsofBook8(2,817)asbelongingtothisgroupofbooks,perhapsasabrief,finalbookonthethemeofritualstudy.
    (ForananalysisofthetripartitestructureofBook8anditssignificance,seeEno1984:294n53.)BecauseBooks57containmanyidiosyncraticportraitsof
    disciplesandothercontemporariesofConfucius,itseemslikelythatthis"core"text(Books38)incorporatessomeoftheoldestmaterialintheAnalects.Noneof
    thematerialfromthesebooksappearsunattributedintheHsunTzu,whichmayalsopointtoanearlydate(4.1and7.34appear,attributedtoConfucius,inthe
    Mencius[2A.7,2A.2]).
    TheAnalectsisusuallyconsideredaspossessingtwo"halves,"Books110and1120.IfBooks38formacoreinthe"upperhalf,"Books1115seemtoform
    asomewhatmorelooselyorganizedcoreinthe"lowerhalf."Theymayalsohavebeenjoinedatanearlydate,althoughthepresenceofsomepartiallyreduplicated
    material(compare12.2,15.2414.30,15.19)mayindicatethatportionsweredevelopedindependently.Materialfrommostofthesebooksappearsinthe
    Mencius,andalsointheHsunTzu,whereitisunattributed,indicatingperhapsalatedateoffinalediting.Certainentriesappeartobeparticularlylate(e.g.,
    11.24).

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    Ingeneral,Ithinkitiscorrecttosaythatthesetwocoregroupsrepresenttheheartofthetext.Thetwogroupsshowstylisticdifferencesthatmightindicate
    divergentfactionalorgeographicalorigins,buttheyarenotphilosophicallyinconsistent.Duplicatedmaterial(e.g.,4.15,15.36.2,11.7,andsoforth)might
    indicatecommonsources.
    Amongtheremainingbooksinthe"upperhalf,"IfollowTakeuchiinconsideringBook1alatesummarytext(1939:9394).Hisspeculationthatitconstituteda
    pairwithBook10makessenseinlightofHuangK'an'sreportofthechapterorderofthe"Kulun,"oneofthreeversionsofthetextthatcirculatedduringtheHan
    (1939:88).
    IfeelthatthedisparatematerialsinBook2suggestalatedate,asdoestheconcernwithfiliality(2.58),atypicalfortheAnalects(seeEno1984:222n93).A:2.5
    containsmaterialattributedtoConfuciusbytheAnalectsbuttoTsengShenbytheMencius(3A.2),andthisstronglysuggeststhatthisportionofthetextwasat
    leastreshapedafterMencius'time,perhapstosupportRuism'sgrowinginterestinfiliality.
    TakeuchioffersmanyargumentsforconsideringBook9tobelate(1939:9598).Itcontainsanunusualamountofmaterialfoundinvariantforminotherbooks
    (compare9.5,7.239.10,10.189.11,6.27,and12.159.12,7.359.14,5.79.18,15.139.25,1.89.29,14.28).Ithinkweshouldconcludethatthisbook
    wasincorporatedintothetextverylate,butmighthaveexistedasanindependent"luny,"drawingonoriginalsourcesusedforotherpartsofthetextfroman
    earlydate(although,assigninganearlydatetosomeofitsentries,suchas9.9,wouldbedifficult).
    Ts'uiShuarguedthatBooks1620wereallofarelativelylatedate.IagreewithregardtoBooks16,18,and20(butseeKaizuka1951foradifferentviewof
    Book16).Thesebooksprobablywereaddedafterthetextwasessentiallycomplete,andtheysometimesseemphilosophicallyinconsistentwiththerestofthe
    book,particularlyBooks16and18.
    AnunusualproportionofentriesinBook17appearintheMenciusandHsunTzu(e.g.,M:7B.37linksA:17.11and17.16comparealsoM:3B.7andA:17.1).
    ItseemsmostlikelythatthebookpostdatestheMencius,butthatmuchofthematerialinitisolder.
    Ts'uiShuregardedBook19aslatebecauseitrecordsonlythestatementsofdisciplesafterConfucius'death.Thisreflectsanoptimisticviewoftheearlydateof
    thebulkofthetext,butfromourstandpoint,thereseemstobenoreasontoassignaparticularlylatedatetothechapter.Thefinalsixentries,allquotingTzukung,
    differinstyleandcontentfromtherest,andmightbeofindependentorigin,but,altogether,thebookcouldbeviewedasoneoftheearliestintheentiretext.
    Forasomewhatdifferentsummaryapproach,seeLau1979:22233.

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    7.SignificantreferencestoT'ienappearscatteredamongtwelveofthetwentybooksoftheAnalects.Contrastthedistributionofreferencestoanotherimportant
    notion,filiality,whicharealmostallcenteredinthefirstfourbooks,mostinasingleclusterofentriesinBook2.
    8.TheMoTzuoftenseemstoignoretheprobleminitsdiscussionsofT'ien.See,forexample,theT'ienchihchapters(especially7.2),whereitisnotonlyclaimed
    prescriptivelythatrighteousnessshouldbefollowedbecauseT'ienwishesit,butalsothatempiricalobservationshowsthatT'ienalwaysrewardstherighteous.
    9.Taoisttextssometimes(butbynomeansalways)seemtosuggestthatT'ienisethicallyneutral(e.g.,CT:2.29,2.40TTC:73).
    10.Inthefollowinganalysis,wewilladoptwhatmightbecalleda"principleofoverinterpretation."ThisisbasedonthenotionthattheAnalectsshouldbeviewedasa
    carefullycomposedcanonicaltext.Fromanearlydate,botheditorsanddisciplereadersprobablyviewedthetextasbrimmingwithsymbolicmeaning,andsuch
    meaningmayoftenhavedeterminedwhetherornotagivenentrywasincludedinthetext.Whenweexplorefor"original"meaningsintheAnalectsasaneditedtext,
    wearejustifiedincarryingourinterpretationsseveralstepsfurtherthanwewouldifweweredealingwithaless"sacred"text,orifwewerelookingatthetextsimply
    asarecordofConfucius'words.
    11.Which,ifany,conventionalimageweareexpectedtoattachtoT'ienisleftvague.IfwearecorrectinreadingasenseofpurposiveactionintoT'ien's
    "engendering"virtue,ananthropomorphicgodwouldfit.ButthepassagecouldbereadtomeanthatvirtueitselfprotectsConfucius,inwhichcasehemightpossessit
    throughtheactionofT'ienasNaturewithoutanyimplicationsofdivinepurpose.
    12.Foranalysesoftherootmeaningof"te,"seeMunro1969:99108,18597Jao1975Nivison197879HallandAmes1987:21622.
    13.InthecaseofA:7.23,agreaterthanusualpossibilitymightexistthattheShihchiaccountreflectsanearlytradition.TheAnalectsentryissoterseastosuggest
    thattraditionalcontextualmaterialmusthavebeentransmittedorallywiththetext.InothercasesinwhichtheShihchiaddscontextualmaterial,thismaynothave
    beenthecase,andSsumaCh'ien'saccountismorelikelytoreflectlateembellishmentsoftraditionalmaterial.
    14.ThefactthatA:7.23and9.5aretwoversionsofonetaleisnotedbyDubs(1958:248n2)andMiyazaki(1974:24849).ChengHsup'ing,relyingontheevidence
    oftheShihchi,claimsthattheserecorddistincteventsseveralyearsapart(1963:88).
    15.Commentatorsfrequentlyinterpret"wen"asdenoting"culture,"asinthelatercompound"wenhua."IntheAnalects,itisactuallyusedto

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    suggestconventionalpatternsofstyleandbehavior,asenseveryclosetoli.Itshouldbecomparedtotheuseofthecompound"wenli"intheHsunTzu.Onthe
    etymologyof"wen,"seethediscussioninchapter1.
    16.Inthistranslation,Ihavetaken"ku"asaloanfor"ku,"afrequentloanrelation(Daikanwa:3.65d).(TheLunheng'sversionofthepassageuses"ku"[Chen
    1968:147].)Ihaveinterpreted"ku"as''whatisoriginalorbasic"inlightofGraham'sanalysisoftheterm(1967:216).Therehasbeenmuchdebateoverthemeaning
    oftheword"chiang."Ihavetranslatedit"great"inlightofH:32.30.
    17.Miyazaki1974:249takes"chntzu"inthispassagetodenote"nobleman,"incontrastto"humble"(compareA:11.1).Overtonesofsuchameaningmightbe
    foundinthepassage.Perhaps"sage"wasappliedtocommonersinanironicsense.
    18.Concerningtheimagerydenotedby"t'ien"inthispassage:IfeelthatthethrustofTzukung'sremarkparticularlyifoneinterprets"ku"asIhavesuggeststhat
    "T'ienallowshim"means,"heisendowedwiththeabilitybynature."Ifthisweretrue,T'ienwouldnotnecessarilybepicturedasapurposivedeity,butasanatural
    process.
    19.A:9.7reads:"Laosays:'TheMastersaid,Ihavenotbeenemployed,henceIamskilledinarts.'"Numerousproblemsexistwiththisbriefentry.Consideringits
    content,itisclearlyacommentonA:9.6(manyinterpretersregardA:9.67asasinglepassage).Foradetailedargumentforregardingthepassageasalate
    commentaryintrusion(includinganadmissionofbias),seeEno1984:291n45.
    20.ThelastphrasesofA:9.6havesometimesbeentakentomeanthatachntzushouldavoidacquiringmanytalents(seethepreT'angcommentariescitedin
    Ch'eng[1965:504]).Amoreaccurateinterpretationwouldbetosaythat"thequalityofbeingachntzudoesnotlieinpossessingmanyabilities."Thenegative
    particle"pu":"doesnot,"shouldbereadasapproximating"fei":"isnot"(parallelexamplesmayappearatA:2.12,6.25).
    21.SomequestionmightarisewhethertoregardTzukung'sstatementinA:9.6astrueorasadisciple'smistakenreply.Confuciusdoesnotaddressitinhisown
    remarks,andseemstoshiftthesubjectfrom"Sagehood"tothe"chntzu."TheAnalectstellsusthatConfuciusrefusedtoaccordhimselfthelabelsof"Sage"or
    "jen"(A:7.34),butitisquiteclearthattheAnalectsitselfpresentshimasboth(see,e.g.,A:19.2325).BecauseConfuciusdoesnotactuallycriticizehisdisciple's
    reply(ashedoesat,e.g.,A:3.21),IthinkwearesafeinconcludingthatTzukung'sstatementrepresentsthepositionoftheAnalectsonConfucius'virtue,andthat
    Confucius'changeofsubjectshouldbeinterpretedasmildmodesty.

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    22.BothT'ienand"man'snature"probablyshouldbeconsideredasmetaphysicalnotionshere.TheShihchiversionofthepassage(47.1941)refersnottoman's
    "nature"(hsing)buttohis"naturaldecree"(hsingming),aphrasegenerallyassociatedwiththeChungyung.Ifmyinterpretationofthepassageseemssomewhat
    Mencian,itisbecauseItakeittobeapostMencianretrospectiveofConfucius'originalteaching.ThepassageisaclearintrusioninAnalectsBook5(seeKimura
    1971:296),andtheinterestinhsingwouldbetypicallypostMencian.Therootmeaningof"paradigmofstyle"isdiscussedbelow.
    23.Sungcommentatorstookthisapproach.See,forexample,ChuHsi'scommentary(Ch'eng1965:27980).
    24.IamreferringheretothelengthypassagesoftheYaotienthatdetailthechargestotheHsiandHoclans.LiuPaonanpointsouttherelevanceofthesepassages
    (LYCY:166).Thenotionthatthesymbolicinterpretationofnaturalforceswastheprimalbasisofsocialorderisaprominentthemeinthe"wings"oftheYiching(e.g.,
    Hsitz'uchuan:II.2).
    IfeelthatA:8.19isverystrongevidencethattheimageofT'ienasNatureorasnaturalobjectispresentintheAnalects.Interpreterswhowishtoprovethatitis
    not(e.g.,Fung1931Hou1957Ikeda1965)convenientlyignorethispassageintheiranalyses.WhetherthisprovesthatConfuciushimselfthoughtofT'ienas
    Natureisadifferentmatter.SeethediscussiononthedatingofA:8.19inEno1984:294n53.
    ConcerningtheroleofYaoasfirstSageKing,thisisbasedontheviewofhistoryexpressedinthephilosophicaltexts,suchasthethreeweareanalyzinghere.
    LaterRuisttextsdo,ofcourse,usethe"preYao"mythology,asdotextssuchastheTsochuan.
    25.Thetranslationof"calendar"for"lishu""successivenumbers"followsLiuPaonan.IdonotknowwhyEnglishtranslationshavesocarefullyavoidedthissimple
    gloss.The"wagesofT'ien"(t'ienlu)denotestheroyalthrone,theSageKingpicturedasT'ien'sstipendedagent.
    26.Forinstancesofsuchusage,see,forexample,CT:1.30H:5.43,19.4.ThePoetry(177/4)includesadescriptionofbarbarianarmybannersas"wovenpatterns
    ofbirdinsignia"(chihwenniaochang).Thebasicmeaningof"wenchang"isavoidedbyLau,whotranslatesit"accomplishments,"andbyLegge("displayof
    principle"or"regulations'').WaleyandChansplit"wenchang"intotwo,"cultureanditsinsignia"orits"manifestation,"whichcomescloser,butwhichforcesthemto
    translateA:5.13asifitwerereferringtoConfucius'viewsaboutwenchangitisnotreferringtohisviewsbuttohisexample.
    27.TheritualimplicationsofA:8.19maybereinforcedbythoseofanearbypassage,A:8.21.Inthelatter,whichappearstobeanattemptto

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    cooptthepatronsaintofMohism,theEmperorYisportrayedintypicalMohistfashionbutwithanaddedRuistcomponent:"Hedressedinshabbyclothes,but
    woreritualrobesandcapsofconsummatebeauty."BothA:8.19and8.21maysharethefunctionofascribingRuistritualvaluestolegendarySages.
    28.Followingmostcommentators,Ihavechosentodisregardthevariantwhichreads"fu"for"t'ien"reportedlyoccurringintheHanperiodLuversionofthetext.
    TherehasbeenconsiderabledebateoverwhetherthispassagepicturesT'ienasNatureorasananthropomorphicgodrulingNature.FungYulanatonetime
    claimedthattheproposition"T'iendoesnotspeak"impliedthatT'iencouldspeakbutchosenotto.HeusedthistoprovethatA:17.17picturesT'ien
    anthropomorphically(1931:83n).Fung'sargumentisunsound,however,asreferencetoH:3.2829quicklyshows("T'iendoesnotspeak,yetpeopleinferitsgreat
    depththefourseasonsdonotspeak,yetthepeopleplanbythem....").Funghimselfhasmoderatedhisstance(1962:102),buthisoriginalviewhasbeen
    influential(Hou1957:154Ikeda1965:4).Ifeelthatasitstands,thereisnoevidencethatT'ienisportrayedanthropomorphicallyinA:17.17,andbecauseT'ienis
    clearlylinkedtothenaturalorder,thehypothesisthatT'ienispicturedasanaturalforceistobepreferred.WhetherthismeansthatConfuciushimselfpictured
    T'ieninthiswayisanothermatter.OnthepossiblelatedateofA:17.17,seeTsuda1946:284.
    29.Forexample,seeMencius'defensivereactiontotheaccusationthatheenjoyssophisticdebate(M:3B.9),andtheHsunTzu'srepeatedattacksonthesophistic
    distortionoflanguage.IntheAnalects,"glibness"(ning)seemstobetheoppositeofjen(A:5.5,cf.1.2,12.3).
    30.Forexample,"Whenachntzuperfectshisvirtue,heissilentbutunderstood"(H:3.29).SeealsoM:7A.13,7A.21.
    31.Ts'uiShuthoughtthatthispassage,alongwithA:6.2930,wasalateappendedentry.A:6.2930are,indeed,primecandidatesforalatedateTs'uimightbe
    correctaboutallthree.
    32.ThispassageseemsrelatedtoA:17.4.
    33.TalesofConfucius'exemplarybehaviorinWeimayhavebeenfabricatedinresponsetorumorsthathedid,infact,compromisehisidealsthere.M:5A.8reports
    sucharumor.
    34.A:3.13mightechocertainthemesofsurroundingentriesinadditiontothosewehavenoted.A:3.12speaksoftheimportanceofpsychologicalpietyduring
    sacrifice.A:3.14celebratesthebeautyofChouritualstyle.Standingbetweenthese,thepoliticalmessageofA:3.13mightsuggestthatpoliticalpurityisamanifestation
    ofritualdevotion.

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    35.TheintroductionofateleologicalmetaphysicssuggeststhatearlyRuismwas"futureoriented."Ibelievethatthisisessentiallycorrect.AlthoughRuistscelebrated
    thepasterasoftheSageKingsasagoldenage,thisdoesnotmeantheywerepessimisticaboutthefuture,onlythattheyplacedalowvaluationonthepresent.We
    shouldnotmisinterprettheRuistbeliefthatthepastshouldbeamodelforthefutureaspessimismaboutthefuture.BoththeMenciusandHsunTzusuggestthatthe
    ethicalcourseofhistoryiscyclical(M:2B.13H:26.32),andtheAnalectsmightevensuggestaprogressivecourse(A:3.14,9.23).
    36.AsChuHsinoted,thewoodenbellmetaphormightalsopointtotheperipateticnatureofConfucius'latecareer,sincecrierswhorangthebellwalkedasthey
    calledouttheirmessage.
    37.ThedoctrineofdeferredteleologicalconsequencesislinkedtotheRuistnotionof"timeliness"(shih),onwhich,seethediscussioninchapterV.
    38.Thisandrelatedproblems,suchasthequestionofthevalueofhumaneffort,areentailedinthedeterministicimplicationsoftheteleologicalmodel.TheAnalects
    neitheraddressesnorsolvestheseproblems.Itdoesseemtosuggest,however,thattheSagehassolvedthem,aswewillsee.
    39.As,forexample,A:1.1,whichportraysthechntzuasamanwhosedevotiontoritualselfcultivationandRuistgroupstudyisunsouredbyhispoliticalobscurity.
    SeealsoA:14.38,whereConfuciusiscalled,"hewhodoeswhatheknowstobeinvain."
    40.A:2.4isemployedbyHallandAmes(1987)astheframeworkfortheirstudyofConfucianism.WhileIfindthemanyinterpretivediscussionsthereinstimulating
    andingeneralcompatiblewiththeargumentshere,myreadingofA:2.4differsfromtheirsinseveralrespects,particularlywithregardtothelatterhalfofthepassage.
    41.ThefollowingpointssuggestarelativelylatedateforA:2.4:itishighlyschematicinstyleitisimmodest,atypicalforaselfcharacterizationbyConfuciusthenotion
    of"knowingT'ien'sdecree"isassociatedwithlatesectionsofthetext(A:16.8,20.3)andwithMenciandoctrineBook2isprobablyalatecompilation(seenote6
    above)theparticle"y"thatappearsinthispassageinmosteditionsofthetext(Ch'en1968:21)isatypicalofthegrammarofthetextasawhole.Finally,asIhope
    toshow,A:2.4iscraftedwithahighdegreeofconscioussymbolism,whichsuggestsasystematicdoctrinalmotiveunderlyingitscomposition,ratherthanthepersonal
    motiveofreflectiveselfcharacterization.Note,however,thatthesearguments,whilenumerous,fallshortofbeingconclusive.
    42.Thislinkageisnotedbymanytraditionalcommentaries(Ch'eng

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    1965:64seealsothediscussioninHallandAmes1987:8586).Thephoneticassociationbetweenthetwowordsshouldnotbeoverstressed.Karlgren's
    reconstructionsare
    (li).
    43.PreT'angcommentaryinterpretedthedecreeinpoliticalterms,muchasIdohere.T'angandSunginterpreters,beginningwithHanYandLiAo,tookamore
    metaphysicaltack,alongthelinesofM:7A.1andCY:1(seeCh'eng1965:6566).Amongmodernwriters,interpretationsvaryfromFungYulan'sclaimthat
    Confuciuswasdescribinganewperspectiveonnaturaltruth(1962:115)toDubs'remarkthatConfucius'discoverywasthatT'ienhadordainedhimtoteachthe
    people(1958:247).Kaizuka(1973:34),T'ang(1974:515),andMiyazaki(1974:173)interpretthephrasemuchasIdo.
    44.Amongthetranslations,onlyWaley'sexplicitlylinksthetwophrasesasIhave.Iamunabletomakemuchsenseoutoftranslationssuchas,"AtsixtyIwasatease
    withwhateverIheard"(Chan1963:22),or"Atsixtymyearwasattuned"(Lau1979:63),althoughtheinterpretationgivenLau'sreadingbyHallandAmesisan
    insightfulessayontheRuistideaoftheSage(1987:253304).NotethatintheTunhuangtext,thisphraseappearsas"liushihjushun":''AtsixtyIwas
    compliant"(Ch'en1968:22).
    45.ThisisclosetoKaizuka'sinterpretation(1973:34).
    46.Theword"ch":"properbounds,"hasbeenglossedbymostcommentatorsas"fa":"prescriptiverule"(Ch'eng1965:6869).Fungtakesittodenoteli
    (1962:116).Itsrootmeaningisthecarpenter'ssquare.NootherinstancesofitsusearefoundintheAnalects.
    47.Therelationbetween"chih"and"ta"discussedherehasnot,tomyknowledge,beenpreviouslynoted.
    48.ThenotionthatT'ienplannedConfucius'failureforapurposemightbeechoedinA:9.12,whichreads:
    TheMasterfellill.Tzuluhadthefollowersactasthoughtheywerefeudalretainers.Whenhisillnesseased,theMastersaid,"HowlongYuhaspracticeddeception!Pretending
    tohaveretainerswhenIhavenone,whomdoIdeceive?DoIdeceiveT'ien?Moreover,wouldInotratherdieinthehandsofyoudisciplesthaninthehandsofretainers?And
    evenifIdonotreceiveanelaboratefuneral,amIbeingleftbytheroadsidetodie?"

    ThepassageclearlycelebratesthevalueofbelongingtotheRuistcommunityincontrasttobelongingtothecommunityofamoralpoliticalactors(howmuchbetter
    disciplesthanretainers!).Tzuluhadnotyetgrasped,ashadConfucius,thatT'ienhaddestinedConfuciustoteachratherthantogovern.HowcouldConfucius
    deceivethedirectorofhisdestinywithacharadeandhavingembracedthatdestiny

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    assuperiortotheonehehadoncewishedfor,whywouldhewantto?
    WhileIthinkthatthisinterpretationmakessenseintermsoftheAnalects'overalltreatmentofT'ien,Imuchpreferthenonphilosophicalinterpretationpresentedin
    section3ofthischapterandwouldbecontenttoomitthispassagefrominclusionintheeditors'theory.
    49.AsinA:9.6,Iread"ku"as"ku."Thisavoidsthetorturedsentencedivisionadvocatedbymanycommentators(seeCh'eng1965:888),onethatunderlies
    Waley'stranslation.
    50.Onthematterofthedecree,someinterpreterswouldtakeissuewithmylinkageofminginA:14.36andT'ieninA:3.13and14.35.Thesewritersdrawasharp
    linebetweenthemingthatT'iendecrees,asinA:2.4,whichisprescriptiveintheirview,andthemingthatisfatalisticallypredetermined(seetheremarksofCh'en
    Chit'ing,citedbyYenJoch'inCh'eng1965:65).T'angChnyibaseshistheoryofthedecreeintheAnalectsonhisbeliefthatbothsortsofmingare,for
    Confucius,identicalinmeaning"righteousness"(yi)(1974:515).WhileIdonotagreewithT'ang,IdobelievethattheAnalectssometimesuses"ming"inthesense
    of"t'ienming,"andthatpassagessuchasA:2.4and14.36aretalkingaboutthesamething.Inmyview,allsensesof''ming"intheAnalectsareessentially
    descriptive,notprescriptive(thustheglossof"righteousness"is,Ithink,flawed).However,notalloftheseusesare"deterministic."Insomecases,T'ien'sdecreehas
    meaningbeyondthesimplefactofitsexistence:itisapuzzlefortheSagetofindnormativevalueinitsdescriptiveaction.Thepurelydeterministicsenseofmingis
    usedonlyinconnectionwiththemeaningof"lifespan"(A:6.3,6.10,andsoforth).(OnthematterofA:11.18:"Ssu'swealthincreasesdespitehisnotreceivingming
    hisspeculationsarefrequentlyonthemark,"whichisfrequentlytakentomeanthatTzukungsomehowrefusedtoacceptT'ien'sdecreeandaimedatwealth,my
    inclinationistofollowChiaoHsun'sinterpretationthat"ming"heredenotesanordertoassumeoffice[Ch'eng1965:698].Idonotfeelthatthestrongcondemnation
    ofTzukungimpliedinthetraditionalinterpretationmakessenseintermsofhisroleintheAnalects.)
    Forafullerdiscussionofthemeaningsof"ming"anditsroleinearlyRuism,seechapterV.
    51.A:14.37dealswitheremeticismandbegins:"Theworthiestshuntheworld."A:14.38includesthefamouscharacterizationofConfuciusas"hewhodoeswhathe
    knowstobeinvain."A:14.39recordsapasserby'sadvicetoConfucius:"Ifnooneknowsyou,thengiveup."IwouldtranslateConfucius'responseas:"Werethis
    right,itwouldallbesoeasy!"
    52.Heremingshouldbeunderstoodinthenarrowsenseofone'sallottedyears.TheparallelusageofmingandT'ienservestoemphasizethe

