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Qualitative methods of sociological research tend to approach social phenomena from the
Verstehen perspective. They are used to develop a deeper understanding of a particular
phenomenon. They also often deliberately give up on quantity - necessary for statistical
analysis - in order to reach a depth in analysis of the phenomenon studied. Even so,
qualitative methods can be used to propose relationships between variables. Qualitatively
oriented sociologists tend to employ different methods of data collection and hypothesis
testing, including: participant observation, interviews, focus groups, content analysis and
historical comparison.
While there are sociologists who employ and encourage the use of only one or the other
method, many sociologists see benefits in combining the approaches. They view
quantitative and qualitative approaches as complementary. Results from one approach
can fill gaps in the other approach. For example, quantitative methods could describe
large or general patterns in society while qualitative approaches could help to explain
how individuals understand those patterns.
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have also worked out guidelines as to when and to what extent participant and quasiparticipant observations have to be made use of.
What is known as participant and quasi-participant observation is the common feature of
non-controlled or controlled observation. In non-controlled participation no effort is
made to use precision instruments. The major aim of such observation is to observe the
naturalness and completeness of social behaviour. In controlled observation mechanical
instruments are used as aids for the purpose of accuracy and standardization.
From the last five decades a number of mechanical instruments have come into use like
one-way screens and mirrors, movement recorders, sound recorders, motion pictures,
rating scales, observation schedules etc. On occasions, laboratory controlled observation
is made use of for a comprehensive, systematic and sophisticated study of a social factor.
In participant observation the investigator might disguise himself as a member of the
group that he proposes to observe. Nels Anderson disguised himself as a Hobo to
observe the social behaviour of Hobos. (Some writers regard Nels Andersons study as
the best example of participant and quasi-participant observation. He spent two or three
years studying the life of Hobos be they on the road, in the jungle and lodging house, and
in Chicagos Hobo College). At times the investigator adopts a role which makes him
acceptable to the group without revealing his real purpose. He may join a group claiming
himself to be a social historian or a botanist.
Whenever the members of a group are unaware of the scientists purpose, their behaviour
would be open. An investigator can feel, as for example, the exhaustion and acceleration
of a tribal dance, the cold and hunger of the Hobo, the bitterness of the steel worker who
has been bullied by the foreman, etc. In non-controlled participant observation the
observer shares the life of the observed group. It may be intermittent like the study of
Whytes Street Corner Society.
The degree of participation, however, depends on the nature of the study and the practical
demands of the situation. In certain cases there is a compelling necessity for participant
observation since the subject is novel. On the other hand, a familiar subject does not need
such an observation.
This tool, however, has certain disadvantages in field research. As the investigator
becomes a participant, his own range of experience shrinks. He is likely to occupy a
particular position within the group with a definite circle of friends. Observing from this
circle of friends, he misses what the fringe individuals are doing. On occasions the
investigator might become a member of the rung of the hierarchy of the group. While
being a member of the rung, he might unconsciously change the group behaviour. Added
to this, as the investigator tends to emotionally become one with the group, he loses
objectivity. He reacts in anger instead of recording; seeks ego satisfaction rather than
observing the behaviour of others.
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This natural difficulty in participant observation can be got over if the investigator is
sufficiently trained
and possesses the qualities of attachment and detachment
simultaneously. After all, a scientist in a laboratory is both attached and detached. If a
social scientist can develop the same attitude, he can make an excellent use of participant
observation, as for example, Dr. Verrier Elwin. After being attracted by Gandhiji, he
slowly drifted into the study of the tribes of India. In the process he even married a Gond
woman. This is an extreme version of losing oneself in a group. In spite of this complete
identification, Dr. Verrier Elwin shows extraordinary insight into tribal life as borne out
by his books. What is needed is a child-like delight while living amidst a group. Such an
equation, however, is more possible in simple or exotic societies rather than in complex
societies.
Since participant observation is a difficult process, there is need for non-participant
observation. This sort of a technique is adopted by the anthropologist. He may, for
example, go on a fishing trip as a part of a society but in the preparations that are being
made for the ceremony he coolly interviews the important participants.
