Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Milovan Djilas
An Analysis of the
Counist
System
Preface
vi
PREFACE
metod
PREFACE
vii
CONTENTS
Origins
Character of the Revolution
1
15
37
70
103
National Communism
124
147
164
173
191
Origins
1.
The roots of modern mis1 reach back very far, although they >vere dormant before tl1e development of mode1
industry i -.;vester Europe. Communism's basic ideas are the
Primacy of Matter d t Reality of Change, ideas borrmved
from tblnkers of t period just befoie the inception of Comrnunism. As Communism endures and gains strength, these
basic ideas play less d less impotat role. This is uder
standale: once i pmvei, Commuism teds to Iemodel t
rest of the -.;vorld accoding to its o-.;vn ideas and teds less and
less to change itseif.
Dialectics and materialism-te caging of t -.;vorbl independently of hurnan -.;vill-formed the basis of the old, classical,
Marxist Commuism. s basic ideas -.;vere not originated
Communist theorists, suc as Marx or Engels. borIo-.;ved them and -.;vove tem into -.;vhole, thus forming,
unintentionally, the basis for r1e1v conception of t -.;vorld.
idea of the Prirnacy of Matter was borrmved from the
French materialists of t eighteenth century. EIier thikers,
icluding Decritus in it Greece, had expressed it in
different way. The idea of t reality of chage, caused the
struggle of opposites, called Dialectics, was take over from
1
NEW CLASS
ORIGINS
human society and t individual, and uses methods to establish its power different from those its theories would suggest.
Beginning '\vit the preise tat t alone know the Iaws
which govern society, Counists aive at the oversiplified
and unscientific conclusio that this alleged knowledge gives
t t po,ver and the exclusive rigt to cange society and
to control its activities. This is the r error of teir system.
Hegel claied tat t absolute r in Prussia was
t incaration of bls idea of t Absolute. Counists,
on t oter d, clai tat t represent t incaration
of t objective aspirations of society. Here is I' tan just
one difference between t Counists and Hegel; tere is
also difference bet1veen tl1e Comunists and absolute n
r. nr did not tblnk quite as blgly of itself as
t Comunists do of teselves, r \Vas it as absolute as
t are.
2.
Hegel iself '\Vas probaly trouled t possile con-
clusions to drawn fro is own discoveries. For inst.ance,
if everytblng '\Vas constantly being trasfored, wat '\Vould
n to is own ideas and to t society '\Vi '\Vanted
to preserve? As professor royal appointet could
not v dared, in any case, to k pulic recoendations
for t iproveent of society on t basis of bls pilosopy.
Tis '\vas not t case wit . As young n took
active part in t 1848 revolution. "\vent to extrees in
dra,ving conclusios fro Hegel's ideas. Was not t loody
class stuggle aging all over Europe straining to"\vard soething
ne1v and blger? It. appeared not only tat Hegel '\Vas rigt
tat is, Hegel as intetpreted Marx-but also tat pbllosopical systes longer d eaning and justificatio, since
science '\Vas discovering objective la1vs so rapidly, including
tose applicale to society.
NEW CLASS
ORIGINS
6
noic
ighest
NEW CLASS
rank.
strengt of Marxist pbllosophy did not Iie in its scie
tific eleets, but i its ti -.;vith ass oveent, d
ost of all in its ephasis tl1e objective of chagig society.
It stated agai and agai that. the existig -.;vorld -.;vould chage
siply because it d to cange, tat it bore the seeds of its
-.;v oppositio d destruction; tat the -.;vokig class -.;vated
this chage and -.;vould l to effect it. Inevitaly, the influence of this philosophy increased d created i the Europea
-.;vorkir1g-class ovement the illusio tl1at it -.;vas omnipotent,
at least. as method. I countries -.;vere siilar conditios did
t exist, sucl1 as Great Britai and the United States, t
ifluece d iportace of this pilosophy -.;vas insigificat,
despite the stegtll of the -.;voking class and the -.;vorkig~class
vt.