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    descriptiveactionofT'ien.ButnotethatinassigningtoT'ienthedescriptivedeterminationofsocialstatus,TzuhsiadoesnotimplythatT'ienisnotnormative.As
    otherpassagesindicate,theritualdiligenceofthechntzuwhilenotdeterminedbyT'iendoesaccordwithT'ienasaprescriptivenotion.
    53.T'angChnyireliesonthepassagetoformulatehismodelofthedecreeofT'ienintheAnalects(1974:515).FungYulanevenfindsamysticalelementinit
    (1962:102),presumablywithM:7A.1inmind.
    54.Thepassageisoneofaseries,eachrecitingalistofthreethings.Noadditionalcontextualmaterialappears.SincewhateverthedecreeofT'ienmightbewe
    wouldexpectthechntzutorespectitandthesmallmannottoknowit,thepassagereallyprovideslittlethatwouldsupportoneinterpretationofthedecreeagainst
    another.
    55.A:11.10recordshowConfucius'wailingatthefuneralofYenYuanoversteppedtheproperbounds.
    56.ThefunctionalequivalenceofT'ienandtaoissometimesencounteredinTaoisttexts.Therethetao,aswithT'ienfortheRuists,canfunctionbothasaprescriptive
    modelforpeopleandasadescriptivecosmicforce.InRuisttexts,however,"tao"isusedonlyprescriptively.
    57.Thiscountincludesallinstancesexceptthosewhere"t'ien"appearsasanelementofthebinomes"t'ientzu"or"t'ienhsia."
    58.AtheoryexiststhatConfuciusdidnotspeakofT'ienbecause,althoughheheldatraditionalviewthatT'ienwasprescriptivelyethical,hefeltthatinlightofthe
    chaosofthetimesnoonewouldbelievehimifhesaidso(Hou1957:152Dubs1958:24647Yang1973:11517).Thetheorycannotbedecisivelydisproved,butit
    conflicts,withwhatwedoknowaboutConfucius,anditascribestoConfuciuseitheramysticismorastubborndogmatismforwhichthereisnoevidence.
    59.NotethatinA:7.21,"shen,"mightnotmean"spirits"but"spiritpower."
    60.A:3.12isgenerallyinterpretedasexpressingsimultaneouslyreligiouspietyandagnosticism.Itreads:"'Sacrificeasthoughpresent':sacrificetothespiritsasthough
    theywerepresent.TheMastersaid,'IfIdonottakepartinasacrificialrite,itisasthoughIhadnotsacrificed.'"Thetextseemstobecorrupt(thesecondphrase
    maybeaninterpolation),butthesenseisclear.Whatisimportantaboutsacrificeisnotfeedingthespirits(whoserealexistenceseemstobequestionedbythephrase
    "asthough"),butpersonallyexpressingreverence.
    Concerningthe"agnostic"passageswehavebeendiscussing,Ikeda,whowishestoprovethatConfuciusheldatraditionalpietisticreligiousviewpoint,arguesthat
    noneofthemactuallydisputestheexistenceofgodsandspirits,whilesome,onthecontrary,stresstheneed

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    torespectthem(1965:45).HecitesHou(1957:155),whonotestheevidentcontradictonsinanagnosticphilosophythatcelebratesreligiousritual.Houcitesthe
    argumentoftheKungMengchapteroftheMoTzu:"Toholdthattherearenospiritsandstudysacrificialritualislike...settingoutfishnetswhenthereareno
    fish"(12.11b12a).WhatIkedaignoresisthatinthecontextofareligioussociety,passageslikeA:6.22,whichfallshortofendorsingspiritualism,havetheeffect
    ofexpressingagnosticism.(ComparetheexampleofSocrates,whoseunwillingnesstoassertabeliefindivinitiesasopposedtodivineagencieswasseenasaclear
    tokenofatheismbyhiscontemporariescorrectly,perhaps.)ThecitedMoTzupassage(andotherpassagesintheMoTzu)makeclearthatearlyRuismwas
    perceivedasanatheism,andthatdespitethefactthatitsinterestinreligiousritualwascontradictory,itapparentlyembracedthatcontradiction.
    61.Ontheotherhand,avariantrenderingofthesametaleatA:7.35doesseemtosaysomethingaboutreligiousmetaphysicswhenitexpressesscepticismaboutthe
    valueofverbalprayer.OnA:9.12,seenote48.
    62.Dubsinterpretsthisinstrumentaleffectperfectly(1958:252).AsimilarinstrumentalinterpretationshouldbeappliedtoA:14.36(whichwediscussedearlier),and
    hasbeenbyCreel(1949:121).
    63.Dubstakesthispassagetoshowthat"ConfuciusfelthimselfpersonallydependentuponHeaven"(1958:247).Icannotseehowhearrivesatthisconclusion.
    64.Thesetwopassageshavecloselyparallelstructures,afactnotedbyTsuda(1946:125).Inboth,Confuciusmakesastatement,Tzukungquestionsit,and
    ConfuciusrespondswitharhetoricalquestionconcerningT'ien.WhileIsuspectthatneitherentryrecordsanactualconversation(theyseemtoocarefullycraftedfor
    that),ifwesupposethattheydo,theycanbeinterpretedasexamplesofdidacticplayfulness.Inbothinstances,Confucius'openingstatementissurprisingandstarts
    Tzukungthinking,andtheconcludingquestionsaboutT'ienservetokeeptheissuesofthepassagesunresolvedandkeepthediscipleponderingoverthevalueof
    worldlysuccessordoctrinalargument.ItseemssignificantthatTzukungrepeatedlyplaysthisroleintheAnalects,inpassagesthatarephilosophicallyprovocative
    (e.g.,5.4,11.16,14.17,15.3).
    65.ThedatingofA:2.4isdiscussedabove.OnA:8.19,seeEno1984:294n53.IfollowTs'uiShuintakingBook16tobeaverylatetext.Notethatformytheory
    concerningConfucius'doctrinalsilencetobevalid,itisnotnecessarythatanyAnalectspassagereferringtoT'ienbeproventobeanaccuraterecordofConfucius'
    speech.

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    ChapterV
    1.InpreparingtranslationsandcommentaryfortheMencius,IhavetakentheMTYTtextasstandard.Fortraditionalcommentary,IhaveusedtheMengTzucheng
    yi[MTCY],amidCh'ingworkbythebrothersChiaoHsunandChiaoHuthatincludesthenotesofChaoCh'i(d.201A.D.),theHaneditorofthetext.Ihave
    consultedandbenefitedfromthefollowingEnglishtranslations:Legge1894,Dobson1963,Chan1963(partial),Lau1970.Alltranslationsaremyown.
    2.ThehistoryofthetextisobscureweknowverylittleaboutitpriortoChaoCh'i'ssecondcenturyA.D.editorialwork.AccordingtoChao'sintroduction,thetext
    washighlyreveredduringtheearlyHan,andthegovernmentevenappointedanexegetespecializingintheMencius,asitdidfortherecognizedclassics(MTCY:10).
    However,thepostlapsedatsomeunknowntime,andwehavenootherrecordofthecourseofthetextduringtheHanapartfromthefactthatitwasnotedinLiu
    Hsin'sCh'iluehandtheYiwenchihashavingelevenbooks.WhenChaoCh'iannotatedthetext,hechosenottoincludethefinalfourbooks,whichheregardedas
    inferiorandspurious,andtheywereeventuallylost.SeeKanaya195051:2021andLau1970:22022.
    3.Certainpassages,suchasM:4B.33mighthavebeenappendedtotheoriginaltext.AnumberofentriesinBook4Bhaveanunusualnarrativestylethatcould
    indicatealatedate(e.g.,4B.29,31).
    4.Kanaya,forexample,feelsthatBook4representsMencius'earliestthought,andBook7hislatest(195051:24,42).
    5.InM:IA.1,KingHuiofLiangaddressesMenciusbyatermgenerallyreservedforelders(sou).Thekingwashimselfwelloninyears,havingreignedapproximately
    fiftyyearsatthetime(accordingtoCh'ienMu'schronology).
    6.TheShihchiclaimthatMenciuswastrainedintheTsengTzu/TzussufactionofRuismseemsborneoutbythemanyreferencestothesemeninthetextofthe
    Mencius(andalsobyremarksintheHsunTzu[6.14]).However,theMenciusalsofrequentlycitesthewordsofanearlyRunamedKungmingYi,whomayhave
    belongedtotheTzuchangfactionofRuism(LCCC:180).
    7.Mencius'personalobscurityisremarkableandreinforcesourimpressionofthegeneralobscurityofRuduringtheWarringStatesperiod.EvenMencius'"style
    name"(tzu)isunknown(butseeHS:30.1728n3).OnearlylegendsaboutMencius,seeLau1970:21419.
    8.ThechronologyofMencius'travelsisamatterofdispute(varietiesofmodelsareconvenientlylistedinDaikanwa:3.838c).Wecandeducecertainfactsfromthe
    textoftheMencius,butothersremainproblem

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    atic.Ascertainpointsofinterpretationhanguponsuchissues,developingareliablechronologyisofsomeimportance.Thechronologythatliesbehindtheaccount
    hereacceptsCh'ienMu'stheorythatMenciusmadetwovisitstothestateofCh'i,whichallowsustoaccountfortheotherwiseinexplicablefactthatafterthe
    disastrousbreachofetiquetterecordedinM:2B.2,MenciuswasstillabletoreceivehighhonorsinCh'i.OurmodelofMencius'itineraryruns:Ch'i(priorto319
    B.C.),Sung(after328),Tsou,T'eng,Ch'i(after319,including314312),Lu(retirement).ThevisittoLiangoccurredsomewherebetweenthetwotripstoCh'i.
    TheseissuesaretreatedingreaterdetailinEno1984:36062.
    9.AccordingtoTs'uiShu,MenciuscontinuedtopursuehistravelsafterleavingCh'i.However,themodelweareusinghereconcludesMencius'careerwithhis
    resignationinCh'i.ThenotionthatMencius'resignationinCh'iwasfortheannouncedpurposeofretirementisimpliedintheuseoftheword"kuei"inM:2B.10.Note
    thattheincidentinLurecordedinM:1B.16couldhaveoccurredinMencius'retirement,particularlybecauseMencius'homelandofTsouwasessentiallyapartofthe
    somewhatlargerstateofLu(althoughM:IB.12indicatestheywerestillpoliticallydistinct).
    10.Thepointmostoftencitedtoprovethisistheuseofposthumoustitlestorefertorulersinthetext.Someoftheserulers,atleast,probablydiedafterMencius,
    whowouldthereforenothaveknownthembythenamesusedinthetext.Ch'ienMuhasargued(1956:374)thatbecausetherulerofSungthelastofthesemento
    diealoneisnotreferredtobyposthumoustitle,thetextwasprobablyeditedbeforehisdeath(286B.C.),butafterthedeathofthenextlatestlivedruler(Liang
    HsiangWang,d.296B.C).Thisnarrowsthedatesofthetextnicely,butthetheorysuffersbecauseitisnotapparentfromthetextthattherewasanyoccasionto
    nametherulerofSungatall:heisneverreferredtoinanarrativepassage.
    11.KanayaoffersatheoryofBook2asKungsunCh'ou'srecordofhisadoptionofMenciusasateacher(195051:24).JeffreyRiegel(1979:450n4)hasoffered
    aninterestingtheorythatKungsunCh'ouwasnotadiscipleatall.Reigel'stheory,however,seemstoconflictwiththeapparentfactthatKungsunCh'outraveled
    withMencius.Foramoredetaileddiscussion,seeEno1984:363n11.
    12.Kanaya(195051:25)notesthisdivisionandmentionsthatthefirsttodescribeitwasIto*Jinsai(16261705).
    13.Forexample,theTsochuan,aRuisthistory,putsthefollowingspeechintothemouthoftherulerofChu:"Ifsomethingbenefitsthepeople,itbenefitsme.T'ien
    gavebirthtothepeopleandestablishedrulersfortheirbenefit"(Wen13:9.14).

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    14.ThisfigurewasprobablynotMencius'invention.ItisapartofatheoryofhistoricalcyclesfoundintheShihchi(27.1344).
    15.Doctrinessuchas"timeliness"werenotrestrictedtoRuism.TheyappearinTaoistandLegalisttextsaswell.Theterm"shih"doesnotappearintheAnalectsin
    thesenseof"timeliness"exceptatA:10.21,whichmightbealateappendedentry(seeTs'uiShu'scommentsinWSTK:458).Thesenseofthedoctrineis,however,a
    pervasivethemeofthetext.
    16.ItcanbearguedthatallofMencius'discussionsoftrueKingshipimplicitlyinvolveatheoryofT'ien,becausethetheoryofthe"MandateofHeaven"underlies
    them.Infact,themandatetheoryplaysanexplicitroleonlyinM:5A.56(itisalsoreferredtoinacitedpassageinM:4A.8),andMenciusisnevershownmentioning
    thetheorytoapoliticalactor.Inviewofthis,Ihavechosennottoreadthetheoryintopassageswhereitisnotexplicitlymentioned.
    17.CompareM:2B.8.Ihaverendered"tib":"match,"as"enemy"withoutmeaningtorejecttheglossof"peer.''Theideaisthatsucharulerwouldhavenorivalin
    virtueorinpolitics.
    18.ThetworulerswhoarenotedashonoringsmallerstatesareT'ang,whohonoredtheKopeople(M:3B.5),andKingWen,whohonoredtheK'unyipeople(see
    thediscussioninMTCY:6566).TherulerswhosubmittedtopowerfulstatesareKingT'ai,theprogenitoroftheChouline,whosubmittedtotheHsuny,andKou
    chien,therulerofYueh,whosubmittedtothestateofWu.
    19."Withoutexpandingitsbordersorincreasingitspopulation,if[Ch'i]weretopracticehumanegovernmentnoonecouldstopitsrulerfrombecominga[true]
    King"(M:2A.1).
    20."TheDocumentssays:'T'iensetdownthepeopleandcreatedforthemrulersandteachers....'KingWubroughtpeacetothepeopleoftheworldinasingle
    burstofwrath.Ifyouwouldalsobringpeacetotheworld,thepeoplewouldfearonlythatyoudidnotlove[wrathful]valor"(M:1B.3).
    21.Thereis,howeverapassagethatdirectlycontradictsthis.InM:4A.8Menciusclaimsthatbyfollowingtheproperpolicies,theleaderofevenasmallstatecan
    cometoruletheEmpirewithinsevenyears.M:1B.14and4A.8cannotreallybereconciled.TheiressentialdifferencemightbethatinM:lB.14,Menciusisactually
    addressingtherulerofasmallstate,andsorisksanypredictionshemakesbeingputtoatest.M:4A.8merelyquotesMencius'teachingsoutofcontext,andhemight
    havebeenspeaking(ortheauthor/editorwriting)inamoretheoreticalvein.
    22.ItisinterestingthatMenciusdoesnotdiscusstheseSageKingsinhispersuasionsofrulers.Themodelsheoffersthem,T'angoftheShang,

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    WenandWuoftheChou,wereSageKingsbyconquestratherthanbypurevirtue.
    23.ItisdifficulttobelievethatthebowthatMenciusheremakestospiritualistreligiousnotionswasintendedtobedeeplyphilosophical.Itis,tomyknowledge,the
    onlypreCh'inspiritualisticpassageinaRuistphilosophicaltext(bycontrast,thehistoricaltextTsochuanincludesseveralofthem).Asnoted,thepassagegoesonto
    discussthewillofT'ienasbeingexpressedthroughtheactionofpeople,andtheactionofthespiritsisnotemphasized.Seethefollowingnote.
    24.Inthispassage,theword"hsiang"shouldprobablybeinterpretedasincludingareligioussenseof"masterofritualceremony"(acommonuseoftheterm).In
    sayingtheactionofT'ienallowedShuntoactashsiangforYaoforaprolongedperiod,Menciusseemstobesayingthatnonaturaldisastersoccurredthroughoutthis
    period,provingthatthespirits(i.e.,T'ien)weresatisfiedwithstatesacrificesofwhichShun,asPrimeMinister,mighthavebeenincharge.Bythisinterpretation,the
    spirits,andT'ien,arereducedtothestatusofdescriptive"actionandevent''inthenaturalsphere,andareatleastpartiallyrationalized.
    25.MenciuscitesthesewordsfromtheT'aishihchapteroftheDocuments,nowlost.SimilarlanguageappearsintheextantKaoYaomochapter.
    26.ThisruleappearstoforeclosethepossibilityofrighteousconquestssuchasthosethatfoundedtheShangandChouDynasties.Inordertomakehismainpoint
    thelegitimacyofhereditaryruleMenciusseemswillingtoignorenumerouscontradictionsinhisarguments.
    27.MyinterpretationofthispassageisclosertoDobson(1963:63)thantoLeggeorLau.Itake"chihf"inthesenseof"bestow"(SWCTKL:5B:2317b),ratherthan
    inthesenseof"bringabout,"andsotakethe"ming"ofthispassagetoreferspecificallytotheroyalmandate,ratherthantothemoregeneralnotionoffate.
    28.BothM:5A.5and5A.6havetheeffectofdelegitimizingarbitrarycessionofthronesandofsupportingtheinstitutionalstatusquo.Themotivationtoargueagainst
    thecessionofthethronemighthavebeentiedtoMencius'actionsinCh'iwherehiscondemnationoftheYenruler'sabdicationwasusedtohelpjustifyaninvasionof
    YenbyCh'i(seechapterII).ThesepassagesmighthavebeenintendedtoanswercriticsofMencius'actionsinCh'i.
    Onabroaderscale,thesepassagesillustrateMencius'institutionalconservatism,afacetofhisthinkingthatseemsattimestoconflictwithhispopulistdoctrines
    andthathasledsomecommunistwriterstobrandhimasviolentlyreactionary(seethediscussioninHou1957:38287).Menciusseemsattimestoopposethe
    replacementofincum

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    bentofficeholderswithtalentednewcomers(M:1B.7,butseeMunro1969:205n)andincludeshereditaryappointmentsforallofficesaspartofhisideal
    government(M:1B.5).ThesestatementsindicateadevotiontotraditionalChoupoliticalvalues.Ontheotherhand,Menciuswasnotaversetoservingusurpers:he
    doesnotmentiontotherulersofLiangandCh'ithattheirthroneswerenotlegitimatelyobtainedbytheirlineages,nordoesheseemconcerned,wheninSung,that
    therulerhasrecentlyusurpedthetitleofKingonthecontrary,thatseemstohaveinducedhimtogotoSung.
    Mencius'institutionalconservatismseemstofollowthepathofleastresistance,andsuggeststhathewaswillingtooverlookdeficienciesinthepragmatic
    institutionsoftheWarringStatesperiodinordertoworkwithinthem.Menciusfacedtwopracticalproblemsofconsiderabledifficulty:findingamantoconvert
    intoanewKingonewhoreallystoodachanceoffulfillingmillennialprophecyandsupportingalargeentourageofdisciples(onthesizeofhisfollowing,see
    M:3B.4).ThemenbestabletosolveboththeseproblemsforMenciuswerethosebestplacedwithintheexistingpoliticalsystem,andMenciusdidnotquarrel
    withtheirlegitimacy.
    PerhapswecouldgeneralizeonMencius'behalfandsaythatforhimthepossessionofpoliticalpowerrepresentedanethicalopportunitytoestablishahigher
    legitimacybycreatinganethicalworld.ThisattitudewouldaccountforthelanguagewefindinM:5B.3,whereMenciusreferstothethroneofafeudalstateasthe
    "officeofT'ien,"aphraseproperlyappliedonlytotheChouthrone.
    29.TheexceptionisYuehchengTzu,aboutwhomweknowsomewhatmore(seechapterII,note52).
    30.ThetotalismisalsoimplicitindiscussionsofSagemodels,suchasYaoandShun,whoarerepresentedasessentiallyperfectmen.
    31.Thesearethefoursprouts:jen,yi,li,andchih,sometimestranslatedas"humanity,""righteousness,""ritual,"and''wisdom."Whilethelastoftheseisanadequate
    translation,problemsarisewiththeotherthree.Forthesakeofconsistency,Iwillrefertoallfoursproutsbytranscriptiononly.
    32.PassagesoftheMenciusoccuralmostverbatimintheChungyung(e.g.,compareM:4A.13andCY:20).TheauthorsoftheChungyungandTahsuehhave
    traditionallybeentakenasTzussuandTsengTzu,thefoundersofMencius'factionofRuism.SeeTu1976:2122.
    33.ThemoststraightforwardpresentationofthetwoschoolsmodelIknowofappearsinTakeuchi1936,chapter3.(TakeuchidoesnotassignHsunTzutoeither
    schoolbecauseofcertainstatementsmadeintheFeishiherhtzuchapteroftheHsunTzu.)SeealsoLevensonand

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    Schurmann1969:43.ThemodelIrefertointhetextisimplicitinmanydiscussionsofRuistphilosophicaldiversityusually,however,theoppositionoftheschools
    isdiscussedintermsofcontrasting"idealist"and"materialist"tendencies.
    34.See,forexampleH:3.2728,whichisverycloseinlanguageandspirittoCY:23.SimilarideasappearindifferentterminologyinthefirsttwochaptersoftheHsun
    Tzu,whichlaytheirgreateststressonthevalueofritualstudy.Otherchapters,suchasChiehpiandCh'enghsiangsharethemeditativeinterestsoftheChungyung
    andTahsueh.
    35.ThisisparticularlytrueofTsengShen,asheappearsIntheT'ankungchapteroftheLichi,andmoreparticularly,inthesocalledTsengTzuchaptersoftheTa
    Tailichi(chaps.4958).
    36.AlthoughIbelievethatanymodelthatdividesRuismintoschoolsthatareproliandneutraltowardliisinaccurate,earlyRuismcertainlywashighlyfactionalized.
    DisciplesofMenciusandHsunTzumaybesaidtohavebelongedtodifferenttraditionsofRuism,butnotinthesenseofthetwoschoolsmodeldescribedhere.
    37.AlthoughtheMenciusdoesnotnameTaoismoranyphilosopherunquestionablyTaoist,IregarditaspossiblethathisattacksonYangChuweredirectedagainst
    theTaoistschool.Seenote41below.
    38.See,forexample,theattacksonRuistritualideasintheFeiJu,Feiyueh,Chiehtsang,andKungMengchaptersoftheMoTzu.ThefigureintheMoTzumost
    ridiculedforslavishadherencetoliisKungMengTzu,whoisprobablyacaricatureofMencius.(Thepossibilitythatthisissomakesitquestionablewhetherwe
    shouldtakeKungMengasadoublesurname,andthisiswhyIhaveavoideddoingso.)ThefactthattheKungMengchapteroftheMoTzuincludesreferencesto
    Mencius'contemporaryKaoTzuincreasesthepossibilityoftheidentityofKungMengTzuandMencius(MengTzu).Note,however,thattraditionalidentificationsof
    KungMengTzuhavediffered[MTCK:12.12]).
    39.TheMencius'polemicalattitudeisbestexemplifiedbyM:3B.9,whereinMenciusrespondstothe"charge"thatheenjoysargument.Mencius'replyisitselfa
    demonstrationofrhetoricalskill,ashedefensivelyrationalizeshispropensitytodebatebydescribinghismissionaryimpulsestorescuepeoplefromfalsedoctrines.
    TheMenciusisentirelylackinginthegracefulhumilitythattheAnalectsportraysinthefigureofConfucius(e.g.,A:5.9,7.34,17.3).InpassagessuchasM:2B.2,
    thereisalmostasenseofdesperationintherationalizationofMencius'mostarrogantbehavior.
    40.SomeofthemainthemesofthisanalysisarerecapitulatedinGraham1978:1518.
    41.Elsewhere,IhavediscussedatlengththedifficultiesIhavewithGraham's

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    theory(1984:37072).Tonotethemainproblemsbriefly:(1)IfMencius'antipathytowardYangChuwerebasedonthelatter'sdoctrineofhsing,whywasYang
    Chu'snameneverconnectedwithhsingintheMencius(norinanytextbeforetheHuainanTzu)?(2)GrahamreconstructsYangChu'sphilosophylargelyfrom
    chaptersintheLshihch'unch'iuthatconsistofmaterialfoundalsointheChuangTzu.WhyassociatetheideaswithYangChuratherthanChuangTzu(perhis
    laterghostwriters)?(3)Graham'stheoryfailstoprovideinsightsintotheissueofwhyYangChu'sphilosophyvanished.Suchanswersareprovidedbythe
    controversialtheorythatYangChuwasavariantnameforChuangChou(seeTs'aiYuanp'ei'spresentationinYen1971:12.13940).Thislattertheoryitself
    involvesseveraldifficulties,butnone,tomymind,isfatal,andthelogicbehinditisstrong.
    42."Yi"wasatraditionalethicaltermadoptedbyRuistsforspecialstress.ItappearsinpreRuistmaterialssuchasattestedbronzeinscriptions.Asnotedinchapter
    III,"jen"seemstohavebeentransformedintoanimportantethicaltermbyConfuciushimself.
    43.TheMoTzustressesthecognatemeaningsof"yi":"right"and''yi":"standard."SeetheFayichapterandalsoShangt'ung1:3.12.
    44.Onjen,see,forexample,MT,ChienaiII:4.3a.Onyi,see,e.g.,FeikungIII:5.7b8a.
    45.Inthisrespect,theHuainanTzureportisconfirmedbythemanyreferencestotheHsiafounderYintheMoTzu.YisgenerallyregardedastheMohists'ideal
    model.
    46.ForinformationonMohistsascraftsmen,seeGraham1978:67,11.Ontheirconnectionwiththemartialarts,seeFung1948:37,50.
    47.ForanextendedexampleofanexplicitattackonChouliasrelative,seeMT,Chiehtsang:6.14b15a.
    48.SeealsoMT,Fayi,whichmanyinterpretersconsidertobealatechapter.
    49.Idonotmeantocontendthattheequivalenceofthetwotermsiscompleteinthetext.Insomepassages"yi"clearlyreferstopoliticalactsundertakenin
    compliancewiththedoctrineoftimeliness(e.g.,M:5A.8:"Confuciusadvancedaccordingtoliandretiredaccordingtoyi").Mypointisthatliandyioverlapinsuch
    awayastoallowMenciustoportraythearenaofliastherootofthelessdoctrinallyproblematicnotionyi,whenthelattertermisundercloseanalysis.
    50.OntheaestheticdimensionsofthisoverlapinRuism,seethediscussioninchapterII.
    51.Riegel(1979:444)translates:"Itiswhatisproducedbyjoiningwithpropriety,"followingChaoCh'i'sglossofchiastsa(var.tsa).ButChao'sglossdoesnot
    suggestalinkageoftwoelementsasRiegel'srenderingsuggests,buttheintertwiningofmanythreadsintoacloth(intheroot

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    senseof"tsa").Itshouldbeunderstoodasanattempttousegraphemicresonancetogiveadescriptiveinterpretationofthewayinwhichcultivatingone's
    inclinationstowardyiprogressivelynurturesareciprocalgrowthofthech'i.Themetaphoriscompletedbytheterm"hsi,"inthesenseof''asuitofclothing"(Iam
    indebtedtoNeilBolickforthissuggestion).
    52.Floodlikeenergy(haojanchihch'i)issometimestakentorefertopracticesofbreathcontrol."Ch'i"couldliterallydenotethebreath(onitsrootmeaningof
    "vapor"seeRiegel1979:453n24),andjudgingfromsomesectionsoftheChuangTzuandKuanTzu,meditationalpracticesinvolvingbreathcontrolexistedinearly
    China.However,"ch'i"hadothermeaningsaswell.InM:2A.2,thediscussionofthefloodlikeenergyispresentedasMencius'versionofdoctrinesthatother
    thinkersphrasedastechniquestocultivatevalor."Ch'i"didcarryameaningofrighteouswrathorbravery.Forexample,theHanFeiTzurecordsthistale:"TheKing
    ofYuehwasconsideringacampaignagainstWu,andwishedhiscountrymentoregarddeathasamatterofnoimportance.Settingoutoneday,hespiedafurious
    frogandbowedtohimfromhiscarriage.'Whatistheretohonorinhim?'theKing'sfollowersasked.'Hehasch'i!'answeredtheKing"(Neich'ushuoI:9.8b).A
    moretheoreticaldiscussionofch'iinthecontextofbraverycanbefoundinLSCC,Chehsheng:8.7b.
    Menciustellsusthatthepathtothehaojanchihch'iisyi,righteousness,atermlinkedtoactivelipracticeratherthantopassivebreathcontrol.Menciusmay
    havebeendescribingfeelingsofrighteousselfconfidenceacquiredthroughastylizationofpersonalbehaviorwhichmade"right"actionfeelspontaneous.
    53.Thelasttwooftheseentriesarenotpartofthe"debatewithKaoTzu,"althoughtheyenlargeonMencius'argumentsthere.Intheinterestsofbrevitywewillnot
    dealwiththemhere.
    54.TheMenciusdoesnotexplicitlystateKaoTzu'sphilosophicalaffiliation.Mencius'implicitpraiseforKaoTzu'slevelofselfcultivationitselfarguesforaRuist
    identification(M:2A.2),andthereareotherindicationsthatthisiscorrect.KaoTzu'sconcernwithjenandyinarrowthepossiblealternativestoRuismandMohism,
    andhisstatementatM:6A.4:"Ilovemybrother,IdonotlovethebrotherofsomemanfromCh'in"isclearlyaslapattheMohistdoctrineofuniversallove.Inthe
    KungMengchapteroftheMoTzu,wefindKaoTzuappearingasanantiMohist(12.16b17a).GrahamhasdemonstratedthatKaoTzu'sideasappearina
    completelyRuistcontextintheChiehchapteroftheKuanTzu(1967:22831).
    55.ThismaybetheimplicationofMencius'remarkthatKaoTzuachievedanunmovedmindbeforehehimselfdid(M:2A.2).