Nonetheless, pure non-participant observation is difficult, since such situations can
become uncomfortable. A sociologist cannot become a drug addict to study the narcotic
smugglers: neither can he join a juvenile gang nor a spiritualist sect. Yet he can take part
in great many activities of groups in order to avoid the awkwardness of total nonparticipation. Le Play used this method a century ago in a study of European working
class family; the Lynds, in their study of Middletown. Non-participant observation is,
then usually quasi-participant observation.
Both these types of observation have to be under some form of discipline. To begin with,
a plan of the investigation must be drawn up in order to identify the facts to be observed
and the facts to be ignored. Such a document is some kind of field experience diary. It
might contain sub-headings like price situations, sex relations, economic relations, etc.
Indeed, while the researcher takes note of such heads, he can also take cognizance of
other interesting occurrences like relations with other societies, food habits, etc.
Whenever such material is recorded, they would help the purpose of correcting some
errors that could have crept into the original purpose of the investigation.
Secondly, the recordings in the diary are sent to the colleagues who are not in the field so
that their suggestions might further enrich the process of gathering data.
Thirdly, there is no inherent contradiction between participant and non-participant
observations. Both must be used in such proportion as is conducive to the study of the
field that is chosen.
Fourthly, either kind of observation should be supplemented by highly systematized
observation like detailed questionnaires, psychological and sociological tests, etc. What
all the sociologist or the social anthropologist does in an unsystematic fashion, to begin
with, has to be after all given a pattern. It is universal in every science that the
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INTERVIEWS
Interviews are one of the most widely used methods of gathering data in sociology. They
consist of the researcher asking the interviewee or respondent a series of questions.
Interviews can be classified as structured or unstructured though many fall somewhere
between these two extremes. In a structured interview, the wording of the questions and
the order in which they are asked remains the same in every case. The result is a fairly
formal question and answer session. Unstructured interviews are more like an informal
conversation. The interviewer usually has particular topics in mind to cover but few if
any previously formed questions. He has the freedom to phrase questions as he likes, ask
the respondent to develop his answers and probe responses which might be unclear and
ambiguous. This freedom is often extended to the respondent who may be allowed to
direct the interview into areas which interest him.
Data from structured interviews are generally regarded as more reliable. Thus, the more
structured or standardized an interview, the more easily its results can be tested by
researchers investigating other groups. By comparison data from unstructured interviews
are seen as less reliable. Questions are phrased in a variety of ways and the relationship
between interviewer and respondent is likely to be more intimate. It is unclear to what
degree answers are influenced by these factors.
In general, structured interviews are regarded as appropriate for obtaining answers to
questions of fact such as the age, sex and job of the respondent. Unstructured
interviews are seen as more appropriate for eliciting attitudes and opinions.
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Various studies have suggested that interviews pose serious problems of reliability and
validity. This is partly due to the fact that interviews are interaction situations. Thus the
results of an interview will depend in part on the way the participants define the situation,
their perception of each other and so on.
Interviewers, like everybody else, have values, attitudes and expectations. However
much the interviewer tries to disguise his views, they may well be communicated to the
respondent. This is particularly likely on the more informal situation of the unstructured
interview. As a result the interviewer may lead the respondent whose answers will then
reflect something of the interviewers attitudes and expectations.
To counter this problem, interviewers are often advised to be non-directive, to refrain
from offering opinions, to avoid expressions of approval and disapproval. It is suggested
that they establish rapport with their respondents, that is a warm, friendly relationship
which implies sympathy and understanding, but at the same time guard against
communicating their own attitudes and expectations.
QUESTIONNAIRES
A questionnaire consists of a list of pre-set questions to which respondents are asked to
supply answers. Researchers who use questionnaires regard them as a comparatively
cheap, fast and efficient method for obtaining large amounts of quantifiable data on
relatively large number of people.
Questions usually fall into the following categories. Firstly, questions may be openended. For example, This firm has an exceptionally good industrial relations record.
Why do you think this is so? Open-ended questions allow the respondent to compose
his own answer rather than choosing between a number of given answers.
A second type of question, sometimes known as a closed or fixed choice question,
requires a choice between a number of given answers like yes, no, doubtful, etc.