7
indstrial revolution or of the struggle of the indstrial proletariat for better life. It -.;vas no accident that tlle friglltful
poverty d brutalizatio of t masses 1vich accompanied i
dstrial cllange had po-.;verfl inflence Marx.. His most
importat -.;vork, Das Kapital contains number of important
and stining pages this topic. recurring crises, -.;vhich
\vere caracteristic of tlle capitalism of t nineteent tr,
togeter -.;vit t pover-ty and the apid incease of t populatiorl, logically led Marx to t belief tllat revoltio -.;vas the
only soltion . .r did not cosider revoltio to ievita
le in all contries, paticlarly not i tlse -.;vere democratic
istittios -.;v already tradition of social life. cited as
examples of s contries, i one of is talks, tlle Neterlands,
Great Britai d tlle United States. Ho-.;vever, can conclde from his ideas, take as -.;vole, tat the ievitaility
of revoltion -.;vas one of bls basic beliefs. believed i revoltio d preaced it.; -.;vas revoltioary.
l\Iarx's revoltioay ideas, -.;vi 1vere coditional and t
univesally applicale, were cllaged Li ito absolte d
lllliversal piciples. I The lnfantile Disorder of "Left-Wing"
Communism peraps bls most dogmatic 1vork, Li developed tese piciples still more, differig -.;vit Marx's position
that revoltion -.;vas avoidale in cer-tai tis. said tat
Great ritai cold no loger regaded as contry i
1vi revoltio 1vas avoidale, s drig t First
\Vorbl \Var s d become militar-istic po-.;ver, and therefore
tlle Br-itis \Vorkig class d t i t. evoltion.
Li d, t l in is failre to nderstad that "Bitish
rnilitaism" \vas l temporary, \vartime s of developet, t s failed to foesee t frter development
of democacy d ecoomic pogress i Gr-eat !itai or other
\Veste cotr-ies. also did t uderstand t natre of
tlle Englis trade-uio rovemet. placed too much empllasis or1 is \V, or Marxian, detenniistic, scietific ideas
d paid too little attention to the objective social role d
ORIGINS
NEV
CLASS
ORIGINS
9
ing-class ovement. In such countries, Marxism grew stronger
and stroger d, 1vith the victory of t revolutionary party, it
became the dit ideology.
In coutries suc as Gr, 1vere t degree of political
and ecoornic progress made revolutio unnecessary, t dernocratic and reforrnist aspects of Marxist teacing, rater t
t revolutionary ones, domiated. ati-dogrnatic ideological d political tendencies geerated empasis reform
the 1vorkig-class movernent.
I the first case, t ties 1vit Marx 1v st!'engtened, at
Ieast in out1vard r. In the second case, t 1vere
1veakened.
Social developrnet and the developrnent of ideas led to
severe scism i the European socialist rnovemet. Roghly
speaking, t canges i political and econornic conditions coincided 1vith chages i t ideas of tl1e socialist teorists,
because they interpreted reality in elative manner, that is,
i incornplete d one-sided 1vay, m tl1eir 0\V partisan
poit of vie1v.
Lein in Rsia and Bernstein i Gernay the t>vo extremes through 1vhich t diffeent canges, social and ecoornic, d t diffeet "ealities" of t 1voking-class movements foud expessio.
Alrnost othing ernained of oigial :arxism. In the West
it had died out or 1vas in t process of dying out; in the East,
as esult of t estalisrnent of Cornrnuist rule, only residue of foralisrn and dogmatisrn ernained of Marx's dialectics
and mateialisrn; tis 1vas used for t pur-pose of cernenting
po1ver, justifying tyanny, d violating urnan coscience.
Altougl1 it d in fact also been dd in t East, Marxism operated tere as rigid dogrna 1vit increasing po1ver. It
1vas rnore than an idea tere; it 1vas ne1v government, nevv
econorny, 1v social systern.
Altoug Marx d furnised bls disciples 1vit t impets
for s developrnent, d Yery little desire f suc develop-
10
NEW CLASS
ment nor did he expect it. History betrayed this great master
as it has others 1vho have attempted to interpret its laws.
What s been the nature of t development since Marx?
In the 1870's, the formation of corporatios d monopolies
had begu in courries 1vere the idustrial revolution d
already take place, suc as Germany, Eglad, and t Uited
States. This developmet 1vas in full swing the beginning
of the Hvetiet century. Scientific analyses were made of it
Hobson, Hilferding, and others. Leni, in Imperialism, the
Final Stage of Capitalism, made political analysis, based
il on tllese authors, containing predictions whic v
proved mostl inaccurate.
Marx's teories about tlle increasing impoverisment of t
1vorking class 1;vere not. out developents i those
coutries from 1vblch bls theories d been derived. However,
as Hugh Seton-'\>Vatson states in From Lenin to Malenkov,*
they appeared to reasonaly accurate for the most part in
t case of the agrar'ian East European countries. Tus, while
in the vVest his stature 1vas redced to that of blstorian and
scholar, Marx became the pophet of ne1v era in easte
Europe. His teachings d itoxic.atig effect, similar to
w religion.
sitatio i 1vestern Europe tllat contribted to the
theories of Egels and Marx is descied Andre Maurois in
the Ygoslav edition of The History -Df England:
Wen
Praeger, 1953.