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    56.JeffreyRiegel'srecentstudyofM:2A.2(1979)hassuggestedsomeimportantnewideaselaboratingKaoTzu'stheorythat"yiisexternal."Riegelarguesthatthe
    essentialmeaningofKaoTzu'stheoryisnotexpresseddirectlyintheM:6Adebates,butiscontainedinateachingthatMenciusattributestoKaoTzuandcitesin
    M:2A.2:"Ifyoudonotgetitfromtheworddonotseekitinthemindifyoudonotgetitfromtheminddonotseekitinthech'i"(trans.Riegel).Riegelparaphrases
    KaoTzu'stheorythus:''[Never]seek,norindeedhopetofindinthemindwhatisnotgotfromdoctrinesandteachingsandnever..seek,norhopetofindinthe
    naturaldispositions...whatisnotgotfromthemind"(43940).Riegel'sinsightintotheimportanceof2A.2inthiscontextisexcellent,butIdonotagreewithhis
    interpretationofKaoTzu'sdoctrine,whichIbelievewasanaspectofhisattackonMohism.IfwefollowRiegelinlinkingthisformulatoKaoTzu'spositiononyi,its
    balancedstructuresuggeststhatitisaversionoftheentirebipartitedoctrine,namelythatyiisexternalbutthatjenisinternal.Ifweinterpretthepassageinthisway,its
    sensemaybeparaphrasedthus:"Wheneveronefacesanissueofpropriety(yi),ifagivencourseofactiondoesnotaccordwithteachings[sanctionedbyKaoTzu],
    donotseektorationalizeitbyfindinggroundsforitininclinationsofthemindtheyarenotrelevanttopropriety.Wheneveronefacesasituationthatrelatestojen,
    thenifacourseofactiondoesnottallywiththeinclinationsofthemind(e.g.,Mohism'suniversallove[cf.6A.4]),thendonotseektooverruletheinclinationsofthe
    mindwithvoluntaristicenergy(asMohistsdo)."Inthisway,KaoTzuallowsforritualprescripttooverrulespontaneousinclinationsinmatterspertainingtoyi,and
    implicitlycharacterizesMohistaltruisticutilitarianismas"unjen":awellthoughtRuistposition.Foramoredetaileddiscussion,seeEno1984:37476.
    57.WemightnotethatthereislittlereasontoinsistthatthereeveroccurredanactualdebatebetweenMenciusandKaoTzusuchastheonedescribedinM:6A.14.
    KaoTzu,Mencius'senior,mayhavebeenlongdeadatthetimethedebatewascomposed.ThespeechesputintoKaoTzu'smouthareprobablyMencian
    constructions,whichwouldexplainwhyMenciusisalwaysabletohavethelastword.
    58.Ontheexplicationandfunctionalityoftheargumentsinthesepassages,seeLau1970:23463,especially,23443.
    59.Thecentralissueofthesethreepassagesiswhetherpeoplehaveinnatespeciesspecificethicaldispositions.KaoTzu'sanalogiesareconsistentwithapositionthat
    peoplepossessnonormsapartfromthosecommontoallanimalspecies(althoughhisanalogiesareintendedonlytoasserttheindeterminancyofmostethical
    dispositions).InM:6A.3,MenciuspinsKaoTzubyinvokingthecommonsensenotionthatanimal

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    specieshavedistinguishingproperties.InM:6A.6,heindicatesthatthepropertiesthatdistinguishmankindarespecificallyethical.
    60.ThelegendarymodelofYiYin,whoaccordingtoM:5A.7turnedthefounderoftheShangDynastyintoatrueKing,mightexemplifythescenarioMencius
    picturedforhisowncareer.
    61.DonaldMunrohasnoted,"OnereasonwhyMenciusheldthatman'snaturewasgoodwashislogicalconfusionoftheidealmanwiththeactualman"(1969:72).
    IntermsofMencius'politicalaspirations,theconfusionwasnottrulylogical,itwaspractical.Withoutit,Menciuswouldhavehadnopoliticalcareeratall.
    62.OnthenotionsofmoralmotivationthatsupportedMencius'extravaganthopes,seeNivison1979.
    63.ThefirstbookoftheMenciusmakesnomentionofhsingeither,butitincludesonly"persuasions"ofrulers,andwemightnotexpectMenciustoraisewiththem
    whatwasthenatechnicalphilosophicalissue.NotethatinBook3,thesolereferencetohsingoccursintheopeningphrasesofthebook,inanarrativeintroduction.
    Thereferencedescribesthecontentofapersuasionhowever,thepersuasionweseedoesnotrefertothedoctrineofhsing,buttotherelatednontechnicalformula
    that"anymancanbecomeYaoorShun."Theuseoftheword"hsing"inM:3A.1mightreflectthefactthattheeditorsofthetextunderstoodthatthetwodoctrines
    wereequivalentandnotthatMenciusexplainedthetheoryofhsingtotheDukeofT'eng.MysuspicionisthatatthetimeMenciuswasinT'engspeakingtothefuture
    Duke,heprobablyhadnotyetreformulatedtheearlytheoriesof''anymancanbeYaoorShun"andthefoursproutsintothedoctrineofthegoodhsing.
    64.Theproximityoftheproofsoftheinternalityofyi,whichequateyiwiththefeelingofrespect(ching),probablyaccountsforthefactthattheM:2A.6description
    ofthesproutoflias"asenseofdeference"(tz'ujang)isreformulatedin6A.6as"asenseofrespect"(kungching),makingitequivalenttoyiintheprevious
    passages.Forthepurposesofpersuadingrulersthattheirmindscontainedmoralimpulses,theproofoftheinternalityofjenwasprobablysufficient.Theproofisnot
    repeatedat6A.6,andthisisperhapsbecauseitisirrelevanttothedebatewithKaoTzu,wheretheissueisthestatusofyi.
    65.GrahamwishestoextendthissortofusagethroughoutearlyChinesetexts,butIdoubtthatthisiswarranted.CertainlytheHsunTzufrequentlyuses"hsing"ina
    senserestrictedquitenarrowlyto"whatispossessedatbirth."Fortheargumentthat"hsing"alwaysmeantsimply"whatisinborn"inpreCh'intextsandthatthe
    characterusedduringtheperiodwasgraphemicallyidenticalwith"sheng"tobe

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    born,"seeFu1940,especiallyI:33b39a.OnMencius'conceptofhsingaspointingtoman'spotentialforgrowth,seeLau1953:561.
    66.Grahamhasmadeadetailedanalysisofthispassage(1967:25154).Iamindebtedtoit,butmyinterpretationissomewhatdifferent.
    67.Theinterpretationof"ku"as"primitive"followsGraham.Previoustranslationsofthispassagehavedifferedfrommineintaking"chihche"torefertoatypeof
    person,awiseorcleverman.However,thewordisusedinterchangeablywith"chih,"justas"kuche''and"ku"areused,andIthinkthatbyunderstanding"chih
    che"inthesenseoftheabstractnoun"chih":"intelligence,"themanydifficultiesofthepassagebecomesoluble.
    68.Iamtakingthesecondinstanceof"ku"heretodenote"innately,"consistentwiththeusageinM:4B.26.Theinterpretationeliminatestheawkwardsyntax
    suggestedbytheusualglossof"therefore."
    69.Mencius'opinionofhimselfwasnotlow.WhenaskedifhewasaSage,heprofessedshockatthethoughtofsuchpresumption,butonlytotheextentofnoting
    thatevenConfuciusdidnotclaimtobeaSage(M:2A.2).ThepointisthatMenciussurelydidregardhimselfasvirtuousenoughtotesttheassertioninquestion.
    70.TheteachingthatCh'ungYquotesbacktoMenciusappearsasConfucius'commentonhisownpoliticalfailuresinA:14.35.WhenMenciusreplies,"thatwas
    onetime,thisisanother,"bothheandCh'ungYprobablyunderstoodthistomean,"Confucius'failurewasafunctionofthesocialrealitiesofhistimeaccordingto
    therealitiesofourtime,mymissionshouldnothavefailed,henceConfucius'wordsdonotapplyhere."
    71.Myphrase"personaldecree"isnotatranslation.IuseittodistinguishthisdoctrineofmingfromthedoctrineoftheMandateofHeaven,whichappliesonlyto
    kings.
    72.Thegraphemicformusedis"ling."
    73.ExcavatedvesselsthatusedthewordinthissenseincludetheShihYchung,theFuShuting,andsomeoftheHsingchunginscriptions(WW1975:8.58
    1976:1.941978:3.7).
    74.TheMoTzuraisesthisissueinseveralplaces,forexample,Feiming1:9.lb.
    75.Therulersubjectmetaphorcannothestretchedtoofarinthispassagethenotionof"knowingT'ien"seemstofalloutsideofit.Thefluctuationsoftheimagery
    usedtospeakofTieninM:7A.1leadsFungYulantospeakasifMenciusweretalkingabouttwoT'ienshere,anethicaloneandafatalistone(Fung1962:22526
    compareLi1961:4546).Ikeda(1965:78)seemstothinkthatT'ieninthispassagerepresentssomethingclosetoNaturalLaw.Awidespreadschoolof
    interpretationtakespassagessuchas7A.1toindicatethatMenciusbelievedin

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    anontologicalidealism,where"theobjectiveworldlosesthebasisofitsexistence"(Hou1957:396).IfeelverystronglythatdescriptionsofMencianphilosophyas
    an"idealism,"whileconvenientforcategorizing,representadistortionofthetypeofphilosophyMenciuswasdoingandareamisapplicationofthecomparative
    method.ItisakintoreadingMenciusbetweenthelinesofWangYangming'sworks.
    ThereferencestolifespaninM:7A.1areaplayonthesecondmeaningof"ming,"butshouldnotbemisunderstoodastheoperantmeaningoftheterminthe
    passage.
    76.Thefinalphraseisareferencetothedoctrineoftimelinessandisawarningagainstincautiouspoliticalactivism.
    77.Thefunctionoftheword"ming"hereessentiallyisnodifferentfromthewaytheword"shih"isusedinthedoctrineoftimeliness.Comparethefollowingtwo
    passages:"Thechntzusimplyactsaccordingtoruletoawaithisming''(M:7B.33)"Thechntzustudiesbroadly,plansdeeply,cultivateshimselfandactsuprightly
    toawaithisshih"(H:28.4041).
    78.TheideaexpressedhereisalsoevidentinMencius'interpretationofthePoetrycouplet:"EvermatchingT'ien'sdecree,seekforfortunethrough
    yourself"(M:4A.2).TheresemblanceoftheseMencianideastoStoicphilosophyintheWestisstriking.
    79.Onthispoint,seeKanaya1956:48.SeveralideasinthissectionhavebeeninfluencedbyKanaya'sanalysis.
    80.Thephrase"moraltropism"hasbeenusedbyArthurDantotodescribetheactionofperfectwisdomintheRuistSage.

    ChapterVI
    1.IhavenotseenItano'sarticle.ItisfamiliartomeonlythroughthedescriptionofitsmajorthemeinMatsuda1975:65.
    2.InpreparingtranslationsandcommentaryfortheHsunTzu,IhavetakentheHTYTtextasastandard.Fortraditionalcommentary,IhavereliedontheHsunTzu
    chichieh(HTCC),aCh'ingperiodcommentarybyWangHsiench'ien,andtheHsunTzuchienshih(HTCS)aRepublicanperiodcommentarybyLiangCh'i
    hsiung.IhaveconsultedandbenefitedfromthefollowingpartialEnglishtranslations:Dubs1928adeBary1960Chan1963Watson1963.
    3.InthetextoftheHsunTzu,thenameappearsbothasSunCh'ingTzuandHsunCh'ingTzu.Theearliesteditionofthetext,compiledbyLiuHsianglateinthefirst
    centuryB.C.,wasentitledSunCh'inghsinshu,or"TheNewBookofSunCh'ing."DuringthelateChou,thevariantcharactersprobablywerenearhomophones
    (GSRreadingsare
    /sun).

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    4.ThevarietyofbirthdatesassignedtoHsunK'uangrangefromCh'ienMu's340B.C.(1956:33335)toJohnKnoblock'ssuggestedrangeof315305B.C.(1982
    83:34).Intermediatetheoriesincludec.335B.C.(HTCS:420)and316B.C.(Hsia1979:2526).Thecentralissuesdividingthe"earlydaters"fromthe"latedaters"
    areinconsistanciesamongtheaccountsfoundintheShihchiandinLiuHsiang'sprefacetotheHsunTzuontheonehand,andinthelateHanworkFengsut'ungyi
    ontheother.TheformertwoworksstatethatHsunK'uangfirstcametoCh'iatagefifty,butthethirdtellsusthathewasfifteen.BothLiuHsiang'sprefaceandthe
    Fengsut'ungyisuggestthatHsunK'uangarrivedinCh'iduringthereignsofKingWei(r.357320B.C.)andKingHsuan(r.319301B.C.),butLiu'spreface
    invertsthenamesofthekings,raisingthequestionofwhetherthetextactuallyreferstoKingsHsuanandMin(r.300284B.C.)(Ch'ien1956:334).
    ScholarsinclinedtoassignanearlybirthdatetoHsunK'uangciteanaccountintheHanFeiTzuthatplacesHsunK'uanginYenin316B.C.(HFT:16.3b).
    TheiropponentscanpointtoanaccountintheYent'iehlunthatindicatesthatHsunK'uangwasactiveaslateasc.220B.C.(YTL:4.7b).
    5.MostsourcesagreethatHsunK'uangsurvivedHuangHsieh,whodiedin238B.C.
    6.IamfollowingtheemendedLiuHsiangaccountandinterpretingittomeanthatHsunK'uangarrivedinCh'ilateinthereignofKingHsuanorduringthereignof
    KingMin.
    7.Theidentityofthefoundingrulerisuncertain.ItwaseitherKingWeiorKingHsuan(seeCh'ien1956:232).
    8.OnthevicissitudesoftheChihsiaAcademy,seeCh'ien1956:23133.
    9.YTL:2.14a.
    10.SC:74.2348SunCh'inghsinshuhsulu(HTCC:20.46)FSTY:7.2.
    11.T'ienChienwasthelastruleroftheChoustateofCh'ihewasgivennoposthumoustitle.
    12.ConsiderableconfusionaboundswithregardtodatingCh'u'sencroachmentuponCh'iandtheseizureofLu.Ch'ufirstseizedportionsofthegreaterCh'irealmin
    284B.C.,whenCh'ualignedwithanumberofnorthernstatesagainstCh'i,andprocuredtheareaknownasHuaipei,whichprobablydesignatedastripofland
    betweentheHuaiandSuiRivers(SC:40.172930).In261B.C.Ch'uagainattackedCh'i,seizingmoreofCh'i'ssouthernterritory,thistimeportionsoftheoldstate
    ofLubetweentheSuiRiverandtheRiversSsuandTan,apieceoflandknownasHsuchou(SC:33.1547).Finally,in255B.C.,Ch'u,undertheleadershipofHuang
    Hsieh,seizedthoseportionsofLunorthoftheSsu,whichincludedthetownofLanling(SC:78.2395).(Geographical

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    interpretationsarebasedonCKLSTTC:1.4344.)
    ClarityconcerningthesequenceofeventsiscrucialinevaluatingthetheoriesofCh'ienMuconcerningHsunK'uang'stenureatLanling(1956:43134).Ch'ien
    maintainsifthatHsunK'uangdidindeedserveatLanling,thenitmusthavebeenduringhisfirst(and,forCh'ien,only)stayinCh'u,beginningc.284B.C.This
    theory,whichentailsextensiverevisionofHsunK'uang'sbiography,requirestheassumptionthatCh'ureceivedpossessionofLanlingin284B.C.,whichconflicts
    withallShihchiaccounts.
    13.SC:74.2348.Anelaboratetaleappearsinseveralsources,describinghow,soonafterassumingthepostofmagistrate,HsunK'uangwasdismissedbyHuang
    Hsieh,traveledtoChao,wherehewasappointedaHighMinister,andwas,atlast,inducedbyarepentantHuangHsiehtoreturntoLanling(CKT,Ch'uTs'e:5.38b
    40aSunCh'inghsinshuhsulu[HTCC:20.47]HSWC:4.13b15a).TheauthenticityofthistalewasquestionedasearlyastheeighteenthcenturybyWangChung
    (HTCC,K'aocheng:3435).AsWangpointedout,itisimplausibleonthesurface,andfurthermore,theChankuots'eandHanshihwaichuanversions
    incorporateinthetalesectionsofthetextoftheHsunTzuandmaterialfoundindependentlyinothercontextsintheHanFeiTzu(cf.HFT:4.12b13a).Thesesources
    givenoindicationthatthematerialwasinanywayconnectedwithacorrespondencebetweenHsunK'uangandHuangHsieh,astheanecdotalversionsclaim.(See,
    however,Knoblock'schronology,whereinthefacticityofthetaleisaccepted[198283:3034,41].)
    14.SeetheJuhsiao,Ch'iangkuo,andYipingchapters.NotethattheHanFeiTzutellsusthatHsunK'uangwasinYenabout316B.C.(HFT:16.3b).
    15.Thehighlyidealized"transcript"ofHsunK'uang'sdebatewithLordLinwuintheYipingchapter,whereinevenLordLinwucannothelpbutmarvelatthe
    brillianceofHsunK'uang'sarguments,shouldalertustotheanecdotalnatureofthese"historical"audiences.Thisdoesnotmeanthattheaccountsarenotbasedon
    realincidents,butitdoesrequirethatwetreatthematerialwithcaution.
    16.TheYipingchaptertellsusthatHsunK'uangwasinChaoduringthereignofKingHsiaoch'eng(r.265245B.C.).InCh'iangkuo,weseehiminconversation
    withFanSui,whowasPrimeMinisterofCh'infrom266to257B.C.InJuhsiao,HsunK'uangaddressesKingChaoofCh'in(r.306251B.C.).Notethatthe
    conversationbetweenHsunK'uangandaPrimeMinisterofCh'iinCh'iangkuowouldindicate,ifhistorical,thatHsunK'uangwasinCh'ibetween261and255
    B.C.,afterCh'uhadcapturedHsuchoubutbeforetheseizureofthenorthernportionsofLu.

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    17.Ch'ienMu'schronologydivergesfromthis(1956:43134),butseenote12aboveontheproblemsofhismodel.
    18.IknowofnocertainevidencethatitwasnotcustomaryinCh'uorelsewherethatnonhereditarymagisterialpostsbelifetimeappointments.However,whenwe
    encounteracasewheretheincumbentwasinofficeatanageofbetweenseventyeightandonehundredandthree,wemayatleastsuspectthatthepostcouldnot
    havebeenadministrativelyburdensomeandwaslikelytohaveeitherbeeninitiallyorbecomesubstantiallyhonorary.
    19.PassagesintheHsunTzuthatportrayHsunK'uanginaudiencewithpoliticalleadersofChaoandCh'in(ifacceptedasfactual)donotindicateambitionfor
    politicalresponsibilities.Audiencesweresoughtformanyreasonsotherthansolicitationofapoliticalpost,forexample,securingcourtlodgingsandstipendsfor
    oneselfandone'sfollowers.ThetextalsoportraysHsunK'uanginaudiencewithpoliticalfiguresinthestateofCh'i,andhispersuasionsthereareclearlypartofhis
    dutiesasasinecuredretainer.Iffactual,theywouldsignalnoambitionforpoliticalduties.
    20.SeehiscommentaryatHTCC:19.1.
    21.Forexample,seeLiangCh'ich'ao'sremarksinWSTK:621.
    22.Forexample,theHsunTzu'suseoftheword"ch'"tomean"completely,"theword"lung"tomean"exalt"or"theexalted,''andtheword"ch'ic"tomean
    "maximize."
    23.SeeYang1938.
    24.NotethatKnoblockhasrecentlydevisedachronologyofthetextbasedonatheoryofsingleauthorship(198283:3546).AlthoughIdonotagreewith
    Knoblock'sbasicassumptions,hehasisolatedmanydatableelementsthatindicateterminiaquoforvariouschaptersofthetext.
    25.H:15.72portraysLiSsu,knownfromothersourcestohavestudiedwithHsunK'uang(e.g.,SC:87:2539),inconversationwithHsunK'uang.Thissuggeststhat
    Ch'enHsiao,mentionedinanearbyparallelpassage(H:15.66),wasalsoastudentofHsunK'uang's.
    26.SeeKanaya1951:28.
    27.WitnesstheremarkaddressedtoT'ienP'ien,aChihsiamaster,intheCh'its'e:"Nowyou,sir,aregivennoofficialduties,butreceiveastipendofathousand
    measuresandmaintainafollowingofahundreddisciples"(CKT:4.16b17a).Thefactthatsuchaphrasemadesense,evenifthesourceismorefictionthanfact,
    indicatesthescaleofChihsiafollowings.
    28.TheShihchi,LiuHsiang'sprefacetotheHsunTzu,andtheFengsut'ungyi,allstatethatHsunK'uangbecametheseniormasteratChihsia.Wearealsotold
    bythefirsttwoofthesesourcesthathe

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    "wasthricechargedwiththewinesacrifices,"aphraseSsumaCheninterpretedtomeanthatduringthreedifferenttermsoftenure,HsunK'uangwasthesenior
    participantinbanquetorotherritualceremonials(SC:74.2349n5).
    29.ExtensivesectionsoftheHsunTzutextappearintheLichi,TaTaiLichi,Hanshihwaichuan,andShihchi.Foraninteresting,ifsomewhatoverstated,
    surveyoftheinfluenceofHsunTzuRuismonHanRuisttraditions,seetheremarksoftheCh'ingcommentatorHuYuanyicitedinHTCC,K'aocheng:6870.
    30.ThemostnotableexceptionistheCh'enghsiangchapter,whichseenstomentionthedeathofLordCh'unshenin238B.C.(H:25.9).ThecommentatorLu
    WenchaomaintainedthatthisreferencetoHuangHsiehwasacorruptionofthetext(HTCC:18.5).Ch'ienMuagrees,andcitessupportingargumentsbyLiuShih
    p'ei(1956:433).Idonotfindtheirargumentsconvincing.Inanyevent,weargueelsewherethattheCh'enghsiangchapterwasnotwrittenbyHsunK'uang,
    regardlessofthisstatusofthereferencetoHuangHsieh.
    WemightnotethatthechaptersJuhsiao,whichreferstoKingChaoofCh'in(d.251B.C.)byhisposthumousname,andYiping,whichreferstoKingHsiaoch'eng
    ofChao(d.245B.C.)byhisposthumousname,wereprobablyputintheirpresentformafterHsunK'uang'sfinaldeparturefromChihsia.Asnotedabove,these
    chaptersrefertoHsunK'uangbyhonorificandwereobviouslycomposedoratleasteditedbydisciples.Nootherchaptersamongthefirsttwentysixmust
    necessarilybedatedlaterthan261B.C.
    31.AnearlyseparationofHsunK'uangfromthedevelopmentoftheHsunTzutextmightaccount,inpart,forthefactthatdespitetheenormousinfluencethatthe
    HsunTzuexertedduringtheearlyHan(seenote29above),HsunK'uanghimselfisrarelymentionedandpassagesfromtheHsunTzucitedinothertextsarevirtually
    neverlinkedtohisname.
    AnotherfactorthatbearsonthispointistheproblematicalformoftheHsunTzupriortotheHan.WhenLiuHsiangeditedthetexttowardtheendoftheWestern
    Han,hewrote:"ThetextsofHsunCh'ing'sbook[collectedintheImperialLibrary]whichIhaveeditednumberedthreehundredandtwentytwochapters.I
    comparedtheseandexcisedduplicationsamountingtotwohundredandninetychapters,settlinguponatextofthirtytwochapters"(HTCC:20.46).LiuHsiangcalled
    hiseditedtext"TheNewBookofSunCh'ing"(SunCh'inghsinshu)whichindicatesthatpriortohisedition,nocompletelyorganizedtextattributedtoHsunK'uang
    (SunCh'ing)existed.Judgingfromhisintroductoryremarks,theessaysthatcomprisetheHsunTzutextaswehaveittodayprobablywereoriginallycirculated
    independentlyorinsmall