Questionnaires may be administered in a number of ways. Often they are given to
individuals by interviewers, in which case they take the form of structured interviews.
The postal questionnaire, as its name suggests, is mailed to respondents with a stamped
addressed envelope for return to the researcher. It provides an inexpensive way of
gathering data, especially if respondents are dispersed over a wide geographical area.
The return rate, though it does not often exceed 50% of the sample population is
generally around 25%.
Once a survey has begun, the questionnaire cannot be changed since the object of the
exercise is to present all respondents with the same stimuli so as to obtain comparable
data. Great care is therefore needed in the design of the questionnaire.
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Questionnaires provides data which can be easily quantified. They are largely designed
for this purpose. The questionnaire is one of the main tools of measurement in positivist
sociology.
These methods of questionnaire and interview, however, have a very limited role in
understanding the sociology of India. Regarding certain matters, the villagers are rightly
secretive about their own economic position as well as their personal life. A towndweller would be very reluctant to reveal his caste. Another difficulty in making use of
this tool in India is the illiteracy of the rural people. Coupled with this, the men who are
sent out to interview and the men who prepare the questionnaire cannot even
communicate with the rural people. The dialect, the medium and the inflexion, that are
used when a villager speaks, vary from district to district and at times from one cluster of
villages to another.
Underlying these difficulties, there is one more hurdle. The language of measurement
and quantification is generally not known to villagers. When a villager is queried about
his material possessions, he would simply say: all is well, and when he is asked about the
number of his children, he would reply: it was all the kindness of God. Such being the
situation in rural India, the tools of social anthropologists would be more relevant: live
amidst the people, speak their language, develop an empathy for the people and
understand their legends, myths and traditions that go into the making the village social
structures.
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(ii) Facts have to be clearly understood i.e. what author is saying, with each
scholar having several meaning you should be clear about it.
Personal Documents
Is a spontaneous first person description by an individual of his own actions, experiences
and beliefs, for example, autobiographical diaries and letters etc. i.e. which describe the
subjects experiences and his beliefs or which give insight into his cultural background.
Are mostly useful in opinion and market research.
Disadvantages
(1) Possibility of distortion by the respondent. Since they are subjective in nature.
(2) Personal experience is revealed in a delicate and pleasing way. Dramatic events
described might exaggerated.
(3) Distortion enters during the process of translating private thoughts into permanent
records i.e. in the course of interpretation facts can be changed/destroyed. Your
biased or preconception ideas come up.
(4) While translating some authors have a habit of justifying the weakness of the past
conduct.
(5) Literary dishonest, which compels the writer to idealize his experiences.
(6) Loss of memory of right sequences of events.
Because of these limitations the document are called Secondary sources of data which
has secondary importance.
Three kinds of personal documents are noticed:
(1) Autobiographies
(2) Diaries
(3) Letters impressions of others
Formal Documents
(1) Records: Concerned with description of events of the past. The most satisfactory
document has little scope of error. Most authentic. It preserves not only what was
said, but also how it was said. All the details of the past are known for example,
Parliament proceedings are recorded, business and legal papers.
(2) Reports: Are the ones which are usually written after the event, they are often
intended to create an impression rather than merely aid memory and they are less
intimate. Compare to Records, more chances of errors. Less reliable than records.
Reports sometimes justify the recording events, for example, failures of the general,
ambassador or scientist. Newspaper reports have also frequent propagandist intention.
The reporter may be tempted to distort his story in search of news value.
Apart from records and reports a variety of other existing documents can be put to use,
for example, editorial, speeches, pamphlets, letters to the editor, mass communication.
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One of the greatest difficulty of secondary sources of data are to know whether relevant
material can be found, and if found, of getting permission to study it. Wide coverage is
not possible. There is also generalization being made on secondary sources.
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Variables
For moving from abstract concepts to the practice of social research, we have to explore
some additional terms. One such term is variable. A variable is a characteristic that
takes on two or more values. It is something that changes. It changes according to
different factors. Some variables changes easily, like the stock-exchange value, while
other variables are constant, like the name of someone. Researchers often seek to
measure variables.