ORIGINS
11
Africa.
Technological iproveents brougl1t about vast and concrete hs i the vVest, is fro every poit of vie-~v.
led ~ tlle for-matio of oopolies, d to the partiti?
of the 1vorld ito spllees of iterest for tlle developed coutes
d for t oopolies. Tlley also led to the Fist World War
d t October Revolutio.
I the developed couties the rapid rise in productio and
tlle acquisitio of coloial sources of materials d arkets
mateially chaged t positio of the 1vorkig class. The struggle f fr, for better aterial coditios, together 1vith
t adoptio of parliaentary fors of govement,
mor-e l d valale tl1a11 revolutioary ideals. I s places
revolutio became onsensical and urealistic.
The countl'ies 1vhic were t yet idustrialized, paticularly
Russia, 1vere in an etirely diffeet situatio. They found
temselves i dilerna; they llad either to becorne idustrial
ized, or to discotiue active participatio the stage of
stor-y, tig ito captives of t developed coutries and
teir oopolies, ts doomed to degeneracy. Local capital
and t class and paties repr-esentig it 1v too 1veak to solve
the proiems of rapid idstrializatio. In tese coutries evo
ltio became inescapaie ecessity, Yital need for t
ti, and only one class could bing it about-te poletaiat,
or the revoltioay t r-epr-esenting it.
The eason f tbls is tat tl1ee is immutale la.v-that
hurnan society and all idividuals paticipating i it str-ive
to increase and pefect dti. I doig tbls t come in
coflict \vit oter societies d individuals, so tat t cornpete 1vit oter i oder to SUI"\'iYe. This is and
expansio of podction costatly faces natral and sociai
baiers, sucl1 as individual, political, legal, d international
12
NEW CLASS
ORIGINS
\vere
13
urget d
d
.
l, scool, private owersblp, govermet an , mme Importat, t vast. pO\ver macin~ry '~i t cou
tries d developed since early times t face of t constant
omic,
cotinetal >var.
/Jf::;
l4
NEW CLASS
:~t
. historical role of Commuism i t udeveloped count:Ies has. det,:rmied the course and the character of the revolut whh It has d to brig about.
1.
History sh01vs that in countries where Commuist revolutions have taken place other parties too have been dissatisfied
1vith existig coditios. The best example is Russia, where the
party which accomplished the Cornmunist revolution 1vas t
l revolutionary -t.
However, l the Communist paties were both revolutioary i their opposition to the status quo d stauch and
cosistent i their support of t.he idustrial transforrnatio. I
practice, tbls meant radical destruction of estalished O>mership relatios. No other party 1vet so far in t.his respect. None
1vas "industrial" to that degree.
It is less clear 1vhy these parties had to socialist i their
program. Under the back1vard coditions existig i Czarist
Russia, capitalist private 01mership not l sho1ved itself incapale of rapid idustrial trasformation, but actually obstructed it. The private property class had developed i
coutry i 1vhich extrernely po1verful feudal telatioships still
existed, 1vhile monopolies of rnore developed countries retained
their grip this enormous area abouding in ra1v rnaterials
a!ld markets.
Czarist Russia, accordig to its history, had to latecomer
15
16
NEW CLASS
CHARACTER OF
REVOLUTION
17
revoltioary party cold not seriosly contemplate exection of idustrial revoltio nless it concentrated all domestic resoces in its o1vn ds, particlarly tlse of native
capitalists against 1\'hom the asses 1vere also emittered because
of severe exploitatio d t use of inmane ethods.
revolutioary party had to take siilar stad against foreig
capital.
Other parties 1vere ul to follo1v similar program.
of tem eitl1er aspired to return to t old system, to preservatio of vested, static relatioships; or at. best, to gradal and
peaceful development. Even t paies 1vhich 1vere anti-capitalistic, as f example t SRs (Socialist-Revolutionay Party) in
Russia, aspired to1vard eturnig society to idyllic pimitive
peasant . Even t socialist parties s as t Mensheviks
in Russia did not go farter tan to push for tl1e violet overtro>v of the barriers to f capitalist development. took
t poit of vie1v t.hat it. >vas ecessary to v fully developed
capitalism i der to arrive at socialism later. Ho1vever, the
prolem 1vas different; t etrn to t old system d
uampered development of capitalism 1v impossiie for
tese conties. N eiter solutio 1vas l, dr t given
intematioal and internal coditions, of resolving t urgerlt
im of ftr development of these contries, i.e., teir
industrial revolutios.
l t 1vhic 1vas i favor of the ati-capitalist
revolution d Iapid idustialization d pr-ospects for success. Obviosly tat party d to , i additio, socialist i
its covictions. But sice it 1vas oliged to operate under prevailig conditios i general, d i t labor or socialist
moveents, s party d to deped ideologically t
t of t inevitaility d sefuless of moden industry
as 1vell as t tenet tat revoltion v\'as avoidale. This
concept aleady existed, it \vas ss only to modify it.
concept was Marxis-its 1evolutioary aspect. Associatio 1vit
revolutio-y Marxis, >9it t n socialist move-
18
NEW CLASS
2.