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    groups.Theorganizationoftheextanttext,whichgroupschapterswithsimilarthemes,mayreflectearly,morecircumscribedbooksof"HsunTzu's"writings.
    KanayaOsamuhasgonesofarastosuggestthatthesesubsectionsofthetextreflectthedivisionofHsunK'uang'sschoolofRuismintofactionswithspecialized
    interests(1951:2128),atheorythatimpliesthatasubstantialportion,ifnotmostofthetext,springsfromthehandsoffirstorsecondgenerationdisciples,rather
    thanfromHsunK'uang'sown.
    32."Ch'enghsiang"meansacadencecreatedbythebeatofapestle.Itresemblesthemodern"hsiangsheng"chant,whichisperformedbytwopeoplewho
    alternatelines.
    33.ThetextappearstomentionwithgriefthedownfallofHuangHsieh,whichoccurredin238B.C.Seenote30.
    34.ForadifferentviewofCh'enghsiang,seeTuKuohsiang'sessayonthechapterinTu1962.
    ThecompositionoftheFuchapterisparticularlyunusual.Thegroupnatureofthedialogueintheopeningriddlesectioncannotbedoubted.Eachriddleis
    followedbyaconfessionofpuzzlement,suchas,"yourservantisfoolishanddoesnotknowtheanswer,mayIasktheKing?"Andthenthe"King"orsomeother
    personareplies.Theimpressionthatthisisarecordofgroupplayseemsinescapable.Furthermore,theYiwenchihrecordsabookofpoemsinthefustyleby
    HsunTzu,intenchapters.ThissuggeststhattherecordsofRuistgroupplaywereatonetimefarmoreextensive(butforadifferentexplanationoftheYiwenchih
    entry,seeHuYuanyi'sremarksinHTCC,K'aocheng:65).
    35.Thisisnotatrueparadox:thereisneitheralogicalnorachemicalcontradictionhere.Butitistreatedasaparadoxinthetext.Theimportanceofparadoxtothe
    HsunTzuisnotedinAkatsuka1958:13.
    36.TheseincludeShenTaoandT'ienP'ien(H:6.8).
    37.SeeMunro1969:13233.
    38.NoteWangNiensun'scommentarytoPukou(HTCC:2.15)onChiehpi,seeKanaya1951:27.
    39.Forexample,inPukou,theTaoisticdescriptionofthechntzu:"Withoutsteppingdownfromhisdwellingtheessenceofallwithintheseasisaccumulated
    withinhim"(cf.TTC:47),isprecededbythefollowingdescriptionofthepathtothisperfection:"Thechntzuexaminesthewaysofthelaterkings(seebelow),and
    [extrapolatessothat]hecandescribewhatwaspriortothehundredkingsasthoughincasualconversationheextrapolatesfromtheguidingrulesofritualand
    propriety,distinguishesrightfromwrong..."(H:3.3637).Chiehpiconcludesadiscussionofperfectingthemind,whichisfilledwithvagueandseeminglymystical
    language,withadescriptionofthepathto

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    wisdomastheboundingofwisdomthroughstudystudywhich"takestheSageKingsasteacherandtheirregulationsasrule,conformingtotheirrulesand
    seekingtheirguidingcategoriesinordertoemulatetheirpersons"(H:21.83).(NotethatintheTaoisticChiehpi,ChuangTzuisattackedcf.H:21.22).
    ThepassagefromPukoualertsustoanimportanttextualsideissue,namely,thatinresolvingargumentswithanappealtoauthority,theHsunTzufrequently
    endorsesrelianceonwhatitcallsthe"laterkings"(houwang).Whotheselaterkingswereisdisputed.Forareviewoftheliteratureontheissue,andadefenseof
    thepositionthatthetermreferstotheChoufounders,seeEno1984:45859.
    40.ForadiscussionofGraham'stheoriesofYangChu,seeEno1984:37072.AssuggestedinchapterV,note41,Iwouldprefertoviewthe"Yangist"textsasa
    subcorpusofTaoisttexts,withoutanyclaimoflinkagetoYangChu.
    41.SeethediscussioninRickett1965:1213.
    42.ThistheoryisdiscussedindetailinKuo1945:21032seealsoHou1957:35159.
    43.Rickett1965:15758Fung1962:168.
    44.SeethecomparisonsadducedinHou1957:53149.
    45.SomepassagesfromNeiyeh("InnerTasks")illustrate:"Theessenceofthingsistransformed[followingTingetal.,seeKuoetal.1956:781]andbecomeslife
    bornbelow,itisthefivegrainsabove,itistheranksofstarsflowingbetweenheavenandearthitiscalled'ghostsandspirits'hiddeninthebreastitiscalled'the
    Sage'[KT:16.1a]....TheWayhasnofixedplaceitsettlespeacefullyinagoodmind.Ifthemindistranquilandthebreathregular,theWaysettlestherein....The
    essenceoftheWay,howcanithavethought[seeKuoetal.1956:784]orsound?Cultivatethemind,quietthethoughts,andtheWaymaybereached[KT:16.2a]...
    .Themeanbetweengorgingandstarvingoneselfiscalledperfectharmony.Thevitalessencedwellswithinandknowledgeisthereinborn[KT:16.4b]...."(These
    translationsmakeuseofRickett1965:15868.)
    46.SeeRickett1965:153.Thesepassagesarepoorlyreconciledwiththegeneralthrustofargumentinthesechapters.AswithcertainsectionsintheChiehLao
    ("ExplicationoftheLaoTzu")chapterintheHanFeiTzu(6.1b2a),thesepassagesmaybeviewedassyncreticinsertions,eitheraddedbythecomposerofthetext
    tolinktogetheroldermaterials,ordirectlyinsertedafterthecompilationofthetext.
    47.Thenotionofsuppressingdesiredoesnotinherentlyconflictwithinterestinli.TheMenciussuggestssuppressionofdesireasaselfcultivationdevice(M:7B.35).
    TheHsunTzutakesastrongposition

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    thatlinurturesoredifies(yang)desire(H:19.13),butthatdesiresareinnatelyunexpungeable(e.g.,H:22.5563).Anumberofitsargumentsconcerningdesire
    aredirectedagainstSungChien(H:18.11422),who,accordingtosome,wasanauthoroftheKuanTzutextsatissue.
    48.AnextensivediscussionofTsouYenandhisphilosophyappearsinNeedham1956:23244.(NotethatmajoromissionsoccurinthetranslationofSC:76.2370
    thatappearsonpage237themeaningofthisimportantpassageissignificantlyaltered.)SeealsoFung1931:200209Henderson1984:3135.
    49.TheaccuracyoftheShihchiaccountshasbeenwidelyquestioned.SeeCh'ien1956:439.
    50.SC:28:13686974.2344TsoSsu,Weitufu(citedinFung1931:202)LiuHsiang,Piehlu(citedSC:74.2348n3).Thephrasefor"fiveelements"inTsouYen's
    philosophyseemstohavebeen"wute,"ratherthanthe"wuhsing"thatplayedsogreataroleinHancosmology.ForanargumentassertingthattheportraitofTsou
    asaninnovatorisaHanprojection,seeHenderson1984:325
    51.AsFungYulannotes(1962:439),theShihchigroupsthebiographiesofMencius,TsouYen,andHsunTzutogether,andthisinitselfmaysuggestthatTsou
    YenwasoriginallyaRuistwhodevelopedhiscosmologicalinterestsuntiltheyovershadowedhisearlytraining.TheShihchistatesthat,"If[Tsou'sdoctrines]are
    reducedtotheirfundamentals,theyinevitablyreturntojen,yi,restraint,frugality,andtheoperationoftherelationsbetweenrulerandminister,superiorandinferior,
    andthesixfamilialrelationshipsitismerelythathisbeginningsdevelopedwithoutrestraint"(SC:74.2344).TheYent'iehlunalsospeaksofTsouasaRu(2.14b).
    52.See,forexample,H:17.2940,21.7478.SeealsothediscussioninDubs1927:6473.
    53.TheTsochuan'sstatedviewsonspiritualismoftenresemblethoseoftheHsunTzu.Certainpassagesfocusontherationalisticdebunkingofshamanismand
    superstitiousomenology,forexample,TCHC,Hsi16:6.2Hsi21:6.1819Chao1:20.3435Chao3:20.56Chao5:21.41.Inalloftheseinstances,thelogicof
    omenologyandshamanismisdescribedasbenightedandrationalistargumentsfortheprimacyofhumanactionareoffered.Thesepassagescanallbecharacterizedas
    denigratingactionguidedbyaconcernwiththesupernatural.However,theTsochuan,unliketheHsunTzu,doesnotgenerallydenytheexistenceofspiritualbeings
    andsupernaturalforces.Somepassagescontradictthemainantispiritualistleanings,forexample,Chao7:21.5758Chao10:22.20.Others,whilenotprescribingan
    interestinspirits,implicitlyacknowledgetheirexistence(Hsi5:5.3132),or,inoneinstance,actually

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    recounttheirappearancewhilescorningthosewhowouldcatertothem(Chuang32:3.9394).
    54.AlthoughmostoftheTsochuandealswithpreConfucianhistory,someofitsheroicfiguresaredepictedinthenarrativeintheimageoflaterRu.Thegreatestof
    theseisTzuch'an,PrimeMinisterofCheng.Tzuch'anfrequentlyisshownadoptinganantisuperstitiousstance,butindoingso,hedisplaysacomprehensivegraspof
    cosmology,demonology,andtheinterpretationofdreams(Chao1:20.2833Chao7:21.6162),andacknowledgesthatmen,upondying,maybecomespirits(Chao
    7:21.6465).TheTsochuan,therefore,apparentlyreconciledaninterestincosmologywithRuisthumanismbyprioritizingthetwohumaneffortistheonlypractical
    path,butincultivatingcomprehensivewisdom,theSagewillalsolearnabouttheworldofspirits.Indeed,RuiststyleSages,suchasTzuch'an,willobtainadeeper
    graspofspiritlorethanthespiritualistandsobeabletorefutesuperstitiousprescriptionsissuedbyspiritualistpretenderstowisdom.
    55.OnTsouYeninYen,seealsoSC:34.1558,74.2345,80.242728.Elsewhere,theShihchitracestheoriginsofdivinersorcererstoCh'angHung,anativeof
    Chouwhoflourishedc.500B.C.(SC:28.1364).
    56.Ontheoriginsofthesecults,seeNeedham1974:9495.OnthetraditionallinkageofthemtoTsouYen,seealsoWelch1966:9697.
    57.ThecosmologiesofdivinersandshamansmayhaveportrayedNatureasapurposive,evenanethicalforce,fardifferentfromitsrolein,say,Taoism.Yetthe
    ideologiesofomenologistsandTaoistssharethecrucialfeatureoflocatingvalueinanonhumansphereandsearchingforhumanguidanceinthemanifestationsofthe
    naturalworld.
    58.Thedatingofthesetwoessays,whichappearedaschaptersoftheLichi,aHantextthatbroughttogetherbothHanandpreHanmaterials,isdisputed.Various
    portionsofbothessaysbearcloseresemblancetotheMenciusortotheHsunTzu(compare,e.g.,M:4A.13andCY:20H:3.2633andTH:1,7),andthetextsalso
    showevidenceofTaoistinfluence(theyaresometimesclassifiedasTaoist).IbelievethatthetextsareeitherverylateChouorearlyHanandpostdateboththe
    MenciusandtheHsunTzu.Myprincipalreasonsfordatingthetextsinthiswayare:(1)thefactthattheessaysarenotinternallyidentifiedwithanyoneRuistMaster
    andincorporatetheteachingsofmorethanonepreCh'inRuistfaction(2)thestyleofargumentishighlysystematicandshowsagreatinterestinmetaphysical
    speculation(particularlytheChungyung),ahallmarkofHanRuisttexts.Theseargumentsarefarfromconclusivehowever,Ihavechosentobeguidedbythemand
    toexcludetheessaysfrommydiscussionsofpreCh'inRuismforthesakeofsimplicityand

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    becausetheyrepresentmyownviews.Formoreonthedatingoftheseessays,seeTu1976:1315.
    59.Thisis,ofcourse,thesamethemeIsuggestastheprimarysubjectoftheMenciusinchapterV.Thetextsdifferradicallyintheirstrategiesandtheresultingtenor
    ofdiscussionsonli,buttheiragendaswere,Ibelieve,largelyidentical.
    60.Inthesediscussions,wewillconsideronlythefirsttwentysevenchaptersoftheHsunTzu.Theremainingfivechaptersaregenerallythoughttohavebeen
    appendedtothetextatalatertime(WSTK:62122).YangLiangplacedthemattheendofthetextbecauseheconsideredthemlargelyderivative(HTCC:20.1).
    Theirphilosophicalagendaisratherdifferentfromtheotherchapters.
    61.Iamnotusingtheterms"ontology"and"epistemology"here,inordertoavoidinappropriateimpliedcomparisonswithWesternphilosophicaltraditions.
    62.Anumberofthesetermsarefrequentlyusedthroughoutthetext:wordssuchas"lei"(approximatelysixtyfiveoccurances),"li"(morethan100occurances),
    and"t'ung"(approximatelythirtyoccurances).Thecharacter''pien":[tomake]distinctions,itselfappearsaboutseventyfivetimes,notincludingusesofthecognate
    "pien"asaloan.Othersofthesetermsareusedlessfrequently,butwithgreatemphasis,asinthecaseof"ts'ao,"whichplaysanimportantroleintheearlychapters
    ofthetext.
    63."TheTrueKingsregulatednamessuchthatwhennamesweredeterminedrealitiesweredistinguished"(H:22.67).
    64."ThingswhichareofidenticaltypeandessenseareperceivedbytheT'ienlikefaculties[i.e.,senseorgans]identically....Themind,inaddition,[hasthepower
    to]understandthroughverification(chengchih)....Thusthroughreliance[onthesenses]oneisableto[distinguish]samenessanddifference"(H:22.1621).
    65.InterpretationoftheHsunTzu'stheoryoflanguagehasfocusedonthephrases,"Nameshavenointrinsicappropriateness"(H:22.25),and,"Nameshaveno
    intrinsicreality"(H:22.26),toarguethattheHsunTzutakesaconventionalistapproachtolanguage(seeHansen1983:81).However,whenviewedasawhole,the
    HsunTzu'stheoryoflanguageisrealist.Althoughindividualwordsareinitiallychosenarbitrarily,theirconsistentuseandsyntacticrelationsinlanguagecreatea
    perfectcorrespondencebetweentheelementsandstructureoflanguageandtheobjectsoftheworldandtheirrelations.Itisthischaracteristicoflanguagethatallows
    thetextexplicitlytolimititsconventionalism:"Namescanbeintrinsicallygood:thosethatarestraightforwardandsimple,withoutcontradiction(fu)arecalledgood
    names"(H:22.27).Implicitly,namesmay"contradict"reality.

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    66.Throughoutthechapter,theword"pien":"tomakedistinctions,"isusedasaloanfor"pien'':"argument."Theloanrelationshipappearsfrequentlyinthetextand
    mightbeanintentionalindicationoftheHsunTzu'sbeliefthatvalidargumentisaverbalrepresentationofnaturaldistinctions.
    Inrenderingtheword"tao"as"Truth"inthisinstance,IdonotadoptChadHansen'stheorythat"Chinesephilosophyhadnoconceptoftruth"(1985a:492).I
    believethatithadtheconcept,butthatitwasnotarticulatedasaphilosophicalobject.InHansen'sterms,ideasparalleltowhatwerefertoas"truth"played"a
    roleintheories,"but,theydidnotbecomethefocusoftheories.Thisisapositionof"softlinguisticdeterminism,"andIbelieveHansenultimatelyreturnstothisless
    categoricalclaimwhenherestateshisconclusionsas"Chinesephilosophersdidnotfocusonadistinctnotionofsemantictruth"(51516).Hansenargues
    brilliantly,butIthinkthathishabituallinkageoftheterm"truth"tocorrespondencetheoriesoflanguagemighthaveledhimtogiveinadequatestresstothefactthat,
    deplorableasanalyticthinkersmightfindit,assertionsoftruthsometimesreallydoentailnotheoryoflanguage.Nevertheless,muchofHansen'smodelis
    persuasive,andIwillnotbesurprisediffurtherargumentfindsmeconverted.
    67.SeealsoH:1.28,2.37,9.4748.
    68.Onthepervasiveimportanceofthenotionofclassdistinctionsinthetext,seeKatakura1978.Katakuraillustratesbothdescriptiveandprescriptivedimensionsof
    thenotion.
    69.SeealsoH:5.28andH:11.63,translatedabove.Onthenotionthatlitrainsthesensesandthemind,seethediscussionon"EducatingtheSage."
    70.CompareTTC:22.Thephrase"crookedyeteasytofollow"(wangerhshun)carriesasenseof"oddyetnaturallypleasing."Wefindnoconflictherewiththe
    Ruistadherencetoadoctrineofdescriptiveequality,stressedinMunro1969.TheHsunTzusimplymaintainsthatrankdifferentiationsaredescriptivelynecessaryto
    thesocializationofhumanbeings.Rankdifferentiatonsaredictatedbyorganizationalneedsratherthandisparitiesininnatecharacter.
    71.Wewilltend,inthischapter,totranslate"liyi"as"ritualandpropriety."Thecompoundisfundamentallyalinkageofexplicitconventionalrulesandamore
    abstractethicalnotion,closeto"right."Thelinkageisoftenunderstoodasawayofenlargingtheprescriptiverangeofritual,allowingindividualstoactaccordingto
    whatseemsethicallyrightevenifitisnotinabsoluteaccordwithconvention.Thisiscorrect,butaswesawinchapterV,thelinkagehasacomplementaryfunctionof
    circumscribingtherealmofethicalrightnesstokeepitcloselyalignedwithritualprescript.

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    TheHsunTzumakesnoefforttoestablish"yi"asavaluestandardindependentofconvention.Onthecontrary,initsmostgeneralizedusageasthedistinguishing
    characteristicofman(H:9.7071)"yi"isdescribedasanabilitytoestablishandactaccordingtoroledifferentiations.Thetranslationof''propriety"seemsmost
    apt.
    72.SeeKanaya'sdivisions(1951:20).
    73.ThisappearsalsoatH:17.43.
    74.Tomakethisevenapproximateempiricalreality,wemustassumethatby"ch'n"thetextmeansnotmeresociety,buthierarchicalsociety.Thismeaningis
    suggestedbythetext'setymologicalobservationthat"A'ruler'isonewhoisgoodatgoodat'grouping'"(H:9.75),whichisaplayonthecognaterelationshipofthe
    words"chn"and"ch'n."
    75.Cf.H:5.2628.
    76.ThedoctrineismostelegantlydelineatedintheLilun("TreatiseonLi"):"Whatistheoriginofli?Peoplearebornwithdesires.Ifthosedesiresarenotsatisfied,
    individualscannotbutseektosatisfythem.Ifpeopleseeksatisfactionwithoutruleorlimit,boundaryordegree,theycannotbutconflict.Fromconflictcomeschaos
    fromchaoscomespoverty.Theformerkingsdetestedchaosamongpeople,andsofashionedritualandproprietytocreatedistinctions[amongthem],tonurturetheir
    desires,toprovidefortheirwants,toensurethatdesireswouldnotexhaust[available]resources"(H:19.13).Ontheimportanceofthisdoctrine,seeMunro
    1969:90.Thistheoryanditscorollarythat"liisnurturance"arediscussedindetailinsection4.2.
    77.Cf.H:17.4849,wheretheroleofliinsocietyislikenedtotheroleofsignalbuoysinariver.
    78.ThisargumentconstitutesabrilliantresponsetooneofthemostpowerfuldoctrinalweaponsusedbyMohistsintheirattackonRuistli.
    79.Manyportionsofthepoliticalchaptersdo,ofcourse,dwelluponmattersofpoliticswithoutdirectreferencetoritual.Eventhemostpurelypoliticalchapters,
    however,continuallyleadtheirargumentsbacktoissuesofritualsocialorder.Note,forexample,H:11.63(intheWangpa,or"KingsandHegemons"chapter)and
    H:15.78(inYiping:"DiscussionsontheMilitary").
    TheritualconcernsofthepoliticalchaptersbeliethecharacterizationoftheHsunTzuasa"legalist"text,apositionnotuncommonamongscholarsinthePRC.It
    istruethattheHsunTzushowssomeadaptationofLegalisttheories,buttheinfluenceofLegalismonthetextisfarlessthantheinfluencesofTaoismand"Sung
    Yinnaturalism."ItisalsotruethattheHsunTzushowsapersistentinterestin"laws"or"rules"(fa),thekeynoteofLegalism.ButfortheHsunTzuandthisisa
    crucialpointfaarealwayscompatiblewith,andfrequently

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    anaspectof,li."Theliaretheforemostcomponentsoflaw"(H:1.28)seealsoH:2.48,4.4952,8.5960,10.92,11.63,12.57,15.99100,23.25.
    80.See,forexample,Dubs1927:chapter6Lau1953Graham1967.
    81.ThisisusuallydescribedastheHsunTzu'sdoctrinethatmanis,bynature,"evil."KanayaOsamuhasnotedthattheterm"evil"inthiscontextappearsonlyinthe
    Hsingochapter,whichinstyleandcontentdifferssharplyfromtherestofthetext(1951:3031).HearguesthatHsunK'uangdidnotwriteit,andtheword"evil"(o)
    wouldthenappearinthissenseinnoportionofthetextthatHsunK'uangmayhavewritten.Idonotfeel,however,thatHsingoconflictsphilosophicallywiththerest
    ofthetextwhoserelationtoHsunK'uangis,atanyrate,frequentlyunclear.WhileIagreethattheHsunTzu'stheoryofhumannatureisbestdescribedasholding
    thathumannatureincludesnothingintrinsicallyethical,ratherthanasholdingthatitisevil,IdonothesitatetoincludeHsingoaspartofthemaincorpusofthetext.
    82.Thisdoesnotmeanthatthedesiresareeliminated,onlythattheyarecontrolled.SeethecriticismofasceticismatH:6.34,andthediscussionofdesiresinsection
    4.2.
    83.Itis,ofcourse,possibletoviewallactionsofmanwhoisbornofNatureasbeingrealizationsofNature.Thiswould,however,beapurelydescriptive
    approachandwouldnotdistinguishvaluesamongman'sactions.TheHsunTzuclearlywishestoacknowledgevalueinsomehumanactivity.Itsmethodofallowing
    thisistodrawasharplinebetweenthecomponentsofman'scharacterforwhichNatureandmanareresponsiblerespectively.Thelineisdrawnonthebasisofhow
    skillsareacquired:"Thatinmanwhichcannotbeacquiredbystudyorreformedthrougheffortiscalled'nature'(hsing).Thatwhichismasteredbystudyorachieved
    byeffortiscalled'art'(wei)"(H:23.1213).Thisisakeycircumscriptionofthenotionof"innate"andmilitatesagainstLau'sreconciliationoftheMenciusandthe
    HsunTzuthroughthenotionofdevelopmentalcharacter(1953).
    84.Thepassagecontinueswithanattackonli(CT:9.1113).SeeGraham1967:22223.TheHsunTzuexpressesthelimitedvalueofthehsingbydescribingitas
    the"unadornedabilities"(ts'aip'u),aclearresponsetoTaoistdoctrine(H:19.76).
    85.LaoTzuiscriticizedbytheHsunTzuasunderstanding"contraction"(passivity)andnot"extension"(purposiveactivity),withtheresultthat"theexaltedandthe
    humblearenotdistinguished"(H:17.5153).
    86.OnephilosophersoattackedisidentifiedbyNeedhamasafoundingthinkerofthelongevitycultsthatflourishedlater,duringtheHan(1974:94).
    87.Cf.LSCC:4.5b6a,which,however,includesRuistelements.

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    88.CompareH:8.108:"Withoutteacherandrules,manexaltshisnaturewiththem,heexaltsacquired[skills]."
    89.AsHsingomakesclear,thisis,fortheHsunTzu,nota"natural"butahumanprocess(seenote83).
    90.SeethediscussionofpracticaltotalisminchapterIII.
    91.Giventhescarcityofresources,man'shungersmustgenerallybesatisfiedatlowlevelstoensurecontinuityofsatiation.Themechanicsofthisnaturallawteaches
    manprudence:deferredgratification.Similarly,manlearnsthatbyinvestinghisresourcesproperly,ratherthanconsumingthemimmediately,hecanimprovehis
    materialrewards.Helearns,forexample,thatbyusinggraintofeedlivestockratherthanhimself,hecan,intheend,improvethequalityofhisdiet.Theseideasareset
    forthatH:4.4271.
    92.Thisseemstobeinconsistentwithotherpassages(e.g.,H:22.19)wewouldexpectmantoemploythemind(hsin)here.Thisformulamightpointtothe
    motivatingroleofdesire,asinH:19.12.
    93.Theword"yie"isusedinthesenseof"restraint"andhasbeenglossedas"ting":"settle,''byYYueh.YangLiangnotedthevariantreading"ning":"congeal,"
    perhaps:"slowdown"(HTCC:15.25).
    94.CompareH:8.2527,emendingchengtochihd,followingtheCh'nshuchihyaoversion(HTCC:4.10).
    95.CompareH:1.4445:"Studyisthestudyofunifying."
    96.Apartfromtheformalsyllabusperse,theculturalformsofritualserveasanongoingstructurerefiningsocietyatlarge.TheLilununderscoresthispointinthe
    theoryofliasnurturance(H:19.313),whichmaintainsthatritualformstrainthesensesandsensitizethemtotheaestheticallygood.Thiscreatesinsocietyalevelof
    cultivationatwhichvaluesotherthansimplematerialgratificationhavebecomeinstitutionalized.
    97.ItisthisoverlapinempiricalandethicalprinciplethatpreventslifromdevelopingascientificdimensionintheHsunTzuandinlaterRuistthought.AsKanaya
    pointsout,tothedegreethatitisinterestedinnaturalphenomena,theHsunTzuonlylookstoNaturetofindethicallessonsforman.Empiricalobservationisendedas
    soonasamoralmeaningisconstrued(1970:56).
    98.SeeH:2.14,2.47,3.1718,3.28,7.21,11.114.Notetheapparentloanofliforliat22.45.
    99.Themeaningoftheterm"wenli"seemsfrequentlyindistinguishablefromritualitself(cf.H:9.95,10.108,19.10,19.103).Inparticular,note:"Thewaysofthe
    filialsonarethepatternprinciplesofritualandpropriety"(H:23.20)"Its(li's)patternprinciplesform[amanifest]insignia(chang)"(H:26.1).