The variable can be a number, a name of anything where value can change. An example
of a variable is temperature. The temperature varies according to other variable and
factors. You can measure different temperature inside and outside. If it is a sunny day,
chances are that the temperature will be higher than if its cloudy. Another thing that can
make the temperature change is whether something has been done to manipulate the
temperature, like lighting a fire in the chimney.
Types of Variables:
Variables are classified in various groups as under:
(i)
Independent and Dependent variables
(ii)
Experimental and Measure variables
(iii)
Quantitative and Qualitative variables
(i)
An independent variable (that factor that the scientist manipulates) is the presumed
cause of the dependent variable (the factor that the scientist observes) the
presumed effect.
When we say, A causes B, it means A is independent variable and B is dependent
variable. The independent variable thus is one which explains or accounts for
variations in the dependent variable. A dependent variable is one which changes in
relationship to changes in another variable.
In a controlled experiment, the independent variable is the experimental variable, i.e.
one which is withheld from the control group. In experiments, the independent
variable is the variable manipulated by the experimenter. For example, in studying
juvenile delinquency (dependent variable), the independent variables (i.e. causes)
could be poverty, type of associations, nature of family control and so on.
It may be noted that a variable which is dependent in one study can be independent in
another. Take the case of relation between farmers income and availability of water.
If we take income as dependent variable and water availability (for irrigation) as
interdependent variable, the relationship between the two variables may be shown as:
higher the availability of water, higher would be income and vice versa. But, if we
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want to show relationship between income (independent variable) and quality of life
(dependent variable), we may say: higher the income, higher the quality of life (or
living standard). In the first study, income is the result and in the second study it is
the cause.
(ii)
The experimental variables spell out the details of the investigators manipulations
while the measured variables refer to measurement. Experimental variables are called
active variables, while measured variables are assigned variables. In other word,
any variable that is manipulated is an active variables (e.g. income, literacy level,
infrastructure etc) and variables that cannot be manipulated is an assigned variable
(e.g. male-female, marriedunmarried rural-urban; first, second, third etc.)
(iii)
The quantitative variable is one whose values or categories consist of numbers and
differences between its categories can be expressed numerically. Thus, age, income,
size are quantitative variables.
The qualitative variable is one which consists of discreet categories rather than
numerical units. This variable has two or more categories that are distinguished from
each other. For example, sex (male, female), class (lower, middle, upper) caste,
religion etc, are all qualitative variables.
The variables selected for analysis are called explanatory variables and all other
variables are extraneous. Extraneous variables are those that might affect the
relationship between the independent and dependent variables.
Thus, variables may have different degrees of magnitudes or different categories (e.g.
positive or negative) so that the category of characteristics, in which the case falls,
differentiates it from others.
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Sampling
A sample is a subset of the population that represents the entire group. When the
population (or universe) is too large for the researcher to survey all its members because
of its cost, the number of personnel to be employed, or the time constraints, a small
carefully chosen sample is extracted to represent the whole. The sample is expected to
reflect the characteristics of the population.
Classification of Sampling Methods:
Sampling methods are classified into Probability or Non-probability. If the purpose of
research is to draw conclusions or make predictions affecting the population as a whole
(as most research usually is), then one must use probability sampling. But, if one is only
interested in exploring how a small group, perhaps even a representative group, is doing
for purposes of illustration or explanation, then one may use non-probability sampling.
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number of villages. When using this method, the researcher feels that the chosen
sample is representative of the entire population.
(c) Purposive sampling, much similar to judgment sampling, is where the researcher
targets a group of people believed to be typical or average, or a group specially
picked for some unique purpose. The researcher never knows if the sample is
representative or the population, and this method is largely limited to exploratory
research.
(d) Quota sampling is the non-probability equivalent of stratified sampling. Like
stratified sampling, the researcher first identifies the strata and their proportions in
the population. Then convenience or judgment sampling is used to select the
required number of subjects from each stratum. The researcher resorts to
haphazard or accidental sampling, and makes no effort to contact people who are
difficult to reach. This differs from stratified sampling, where the strata are filled
by random sampling.