All the revolutios of t past origiated after \v economic
or social relationsblps d begun to prevail, and the old politi
CHARACTER OF
REVOLUTION
19
20
NEW CLASS
gresSively created
acco
CHARACTER OF
REVOLUTION
21
22
overthrmvn In
.
NEW CLASS
ommust revolutio11 f
condition for further d
s, orce and vio1ence are
1
Words of earlier revo1ut1. eve ~m and even progress. In the
onaes force and . I
necessary evil and
'
v ence were on1y
means to an end I
h
.
musts force and .
.
Il t 1vords of Corn1
'
v ence are elev t d
natn of dust
for
.
.
erences betw
vo1utns d ear1ier ones 1"
een ommust rehad reached the point of re d. I~r revolutions, though t
Iess 1n an
Were unale to break out with
economy and society,
We now knmv the geneal cond" .t advatageous conditions.
and success of evolutio Itns necessary for the erption
addition to these geerai .. o;e;er, e~ery revolution has, in
make its planning and c~n It~, Its pecuiiarites whic
cutn possile
23
true, there the revolution began prior to the
s ivasion, but it cotinued for an entire decade to spread
d finally to emege victios with t d of t war. The
Spais revolution of 1936, 1vblc could v been an exception, did t have time to transform itself ito purely Comrnunist revolution, d, theiefore, ever emerged victorious.
reason 1var 1vas necessary for tlle Commuist. revolutio,
or t do1vnfall of t stat.e machinery, nst sougt in the
immaturity of t m and society. I serios collapse
of system, d particulaly i war 1vhic s usuccess
ful for tlle exist.ing uling circles and state system, small but
well-organized d disciplined group is ievitaly l to take
autlrity in its hads.
Tus at the time of t Oct.ober Revolution the Communist
Party d about 80,000 members. Yugoslav Commist
began the 1941 revolution with about 10,000 members.
grasp po1ver, the support d active paticipation of at 1east
part of t people is necessary, but in every case the party
which leads t revolution d assmes power is minority
goup elyig exclusively on exceptionally favorale conditions. Furtenore, such party canot majority group
ntil it becomes the permanently estalished authority.
The accomplishment of suc grandiose task-te destruction of social order and t building of w society when
conditions for suc undertaking are rt propitios in the
n or society-is task l to attact l minority,
and at that, only those 1v believe fanat.ically in its possiilities.
Special conditions d particular party are basic characteristics of Comuist revolutios.
The achievemet of v evoltio, as well as of every
victory in 1var, deads cetralization of all forces. Accordig
to the Maltlsia theory, the Frech revolutio 1vas the first
i whic "all t resources of people at. 1var 1vere placed i
the hands of the authorities: people, food, clotig." Tis ust
t case to an v greater degree in Commuist "imCHARACTER OF Tl:fE REVOLUTION
t..
~
1
1
Chia;
NEV CLASS
24
mature" revolution: not only all material means but all in~
tellectual means must fall into the hands of the party, and the
party itself IISt become politically, and as an organization,
cetralized to the fullest extet. l Commuist parties,
politically uited, firmly grouped aroud the ceter, d possessicr idetical ideolocrical vie>vpoits, are to carry out
~
such
evolutio.
CHARACTER OF
REVOLUTION
25
Pulishers,
1936.
26
NEW CL.ASS
Pulishers.
1939.
CHARACTER OF
REVOLUTION
27
thousad Polis
prescried ideology-Maixism-Leinis.
28
NEW CLASS
4.
The illusios wi t Communist revolution creates about
its real aims are more pennanent and extensive than those of
earlier reYoltions because the Communist revolutio resolves
CHARACTER OF
REVOLUTION
29
30
NEW CLASS
In the course of industrialization, the property of those elernents who were not opposed to, or even assisted, the revolution
is taken over. As rnatter of forrn, the state also becornes the
o~ver of this property. The state adrninisters and rnanages the
property. Private ownership ceases, or decreases to ~ rol~ of
secondary irnportance, but its cornplete disappearance IS subect
to the 1vhirn of the ne1v rnen in authority.