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    100.SeealsoH:19.2021:"Inthemonthlysacrifice[toone'sancestors]onetastesthegreat[plain]broth,andeatsone'sfillofthevariousdelicacies:thisishonoring
    one'sroots[byprofferingfood]while[puttingthefood]topersonaluse.Honoringtherootisembellishment(wen)puttingthistopersonaluseisprinciple(li).When
    thetwocombineintoasinglepattern(wen)toreturntotheGreatOneness,itiscalledthegreatexaltation[ofritual]"(takingch'ibaschi,followingYangLiangrather
    thanYYueh[HTCC:13.78]).Thiscuriouspassageseemstosaythattheceremonialsacrifice,havingnosupernaturaleffect,issimplyanembellishmentofhumanlife
    (cf.H:17.3940),whiletheentailmentofceremonyintopracticallife(througheatingritualfoods),inaccordwithnaturalprinciples(thesatisfactionofhunger),
    integratesembellishmentandpracticalityintoapatternofentailedritualactivity,whichislinkedtoatranscendentalholism(ontheGreatOneness,seetheconclusion).
    Patternprinciples,then,arepreciselytheethicaltransformationofnaturalprocesses(suchaseating)astheyentertheritualhumansphere.
    101.Seenote83.Therenderingofshihbas"reformthrougheffort"isamodificationofKubo'sinterpretation[HTCC:17.3].
    102.On"heavenandearth"(t'ienti)seeappendixC,note1.
    103."T'ung"hereindicatesanintegratingintelligibilitythatgivessignificancetotherealmofritual.
    104.Cf.H:9.8182,15.57."Shen"isalsousedasdescriptiveofthehumanvirtuesembodiedinSagehood(H:3.27,3.45,8.64,9.62,21.44).Ontheroleoftheterm
    intheHsunTzu,seealsoIkeda1965:1920.
    105.ItisobviouslybeyondthescopeofthischaptertoillustratethewaysinwhichthenaturalismswehaveidentifiedusetheideaofT'ien(ort'ienti)asNatureina
    normativesense.Wecanmerelyindicateafewoftheseuses.T'ien/Natureasavaluesourceandrolemodel:TTC:9,73,77KT,Hsinshu1:219.1113Hsinshu
    11:222.1011Paihsin:224.1112.T'ien/NatureandmanasoneinTao:TTC:39CT:4.18.T'ien/Naturetranscendsandtrivializeshumanvalues:TTC:5CT:2.29,
    5.53KT,Paihsin:225.1415.ApurposiveT'ien/Natureasaresponsivefieldofhumanportents:TsouYen'sphilosophy,asreflectedinLSCC,Yingt'ung(also
    calledMinglei):13.4(seeFung1931:201202).
    106.TheformernotionwouldfairlycharacterizeimportantaspectsofTsouYen'scosmologicalnaturalism(cf.Fung1931:201202).Thelatterviewwas
    characteristicoflateChouomenology,whichwasacomponentofdivinisticorshamanisticnaturalism.
    107.SeetheanalysisofsectionBinMatsuda1975:7071.
    108."Desire"isincludedinalistofinnateaffectiveresponsesappearingatH:22.19(butitismissingat22.3).Theclassicformulaofthe"seven

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    emotions"(ch'ich'ing)whichappearsintheLiyunchapteroftheLichidoesinclude"desire"(LC:7.6b).Onthephilosophicallyconstructiveroleofdesireinthe
    HsunTzu,seeKanaya1951a.
    109.ButtheissueissomewhatconfusedatH:22.34,whereinthemindseemstohaveaninnateabilitytomakechoicesonbehalfoftheemotions(excludingdesire),
    whichleadsdirectlytocreativeartifice.
    110.Dubs(1928a:176)rendersthepassagethus:"Tousewhatisnotofone'skindtonourishone'skind[note:e.g.,animalfleshtonourishmankind]thisiswhatis
    meantbythenaturalnourishing.Toactaccordingwithone'sstationiswhatiscalledhappinesstoactcontrarytoone'sstationiscalledcalamitythisiswhatismeant
    bythenaturalgovernment."
    111.ThisisthesuggestionofKodama1972:52,followingTsukadaOmine*.Neitherphrasehasastatedsubject,and,whilethismightimplyaverbsubject,itis
    equallylikelyinsuchcasesthatthesubjectoftheantecedentsentenceisimplied.Notethatalloftheprecedingsentencesinthepassagehavestatedsubjectsthatdiffer
    fromtheprecedingphrase.Theycannot,then,beusedtorefutethenotionthattheelisionofthesubjectindicates,inthisinstance,theextensionofonesubjectover
    severalphrases.
    112.TheinterpretationdatesfromYangLiang(HTCC:11.25).Kodama'suniqueanalysisofthispassagerestsonadeparturefromthistradition.Hetakes"ts'ai"as
    aloanfor"ts'aib":"abilities.''Hearguesthatman'sinnateabilitiesarewhatheusestonurture,ortransform,hismindandfaculties.Heparaphrasesthus:"Man'smotor
    abilitiesarenotofthesameclassashisT'ienlikefaculties,buttheynurturetheT'ienlikefacultieshiscognitiveabilitiesarenotofthesameclassastheT'ienlikeruler,
    buttheynurturetheT'ienlikeruler.ThusmotorandcognitiveabilitiesarecalledtheT'ienlikenurturance"(1972:57).WhileIagreewithKodama'sscepticismof
    traditionalinterpretations,Ifindhisownsolutionsconfusing,bothgrammaticallyandphilosophically(seeEno1984:472n112).
    113."TheSagemolds(ts'aic)things,heisnotdirectedbythings"(KT,HsinshuII:13.5a).Herethenotionofmoldingthingsclearlygoesbeyondagricultural
    subsistence.
    114.Cf.H:10.1:"Thevariousthingsoftheworldinhabitthesamespatialrealmbutpossessdifferentbodiestheyhavenoinnateappropriatenessbuthaveusesfor
    man."
    115.NotethatWatsonmissesthissenseof"yang,"andhistranslationoftheLilunchapterisconsequentlyflawed.Thenotionofrefiningthesensesisdiscussedalso
    atH:11.4649.
    116.Recallthatman'sdistinguishingcharacteristicistheabilitytomakedistinctions(pien),bothcognitivethroughrecognitionofsameness

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    anddifferenceandsocial,byestablishingproprietiesofsocialroles(H:5.2428,9.6974).
    117.CompareLSCC:1.4a,whichusesasimilarformula,limitingthereferencetothebodyanditsinnatenature.
    118.WearemovingheredirectlyfromsectionBtosectionE.Thefunctionsoftheinterveningsectionsmaybesummarizedasfollows:SectionCdividesT'ienintothe
    realmsofsky,earth,seasons,andyinyang,andcautionsthatinquiryintotheseshouldnotgobeyondthosemanifestregularitiesthat,aswithnaturalobjects,canbe
    manipulatedbymanforhisownpurposes:tokeeptime,toplanagriculture,andsoforth.TheidealmandoesnotconcernhimselfwiththesepropertiesofNaturehis
    mindisfocusedonthehumansocialsphere:"FunctionarieswillkeeptrackofT'ienyoumustkeeptotheWay"(H:17.18).SectionDexpandsupontheproposition
    setforthearlyinthe"Treatise"thatpoliticalorderdependsuponthefunctionofhumangovernment,andisnotdeterminedbynonpurposiveT'ien.Itsdominantimages
    areagriculturalandcalendrical,andthesectionshouldbeviewedasarecapitulationoftheearliercharacterizationofbadrule:"Thoughtheseasonsrevolveastheydo
    inorderedtime,disasteranddevastationariseunlikeinorderedtimes''(H:17.5).
    119.ThestatementappearsatH:17.7.
    120.Asimilarnotionappearsinthe"SungYin"chaptersoftheKuanTzu,forexample,KT:13.5a,16.2a.
    121.TheequivalenceisdemonstratedatH:25.13,26.6.SeeappendixC,note1.
    122.TheinsertionfollowscitationsintheWenhsuanandtheChengmingchapteroftheHsunTzu(seeYYueh'scommentaryinHTCC:11:28,followedbyall
    subsequentannotators).
    123.SeealsoH:6.31.
    124.Thetext'sonlyassessmentofHsunK'uang'slifeappearsattheendofthefinalYaowenchapter(demonstrablyapostCh'inaddition),atH:32.2737.Heis
    therejudgedapoliticalfailurewhowasdefeatedbecausehe"didnotencounterhis[proper]time,"preciselyinthemoldofConfuciusandMencius.
    125.Seethediscussiononthenatureofthetext.
    126.CommentatorshavefollowedYYueh'sincorrectglossof"chieh"as"whatissuitable"(HTCC:11.28).YangandLiuT'aikungcorrectlyglossitas"fate."
    WatsonfollowsYangbutfailstomakethepointofthepassageclear.
    127.Theremainderofthe"Treatise"concentratesontwomainthemes:thenonpurposivecharacterofNatureandtheethicalirrelevanceofnaturalphenomena,and
    theethicalcentralityofli.SectionsG,H,andI(H:17.2938)attributemechanisticnaturalcausestophenomenawidely

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    interpretedbyshamanisticanddivinisticschoolsasethicalomens,andmaintainthatthetruelocusofethicalomensisthesphereofsocialphenomena.Thetext
    prescribestheunceasingcultivationofritualsocialorder.SectionJ(H:17.3840)isremarkableinitsexplicitdetachmentofspiritualismfromtheritualrealm.Ritual
    ceremoniesthattaketheformofspiritualistworshipinthiscasethegreatsacrificeforrainareredefinedas"embellishments"(wen)ofsociallife.SectionsK
    andM(H:17.4044,4650)arestraightforwardexaltationsofliastheperfectionofhumanactionandastheguidinglightofsocialorder.TheinterveningSection
    L(H:17.4446)attacksTaoistquietisiticattitudestowardT'ienasNatureinfavorofanactivistpolicyofexploitingNatureforhumanuse.Finally,sectionN
    (H:17.5054)attacksvariousphilosophiesasonesided.ItcloselyresemblesportionsoftheChiehpichapter(H:21.2124),andseemstohavelittletodowith
    therestofthe"Treatise."
    128.Ikedanotesthefollowingpassages:H:3.16,4.21,4.25,5.18,16.7,18.69,19.15,19.114,28.33.Inalmosteveryinstance,withthepossibleexceptionof3.16,
    IthinkT'ienisinvokedaseitherarhetoricalflourishor,inthecasesof19.15,and19.114,inthecontextoftraditionalreligiousexplanationsforsacrificialritual.The
    oneanomolyis28.33,andtherewehavesteppedoutsidethecorechaptersofthetext.
    129.Onthereadingof"sixarts"forliuerh,seeHTCC:19.24.

    Conclusion
    1.RelevantpassagesincludeA:1.3,5.5,11.23M:3B.9,7B.26H:2.2931.
    2.MichaelOakeshotthasarguedtoasimilarconclusionfromadifferentstartingpoint.Hisbasicclaimisthatpropositionsaboutskilledconduct(rules)canhaveno
    meaningforindividualsunlesstheindividualalreadyhashadsomedegreeofpracticeintheskilledconductinquestionatsomelevel,nomatterhowrudimentary.
    Rules,then,aremerelyguidelinesforrefiningskillsalreadyacquiredthroughpriorpractices,observation,andtrialanderror(1962:90).
    3.HallandAmeshavesuggestedseveralnotionsthatbeardirectlyonthesepointsandrelatethemtoamodelofRuistmetaphysicsderivedfromtheAnalectsbut
    consistentwithallearlyRuisttexts.TheypicturethemetaphysicsimpliedintheAnalectsasinvolvinganotionoftheuniverseasawebanalogoustoahologram,in
    whicheverypart"reflectsorcontainsitswholeinsomeadumbratedsense"(1987:23738).Withinthiscosmos,T'ien"isthesourceofmeaningfulness,"which
    "encompassesthetraditionalpastasthecumulatedproductsofhumanactivity''(248).TheSagegraspsthisuniversethrough"anaestheticunderstanding,anars
    contextualis,inwhichthecorrelativityof'part'

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    and'whole'..permitsthemutualinterdependenceofallthingstobeassessedintermsofparticularcontextsdefinedbysocialrolesandfunctions"(248).Focusing
    ontheRuistinterestinmusicanddance,HallandAmescharacterizethisSageasa"virtuoso,"hisactioninthecontextoftheholisticuniversebeinganalogousto
    theperformanceofamusicalartistimprovisingwithintheparametersofaconfiguredmusicalform(27583themusicanalogyisonethathasbeenemployed
    frequentlybyFingarette).Theseideasareclearlycompatiblewiththemainthemesofthisstudy,althoughwewouldanchoranysuchmetaphysicalportraituponthe
    groundofahistoryofsectarianexperiencewithliasthesourceandcontextofmeaning.ThemetaphysicsoftheAnalectsiscrudeatbestitisitsritualfoundation
    thatisfullyarticulated,T'ienservingasarhetoricalvehicleforcelebratingtheworldperceivedthrougharitualhabitus.
    TherelationoftheseideastothesyntheticnatureofRuismcanbeclarifiedifweviewthemthroughanextensionofHallandAmes'notionofaRuist"ontologyof
    events"(1984:15).WesawinchapterVIhowtheHsunTzu,whenembarkedonaprojectofdevelopingafullyarticulatedportraitoftheworldofthings,made
    anunexpectedleapfromwhatappearedatfirsttobeataxonomyofentitiesdistinguishedbycharacteristicsofsamenessanddifferencetoapictureoftheworldas
    anarrayofsituationseachperceivedbytheSageinrelationtothetao.Anontologyofatomicentitiespossessingsubstanceandattributeshaslittleappealtothe
    enterpriseofRuistphilosophy,andwhiletheanalyticthrustoflaterMohismmighthaveproddedRuistssuchasHsunTzutoattemptanalyticinventoriesofthe
    furnitureoftheworld,thenotionofthingsascomponentsofnormladencontextsseemstohavebeenastrongerthrust.IntheTahsueh,aworkthatwehave
    placedjustbeyondourmaincorpusofpreCh'inRuisttexts,wearetold"Thingshaverootsandbranchesaffairsendandbeginagain(shihyuchungshih).To
    knowthesequentialsuccessionofthingsistobeneartheTao"(TH:1).Thekeytermhereis"chungshih,"andourrenderingofitdepartsfromtheusualglossof
    ''beginningandend."Thatisapossiblemeaning,butthetermmayalsobeusedtodenoteunceasingcontinuity,asitfrequentlydoesintheYichingcommentaries
    (e.g.,"Kueimei"[54],T'uancommentary:"Themarriageofmaidensistheperpetuating(chungshih)ofhumanbeings."Cf.also"Ku"[18],T'uan:"Toendand
    thenagainbeginisthemotionofT'ien")andHantexts,suchastheCh'unch'iufanlu(e.g.,Yinyangchungshih,12.1a).Aninstanceofthesameterminthe
    Chungyungsuggeststhislattermeaning.Thetextreads,"Itisethicalcompletion(ch'eng)thatleadsthingstoendandthenbeginagain(wuchihchungshih
    yeh)withoutittherewouldbenothings.Thus,thechntzutakesextendingethicalcompletionasofgreatestvalue....Thus,heapplies

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    [hisvirtue]withtimelyappropriateness"(CY:25readingch'engchihasdenotinganobjectlesstransitiveformofthestativeverbch'eng).IntheTahsuehand
    Chungyungpassages,theuniverseisportrayedasafieldinaperpetualstateofchange,whereobjectshavenofixedindividuatingboundariesandeventshaveno
    naturalboundariesintimeitisauniverseofsituationsunceasinglyemergingintonewconfigurations.TheSageispicturedasguidingthedynamicfluxofeventsin
    thisuniverse.Suchaworldissimplynotsubjecttoanalyticstudyexceptasaroughheuristicdeviceitwillnotholdstill.Itisauniverseofemergentsituations
    ratherthanobjects.Foundationalknowledgeofitcannotbegainedthoughverbalanalysistoknowsuchauniverseistomasteritthroughskills.
    4.Inthetext,thesephrasesarepartofanargumentagainstphrenology.Theiroriginalcontextinapassageoflittlephilosophicalinteresthasledcommentatorsto
    overlooktheirimportance.
    5.Ontherelationbetweenpracticaltotalismandtheclosedmodelofwisdom,seechapterIII.
    6.ThisdifficultpassageappearswithvariantsintheShihchi(23.1170)andTaTailichi(Lisanpen:2.11a).Ihaveread"t'o"as"sparse,"followingSsumaChen.
    Thereadingof"hsiao"as"confines"isdrawnfromtheShuowengloss:''awoodenjail"(SWCTKL:6A.2611a).
    7.A:2.16canbeinterpretedinthissenseas,"Attacking[matters]fromdifferentstartingpointsisharmful"(seeTaiChen'scommentaryinCh'eng1965:92).A:10.6
    mayalsoreflectthissortofattitudewhenitenjoinsusnottospeakwhileeatingorwhenlyingdowntosleep.
    8.Ihaveinterpretedthephrase"piyushihyen"inlightoftheHsunTzu'sdescriptionofcompleteintegrityas"wut'ashihyen":"Thereisnoothermatter
    there"(H:3.27).
    9.Thesameideaisexpressed,intheclosinglinesofM:6A.8:"'Graspitanditissaved,looseitanditislostifitcomesandgoeserratically,nonewillknowwhereit
    resides':isthisnotadescriptionofthemind?"
    10.TheideaoffocusisexpressedinM:2A.2bytheterm"yic."ThepassageinquestionisMencius'responsetoarequestthatheexplaintwostatements:"Wherever
    one'sdispositionsgo,one'senergywillfollow,"and"Keepholdofyourdispositionsdonotdissipateyourenergy."Menciusexplainsthetwointurn:"Whenthe
    dispositionsarefocusedtheymovetheenergy"(hencedispositionsleadenergy)"Whenenergyisfocuseditmovesthedispositions"(thusonemustmaintainthe
    controlofenergybythedispositions,orthefocusoftheenergywillmovethemindungoverned).NotethatRiegelfollowsChaoCh'iintaking"yic"asaloanword
    meaning"blocked"(1979:442).

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    11.SeealsoH:21.4849:"Whenthemindisbranchedithasnocomprehensionwhenitwaversitisnotconcentratedwhenitisdivideditisperplexed....Hencethe
    wisechoosetheOneandfocusuponit."
    12.NotealsoA:5.9,7.8.
    13.Forananalysisofthisprocessofextendingmoralmotivation,seeNivison1979.
    14.Descriptively,anextensionofone'smoralimpulses,forMencius,entailsthesameactionsasfollowingjenandyi(M:2A.6,7A.15,7B.31).
    15.Ontheroleof"type"(lei)intheMencius,seeNivison1979:42425.
    16.NoteA:10.2021,whereTzulubowstoaflockofbirdsbecauseitexemplifiestheprincipleof"timeliness."
    17.TheideathattheSage,asasourceofmorallaw,isableto"weigh"(ch'an)allrelevantcontingenciesbeforeacting(muchastheutilitarian'sidealethicalcalculator
    might)maybeprefiguredintheAnalects(9.30),andisaminorbutsignificantideaintheMencius(4B.18,7A.26).TheabilitytoweighcontingenciesfreestheSage
    fromrelianceonrules,whichcanonlyapproximatecorrectprinciples.Thelocusclassicusforthedoctrineof"weighing"isKungyangchuan,Huan11:5.6.
    18.SeechapterIII,note21.
    Theroleof"respondingtochanges"(yingpien)isanimportantoneintheHsunTzu.ItisonehalfofadynamicdialecticthatpicturestheactionoftheSagein
    society.TheotherpartistheSage'spowerto"transform"(hua)others.Thedialecticof''respondtransform"(pienhua)isadetailedmodelofthelinkageofinner
    selfcultivationandouterworldlypoweroftheSage.Thefollowingpassagepicturesthislinkage(Ihavereversedtheorderofthetwosequentialseriestobringout
    themeaningasIinterpretit):
    Ifonepracticesrightactionwithamindofintegrity,orderwillappearorderwillbringcomprehensioncomprehending,onecanrespond.Ifonepreservesjenwithamindof
    integrityitwillbecomemanifestmanifest,itwillgainspiritpower(shen)withspiritpoweronecantransform.Whenresponseandtransformationariseinturn,thisiscalledthe
    virtueofT'ien(H:3.2728).
    CompareM:7A.13CY:25.

    19.Interestingly,portraitsofexemplaryfiguresintheTaoisttextChuangTzudepictapproachesandexperiencesverysimilartothosewearedescribingforRuism
    here.ThebestknownexamplewouldbethetaleofCookTing,thebutcherwhosedancelikecarvingtechniqueisthecentralthemeoftheYangshengchuchapter
    (CT:3.212).TheportraitofTing'sextraordinaryskill,whichhecharacterizesas"tao,"isprefacedbyanattackonthelimitsoffactknowledgeverysimilartothat
    encounteredintheHsunTzu(H:21.7880,discussedinchapterVI,

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    "EducatingtheSage").OtherinstanceswheretheChuangTzulinksskillmasterytothetaoappearintheTashengchapter,andincludethetalesoftheswimmer
    (19.4954)andthecicadacatchinghunchback(19.1721).A.C.Grahamhasnotedthislinkageinhisdiscussionoftheroleof"responsiveawareness"inthe
    ChuangTzu,aphrasethatseemstoechotheRuistideaofresponsetochange(1983:11).ThevarietyofskillsystemsthattheChuangTzudescribesinthisway
    suggeststhatthegoalofgrasping"theTao"mighthavebeenattainablethroughapluralityofmasteredskillsystems,anotionthatfitsinwellwithChadHansen's
    ideathattheChuangTzuessentiallyendorsesapluralityof''taos"(1983a:4651).ThisresonancebetweentheChuangTzuandRuisttextssuggeststhatthetwo
    schools,customarilypicturedasantagonists,mighthavebeenalliedinendorsingsyntheticratherthananalyticmethodology(thisdespitethefactthattheChuang
    Tzuisoftenrelentlesslyanalytic).Ifthiswereso,thefundamentalnatureoftheirdisputewouldarisefromtheRuistclaimthathistory,ordainedbyT'ien,has
    evolvedasingleskillsystemexclusivelylegitimateforattainingthetotalisticgoalofSagehood:li.AstheHsunTzustates:"Theworldpossessesonlyonetaothe
    Sagedoesnothavetwominds"(H:21.1).Admittedly,neitherthehistoricalauthoritarianismofRuismnortheradicalrelativismoftheChuangTzuprovidesafully
    satisfactorystrategyforsyntheticphilosophy.
    20.Csikszentmihalyi1975:3841.
    21.Csikszentmihalyi1975:67,192.
    22.CsikszentmihalyiandBennett1971:56.
    23.Csikszentmihalyi1975:4445,191.
    24.Csikszentmihalyi1975:87.
    25.Csikszentmihalyi1975:37,44,81,86.
    26.Csikszentmihalyi1975:39,44.
    27.Notealsothatintellectualskillsarenotexcluded(Csikszentmihalyi1975:35).Masteringtextsanddoctrinecouldalsohavegeneratedsimilar,iflessecstatic
    experiences.TheCh'enghsiangandFuchaptersoftheHsunTzu,asinterpretedinchapterVI,section1,mightbeevidenceofdeepaestheticpleasureassociated
    withmasteringelaboratingdoctrine.
    28.Inhersurveyofdanceviewedthroughananthropologicalperspective,AnyaRoyceanalyzesdancemeaningintermsofthevariousaspectsthroughwhichdance
    communicatestoanaudience(1977:192211).Butitmaybewelltoconsiderdimensionsofmeaningfromtheperformer'sperspectiveaswell,andthisseemstobe
    whattheHsunTzuhasdoneinthispassage.SusanneLangermakesasharpdistinctionbetweenthesenseoftheword"meaning"inthecontextofverbalspeechand
    inthecontextofmusicalarts,preferringtheterm"import"inthelattercase(1953:3132).

    Page285

    29.Ihavenotattemptedtointroduceintothisstudythebroadliteratureondanceinitsvariousaestheticandritualmodes.Foronecrossculturalstudyofthe
    structuresandrewardsofdance,seeHanna1979,particularlydescriptionsofitsnoninstrumentalsatisfactions(132).

    AppendixA
    1.CreelandShimaarebynomeanstheonlyscholarstodeveloptheoriesconcerningtheoriginsoftheterm"t'ien."Inmyview,however,theirtheoriesrepresentthe
    twomostplausiblecurrentoptions.Forabriefsurveyofgeneraltheoriesconcerningtheoriginsoftheterm,seeMiura1975:39.
    2.Afullanalysisofthebackgroundoftheterm"t'ien"wouldrequireaninvestigationoftheoriginsofthetermmostcommonlyemployedtodenote"highgod"in
    Shangoracletexts:"ti"

    Thisinvolvesgreaterdetailthanwouldbeappropriatehere.Forsuchananalysis,seeEno1984:4766.