(e) Snowball sampling is a special non-probability method used when the desired
sample characteristic is rare. It may be extremely difficult or cost prohibitive to
locate respondents in these situations. Snowball sampling relies on referrals from
initial subjects to generate additional subjects. In other words, snowball sampling
comprises identification of respondents who in turn refers researches to other
respondents. This technique provides a means to access relatively invisible and
vulnerable social groups. While this technique can dramatically lower the search
costs, it comes at the expense of introducing bias because the technique itself
reduces the likelihood that the sample will represent a good cross-section of the
population. For example, an investigator finds a rare genetic trait in a person, and
starts tracing his pedigree to understand the origin, inheritance and etiology of the
disease.
The reliability of a sample taken from a population can be assessed by the spread of the
sampling distribution, measured by the standard deviation of this distributed, called the
standard error. As a general rule, the larger is the size of the sample the smaller the
standard error.
Advantages of Sampling:
(1) When there is large population or universe, sampling technique is best suited for the
collection of data and it economics money, time and effort.
(2) A higher percentage of accuracy can be ensured only through sampling survey.
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(3) The sample technique enables the investigators to collect the required information
from relatively a large size of population or the availability of data as unlimited in
character.
(4) There are certain types of study where census method cannot be adopted at all.
Sampling method is to be necessarily followed to make an attempt to evaluate in such
cases.
(5) When the items of an universe or population is more homogeneous in nature,
sampling technique is more feasible and useful.
Limitations of Sampling:
(1) When the various units of the survey population are not alike and liable to change
frequently, the conclusions derived from one set of units are not comparable with
another set of units.
(2) If due care is not taken in conducting a sample survey through a proper selection
of sample units, the conclusions will be much misleading and erroneous in nature.
(3) In a sample survey, only a small proportion of the entire universe or population is
studied and thus inferences are made about the entire universe or population. So
there is always likely to be a certain amount of inaccuracy or errors in such
inferences. Such errors are known as sampling error or sampling fluctuations.
Such sampling errors are not likely to be there in a census survey.
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Hypothesis
A hypothesis is an assumption about relations between variables. It is a tentative
explanation of the research problem or a guess about the research outcome. Before
starting the research, the researcher has a rather general, diffused, even confused notion
of the problem. It may take long time for the researcher to say what questions he had
been seeking answers to. Hence, an adequate statement about the research problem is
very important.
What is a good problem statement? It is an interrogative statement that asks: what
relationship exists between two or more variables? It then further asks questions like: Is
A related to B or not? How are A and B related to C? Is A related to B under conditions
X and Y? Proposing a statement pertaining to relationship between A and B is called a
hypothesis.
According to Theodorson and Theodorson, a hypothesis is a tentative statement
asserting a relationship between certain facts. Kerlinger describes it as a conjectural
statement about something, the validity of which is usually unknown. This statement is
intended to be tested empirically and is either verified or rejected. If the statement is not
sufficiently established, it is not considered a scientific law.
Webster has defined hypothesis as a tentative assumption made in order to draw out and
test its logical or empirical consequences. Test here means either to prove it wrong or
to confirm it. Since statements in hypothesis have to be put to empirical investigation,
the definition of hypothesis excludes all statements which are merely opinions (e.g. aging
increases ailments), value judgements (e.g. contemporary politicians are corrupt and have
a vested interest to serve), or normative (e.g. all people should go for a morning walk).
Normative statement is a statement of what ought to be, not a factual statement that can
be shown through investigation to be right or wrong.
In other words, a hypothesis carries clear implications for testing the stated relationship,
i.e. it contains variables that are measurable and specifying how they are related. A
statement that lacks variables or that does not explain how the variables are related to
each other is no hypothesis in scientific sense.
Following are a few examples of hypotheses:
women
Young girls (between 15-30 years) are more victims of crimes against
than middle-aged women.
Lower-class men commit more crimes than middle-class men.
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High-status high-ability students participate much less in students
agitations than low-status low-ability students.
Young people are more satisfied with efforts for social development by
democratic leadership than by autocratic leadership.
Criteria for Hypothesis Construction
Hypothesis is never formulated in the form of a question. Bailey, Becker, Selltiz et al,
and Sarantakos have pointed out a number of standards to be met in formulating a
hypothesis:
1.
2.
3.