This is experienced the Cornrnunists and sorne rnernbers of the rnasses as cornplete liquidation of classes and the
realization of classless society. In fact, the old pre-revolutionary classes do disappear ~vith tlle cornpletion of idust.rialization
and collectivization. There rernains the spontaneous and unorgaized displeasure of tlle rnass of the people-a displeasure
1vhich neither ceases nor abates. Cornrnunist delusions and selfdeceit about the "remnants" and "influence" of the "class
enemy" still persist. But the illusion that the long-drearned classless society arises tllese rneans is cornplete, at least for the
Cornrnunists themselves.
v revolutio, and even every 1var, eates illusions d
is coducted in the n of unrealizale ideals. During the
struo-o-le
the ideals seern real enoug- for tl1e combatants; the
1:>1:>
end they often cease to exist. Not so in the case of Comrnuist
revolution. Those who r out the Cornmunist revolution as
well as those anng the lo1ver echelons persist i their illusions
long after the arned struggle. Despite oppression, despotism,
unconcealed confiscatios, and pivileges of the rulig echelos,
sorne of tl1e people-ad especially the Comrnunists-retain the
illusions contained in their slogas.
Although the Comrnunist revolution may start with the rnost
idealistic concepts, calling f 1vondeful heroisrn d gigantic
effort, it s01vs the greatest and the rnost permanent illusions.
Revolutions are ievitale in the lifetime of natios. They
rnay result in despotisrn, but. they also launch nations paths
previously locked to them.
The Communist revolutio canot attain single one of the
~
CHARACTER OF
REVOLUTION
31
ideals arned as its rnotivating force. However, Communist revolution has brought about measure of industrial civilization
t.o vast areas of and Asia. I this way, rnaterial bases
have actally been created for future freer society. Thus 1vhile
bringing about. the rnost complete despotisrn, the Commuist
revolution has also created the basis for the abolition of despotism. As the nineteeth cetury intoduced rnodern industry
to the vVest, the hventieth century will it.roduce rnodern industry to the East. The shado~v of Lein extends over the vast
expanse of Eurasia i one way or another. I despotic form i
Chia, in dernocratic forrn in Idia d Burma, all of the
remaiing Asiatic d other natios are ievitaly eterig an
industrial revolutio. Russia revolutio initiated tis
process. process rernais the icalculale and historically
significat fact of t revolutio.
5.
It rnigt. appear tat Cornrnunist revolutions are rnostly historical deceptios d occureces. In sense this is
true: oter revolutions v required so many exceptional
coditios; oter revolutios pornised so muc d accomplised so little. Dernagogueiy d rnisrepresetatio are ievi
tale arnog tl1e Comrnuist leaders since t are forced to
promise t rnost ideal society and "abolitio of every exploitation."
Ho1vever, it t said tat the Commuists deceived
t people, tat is, tat tl1ey purposely and consciously did
somethig differet. frorn -vvat t had pornised. fact
is simply tis: t 1vere ul to accomplis that in -vvhich
t so fanatically believed. canot ackowledge this
v wen forced to execute policy contrary to everyting
promised before and during t revolutio. Fom their poit
of view, suc ackowledgment would adrnissio that the
NEW CLASS
32
revolution was unecessary. It 1vould also admissio that
they had themselves become superfl.uous. Aythig of the sort
is impossile for them.
The ultiate results of social struggle can ever of the
kid evisacred those 1vho carry it out. S such struggles
deped ~ ifinite and complex series of circumstaces beyond the cotrollae rage of huan intellect d action. This
is most true of revolutions that demand superhuman efforts
and that effect hasty and radical changes i society. They ievi
taly generate absolute cofidence that the ultiate i huan
prosperity d Iierty 1vill appear after their victories. The
French revolution 1vas carried out in t n of common
sese, in the belief that lierty, equality, and aternity 1vouid
evetually appear. The Russian revolut.ion 1vas carried out in
the of " purely scientific vie1v of the world," for the purpose of creating classless society. N either revolution could
possily have been created if tlle revolutioaries, alog with
part of the people, d not believed in their ovm idealistic aims.
Counist illusios as to post-revolutioary possiilities
\Vere r prepoderat g the Commuists than among
those who followed them. The Couists should have kown
d, in fact, did kno\V about the inevitaility of industrializatio, but they could l guess about its social results and
relationships.
Official Counist historians in the U.S.S.R. and Yugoslavia
describe the revolution as if it 1vere t fruit of t previously
planed actios of its leaders. But only t course of t revolutio and t ared struggle 1vas cosciously planned, 1vhile the
fors 1vblch tl1e revolutio took steed fro the iediate
course of evets and from the direct actio taken. It is revealig
tat Leni, udoubtedly of t greatest revolutionaiies in
history, did not foresee 1ven or in wat fm t revolution
1vould eupt until it was alost u i. I January 1917,
one mt before t February Revolutio, d l ten
mots before t October Revolution wi brougt im
CHARACTER OF
REVOLUTION
33
6.