    3.TuErhweihasofferedapolemicalrefutationofthistheory(Tu1959:16)butinmyviewfailstoofferconvincingarguments.Hisowntheorythattheoriginal
    meaningof"t'ien"is"bright"isbasedonevidenceatleastassuperficialasCreel's(3032).
    4.PingtiHo,acriticofCreel,haspointedoutCreel'srelianceonanargumentfromsilence(1975:32930).Hoiscorrectinnotingtheweaknessinherentinsuchan
    approach,buthisownclaimsthatT'ienwasaShangconceptarebasedonargumentsconsiderablyweaker(seeKeightley1977:403404).TheplausibilityofCreel's
    theoryhasbeenconsiderablyincreasedbytherecentdiscoveryoftheHotsuninscription,whichdemonstratesunquestionablyforthefirsttimethat"t'ien"wasused
    inthesenseofadeityduringthefirstyearsoftheChou(WW1976:1.6066Fong1980:198,2034).However,recentlyexcavatedoracletextsthatappeartobe
    productsofthepreconquestChoupolityseemtoindicateclosereligiouslinksbetweentheShangandChoupeoples,whichwouldargueagainstthelikelihoodof
    distinct"tribalgods"(WW1979:10.3843).
    5.SeeS:28b29d.Thereareexampleswhere"ta"apparentlyfunctionsasaname,andthesecouldconceivablybeglossedinstead"abigman"(e.g.Chuiho:211
    S:29a).Thefactthat"ta"doesnotseemtomean''bigman"intheoracletextsisnot,ofcourse,conclusiveproofthatitneverhadthatmeaning.Suchameaning
    wouldprobablybehardtoisolateinmosttexts.
    6.Creelarguesthatthemeaning"greatman"isevidentinthewords"wang"(king)and"wei"(rank),thegraphsofwhichhebelievestobederivedfrom"ta"

    Page286

    bytheadditionofahorizontallinebelow,theywouldpresumablybeidentical,buttheyarenot.Infact,Creel'sinterpretationof"wang"isdefectivehere(the
    explanationofthegraphisstillamatterofdoubt)theformisnotgraphemicallyrelatedto"ta.""Wei"and''ta"doappeartoberelatedgraphemically,buttheyare
    notrelatedphonetically,andIdonotthinkyoucanargueveryfaronapurelygraphemicrelation.
    7.SeealsoShima1958:21315.
    8.Thedifficultywiththetextsisthatwemustassumeeitherthatthefatherwasreferredtobyacyclicalsignnamewhilealive,orcalledbyhistitlewhiledead.The
    latterisperhapsmorelikely.ThesetwoinscriptionsmightberelatedtoalargegroupofotherinscriptionsbearingontherulinghouseofastatecalledLu,which
    rebelledagainsttheChouduringtheearlyyearsofthatdynasty(seetheTapaokueiinscription).Ifso,weshouldnotethattheLuPoChungkueiinscriptionrefers
    tothecaster'sfatheras"KingLi,"indicatingthatthisstatemighthaveretainedpretentionstoindependentsovereignty,andthiscouldbearupontheuseofthehonorific
    "tatzu"duringShangtimes.
    9.On"ti"asaShangtermdenotingacollectionofdeities,seeEno1984:589.Onthenatureofthetisacrifice,seeibid.,6065.
    10.Thisisbynomeanseasytodo.Certaincriteriaareobvious:divinationsaboutsacrificestobeperformedonatingdayareprobablytotingnameancestors
    inscriptionswhere canberuledout(butmightprovidesemanticclues).Evenso,Iamabletodeterminewithconfidencewhetherinscriptionsapplyeitherwayin
    lessthanonethirdofthecases.Andofthese,fewseemnecessarilytorepresentanonancestraldeity.SeeShima1958:17880onthisproblem.
    11.Theobjectsofthe sacrificeincludethekingsfromWutingthroughWenwuting,andthefemaleancestorMukuei(S:286a,534cd,535cd,536a537c,
    553b).TheobjectsofthetisacrificeincludethenaturedeitiesRiver,Mountain,andWind,aswellastheancestralorculturalgodsCh'i(?),Wanghai,Shangchia,
    andHsiayi(S:158d159c).Thereare,inaddition,severalfigureswhosestatusisuncleartome(seeEno1984:111n29).
    12.Forexample, doesnotbestoworinterferewithcrops,bestowaid,orinfluencetheking'sperson,allfunctionsassociatedwiththeterm"ti"intheoracletexts.
    Listingsacrificesofferedto isdifficultbecauseoftheproblemsdiscussedinnote10,butabroadrangeofpossibilitiesappear(S:28688),andifShimaiscorrectin
    taking asanonancestraldeityatall,assigningmanyofthesesacrificestoitwouldsurelybenecessary.
    13.DespitethefactthatwecannotconfirmShima'sclaimthat denotedatisacrificeidenticalwiththatrepresentedbythegraph intheShangtexts,itpossibly
    couldhavedenotedarelatedbutdisticttype

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    oftisacrifice,denotedinChoubronzeinscriptionsbythegraph .Onthedistinctionbetweenthesetwospeciesoftisacrifice(theformerofferedtohighgods,
    thelattertotheworshipper'sfather),seeEno1984:6064,7576.
    14.Putz'u:245Hsupien:2.16.3Yits'un:570(S:287b).
    .ch'iangareofferedbutwedonotknowtohowmanyancestors.

    15.Hsuts'un:1.295(S:17a)reads
    16.Shimabelievesthatthe

    elementasasemanticglossofthe''chuanchu"type(usingthattermaccordingtothetheorydevelopedinLung1972:10743).

    17.TheseinscriptionsappearatS:356b,andtheyarenoteasytounderstand.Yits'un:153reads:
    River."

    "Divined:therainisharmed,prayto[at?]the

    18.EspeciallyCh'inghua:3Yits'un:675Ming:387.
    19.SeeCh'en195556:2.117.NotealsotherecentlyexcavatedKungch'enkuei(WW1976:5.2829)andFuy(KK1977:1.7172),especiallythelatter.
    20.SeeCS:14.423951Shima1958:17577.
    21.Themeaningof"tsung"isnotindoubt,butanothersacrificetermappearsparallelto"tsung"intextsofthisformatitis forwhichthepropertranscriptionis
    disputed(CS:2.26975,suppl.443132).Becauseitfunctionspreciselyasdoes"tsung,"wewilltreatitasifitwereanalternateshrinelocation,withouteffectonthe
    generalargument.
    22.ThisformisrelativelyrareIcountsixexamples(S:536d,537bc).Severalexamplesofthegraph

    inparallelpositioncanbefoundatS:536c,537b.

    23.Theseexamplesarenumerous(S:53437).
    24.SeeS:536d,537bc.
    25.Thesamerelationholdsbetween

    cansubstitutefor"tsung"butneverfor.

    26.Theglossis"p'ing" usedgenerallyinthesenseof"peace,"especiallyintheTsochuan.
    27.Severalothermembersofthisfamilycarryasenseof"flat"or"even."*T'ieng/t'ing
    28.Reading

    isdefinedas"evenargument"(3A.980a).

    "toreceive/togive,"hereinthesenseofacceptingtheritualformulasofKingWu.Forothertranslations,seeFong1980:198Carson197879:41.

    Page288

    29.Herereading"yuchueh"literally,withanextendedsenseof"renderservice[tothestate]."SeesimilarexpressionsintheLuPoChungkueiandMaoKung
    tinginscriptions.
    30.Iaminclinedtothinkthatthisactuallymightbeaconcretedescriptionofthekingpouringalibationoverthealtar.Theword"te"isherewritten ,acognateof
    "te"(SWCTKL:12B.5714a).
    31.SeecommentariesofT'angLanandMaCh'engyuaninWW1976:1.60,65.
    32.T'angandMaread"ku"

    :"bathe"wouldbemoreappropriate.

    33.SeeGSR:#361.Manystruggleswiththecognate :toswallow,"havefailedtoforceittoyieldsignificance.
    34.ThewordplaysamajorroleintheChuangTzu,whereitissometimesconceivedasarealitywereturntoafterdeath(e.g.,Tatsungshih:6.64).Itisavery
    commonwordinTaoisttexts,butremarkably,itisentirelyabsentfromearlyRuisttexts.WhereTaoisttextstendtousethewordinthesenseof"real"or"true,"and
    makeareturntothe"real"agoalofselfcultivation,Ruiststendtousetheword ,withwhichweassociatedT'ieninthelastsection.Notethattheformof"chen"
    whichappearsintheChenPoyenhasanadded"ting"element(CWKL:8.159).
    35.Theelement
    semanteme.

    wouldbeasemantemehereifitwere,infact,pronouncedaswas"shen,"whichwouldruleoutaphoneticfunction.TheShuowentakesitasa

    36.SeethecommentsofChuFangp'uinCWKL:8.16162.Chulaysouttheloanrelationshipindetail.NotethatTuanYts'aisuggestsaloanrelationshipbetween
    t'ien :"togetdrunk"(SWCTKL:4B.1784b),whichmightsuggestahandywayofreachingT'ienshortofselfimmolation.
    37.Interestingly,theword*d'ieng/t'ing

    .Thet'ingmayhavebeena

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    templecourtbuiltaroundanaltar.TheHotsunphrase

    mightbeevidenceofthis.

    38.Referencestothisappearinfourearlytexts:MT,Chiehtsang:6.15aH,Talueh:27.63LSCC,Yishang:14.11bLiehTzu,T'angwen:1.100.Some
    archaeologicalevidenceforthiscustommayhavebeenfound(Chang1986:385).
    39.Thetermis"tengko"

    mentionedintheMoTzuandLiehTzutextscitedinnote38.

    40.Manygraphsintheoracletextsseemtosuggestsucharitebytheirgraphemicformalone(S:17677).Thetwomostgenerallyinterpretedinthiswayare as
    "burnatthestake''(Serruys1974:47:seealsoShima1958:2078).ForevidencethatthiscustomwasatleastwellknownduringtheChou,seeTC,Hsi21:6.1819.

    AppendixB
    1.Inthisappendix,theChinesetermdenotingtheRuistschool,"ju,"willbetranscribedinitsusualWadeGilesform.OuranglicizedtermsRuism,Ruist,andRuwill
    berenderedconsistentwiththemaintext.
    2.Onthepossiblerelationshipbetweenthewords"shu"and"ju,"seeJao1954:116Chow1979:1819.
    3.AmongthoseadoptingormodifyingChang'sportraitofpreConfucianRuhavebeenHuShih(1934:15),JaoTsungyi(1954:11215),HouWailu(1957:3639),
    JosephNeedham(1956:2.3),andFrederickMote(1971:3033).
    4.ThenarrativesoftheTsochuanseemtometheprimarybasisfortheimpressionthatRuexistedpriortoConfucius'time.TheTsochuanis,forthemostpart,a
    historyofpreConfucianChina,yetmanyofthespeeches,judgments,andpropheciesutteredbythecharactersinitsnarrativearepermeatedwithRuist(Confucian)
    politicalandethicalideas.ThistendstogivetheimpressionthatConfuciuswassimplyembellishingatraditionalschoolofthoughtwhenhepassedonhisteachingsand
    leadstotheassumptionthattheRuschoolantedatesConfucius.However,itisfarmorelikelythattheRuistcontentoftheTsochuannarrativereflectstheinterestsof
    theauthorsratherthantheideasofthehistoricalactorsofthenarrative.TheoveralloutlookofthetextisclearlyRuist,aswecanseefromitsgreatconcernwithli,its
    ethicalvocabulary,andthefactthatcommentaryattributedtoConfuciusisoccasionallyinterjected.Thetextwascertainlyauthoredby

    Page290

    Ruists,mostlikelybeginningsometimeearlyinthefourthcenturyB.C.(onthedate,seeKarlgren1926Hsu1965:18485Matsumoto1966:32632Wheatley
    1971:154).TheseRuistsapparentlyelaboratedbasichistoricalannalstheSpringandAutumnAnnalsofLuamongthemandcreatedaprescriptivetextof
    greatphilosophicalandliteraryvalue,whichprojectedtheirownideasintothespeechofhistoricalfigures.ConfusingthelaterRuistoutlookwiththeearlyhistorical
    settingiserroneous(Tsuda1935:30784Creel1970:47577).
    5.Wemightaddthatthereseemtobenoinstancesofpossibleloansubstitutionsfortheword"ju"thatcouldalterthispicture.
    6.Thereare,indeed,textsthatsuggestthattherewasanestablishedgroupofRu,priortoConfucius'time,butthesetextscannotbedatedwithcertaintypriortothe
    Hanperiod.ChiefamongthemistheChouli,atextofuncertainoriginsthatcametolightlateinthefirstcenturyB.C.andwaseditedbythecourtbibliographerLiu
    Hsin(seeJao1954:11415).TheChouli,whichrepresentsitselfasanadministrativeplanofgovernmentdevisedbytheDukeofChouintheeleventhcenturyB.C.,
    referstoRuasteacherswhoguidethepeoplethroughpropagationofthepropertao,usuallyinterpretedasreferringtothe"sixarts"ofritual,music,archery,
    charioteering,writing,andfigures(Jao1954:114).WhilethedateoftheChouliremainsuncertain,onlythemostoptimisticinterpreterswouldsuggestthatitcould
    predatethemidWarringStatesperiod(WSTK:31627Creel1970:47880),atimewhenthefunctionofConfucianRuastutorswouldalreadybewellestablished.
    ThedetailandsystematicnatureofthetextmakesitfarmorelikelythatitwastheproductoftheearlyHan,theperiodinwhichConfucianswouldfinditmost
    necessarytodevelopdetailedadministrativeblueprintssuitableforthestyleofcentralizedgovernmentfirstimposedduringtheCh'in.(Judgingbyaroughcountofthe
    firstofthebook'ssixsections,whichlistsmorethan3,500membersinthatportionoftheroyalbureacracy,thetextwaspreparedwitharathersizableadministrative
    unitinmind.)AlthoughtheauthorsofthetextmighthavebeenwellversedinavailableknowledgeaboutearlyChousociety,thetextisbestviewedasalate
    idealization,reflectingcontemporaryRuistvaluesratherthanpreConfucianfact.
    7.Theinterpretationof"ju"asmeaning"weak"issupportedbythemeaningsofcognatewords:"ju" "timid."JaoTsungyi,inanargumentheavilyreliantonthe
    notionthattheterm"jou"mustbeconsistentwithexaltedRuistvalues,departedfromthemainstreaminglossing"jou"bytheverbalsenseof"tocomfort"(1954:111
    14).
    8.ThemostsustainedrefutationofHu'scentralthesiswasdevelopedbyCh'ienMu(1954).

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    9.Liu'scentraltheoryinvolvesaparticularlyfancifulinterpretationofA:6.13(seeShirakawa1972:70).
    10.Onealternatemethodthathasbeenattemptedwithlimitedsuccessissimplegraphemiccharacteranalysis.ChangPinglin,whobelievedthattheearlyRuwere
    meteorologists(onthebasis,mostdirectly,ofCT:21.40),mademuchofthe"rain"( asapictureofashavedshamanperformingaraindance,andheconnectshis
    interpretationwithhistheorythatConfuciuswasthesonofasorceress(1972:7174).
    11.Theword"chuju"coulddenoteeitherdwarfdancers(e.g.,LC:11.18bSC:47.1915)orsimplydwarfs(e.g.,LC:4.17bKY:10.24a25a).(Theselatter
    examplesundercutatheoryproposedbyCh'enCh'iyuthatheldthat"chuju"didnotdenoteadwarfbuta"masterofalienmusic"ofanystature[HFTCS:155n7].)
    "Chuju"wasoftenusedasapejorativeterm(TC,Hsiang4:14.28).MarcelGranethadaninterestingbuthighlyspeculativetheoryaboutthesedancers.Heheldthat
    theywereritualrepresentativesoftheirlord,and,upontheirlord'sdeath,wereinterredwithhim(1926:17980,21325).
    12.IamgratefultoA.C.Grahamforalertingmetothis."Ju"could,ofcourse,havebeenborrowedinthesenseoftheentirebinomeandappliedasasatiricalname
    forRuistseventhoughitoriginallymadenosemanticcontribution,butaproofofsounlikelyapossibilitywouldbetooburdensometoconsider.
    13.Kuangyun:1.34:"'Nou'
    14.E.g.,

    thenameofabeast.Likeafoxbutwithwingslikefishfins.Whenitappears,thereisfearinthestate."

    mighthaveretainedasemanticrolethroughout.

    15.TheassociationofhunchbacksandRuhasaninterestingechointhelegendthattheDukeofChou,"patronsaint"ofRuists,wasdeformed,withatwistedfootor
    back(SWCTKL:8A.3608bseealsoH:5.5).
    16.EvidenceforthislinkagecanbefoundinthePoetry(220/34),wheredrunkenguestsaredescribedas"lwu"
    "repeatedlydancing,"butcogentlyrendered"crook

    glossedbythe"MaoCommentary"as

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    edlydancing,"drawingontheattestedloansof"lou" which,aswesawabove,appeartohavebeencognatewith''ju"(forevidenceofsuchloans,see
    KYYS:66.11a).Alesspejorativeuseofthephrase"lwu"appearsinaworkbythepoetTsoSsuofthethirdcenturyA.D.:"Withflowingsleeves,allarched
    theydance(lwu),winglikeasifflying"(WH,Shutufu:61).
    17.Amongthevesselsthatemploysuchaloanare:Tak'oting(Tahsi:3.121),Weiting[II(WW1976:5.28)ChinKungchung(Tahsi:3.250).Manyother
    vesselsattesttotheinterchabgeabilityof"jou"and"nao"asphoneticelements.
    18.Somecommentatorsregardthecharacterfor"mother"asanerror(seeSWCTKL:2326b,2327b,forthecommentsofTuanYts'aiandCh'enLi).
    19.TheChiyunoffersthefollowingalternativegraphsfor"nao": seeIkeda1955:7273.KarlgrenlikewisedistinguishesthetwogroupsinGSR.)
    20.Ikeda'sargumentisthat"yu,"inthesenseof"dancer,"employsasimplifiedformofanoriginalgraph
    21.Thegraph"nao"

    phoneticgroup.

    theShihchiversionofthepassagegivestheusualgraph(Yuehshu:1222).

    22.ThefacticityoftheShihchiaccountisnot,ofcourse,atissuehere.OtherversionsappearintheKungyangandKuliangcommentaries.
    23.Compare"jou"

    ,whichmakesitsrootmeaningclear(SWC7KL:4390b).

    24.MuchofthisanalysiswasstimulatedbyIkeda'sarticle(1955).Ikeda,aswithmanyothersuperiorJapanesesinologists,approachesancientChinesetextsina
    spiritresonantofclassicalanthropology.LikemanyFrenchsinologists,theseinterpretersseekouttheirrationalelementsthatlayatthebasisofcoherentfunctional
    systemsthebricolageofancientthought,touseLeviStrauss'sterm.ThisisnottheapproachthatAmericansinologiststendtotake,andIconfesstofeelingrather
    uncomfortablewithatheorythatdrawssoheavilyonsuchmaterial.OurRuistsubjectsappeartobelesssqueamishabouttheirconnectionswithmurkytraditionsof
    religiousbelief.
    25.Itisnotthatsuchloanlinksareentirelyabsent,butthosewhichIhavefoundsofarareextremelyobscureandgenerallytenuous.Theyaddnostrengthtothe
    theoryasnowformulated.
    26.AmoreelaborateversionappearsintheKaoyaomo(2.12).InthecommentarytotheKuoybythethirdcenturyA.D.scholarWeiChao,

    Page293

    itisrecordedthatthe"k'uei"isabeastwithanape'sbodyandahumanhead(KY,LuyII:5.8b9a).

    AppendixC
    1.Attheoutset,weshouldnoteanimportantdistinctioninusagebearingheavilyonourtranslation.Theusageinquestioncentersonthelinkageofthewords"t'ien"
    and"ti":"earth,"intheHsunTzu.
    "T'ien"issometimesusedalonetodenotetheprocessesofthematerialworldholisticallyconceived,muchasweuse"Nature."Forexample,inthephrase,"T'ien
    cangivebirthtothingsitcannotmakedistinctionsamongthings"(H:19.78),''T'ien"wouldbewelltranslatedas"Nature,"rhetoricallypersonifyingthemagnificent
    butnonpurposiveorderofthephysicalworld.Similarly,whenthetextcharacterizesman'sinnatequalitiesas"therepositoryofT'ien(t'ienchihchiu)"(H:22.63
    23.11),itclearlymeanstodenotebyT'ienanotionofnonnormativecreativity.Inthe"Treatise,"thisisacommonusage,and"Nature"isfrequentlyanapt
    translation.Inourrenderingofthetext,however,wewillleavetheworduntranslatedwhenusedinthissense.
    Natureisalsodenotedinthetextbythecompositeword"t'ienti":"heavenandearth."Forexample,thephrase:"Heavenandearthgivebirthtothechntzu,
    andthechntzuordersheavenandearth"(H:9.65)employsthisterm.IinterpretthistermtobefunctionallyequivalenttoT'ieninthesenseofNature.Itis
    frequentlyusedtoexpresspointsofgreatphilosophicalsignificance,asinthepassagejustcited(cf.alsoH:3.31,10.39,19.26).Itissometimesusedmorevaguely
    todenotethe"universe"asawhole(H:12.28,21.42).Thetermissomewhatdifficulttotranslatebecause,asNature,"t'ienti"representsaunifiednotion,butitis
    rhetoricallydividedintotwoelements,whichareseparatelycounted.Thus,aphrasecriticaltotheHsunTzu'smetaphysics,"manformsatrinitywitht'ienandti,"
    usesatriadicimagebutcanbeanalyzedasmeaningsimply,"manbecomesthecomplementofNature(orT'ien)."Withthisfactdulynoted,wewillrendertheterm
    as"heavenandearth,"relyingonthereadertorecalltheessentialunityoftheelementsoftheterm.
    Finally,"t'ien"isalsousedtodenotethesky,generallyintandemwith"ti,"denotingtheearth.Whenusedinthisway,"t'ien"and"ti"cannotbelinkedto
    meanNatureortheuniversetheyarepartsofNature,andareusuallycitedforillustrativepurposes,asin:"Theskyistheacmeofheight,theearththeacmeof
    depth...theSagetheacmeofthetao"(H:19.36)."T'ien"isgenerallyusedinthiswaywithoutparticularphilosophicalsignificance,andwewillreflectthisby

    Page294

    translatingitwheneverpossiblesimplyas"sky."Insomecases,however,Englishusagedictatesatranslationof"theheavens."
    2.AswithmostofthechaptersintheHsunTzu,the"TreatiseonT'ien"appearstobeanagglutinationofaseriesofsemiindependentshortessays,someclosely
    relatedtooneanother,otherslessso.Somesectionsalsomightbeearlycommentaryinserts(seenotes10and29,below).Forthepurposesofconvenientreference,
    andalsotodemarcatewhatIseeaspossibledivisionsamongcomponentessays,Ihavelabeledthesecomponentsectionsbyletter:A,B,C,andsoforth.
    Idonotmeantoimplythatthesectionsofthe"Treatise"allhaddifferentauthors,althoughsomemighthave.
    3.BracketednumbersrefertolinedesignationsintheHTYTtext.
    4."Root"isaconventionaltermreferringtoagriculture.
    5.CompareH:2.44,8.89.NotethatmuchofsectionAmaybereadwithequalcogencyasprescriptsdirectedtowardapoliticalrulerortowardordinaryindividuals
    inpursuitofSagehood.Itsmainthrust,however,seemstobepolitical,inlightofitsdescriptionoftheconsequencesofactionthatdoesnotaccordwiththeWay,a
    descriptionthatspeaksofsocialchaos.
    6.Takinghanasni,followingYYueh(HTCC:11.22).
    7.FollowingWatsoncontraDubs,Chan,deBary.
    8.ThesephrasesmaybecomparedtosimilarlanguageinM:5A6,andTTC:47.
    9.The"officeofT'ien"traditionallyhasbeeninterpretedastheprocessofnaturalcreationandaction(seeYangLiang'scommentaryinHTCC:11.23).Thephrases
    beginningwith,"Thoughitbeprofound..."havebeenseenasproscribinghumaninquiryintoandexploitationofnaturalprocesses.Whilecommentatorshavetaken
    thesephrasesasinterdictingfutileattemptsto"interfere"withNature,theymaybereadinanotherway.TheimpliedinjunctionnottocontestwithT'ienissurely
    prescriptive,butiftakentosuggesta"handsoff"policyvisvisNature,itisindirectconflictwiththe''Treatise's"laterinjunctionsto"husbandthings"(H:17.44)and
    "orderthings"(H:17.45)inNatureforthebenefitofman.Furthermore,ifthetraditionalinterpretationisadopted,thephraseswhichfollow,beginningwith,"The
    heavenshavetheirseasons..."arenonsequiturs.
    Theconnectionbetweenthispassageandtheonespreceedingwillappearmorelogicalifwereinterpretthe"officeofT'ien"thatwhichisaccomplishedwithout
    action,obtainedwithoutpursuitasageneralreferencetothegivensofthenaturalworld,withparticularreferencetoman'sinnateabilities:thosetalents,that
    througheffort,mancantransformintoethicaltools.Thepowersofthought,thenaturalabilitiesofthebody,thepowersofperceptionareall"Tienlike"aspects

    Page295

    ofman(seechapterVI,"T'ienasPrescriptivePsychology")thatareavailabletohimwithouthisactionorpursuit.Theyarenotinherentlyethicalqualities,butthey
    arethebasicpotentialsbymeansofwhichmanbecomesethical.Theproscriptionthatthetexturgesisagainsttryingtointerferewith,andsopervert,thesenatural
    potentials,eitherbytheimpositionofartificialcognitiveframeworks,suchasspiritualismorsophisticlogic,orbyunnaturalbodyregimens,suchasmighthave
    characterizedsomeearlynaturalistschools.(ForevidenceofsuchcultsintheearlyHan,seeNeedham1956:14352.MysuggestionthattheHsunTzumighthave
    beenrespondingtotheexistenceofsuchcultsinthelateChouisspeculative.)Inthis,thetextapproachesaMencianvaluationofhumannature,butremains
    consistentwithitsstatedpositionthatthenatureisnotintrinsicallyethical.
    ThisinterpretationmoreaptlyfitstheoverallthemeofsectionB,whichdescribesselfcultivationinawaythatbridgestheethicalgapbetweennonpurposive
    Natureandselfritualization.The"officeofT'ien"introducesanormativedimensionofman'srelationshiptoNatureandsuggeststhattotamperwithman'snatural
    powersbytryingtodistorttheirlimitswouldbetodestroyman'spotentialforachievingaclearlyethicalgoal:forminga"trinity"withheavenandearth.
    10.Thisentireparagraphmakesbestsenseifviewedasanearlycommentaryinsertion.ItseemstoreformulatetheprescriptnottocontestofficewithT'ientomean
    thatoneshouldnotseekforametaphysicaltruthbehindNature,althoughonedoesexist.
    Itisaveryappealingpassagebutforallitsrhetoricalattractiveness,thepassagedoesnotmakeagreatdealofsenseinthecontextoftherestofsectionB.For
    example,theword"spirit"(shen)atH:17.9denotesatranscendentalforcecloseinmeaningto"t'ien."Butafewphraseslater(H:17.10)itdenotesactivitiesof
    humanconsciousness.ThenagaintheimpliedinjunctionthatoneshouldnotseektoknowT'ieniscontradictedlaterinsectionB,wheretheSage'sperfectionis
    describedas"knowingT'ien"(seeMatsuda1975:69).Finally,wecannotethat,ifdeleted,thesurroundingpassagesconnectwithfargreaterelegancethanthey
    dootherwise.(Itistruethatthepassagewouldbecomebetterintegratedintothetextiftheword"kung''weresuppliedafter"thatiscalledT'ien."Thissolution
    wasfirstsuggestedbyYangLiangandhasbeenendorsedbymanyothercommentators[HTCC:11.24].Theproblemisthatwhilethisdoeshelpthepassagefit
    betterintheflowofthetext,theresultingtextdoesnotmakemuchsenseandthefinallineoftheparagraphbecomesanonsequitur.)
    Thesearenotfatalproblemsthepassageisappealinganddoeslinklooselywiththesurroundingtext.Perhapswearesimplyencounteringalapseinrhetorical
    consistency.Iprefertoreadthepassageasan

    Page296

    insertion,inpartbecauseitotherwiseweightsthesenseofsectionBagainstmyinterpretationofthe"officeofT'ien"(seenote9above).However,sufficient
    evidencedoesnotexisttojustifyseparatingitfromtherestofthetext.Nevertheless,inlightofitsinconsistencies,noanalysisoftheoverallimportofsectionB
    shouldrelyheavilyonthispassage(aproblemwithMatsuda1975,whichhingesitsinterpretationofsectionBonthispassage).
    11.ThispassageclosesthediscussionoftheofficeofT'ienwhichistoprovidewhatisspontaneouslyavailabletomanandinitiatesaportraitofhumanpsychology
    asanassemblageof"T'ienlike"elements.Itmentions,asamediateterm,the"workofT'ien."Iftheprecedinglines(H:17.810)arenottakenasaninterpolation,the
    workofT'ienwouldseemtomeanthecreationofthephysicalworld.IfweinterpretitonlyintermsofitssubsequentoccurancesatH:17.1415itmightrefereitherto
    thisgeneralcreationortothemoreparticularnotionofhumanbeingsastheculminatingobjectsofcreation.
    12.Takingwei"[lit.:"call"]inthesenseof"judge."SeethediscussioninchapterVI.section4.2.
    13.Taking"ch'i"assuperfluous,followinglkaiKeisho(HTCC:11.25).
    14.Themeaningof"ch'ishengpushang"isnotcompletelyclear.ThephrasemightbearesponsetoYangistprescriptsto"preservethebody"or"nature.''Note
    thattherewasaRuisttraditionthattoliveprudently,avoiddanger,andsopreserveone'sbodyintactwasanactoffiliality.Itshouldalsobeborneinmindthat
    "shenga"wasfrequentlyusedasaloanfor"hsing":innatetalents(seeFu1940).Readingthisinstanceasaloanusagewouldbeperfectlyconsistentwiththesense
    ofsectionB,wheretheinnateisgivennormativecontent.
    15.CompareTTC:45.
    16."Appropriate"isaplayonthesenseof"yid"(thatwhichisappropriate).Thethingsoftheearthhavemeaningonlyintheirrelationtoman'spurposes(cf.H:10.1).
    Theuseof"yid"inthesenseofnaturalrichesadaptablefortheuseofmanisalsofoundintheYiching(T'aihexagram,Tahsiangcommentary).
    17.Themeaninghereisvague.Thephrasesmightwellhavebeenincludedmerelytocompleteelementsofasystematiccosmologicaldescription.
    18.Thissectionseemstobeanattackoncosmologicalnaturalism,suchasthephilosophyofTsouYen.Thecleardistinctionofthe"Ways"ofT'ienandofman
    appearsoutsidethe"Treatise,"mostnotablyatH:8.24.
    19.Thequoteisfromthe"Chousung"sectionofthePoetry,thepoem"T'ientso."Theselinesarecitedheretoreinforcethenotionthatpeoplecreatetheworld
    throughefforttheworkofT'ienmerelycreatestheconditionsthatallowefforttosucceed.