4.
established.
5.
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2.
3.
4.
minerals).
2.
Absence of clear theoretical framework or knowledge of theoretical
framework, e.g. awareness of rights among women depends upon personality,
environment (education and family and aspirations).
3.
Lack of ability to utilize the theoretical framework logically, e.g. workers
commitment and role skills and role learning.
Evaluating whether a hypothesis is good or bad depends upon the amount of information
it provides about the phenomenon. For example, let us take the following, given in three
forms:
(i) X is associated with Y.
(ii) X is dependent on Y.
(iii)As X increases Y decreases.
Of these three forms, third form explains the phenomenon better. We can take two more
examples of good and bad hypotheses:
(i) More the institutionalised controls, more the strains.
(ii) Rigid institutionalised control hampers goal-attainment.
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2.
3.
testing.
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VALIDITY
According to Carmines and Zeller, Validity is the extent to which an instrument
measures what it is supposed to measure.
Scientists distinguish among different types of validity, and across disciplines refer to the
same type of validity using different names, which sometimes can create confusion about
what type of validity is being assessed! Basically, validity can be classified as either nonempirical or empirical.
Non-Empirical Validity
By "empirical," we mean "related to observation," or "data-based." The first form of
validity we will discuss is non-empirical, meaning not related to observations or data
analysis. Content validity (sometimes called face or representational validity) is the
consensus (i.e., intersubjective, negotiated) opinion of the community of scholars as to
whether the items used to measure a construct refer to the domain of the construct and to
no other construct (i.e., the community of scholars is all persons trained within a
scientific discipline, typically persons with a PhD degree). In other words, the issue of
content validity is, "Does the community of scholars agree that a particular set of
observed variables is appropriate to measure a particular physical entity or abstract
construct?"
It is important to note that content validity is assessed only by the opinions of the
community of scholars. There is no empirical assessment of content validity.
Empirical Validity
Empirical validity is assessed by evaluating the extent to which a measure relates to other
measures consistent with theoretically derived hypotheses concerning the concepts being
measured. Empirical validity is intrinsically linked to theory. Hence, we assume a
measure of a concept is valid if a theoretically derived hypothesis relating the concept to
another concept receives support through observation and data analysis. If we
hypothesize, for example, that the greater the self-esteem the greater the marital
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satisfaction, and this hypothesis receives empirical support, then we assume we have
measured each concept correctly and that each concept has empirical validity.
RELIABILITY
According to Carmines and Zeller, Reliability is the extent to which a measurement
instrument or procedure yields the same results on repeated trial. Without reliable
measures, scientists cannot build or test theory, and therefore cannot develop productive
and efficient procedures for improving human well being.
Reliability Assessment
Reliability assessment is the evaluation we make of how much measurement error we
have experienced in collecting our data. To collect data with as little measurement error
as possible we must:
1. Develop measures of constructs that are as valid as possible, and
2. Follow methodological procedures that have been shown to reduce measurement
error as much as possible.
Suppose we want to know the width of our classroom from wall to wall. If we use a
yardstick, for example, and measure very carefully, it is likely we will record very nearly
the same number for this width across repeated trials. We would then have a very reliable
measure of width, which would result in a small standard error for a parameter estimate
that included width as a variable (assuming we also measured the other variable in the
hypothesis with high reliability).
Now, suppose we want to measure the self-esteem of the people in our classroom.
Unfortunately, we cannot observe self-esteem with our senses; so we must devise some
type of measuring instrument that can be used with high reliability. How do we build a
measuring instrument for self-esteem that provides very similar measures on repeated
trials? We must meet three conditions:
1. We must define self-esteem as precisely as possible by describing its conceptual
domain (its meaning) without confusing it with the domain of other constructs.
Self-esteem must have a clear definition and it must not be confused with the
definition of other constructs.
2. We must have good indicators of self-esteem, ones with high content validity.
3. We must collect our data with as much accuracy as is possible.
Analyzing the above discussion we can conclude that reliability is a necessary but
insufficient condition for validity in research; reliability is a necessary precondition of
validity, and validity may be a sufficient but not necessary condition for reliability. In
other words, both complement each other but not coterminous.
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