Abstract logic 1vould idicate tat t Communist reyolution, when it achieYes, under different conditions and state
compulsio, the same things acieYed industrial reYolutions
34
NEW CLASS
and capitalism in the West, is nothing but form of state-capitalist revolution. The relationships \vhich are created its
victory are state-capitalist. This appears to even r true
because the ne\v regime also regulates all political, labor, and
other relationships and, what is more important, distriutes the
national income and benefits and distriutes material goods
which actually have been transformed ito state property.
Discussion on \vhether or not the relationships in t U.S.S.R.
d in other Communist countries are state-capitalist, socialist,
or perhaps sometblng else, is dogmatic to cosiderale degree.
However, such discussion is of fundamental importar1ce.
Even if it is presumed that state capitalism is notlling other
than the "antechamber of socialism," as Lenin emphasized, or
that it is the first phase of socialism, it is still t iota easier
for the people \Vho live uder Communist despotism to endure.
lf the character of property d social relationships brought
about t Communist revolution is stregthened and defined,
t prospects for lieration of the people from suc relationsips become more realistic. If the people are t conscious of
the nature of the social relationships i which they live, or if
t do not see way in which they alter tem, their
struggle cannot v any prospect of success.
If the Communist revolution, despite its promises d illusions, is state-capitalist i its undertakings wit state-capitalist
relationships, t only la,vful and positive actios its fuction
aries take are the s tat improve their \vork d reduce
the pressure d irresposiility of state admiistratio.
Comunists do not admit i teor-y tat they are workig in
system ~ state capitalis, but their leaders behave tis way.
cotually boast about improvig t \Vork of t admiistration d about leadig t stuggle "agaist bureaucratism."
. Moreover, ac~ual ~elationsips are not tose of state capitalIsm; tese relatnsh1ps do t provide method of improving
the system of state admiistration basically.
CHARACTER OF
I
REVOLUTION
36
NEW CL.tl.SS
society, in the course of certain period-as long as industrialization Iasts-has to and is l to endure this tr. Furthermore, this tyranny no longer appears as something inevitaie,
but exclusively as assurance of the depredations and privileges of ne"' class.
In contrast to earlier revolutions, the Commuist revolution,
conducted in the n of doig a.vay 1vith classes, has resulted
in the most complete authority of any sigle w class. Everything else is sham and an illusion.
38
NEW CLASS
NEW CLASS
39
of the new class and so;ved illusions arnong the rnasses. At the
same tirne it. inspired gigantic physical undertakigs.
Because this ne\v class had not been forrned as part of the
econornic and social life before it carne to pover, it could only
created in organization of special type, distinguished
special discipline based on identical philosophic d ideological views of its rnernbers. unity of belief d iron discipline
1vas necessar-y to overcorne its ;veaknesses.
roots of the w class 1vere irnplated in special party,
of the Bolshevik type. Lenin 1vas right in his vie1v that his party
vas an exception in tlle history of hurnan society, altllough
did rt suspect that it. >vould tlle begining of nev class.
rnore precise, the initiat.ors of t ne\v class are not
found in the party of tlle Bolsl1evik type as \vlle but in that
straturn of professional evolutioaries 1vho rnade up its
even f it attaied po;ver. It 1vas not accidet tat Lein
asserted after t.he failure of tl1e 1905 revolutio tat only professioal evolutionaries-rne ;vhose sole professio >vas revolutionary work-could build ne>v party of tl1e Bolshevik type.
lt 1vas stillless accidetal that v Stali, t future creator of
new class, \vas the rnost outstandig exarnple of such
professional evolutioay. The >v ulig class s gradually developig frorn tllis ver-y v straturn of revolutionaies. s revolutio-ies composed its core for log period.
Totsky oted tat in pre-revolutioary professional evolu
tionaries >vas the origi of t future Staliist bureaucrat.
\Vhat did rt detect. was t beginig of \v class of
O\Vei's and exploiters.
This is not to say that t v t d t ne>v class
identical. party, o;vever, is tlle of tllat class, and its
base. It is very difficult, peraps irnpossile, to defie t lirnits
of t ;v class and to identify its rnernbers. ne>v class rnay
said to made up of those \v v special privileges d
econornic preferece because of tlle adrniistrative monopoly
they old.
40
NEW CLASS
tJons 111 the same person. N ot. every member of tlle party is
member of the ne1v class, tan v atisan or mer
of the city t 1vas bourgeois.