    Page297

    SectionDexpandsuponthepropositionsetforthearlyinthe"Treatise"thatpoliticalorderdependsuponthefunctionofhumangovernmentandisnotdetermined
    bynonpurposiveT'ien.Itsdominantimagesareagriculturalandcalendrical,andthesectionshouldbeviewedasarecapitulationoftheearliercharacterizationof
    badrule:"Thoughtheseasonsrevolveastheydoinorderedtimes,disasteranddevastationariseunlikeinorderedtimes"(H:17.5).
    20."Ch'angt'i"referstoethicaldispositions,notdemeanor,asDubsandWatsonhaveit,althoughwere"demeanor"understoodasdenotingthenormativeaspects
    ofritualform,thewordwouldbeappropriate.
    21.Cf.H:4.42.
    22.Theselinesarefromapoemnowlost.Thesamepoemiscitedelsewhereinthetext,atH:22.48.Thephrasesuppliedhere,"liyichihpuch'ien,"occursatthat
    location,aswellasinaWenhsuanversion.YYuehputforwardargumentsforinsertingthe"missing"phrasehere(seeCTPY:155),andhisemendationisnow
    universallyaccepted.
    23.RejectingY'sglossof"chieh"as"whatissuitable"(HTCC:11.28).SeethediscussioninchapterVI,section4.4.
    24.SimilarphrasingappearsatH:2.8,4.25,18.105.
    25.Cf.H:12.3738.
    26.Thelanguagehereisdifficult,althoughthemainsenseisclear.TheHanshihwaichuanhasavarianttext,whichreads:"Amongdisastersintheworldofthings,
    thosemosttobefearedarehumanportents"(2.4b).Theword"yao"carriesthesensebothofaprodigy(freakishevent)andaportentofthingstocome.
    27."Shuo"isprobablycognatewith"t'o"(toremove),hence:"themeansofextricationarenearby."
    28.HereIfollowasuggestionmadebyIkai(HTCC:11.32),whoreferstoatraditioninHanhistoricalexegesis,associatedwiththeKungyangandKuliang
    commentariestotheCh'unch'iu.ThetraditionholdsthattheSagehistorianrecordsbutdoesnotexplainprodigies.Ikaisuggeststhattheconjunction"erh"should
    follow"shu"whichistakenasaverb.
    29.Thispassagemayverywellbeacommentaryinsert.Itseemstorecapitulatethelanguageoftheprecedingsectionsinaratherconfusedway,andtointroduce
    someratherirrelevantnotionsfromotherRuistsources(e.g.,theobliquereferencetothePoetrypassagediscussedinA:1.15).Makingthepassagereadwith
    consistencyofmeaningisdifficult.
    30.Cf.H:16.4.
    31.Thetwosentencesseemtohaveapoliticalreferent,perhapsrulinghousesthatusurpedChouritualsongsfortheirownclanceremonies.The"hymns"(sung),
    whicharefoundinthePoetry,wereoriginallysongsperformedattimesofroyalsacrifices,andtheydo,indeed,containmanyreferencestoT'ien,allstraightforwardly
    encomiastic.

    Page298

    32.ThisisthelastmentionofT'ieninthe"Treatise."GiventhissuddenshiftoffocusawayfromT'ien,theremainderofthechaptermostlikelywasappendedafterthe
    "Treatise"hadbeensubstantiallycompleted.
    33.Thediscussionofthe"linkingthread"(kuan)hereseemstoreferbacktopassagesoftheAnalects.SeethediscussioninchapterIII.
    34.ThisentirepassageseemstobecloselyrelatedtotheChiehpichapter.
    35.ThepassageappearsintheextantHungfanchapteroftheDocuments.

    Page299

    GLOSSARY

    C
    chang
    ch'ang
    Ch'angHung
    ch'angt'i
    Ch'angTs'ungho
    Chao
    ChaoCh'i
    ChaoLiang
    che
    ch'e
    chen
    Ch'enChit'ing
    Ch'enHsiao
    ChenPoyen
    Ch'enShe
    Cheng
    cheng
    ch'eng
    ch'eng
    chengchih
    ch'engchih
    Ch'enghsiang
    ChengHsuan
    ChengpoCh'iao

    Page300

    Chi
    chi
    chi
    Ch'i
    ch'i
    ch'ia
    ch'ib
    ch'ic
    ch'ich'ing
    Chihsiaf
    Ch'ilueh
    ch'ishengpushang
    ChiYu
    Chiyun
    chiang
    Chieh
    chieh
    ch'ien
    ch'iena
    ch'ienling
    chih
    chih
    chihb
    chihc
    chihd
    chihe
    chihf
    chihg
    chihche

    Page301

    chihchiang
    chihpien
    chihshih
    chihwenniaochang
    chin
    Ch'in
    chinku
    Ch'inKuli
    Ch'inKungchung
    Ch'inKungkuei
    ching
    Ch'ing
    ch'ing
    ch'ing
    ch'ingb
    ch'iu
    Chou
    Chou
    Chu
    chu
    Ch'u
    ch'u
    ch
    ch'
    ChuHsi
    ChHsin
    Chushuchinien
    ch'an
    chuanchu

    Page302

    ChuangChou
    chn
    ch'n
    ch'unch'iu
    Ch'unshen
    chntzu
    chung
    chung
    chungb
    ch'ung
    Chungkung
    Chungshan
    Chungshanfanghu
    Ch'ungShang
    chungshih
    chungshu

    E
    erh

    F
    fa
    faa
    fangshih
    fei
    fen
    feng
    fenga
    Fu
    fu
    fu
    Fukuei
    FuShuting

    Page303

    FuTingtou
    Fuy

    H
    han
    HanY
    haojanchihch'i
    Hotsun
    howen
    houwang
    hsi
    Hsia
    hsiang
    hsianghsing
    hsiangsheng
    HsiangY
    hsiao
    hsiao
    Hsiaoch'eng
    hsiaoko
    hsienche
    HsienmenKao
    hsin
    hsina
    hsing
    hsing
    hsingb
    hsingc
    Hsingchung
    hsingming
    Hsu

    Page304

    Hsuchou
    HsuHsing
    HsuShen
    HsuWangYich'uchuan
    hsueh
    HsunCh'ingTzu
    HsunK'uang
    HsunTzu
    HsunY
    Hu
    HuYuanyi
    hua
    Huaipei
    HuanT'ui
    huang
    HuangHsieh
    HuangK'an

    I
    ItJinsai

    J
    JanCh'iu
    jen
    jen
    jenjen
    jenyi
    Ju
    ju
    ju
    jub
    juche
    jushu

    Page305

    K
    KanLung
    KaoTzu
    Ko
    k'o
    Kouchien
    ku
    ku
    kuche
    Kulun
    kuai
    kuan
    K'uangyu
    kuei
    kueishih
    K'unyi
    kung
    kung
    Kungch'enkuei
    KungMengTzu
    Kungmingyi
    KungsunCh'ou
    K'ungTzuchiay

    L
    Lanling
    lei
    li
    lia
    lib
    lic
    lid

    Page306

    lie
    LiAo
    lifa
    LiK'o
    lishu
    LiSsu
    liyi
    liyichihpuch'ien
    Liang
    LiangCh'ich'ao
    Linwu
    ling
    liuerh
    LiuHsiahui
    LiuHsiang
    LiuHsin
    LiuPang
    liushihjushun
    LiuShihp'ei
    LiuT'aikung
    lou
    Lu
    Lu
    lu
    LuChunglien
    LuPoChungkuei
    LuWenchao
    Luny
    Lunyyshuo

    Page307

    lung

    M
    mang
    MaoKungting
    mei
    MengHsiTzu
    MengTzu
    MengWupo
    mi
    min
    ming

    N
    nei
    nei
    neitzuhsing
    ni
    nien
    ning
    ning
    NiuHsu

    O
    o

    P
    Pankuei
    Paoyu
    piyushihyen
    Piehlu
    pien
    pien
    pienhua
    pienku
    pienwu
    pienyi

    Page308

    p'in
    p'ingchn
    PoYi
    pu

    S
    SannienHsinghu
    Shang
    shang
    she
    shen
    ShenKuli
    shenming
    ShenTao
    sheng
    sheng
    shengjen
    shih
    shih
    shihb
    shihc
    shihd
    shihe

    ShihChfangyi
    ShihHsunkuei
    ShihHungkuei
    ShihLikuei
    ShihP'oukuei
    ShihYchung
    shihyuchungshih
    shu

    Page309

    shu
    shuyun

    Shun
    shuo
    sou
    ssu
    ssu
    SsumaChen
    SsumaCh'ien
    ssutuan

    SuCh'in
    sup'u
    Sui
    SunCh'inghsinshuhsulu
    SunCh'ingTzu
    SunK'uang
    Sung
    sung
    SungChien
    SungWuchi

    T
    ta
    Tafengkuei
    tajen
    TaK'oting
    Tapaokuei
    TaYting
    TaiChen
    T'aitsai
    t'aiyi

    Page310

    Tan
    T'ang
    tao
    te
    techih
    T'eng
    Ti
    ti
    tia
    tib
    t'i
    T'ien
    t'ien
    T'ienCh'ang
    T'ienChien
    t'ienchihchiu
    t'ienfu
    t'ienhsia
    t'ienlu
    T'ienlun
    t'ienming
    T'ienP'ien
    t'ienshu
    t'ienti
    t'ientzu
    T'ienTzufang
    ting
    t'o
    t'o

    Page311

    ToyaShengyi
    tsa
    tsa
    tsai
    ts'ai
    ts'ai
    ts'aib
    ts'aic

    ts'aip'u
    TsaiWo
    ts'aiwu
    Ts'aiYuanp'ei
    ts'ao
    TsengPoXfu
    TsengShen
    TsengTien
    TsengTzu
    TsoSsu
    Tsou
    TsouYen
    (var.

    Ts'uiShu
    TsukadaOmine*
    tsung
    tu
    TuChih
    TuanYts'ai
    t'ui
    t'ung

    Page312

    t'ung
    t'ungb
    TungChungshu
    t'unglei
    tzu
    Tzuch'an
    Tzuchang
    Tzuhsia
    Tzuhua
    Tzukao
    Tzukung
    Tzulu
    Tzushen
    Tzushun
    Tzussu
    Tzuyu

    W
    WanChang
    wanwuyi
    wang
    wangch'ing(=hsiang)li
    WangChung
    WangCh'ung
    wangerhshun
    WangHsiench'ien
    WangNiensun
    WangPi
    WangsunChia
    WangYinglin
    Wei

    Page313

    Wei
    wei
    weia
    WeiChao
    Weiting
    wen
    wen

    wenb
    wenchang
    wenhua
    wenli
    wente
    Wu
    wu
    wu
    wub

    WuCh'i
    wuchihchungshihyeh
    wuchihli
    wuhsing
    wut'ashihyen
    wutao
    wute
    wuwei

    Y
    yang
    YangChu
    YangHu
    YangHuo
    YangLiang

    Page314

    Yao
    yao
    Yen
    YenJoch'
    YenYuan
    yi
    yia
    yib
    yic
    yid
    yie
    yif
    yig
    yih
    Yili
    yitsainei
    Yiwenchih
    yiwu
    YiYin
    yiyuwu
    YinWen
    yingpien
    Y
    y
    y
    yb
    YCh'ing
    Yshihch'unch'iu
    yushuichihshih

    Page315

    Yting
    YuanHsien
    YuanSsu
    Yueh
    yueh
    YuehchengTzu
    YuehchengTzuch'un
    YuehYi
    yung

    Page317

    ABBREVIATIONS
    Analects.

    Ch'inghua

    LoCheny.Yinhsushuch'ich'inghua.

    Chuiho

    KuoJoy,etal.Yinhsuwentzuchuiho.

    CKLSTTC

    Chungkuolishihtit'uchi.

    CKT

    Chankuots'e.

    CL

    Chouli.

    CS

    LiHsiaoting.Chiakuwentzuchishih.

    CSTS

    ChangPinglin.Changshihts'ungshu.

    CT

    ChuangTzu.

    CTPY

    YYueh.Chutzup'ingyi.

    CWKL

    ChouFakao.Chinwenkulin.

    CY

    Chungyung.

    Daikanwa

    MorohashiTetsuji.Daikanwajiten.

    EY

    Erhya.

    GSR

    BernhardKarlgren.GrammaticaSericaRecensa.

    HsunTzu.

    HFT

    HanFeiTzu.

    HFTCS

    Ch'enCh'iyu.HanFeiTzuchishih.

    HNT

    HuainanTzu.

    HPCTCC

    Hsinpienchutzuchich'eng.

    HS

    Hanshu.

    Hsupien

    LoCheny.Yinhsushuch'ihsupien.

    Hsuts'un

    HuHouhsuan.Chiakuhsuts'un.

    HSWC

    Hanshihwaichuan.

    HTCC

    WangHsiench'ien.HsunTzuchichieh.

    Page318
    LiangCh'ihsiung.HsunTzuchienshih.

    HTYT

    HsunTzuyinte.

    KBTS

    ShirakawaShizuka.Kinbuntsushaku*.

    KK

    K'aoku.

    K'ochai

    WuTach'eng.K'ochaichikulu.

    KT

    KuanTzu.

    KY

    Kuoy.

    KYC

    Kungyangchuan.

    KYYS

    Ch'enLi.Kungyangyishu.

    LC

    Lichi.

    LCCC

    SunHsitan.Lichichichieh.

    LSCC

    Lshihch'unch'iu.

    LYCY

    LiuPaonan.Lunychengyi

    LYYT

    Lunyyinte.

    Mencius.

    Ming

    MingYiShih(JamesM.Menzies).Yinhsuputz'uhoupien.

    MT

    MoTzu.

    MTCK

    SunYijang.MoTzuchienku.

    MTCY

    ChiaoHsunandChiaoHu.MengTzuchengyi.

    MTYT

    MengTzuyinte.

    NE

    Aristotle.NicomacheanEthics.

    Putz'u

    JungKengandChJunmin.Yinhsuputz'u.

    ShimaKunio.Inkyobokujisorui*.

    SC

    SsumaCh'ien.Shihchi.

    SHC

    Shanhaiching.

    SPPY

    Ssupupeiyao.

    SPTK

    Ssuputs'ungk'an.

    SWCTKL

    TingFupao.Shuowenchiehtzukulin.

    Tahsi

    KuoMojo.LiangChouchinwentahsit'ulu.

    HTCS

    Page319
    Tsochuan.

    TCHC

    TakezoeKoko*Tsochuanhuichien.

    TH

    Tahsueh.

    TTC

    Taoteching.

    TTLC

    TaTailichi.

    Waipien

    TungTsopin.Yinhsuwentzuwaipien.

    WH

    HsiaoT'ung.Wenhsuan.

    WSTK

    ChangHsinch'eng.Weishut'ungk'ao.

    WW

    Wenwu.

    Yipien

    TungTsopin.Hsiaot'untierhpen:Yinhsuwentzu:yipien.

    Yits'un

    ShangCh'engtso.Yinch'iyits'un.

    YTL

    Yent'iehlun.

    TC

    Page321

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    AkatsukaKiyoshi

    ,1958.''Junshikenkyu*nonisannomondai"

    21:1027.

    Alston,WilliamP.1964.PhilosophyofLanguage.EnglewoodCliffs,N.J.:PrenticeHall.
    Analects(Luny

    ).LYYT,ed.

    Aristotle.NicomacheanEthics,MartinOstwald,trans.Indianapolis:BobbsMerrill,1962.
    Austin,J.L.1962.HowToDoThingsWithWords.Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress.
    Barnard,Noel1965."ChouChina:AReviewoftheThirdVolumeofChengTek'un'sArchaeologyofChina."MonumentaSerica24.307442.
    Beard,RuthM.1969.AnOutlineofPiaget'sDevelopmentalPsychologyforStudentsandTeachers.NewYork:BasicBooks.
    Carson,Michael.197879."SomeGrammaticalandGraphicalProblemsintheHoTsunInscription."EarlyChina4.4144.
    Chan,Wingtsit.1963.ASourceBookinChinesePhilosophy.Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress.
    Chankuots'e
    ChangHsinch'eng

    [IntriguesoftheWarringStates].SPTKed.
    [Comprehensivestudiesonspurioustexts].Taipeireprintof1954ed.Shanghai:CommercialPress.

    Chang,Kwangchih.1986.TheArchaeologyofAncientChina,4thed.NewHaven,Conn.:YaleUniversityPress.
    ChangPinglin

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    INDEX

    A
    Ames,Roger,24748,28081
    Analects:
    ascanonical,80,82,243
    interpretationof,8081,9596
    literaryaspectsof,54
    passagesofappearinginHsunTzu,23940,242
    passagesofappearinginMencius,2412
    textualnatureof,8081,2392
    timelinessin,44,5051,283
    virtueterminologyin,233.
    Seealso,Li,inAnalectsSagehood,inAnalectsT'ien,inAnalects
    Analectspassageindex:
    (1.1),52
    (2.4),5,8991,9798
    (2.9),71
    (2.10),71
    (2.16),282
    (3.3),44
    (3.12),250
    (3.13),45,87,97
    (3.18),216
    (3.19),40
    (3.24),88
    (4.1),66
    (4.13),40,44
    (4.14),52
    (4.15),67
    (5.13),85
    (6.7),71
    (6.9),51
    (6.13),191
    (6.17),66
    (6.22),96,251
    (6.28),45,87,97
    (7.7),230
    (7.11),50
    (7.12),50
    (7.15),46
    (7.16),50
    (7.21),250
    (7.23),83,97
    (7.35),251
    (8.8),39,21718
    (8.12),50
    (8.13),44
    (8.19),5,85,9798
    (9.5),40,83,97
    (9.6),84
    (9.7),244
    (9.8),67
    (9.12),24849
    (10.2),34
    (10.6),215
    (10.17),215
    (11.9),93,97
    (11.18),249
    (11.21),227
    (11.24),60
    (12.1),40,68
    (12.2),68
    (12.5),5,93
    (12.8),216
    (12.24),218
    (13.5),229
    (13.13),219
    (14.4),66
    (14.19),46
    (14.28),66
    (14.35),91,97
    (14.36),92,251
    (14.41),40
    (15.3),67
    (15.5),35
    (15.24),68
    (15.31),55
    (15.32),226
    (16.8),93,9798
    (16.13),56,90
    (17.1),35
    (17.17),5,86,97,246
    (19.25),5
    (20.1),86
    Aristotle,72
    Augustine,237
    Austin,J.L.,208

    B
    Bodde,Derk,205

    C
    Chan,Wingtsit,15960,245,294
    Ch'angHung,271
    ChangPinglin(18681936),19091,289,291
    Chankuots'e,46,49,220,22526,26566
    ChaoCh'i(d.A.D.201),252,258,282
    ChaoLiang,222
    Ch'enChit'ing(Lungcheng,b.1585),249
    Ch'enCh'iyu,221,291
    Ch'enHsiao,266
    Ch'enP'an,228
    Ch'enShe,223
    ChengHsuan(A.D.127200),230,235
    ChengHsup'ing,243
    Ch'i(energy),25960
    Ch'ilueh,252
    ChiYu.SeeTzulu
    ChiaoHsun(17631820),249,252
    Ch'ienMu,99,219,222,228,253,26466,290
    ChihsiaAcademy,48,13437,140,231,240,264,26667
    Chihsiamaterialism.See,SungYin(Chihsia)materialism
    Ch'inKuli,223
    ChouDynasty(1045221B.C.).SeeEasternChouDynastyWesternChouDynasty
    Chouli:
    educationsyllabiin,59,19596,215
    textualnatureof,290
    ChuFangp'u,288
    ChuHsi(11301200),4,238,245,247
    ChHsin,226
    ChuangTzu,38,139,150,206,258,269
    ChuangTzu,139,143,168,190,207,224,227,231,237,276,28384,288

    Page340

    Ch'unch'iufanlu,281
    Chung(devotion),6768,23435
    Ch'ungY,123,262
    Chungkung,219
    Chungyung,73,108,144,235,245,257,28182
    dateof,27172
    Chntzu(gentleman):
    meaningofterm,219,232
    Chushuchinien,209
    Confucianism:
    problemswithterm,1,6,206
    Seealso,Ruism
    Confucius:
    aestheticsof,39,60
    asagentofT'ien,83,8889,9192,248
    apparentagnosticismof,142,25051
    biographyof,3738,21617
    disciples'politicalcareers,46,217,21920
    asexemplarofSagehood,84,86,238
    asexemplaroftimeliness,51
    generationaldivisionofdisciples,46
    jenasinnovationof,6668,232,257
    andli,35,3841,62
    modestyof,244
    andmusic,58
    aspoliticalactor,38,42,4446,8788,215,217,226,246
    politicalfailureof,38,4546,82,8893,24749
    relationoftoAnalects,8081,9498,235,23943,24546,251
    relationshipwithdisciples,54,9394
    silenceonmetaphysicsof,85,9498
    andstudy,55
    asateacher,38
    andYenYuan,5051
    Creel,H.G.,42,54,95,18182,223,227,23637,251,28586
    Crump,James,225
    Csikszentmihalyi,Mihaly,178

    D
    Dance:
    inearlyChina,35,19297,21516
    asmetaphorforRuistenterprise,13,13,17980,284
    andoriginsoftermju,19297
    inRuistsyllabus,5960
    Danto,Arthur,208,263
    Dardess,John,206
    deBary,Wm.Theodore,294
    Descartes,Ren,70
    Dobson,W.A.C.H.,234,255
    Documents(Shangshu),85,151,196,21213,255,298
    problemsofdating,210
    roleofinMohism,57
    roleofinRuism,5657,229
    Dubs,H.H.,243,248,251,278,294
    DukeChingofCh'i,195
    DukeofChou,21,21011,29091
    DukeMuofLu,221
    DukeTingofLu,195
    DukeWenofT'eng,104,261

    E
    EasternChouDynasty(771221B.C.):
    declineofhereditaryprivilegein,37
    popularethicsin,37
    ritualdeclinein,3637
    Erikson,Erik,231
    FanSui,265

    F
    Fate:
    asdimensionofT'ien,45,28
    Seealso,Ming.
    Fengsut'ungyi,264,266
    Filiality.SeeRuism,roleoffilialityin
    Fingarette,Herbert,32,6970,74,215,218,232,23436,281
    Fiveelements,theoryof,141
    Floodlikeenergy(haojanchihch'i),113,17475,179
    Foursprouts(ssutuan).See,Mencius,foursproutsin
    Freud,Sigmund,70
    Fried,Morton,209
    FuPeijung,205
    FungYulan,4,65,95,141,172,192,246,248,250,262,270

    G
    Graham,A.C.,110,118,140,206,244,25759,26162,269,284,291
    Granet,Marcel,291
    GreatOneness(t'aiyi),153,17475,277

    H
    Hall,David,24748,28081
    HanFeiTzu,48,55,61,259,265,269
    HanY(768824),248
    Hansen,Chad,206,237,273,284
    Hanshihwaichuan,265,267,297
    Hanshu,223,239

    Page341

    Heaven,SeeT'ien.
    Ho,Pingti,285
    Hobbes,Thomas,72
    HouHanshu,219
    HouWailu,4,251,289
    HsiangY,33,224
    Hsing(humannature):
    complementsminginMencius,107,124,12629
    etymologyofterm,261
    notdiscussedbyConfucius,85
    asprescriptiveconceptofSagelytotalisminMencius,107,11820,12829
    asvaluelessinHsunTzu,73,144,14950,275
    Hsu,FrancisL.K.,72
    HsuHsing,224
    HsuShen(A.D.30124),192
    Hsueh(study):
    translationofterm,228
    HsunK'uang:
    biographyof,13436,26466,279
    atChihsia,48,135,143,239
    disciplesof,13637,228,266,268
    eruditionof,240
    asleaderofRuistfaction,108,133,144,25657
    positionofatLanling,13536,22122,26465
    relationoftoHsunTzutext,13537,16566,26468,279
    Seealso,HsunTzu
    HsunTzu.SeeHsunK'uang
    HsunTzu:
    analogicalextensionin,14546,176
    antispiritualismof,14243,157
    artifaceassourceofhumanvaluein,149
    attacksMencius,14142,149
    attacksTaoism,139,150
    centralagendaofasdefendingli,138,14344,148,154,169
    cooptationofTaoistideasin,13940
    ondance,180
    deferredgratificationin,151
    desiresin,158,26970,275
    dichotomyofmanandNaturein,15253,157,162,164
    educativeroleofliin,41,58,15052
    GreatOnenessin,153,17475,277
    hierarchicalsocialidealof,14649
    influenceofyinyangnaturalismon,14142
    influenceofonHanthought,136,267
    knowledgeasknowinglimitsin,15152,162,172
    laterkingsin,26869
    linkageofliandlawin,147
    mindasdistinctionmakerin,14547,151,158
    mindasevaluatingorgan,278
    mindasprimitiveurgesin,150,158
    mindasT'ienlikein,15862
    nonLegalistnatureof,27475
    organizationof,26768
    overlapofempiricalandnormativerealmsin,146
    paradoxin,138,147,164
    aspolemicaltext,135
    politicaltheoryof,144,14749
    problemsofauthorship,13437,26468,275
    refutationofMohistfrugalityin,148
    responseandtransformationin,147,17677,283
    asresponsetonaturalism,132,143,149,168
    roleofCh'enghsiangandFuchaptersin,137,166,268,284
    Sagecontroloverworldofthingsin,160
    SageformstrinitywithHeavenandearthin,16365
    similaritieswithKuanTzuchaptersin,141
    teleologicalmetaphysicsof,144,15254
    textualoriginsof,13437,264,26768
    theoryofeducationin,55,58,144,15052
    theoryoflanguagein,146
    theoryofritualnurturancein,16061
    theoryofhumannaturein,73,144,14950,275
    theoryofworldandofknowledgein,14447
    "TreatiseonT'ien"analyzed15468
    Seealso,Li,inHsunTzuSagehood,inHsunTzuT'ien,inHsunTzu
    HsunTzupassageindex:
    (ch.1),13,58,14647,150,176,276
    (ch.2),32,161,177
    (ch.3),65,147,246,268,28283
    (ch.4),73,147,150,166,168,276
    (ch.5),10,145,173,176
    (ch.6),58,150
    (ch.8),55,68,147,152,173,17677
    (ch.9),146,148,153
    (ch.10),14849,162,278

    Page342

    (ch.11),147
    (ch.12),149,160
    (ch.15),147
    (ch.16),148
    (ch.17),15468,198204,275,27980
    (ch.19),15253,161,168,17475,274,277,293
    (ch.20),152,180
    (ch.21),147,15152,165,177,231,26869,28384
    (ch.22),146,151,27172
    (ch.23),153,27576
    (ch.26),166,276
    (ch.27),162,168
    (ch.28),263
    HuShih(18911962),191,289
    HuYuanyi(18481907),26768
    HuainanTzu,11011,258
    HuanT'ui,83,93
    Huang(august),22,211
    HuangHsieh(LordCh'unshen),13435,224,26465,26768
    HuangK'an(A.D.488545),242

    I
    lkaiKeisho(17611845),29697
    IkedaSuetoshi,95,168,194,214,216,250,262,280,292
    Ito*Jinsai(16261705),253

    J
    James,William,70
    JanCh'iu,38,51,217,21920
    JaoTsungyi,195,28990
    Jen:
    ambiguityofterminAnalects,5,66
    denotestotalisticvirtueinAnalects,6669,107,233
    etymologyof,232
    asfullyhumanself,73
    linkagetoliof,6869,23536
    asrestrictedinnatedispositioninMencius,11618,120
    restrictedsenseofinMohism,11011,114
    Ju:
    etymologyofterm,19097

    K
    KaizukaShigeki,248
    KanLung,222
    KanayaOsamu,136,228,268,27476
    KaoTzu,55,11315,257,25960
    Karlgren,Bernhard,214,248,292
    KatakuraNozomu,273
    Keightley,David,209
    KimuraEiichi,240
    KingChao(Chouruler,r.977957B.C.),210,213
    KingChaoofCh'in,267
    KingCh'eng(Chouruler,r.10421006B.C.),21,20910,213
    KingHsiangofCh'i,13435
    KingHsiaoch'engofChao,265,267
    KingHsuan(Chouruler,r.827782),25
    KingHsuanofCh'i,117,224,264
    KingHuiofLiang,47,252
    KingK'ang(Chouruler,r.1005977B.C.),24
    KingLi(Chouruler,r.859842B.C.),24,213
    KingMinofCh'i,134,264
    KingT'ai(predynasticChouruler),104,254
    KingWeiofCh'i,264
    KingWen(predynasticChouruler,r.c.11001050B.C.),20,23,25,25455
    KingWu(Choufounder,r.10491043B.C.),2021,23,25,1034,116,119,211,255,287
    KingYi(Chouruler,r.867860B.C.),21
    KingYu(Chouruler,r.781771B.C.),27
    Knoblock,John,221,26466
    KodamaRokuro*,278
    Ku(innateoriginal),244,249,262
    KuanTzu,65,138,14041,150,231,259,26970,27779
    KuboAi(17591832),277
    K'uei(legendaryminister),19697
    Kuhn,Thomas,207
    Kuliangchuan,292,297
    K'ungTzuchiay,217
    KungmingYi,252
    KungsunCh'ou,100,228,253
    Kungyangchuan,283,292,297
    KuoMojo,21213
    Kuoy,216,292

    L
    Langer,Susanne,284
    LaoTzu,139,275
    LaoTzu.See,Taoteching
    Lau,D.C.,219,239,248,255,275

    Page343

    Legalism,207,215,274
    Legge,James,208,247,255
    LeviStrauss,Claude,292
    Li(ritual):SeealsoRuism,roleofliin
    inAnalects:
    aestheticdimensionof,39,60
    generatessocialorder,40
    linkagetojenof,44,6869
    asmediumofcommunication,3435
    aspathtoSagehood,41,8990
    T'ienassourceof,8586,94
    inHsunTzu:ascentralfocusoftext,138,144,154,165
    createseconomicprosperity,14849,208,274
    educatesSages,15052
    asextensionofNature,138,15355,16364
    fitscategorystructureofworld,145,147
    andli,133,145,152,163
    asnaturalsocialnecessity,14749
    Naturalismdevalues,133,138,14344
    asnonnatural,132,147,154
    asnurturance,161,276
    asteleologicalendofcosmos,138
    theoryofT'ienrationalizes,132,155,165,169
    inMencius:
    andfloodlikeenergy,113,17475,179
    imbeddedinhumannature,107,120
    linkedtoyi,11215
    reticenceoftexton,1069,129
    assourceofSagelytotalism,57,1067,113,129,235
    preConfucianusesofterm,212
    associalandceremonialritualinChina:
    aestheticsof,36,39
    asChoucodes,12,19,32,48,107
    declineofinEasternChou,3637
    inShang,20
    socialpervasivenessof,19,211
    inWesternChou,2223,40
    andwen,39,218
    andreligiousritual,40,142
    usurpationsof,3637
    termdefined,21415
    Li(naturalprinciple),276
    andritualli,133,145,152,163
    LiAo(772841),248
    LiK'o,223
    LiSsu,266
    LiTu,95
    LiangCh'ich'ao(18731929),215,221,266
    LiangCh'ihsiung,263
    Lichi,36,56,108,194,217,239,257,267,271,278
    educationin,59
    LiehTzu,289
    Lifton,Robert,231
    LinYsheng,232,236
    LiuChieh,192,291
    LiuHsiang(776B.C.),26364,267
    LiuHsiahui,237
    LiuHsin(c.53B.C.A.D.23),252,290
    LiuPang,32,224
    LiuPaonan(17911855),239,245
    LiuShihp'ei(18841919),267
    LiuT'aikung(17511805),279
    Locke,John,70
    Logicians,schoolof,14445,172
    LordLinwu,265
    LuChunglien,231
    LuWenchao(17171796),267
    Lunheng,187,239
    Lshihch'unch'iu,138,140,150,258,277

    M
    MaCh'engyuan,288
    Maclntyre,Alasdair,207
    MandateofHeaven,23,105,21314,254,262
    MarquisWenofWei,47,223
    Marx,Karl,237
    MatsudaHiroshi,131
    Mencius:
    attackedinHsunTzu,14142,149
    deniesvalueofargument,246,257
    disciplesof,54,100,1046,22021,22728,253
    millennarianbeliefsof,102,11618,123
    politicalcareerof,44,4748,5152,99102,12324,224,22627,25253
    populismof,101
    positionofonhereditaryprivilege,25556
    practicetaughtby,1069,11314
    satirizedinMoTzu,111,257
    teachersof,252
    Seealso,Mencius
    Mencius:
    complementarityofhsingandmingin,107,124,12629

    Page344

    debatewithKaoTzuin,5455,11416
    doctrineoffoursproutsin,107,11618,12728
    doctrineofinternalityofrighteousnessin,107,11415,260
    doctrineofpersonaldecreein,107,12330
    floodlikeenergyin,113
    hsingasSagelytotalismin,107,11720,12829
    identificationofactualandidealmanin,116,261
    integrationofliinhumannaturein,107,120
    jenin,112,11618
    linkageofliandSagelytotalismin,1067,113,129,235
    linkageoflitoyiin,11215
    asapolemicaltext,109
    politicaldoctrinesin,1016
    asresponsetoMohism,107,10916
    reticenceconcerningliof,1069,129
    significanceofMencius'politicalfailureto,12324,12930
    spiritualismin,255
    andTaoism,107,10910
    textualnatureof,99100,25253
    theoriesindefendRuistinterests,3,1415,101,106,109,129
    theoryofhumannaturein,107,11420,26061
    timelinessin,51,102,262
    Seealso,Li,inMenciusSagehood,inMenciusT'ien,inMencius
    Menciuspassageindex:
    (1B.3),103,254
    (1B.14),104
    (1B.16),214
    (2A.1),254
    (2A.2),113,115,175,26061,282
    (2A.5),103
    (2A.6),117
    (2B.12),116
    (2B.13),123
    (3A.1),260
    (3A.5),121
    (4A.13),12122
    (4A.16),71
    (4A.27),113,177
    (4B.11),236
    (4B.14),234
    (4B.26),119
    (5A5),1045
    (5A.6),105
    (5A8),12425,258
    (5B.1),51
    (6A4),115,259
    (6A.5),115
    (6A.6),121
    (6A.8),282
    (6A.15),121
    (6A.16),121
    (6B.2),57
    (6B.15),130
    (7A.1),3,122,126,176
    (7A2),126
    (7A3),127
    (7A.4),106,176
    (7A.13),106
    (7A.15),113
    (7A19),17677
    (7A21),120
    (7A38),128
    (7A.46),106
    (7B.24),127
    (7B.33),32,119,263
    MengHsitzu,217
    MengWupo,220,230
    MerleauPonty,Maurice,208
    Metzger,Thomas,65,232
    Ming(fatedecree):
    complementshsinginMencius,107,124,12629
    etymologyofterm,125
    inHsunTzu,167
    aspersonaldecreeinMencius,107,12330
    relationtoT'ieninAnalects,92,24950
    andtimeliness,263
    MiyazakiIchisada,244,248
    MoTzu,11011,223
    MoTzu,53,57,61,11011,207,230,237,251,25759,289
    Mohism:
    attacksonRuismby,53,61,107,10912,173,230
    doctrineascentralto,208
    EmperorYin,246
    frugalityin,148
    interestinlogicof,9,145,172,2067,281
    jenandyiin,11011,114
    roleofDocumentsin,57
    utilitarianethicsof,38,11112
    viewofmanin,23637
    viewsofT'ienin,242
    Mote,Frederick,42,289
    Munro,Donald,232,23637,261

    N
    Naturalism:
    asdominanttrendoflateChouthought,132,138,144
    inKuanTzuandLshihch'unch'iu,138,140
    andspiritualism,14243
    andSungYinmaterialism,14041
    andTaoism,13941
    valuesspontaneity,143,149
    andYangism,140
    andyinyangthought,14142
    SeealsoT'ien,innaturalisticphilosophy
    Needham,Joseph,140,275,289
    NiuHsu,222
    Nivison,David,209

    O
    Oakeshott,Michael,280

    P
    Parmenides,3
    Passmore,John,1
    Piaget,Jean,9,207
    Piehlu,223

    Page345

    Plato,70,236
    Poetry(Shihching),2627,12021,151,210,21214,217,235,245,263,29192,29697
    liin,212
    roleofinRuism,34,5659,229
    Polanyi,Michael,9,207
    Poyi(preConfucianSage),237
    Practicaltotalism:
    excludespluralism,6566,74
    andRuistviewsofself,6975
    termdefined,6465,231
    Seealso,Sagehood

    R
    Riegel,Jeffrey,253,257,260,282
    Ritual:
    inearlysocieties,1920
    Seealso,Li
    Rosemont,Henry,232
    Royce,Anya,284
    Ru,67
    Seealso,JuRuism
    Ruism.Seealso,AnalectsHsunTzuMenciusSagehood,asRuistidealTien,inRuism
    bifurcationofpoliticalandselfcultivationdoctrinesin,1,14,3031,5052,6263,8788
    asacommunity,67,14,3233,5253
    eccentricitiesof,53
    eremetictendenciesin,231,249
    factionsin,5455
    andfiliality,227
    masterdisciplerelationshipin,54,230
    thestudygroupin,31,5355,137
    fatalisticelementsof,249
    onhereditaryprivilege,40,218
    hostilitytowardsspeechandargumentin,86,172,246
    ideasofhistoryin,12,247
    philosophicalnatureof:
    antirelativismof,12,6566,7475
    andcategoriesofWesternphilosophy,205
    centralityofteacherto,1213,208
    linkstheoryandpractice,2,613,173
    asnonanalyticsyntheticenterprise,2,78,911,17173
    notfullyconveyedintexts,6,1011,43,75
    primacyofskillknowledgein,810,67,17173,283
    asproblematic,13,6,14,19,28,32,171
    rationalizingroleoftheoryin,7,911
    relationalityessentialto,8,7273,28082
    tendstoexcludemetaphysicsandspiritualism5,142,25051
    astraditionalistteaching,3,48,61
    politicalhistoryof:
    afterCh'inconquest,22324
    Confucius'politicalcareer,3738
    andimperativeofwithdrawal,5052
    Mencius'politicalcareer,4748,5152
    HsunTzu'spoliticalcareer,13536,221,26466
    politicalrolesofearlydisciples,38,46,5051
    andwarinYen,4849
    inWarringStatesera,4250,22023
    portraitofselfin,14,6975
    asbifurcated,74
    supportsprogramofselfritualization,7274
    asapreConfucianschool,19093
    professionalrolesin:
    attacked,61
    andeconomicconstraints,47,6061,63
    andfeudalcourts,4749,61
    andfuneralrites,6162
    aspoliticaladvisors,4748
    asritualists,47
    asstipendedwisemen,47,61,224
    astutors,47,6162
    roleoffilialityin,73,227,24243
    roleofliin:
    aestheticdimensionsof,35,39,5860
    attackedbyotherschools,53,107,23031
    ascardinalvalue,19,32,3841,62,171
    ascoreofsect,12,7,10,33,4344,63
    generatesholisticperspective,11,13
    ashistoricalculmination,12,173
    aslatentsocialorder,40
    nonreligiousnatureof,4041,9697,142
    aspathtoSagehood,33,41
    asphilosophicalcategory,39
    aspoliticalforce,40,44,62
    asprofessionalskill,6162
    inRuistsyllabus,55,5759,63
    assourceofjen,6869
    assubjecttochange,215
    succeedsT'ienasvaluebase,14,19,28,33
    Seealso,Li,inAnalectsLi,inHsunTzuLi,inMencius

    Page346

    roleofT'ienin:
    instrumentalanalysisof,56,11,30
    usedtolegitimizecoreinterests,2,11,30
    vaguenessin,35
    SeealsoT'ien,inAnalectsT'ien,inMenciusT'ien,inHsunTzu
    syllabusof,9,12,5560
    Documentsin,5657,229
    licodesin,5758
    martialartsin,56
    Poetryin,34,5657,229
    roleofmusicanddancein,1,33,5860
    synthesizesdistinctoutlook,30
    textualstudyin,10,5657,229
    Ryle,Gilbert,207

    S
    Sagehood.SeealsoPracticaltotalism
    inAnalects:
    Confuciusand,84,86,9091
    andT'ien,8287
    termjenlinkedto,6669
    andunderstandingT'ien,89,91
    inHsunTzu:
    andanalogicextension,147,176
    andcontroloverworldofthings,160,177
    formstrinitywithHeavenandearth,153,163,165
    asproductofnonnaturalli,138,15052
    asresponsivemastery,147,283
    inMencius:
    descriptionsof,106,17677,233
    andli,57,1069,113,129,236
    notboundbyrules,176,283
    prescriptivetermhsingdenotes,11820,12829
    andT'ien,109,12122,126,12829
    innonRuistthought,65,178
    asRuistideal:
    andcoherentintegration,12,6469,173,176
    andcontrol,160,17677
    andfocusofconcentration,17576
    andfreedomandjoy,177
    andindividuality,7475,238
    andmeaningofT'ien,171,17374,180
    asproductofritualpractice,33,41,57,6465
    andSagekings,17778
    andskillmastery,84,173,17879
    terminologyof,43,84,21819,233
    andviewsofself,6975
    Sartre,JeanPaul,72
    Schwartz,Benjamin,210,23536
    Self,conceptsof,6975
    WesternandChineseviewscontrasted,7072,23638
    Seligman,Paul,205
    Serruys,PaulLM,289
    ShangDynasty(c.17661045B.C.),2089,212
    religiousritualin,20,3536
    Shaughnessy,Edward,20910
    ShenKuli,221
    ShenTao,268
    Shihchi,46,51,83,14143,195,209217,21922,224,226,243,245,254,26467,270,282,292
    reliabilityof,220
    ShimaKunio,35,181,18384,186,28587
    ShirakawaShizuka,21314,217,291
    Shu(reciprocity),68,235
    Shun(Sageemperor),85,104,116,196,25556
    Shuowenchiehtzu,18687,19294,23536,282,287
    Skills:
    masteryofasbasisoftotalisticmodelofSagehood,84,17880
    determineviewsofreality,910,171
    andpersonality,238
    andRuisteducation,30,173
    andrules,17273
    asTaoistfocus,284
    Socrates,3,250
    Spiritualism:
    attackedinHsunTzu,157
    asnaturalism,14244,27071
    SpringandAutumnAnnals(Ch'unch'iu),56,229,290
    SsumaCh'ien(c.14586?B.C.),32,52,225,243
    SsumaChen(fl.c.A.D.725),267,282
    SuCh'in,226
    SungChien,137,14041,270
    SungYin(Chihsia)materialism:
    asnaturalism,14041
    Syntheticphilosophy:
    relativityin,9,11
    Ruismas,910,17173
    Taoismas,28384
    SeealsoRuism,philosophicalnatureof

    Page347

    T
    TaTailichi,257,267,281
    Tahsueh,31,108,144,235,257,28182
    dateof,27172
    TaiChen(17231777),282
    TakeuchiYoshio,227,24042,256
    T'ang(Shangfounder),116,119,254
    T'angChnyi,4,24850
    T'angLan,213,288
    Tao(Wayteaching):
    includesbothpracticesandstatements,89,206
    meaningofterm,206
    relationtoT'ieninTaoism,250
    Taoteching,65,150,237,277
    Taoism:
    attacksonRuistritualismby,109,231
    ethicalrelativismin,38
    asnaturalism,13940,14344
    portraitofselfin,237
    andSagelytotalism,232
    syntheticaspectsincommonwithRuism,2078,28384
    viewsofT'ienin,242
    Te(virtue):
    useofterminAnalects,233
    Theodicy,problemof,27,82
    Ti(supremedeity),24,18384,21213
    T'ien
    asamoralFate,28,214
    inAnalects:
    Confuciusasagentof,83,89
    Confucius'viewsof,81,9498
    determinespoliticalfailureofConfucius,8182,8894,248
    ineditors'theory,8194
    nonphilosophicalusesof,9394
    prescribespoliticalpurism,8182,8788
    prescriptivedescriptivesplitinroleof,8182
    previousanalysesof,79,95
    asNature,24346
    relationoftoming,24950
    andSagehood,8287
    assourceofli,14,8187,94
    teleologicalroleof,82,248
    etymologyofterm,18189
    inHsunTzu:
    conceivedasNatureinresponsetonaturalisticthought,132
    contradictionsconcerning,13132,155,163
    asdescriptivefateorteleology,133,15556,16567,169
    asgod,133,155,168
    asNaturenormativelyconceived,13132,15455,16869
    nonnormativeandnormativedimensionsoflinked,15758
    asnonnormativeNature,13132,138,15457,16869
    asnormativemodelforSage,16365
    previousanalysesof,15,131
    androleofinAnalectsandMencius,15,133,155
    assourceofvaluelesshumannature,14950
    assourceofli,132,138,16061,16365,168
    assourceofT'ienlikeelementsofhumannature,158163
    theoryofdefendscommitmenttoli,13133,155,169
    and''T'ienlikenurturance,"15961
    in"TreatiseonT'ien,"131,15468
    inMencius:
    asbasisofSagelytotalism,109,12122,126,12829
    determinespoliticalfailureofMencius,108,12225,12930
    humanerulerasagentof,103
    andMandateofHeaven,1046
    asobjectofknowledge,126
    prescribeslithroughhsing,1078,122,129
    prescriptivedescriptivesplitinroleof,102,122,128
    roleofinpoliticaldoctrines,1016
    androleofinAnalects,122,129
    assourceofhsing,12022,12829
    assourceofpersonaldecree,12426,12930
    teleologicalroleof,121,126,128,130,214
    theoriesofintext,1415,99,1046
    andmidChouintellectualcrisis,2
    andtheodicy,27
    inMohism,112,243
    innaturalisticphilosophy,133,140,150,277
    inRuism:
    ambiguitiesofmeaningof,2,46
    analyzedinstrumentally,3,56,11,13,30,79,208
    explainspoliticalfailure,10,14
    meaningof

    Page348

    asfunctionoffocusonli,19,28
    meaningofrelatedtoconceptofSagehood,171,17374,180
    rhetoricalforceofterm,79
    sourceofritualprescripts,28
    inTaoism,139,150,243
    traditionalanalysesof,4,205
    inWesternChou:
    discreditedbyfallofroyalpower,19,22,2627
    andkingship,2326,3637,21314
    andMandateofHeaventheory,23
    inreligiouspractice,4,2122
    asskygod,26
    T'ienChien,134,264
    T'ienP'ien,266,268
    T'ienTzufang,220
    Timeliness(shih):
    inAnalects,44,5051,283
    inMencius,5152,102,123,262
    andming,263
    innonRuisttexts,254
    asRuistpoliticaldoctrine,44,5052
    andRuistteleology,16667,247
    TongKinwoon,216
    Totalism(RuistconceptofSagehood).SeePracticaltotalismSagehood
    TsaiWo,226
    Ts'aiYuanp'ei(18681940),258
    TsengShen,46,67,99,22021,234,242,252,257
    TsengTien,60,230
    TsoSsu(d.c.A.D.306),270,292
    TsouYen,139,14143,163,226,27071,27677,296
    Tsochuan,102,191,215,217,220,225,22930,23435,245,253
    stanceofonspiritualism,14243,255,27071
    textualnatureof,289
    T'ienasamoralfatein,214
    TsudaSokichi*,233,24041,251
    Ts'uiShu(17401816),80,219,242,246,251,25354
    TsukadaOmine,278
    TuChih,222
    TuErhwei,285
    TuKuohsiang,268
    TuanYts'ai(17351815),235,288,292
    Tzuch'an,271
    Tzuchang,46,226,252
    Tzuhsia,4647,60,93,191,219,223,250
    Tzuhua,219
    Tzukao,21920
    Tzukung,54,67,92,21920,234,242,244,249,251
    Tzulu,38,51,54,60,87,97,217,219,227,248,283
    Tzushen(Tzushun),222
    Tzussu,99,14142,252,256
    Tzuyu,46,219,234

    W
    Waley,Arthur,233,235,245,24849
    WanChang,1045,228
    WangChung(17441794),222,265
    WangCh'ung(A.D.2791),23940
    WangHsiench'ien(18421917),263
    WangNiensun(17441832),268
    WangYinglin(12231296),233
    WangsunChia,87,97
    Watson,Burton,15960,27879,294
    WeiChao(A.D.204273),230,292
    Wen(stylepattern):
    andli,218,24344
    originofterm,2223,211
    inRuism,39
    T'ienassourceof,8485
    Wenhsuan,279,297
    WesternChouDynasty(1045771B.C.):
    educationin,228
    fallof,2425,38
    feudalsystemof,21,209
    foundingof,2021
    hereditaryprivilegein,21,35,37
    asmodelforRuism,12
    religiouspractice,212
    roleofliin,2223,40
    roleofT'ienin,2123
    asutopianera,12,21,20910
    SeealsoT'ien,inWesternChou
    Wheatley,Paul,20
    Wittgenstein,Ludwig,206,208
    Wu(martial),21112
    WuCh'i,223

    Y
    YangChu,110,14041,25758,269
    YangHuo,35,40,215

    Page349

    YangLiang(fl.c.A.D.800),136,272,27679,29495
    Yangism:asnaturalism,140
    Yao(Sageemperor),8586,104,116,119,196,245,254,25556
    Yen,civilwarin,4849,22526
    YenJoch(16361704),249
    YenYuan,50,58,63,66,71,9394,97,17677,227,236,250
    Yent'iehlun,227,264,270
    Yi(righteousness):
    asgoodform,36,216
    inHsunTzu,27374
    KaoTzuon,11415
    inMencius,11215,25860
    inMohism,11011,258
    Yiching,56,229,245,281,296
    YiChoushu,210
    YiYin(Shangminister),237,261
    Yili,34,215
    asRuisttextbook,10,58,229
    YinWen,141
    Yinyangnaturalism,14142
    Yiwenchih,222,239,241,252,268
    Y(Sageemperor),104,110,119,246,258
    YCh'ing,22223
    YYueh(18211907),27677,279,294,297
    YuanHsien(YuanSsu),219,231
    YuehYi,226
    YuehchengTzu,22021,227256
    YuehchengTzuch'un,225

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