In loose terrs, as the ne1v class becores stronger and attains
.m?re perceptie pl1ysiognomy, the role of the party dirshes. The core d t basis of the ne>v class is created in
the party and at its top, as 1vell as in t state political gans.
The once live, corpact party, full of initiative, is disappeaina
to r transforred into the traditional oliaarcy of the ne 1~
l
.
NEW CLASS
iternational
41
end of the
reJationships
itt d
2.
The social origin of the w class lies i the proletariat just
as the aristoacy s i peasat society, and the bourgeoisie
i cormercial d atisas' society. h exceptions,
dependig ational coditios, t tl1e proletariat i econorically underdeveloped contries, being back1vard, constitutes t ra>v mateial fom 1vhic t >v class arises.
There are oter reasons 1vl1y the ne1v class all\'ays acts as t
ri of the >vorking class. ne1v class is anti-capitalistic
and, consequently, logically depedet n t 1vorking strata.
w class is supported the pioletarian stggle and t
traditioal faitll of t proletariat. i socialist, Comnist
society were tllere is no brutal exploitation. It is Yitally ir
portant for tlle ne1v class to assre ormal flo1v of prodction,
n it canot ever lose its corection 1vitl1 t proletaiat.
Most irportant of all, tl1e ne1v class cannot acbleve indstriali
zation d consolidate its pmver 1vitout t l of t 1vork-
42
NEW CLASS
.
Wen Comuist
considered
tat teir
NEvV CLASS
43
44
NEW CLASS
While such fuctioaries have mucll in commo 1vith Commuist bureaucrats, especially as regards "esprit de corp~," tlley
are t identical. Although state and oter bureauats ~n
Communist systems form special stratum, tl1ey do not exerCise
authority as the Communists do. Bureaucrats i no-Com~
muist state haYe political masters, usually elected, or o1vners
over tllem, 1vhile Communists have eiter masters nor 0\VIlers
over them. The breaucrats in on-Commuist state are officials in modem capitalist m, 1vile tlle Communists
are somethiodifferent d 1v: ne~v class.
1:1
As i other o1vning classes, the proof tat it is special class
lies in its onership d its special relations to otller classes.
I the same 1vay, tlle class to 1vicll member belogs is idi
cated t material d oter privileges 1vhicl1 ownership
brigs to him.
As defined Roman lv, property costitutes the use, enjoyment, and disposition of material goods. Communist
poiitical bureaucracy ses, enjoys, and disposes of natioalized
property.
If we assume that membership i this bureaucracy or w
o1vning class is predicated on tlle use of privileges inl:lerent. in
ownersip-in tis inst.ance natioalized material goods-tl:len
membersip i tl:le 1v party class, or political bureaucracy, is
reflected in larger income in material goods and priYileges
tllan society sl:lold ormally grant for sucl:l functios. In practice, the o1vnership privilege of tlle ;v class maifests itself
as an exclusiYe rigllt, as party moopoly, for tl:le political
bureaucracy t.o distriute the ational income, to set wages,
direct economic deYelopment, and dispose of nationalized and
oter
NEW CLASS
45
46
NEW CLASS
NEW CLASS
47
meat
4.
The development of modern Communism, d t emergence of the ;v class, is evident i the char-acter d roles
of tose wl inspired it.
leaders d their methods, from Marx to Khrushchev
have Yaried and changing. It never occurred to Marx t~
prevent oters from voicing their ideas. Lein tolerated free
discussio in his party and did not think tat forums,
let alone the party head, should regulate the expression of
"proper" or "improper" ideas. Stalin abolished every type of
inta-party discussion, and made the expression of ideology
solely the right of the central forum-or of himself. Oth~r
Communist movements ;vere different.. For instance, Marx's
Interational Workers' Union (the so-called First International) was not Marxist in ideology, but union of varied
goups whic adopted only t resolutios on whic its
rs agreed. Leni's party was an avant-garde group comblning
48
NEW CLASS
NEW CLASS
49
.
. .
in t process, acquisition of some property for Itself. Witout indstrialization t ne1v class would find it difficult to
old its position, for it would v eiter historical justificatio r the material resources for its contiued existece.
icrease in t membersip of t paity, or of the
breaucracy, 1vas closely conected with tis. I 1927, on t
eve of idustializatio, t Soviet Communist Patty d
887,233 members. In 1934, at tl1e d of t First Five-Year
Plan, the membersip d inceased to 1,874,488. Tis 1vas
phenomenon obviously connected 1vith indstrializatio: the
prospects for t ne1v class and pivileges for its members w
improving. "\Vat is more, t pivileges d t class 1vere
expandig more rapidly than indstrialization itself. It is difficult to cite any statistics on tis point, but the conclsio is
self-evident f anyone 1vho s in mind tat the standard
of living has not kept 1vit industrial productio, 1vhile
50
NEW CLASS
the new class actually seized the lio's share of tlle economic
and other progress earned the sacrifices and efforts of t
masses.
estalishment of the ne1v class did not proceed smoothly.
It encountered itter opposition from existing classes d from
those revolutionaries 1vho could not reconcile reality 1vith the
ideals of their struggle. In t.he U.S.S.R. the opposition of
revolutionaries was most evidet in the Trotsky-Stalin conflict.
The conflict bet1veen Trotsky and Stalin, or bet1veen oppositionists in t party d Stalin, as 1vell as t conflict between
the regime d the peasantry, became r intense as idus
trialization advanced d the po1ver and authority of the new
class icreased.
Trotsky, an excellent speaker, brilliat. stylist, and skilled
polemicist, n cultured and of excellent intelligece, 1vas
deficient in only one quality: sese of eality. 1vated to
revolutionary in period 1vhe life imposed t comon
place. 1vished to revive revolutioary party 1vhich 1vas
being transformed into something copletely different, into
1v class uconcerned 1vith great ideals d interested l
in the everyday pleasures of life. expected action from
mass alieady tired 1var, hunger, and death, at time 1vhen
t ne1v class aleady str'ongly held the reis d had begun
to experience the s1veetness of privilege. Trotsky's fie~rorks
lit up the distant heavens; but could not ekindle fires i
weary men. sharply oted the s aspect of the ne1v
phenomena but did not gasp their meaning. In addition,
he d never been Bolsevik. This 1vas his vice and bls
virtue. Attacking t party bureaucracy i the name of the
evolution, he attacked the cult of the paity d, althoug he
1vas t conscious of it, tl1e w class.
Stalin looked either far ahead nor far behind. had
seated himself at the head of the ne1v p01ver 1vhich 1vas being
bom-the w class, the political bureaucracy, and bureaucratism-and its leader and oganizer. did not pxeach
NEW CLASS
51
52
NEfV CLASS
NEW CLASS
53
so-called
54
NEW CLASS
power and wealth, but it is 1vithout ne1v ideas. It. has othing
more to tell the people. The only thing that remains is for
lt to justify itself.
5.
It 1vould not importat to estalish the fact that in contemporary Communism 1v vning and exploiting class is
involved and not merely temporary dictatorship and an ari
trary bureaucracy, if some anti-Stalinist Communists including
Trotsky as 1vell as some Social Democrats had not depicted the
ruling stratum as passing bureaucratic phenomenon because
of 1vhich this ne>v ideal, classless society, still i its s1vaddling
clothes, must suffer, just as bourgeois society had had to suffer
under Crom\vell's and Napoleon's despotism.
But the ne1v class is really ne1v class, with special compositio and special >,r. any scietific definition of
class, v the Marxist definition 1vhich some classes are
lower tha others accding t.o their specific position in productio, 1ve coclude that, i the U.S.S.R. and other Commuist coutries, 1v class of o1mers and exploites is i
existence. The specific characteristic of this 1v class is its
collective o1mership. Communist theoreticias affirm, d some
even believe, that Communism has aived at collective ower
ship.
Collective mmership in var'ious forms has existed i all
earlier societies. All anciet Easter despotisms 1vere based
the pe-eminence of the state's or the king's property. I ancient
Egypt after the fifteent century .., arale land passed to
private o>mersblp. BefOie tat time only homes d suound
ing buildings had been privately owed. State land 1vas haded
over for cultivation wblle state officials administered t land
d collected taxes on it. Caals and istallations, as 1vell as
t most. impoat 1vorks, 1vere also state-owed. The state
NEW CLASS
55
01\'lled everything util it lost its idd in the first
centry of r era.
This elps to explain t deificatio of the Pharaos of
Egypt d of t emperors, >vhic encouters in all t
acient Easter despotisms. Sch o1vr1ership also explains the
dertakig of gigantic tasks, such as the construction of
temples, tombs, and castles of emperors, of caals, roads, and
fortificatios.
56
NEW CLAS3
NEW CLASS
57
NEW CLASS
58
dangerous, the o\vnersblp surrendered to other strata ~~ ot?er
forms of O\vnership \v devised. For example, collectiVlzati.on
\Vas abandoned in Yugoslavia because the peasants were res.Istino- it and because the steady decrease in production resultg
from collectivizatio held latet dager for the reg1e. owever, the w class ever reouced the i.ght i such cases to
seize o1vnersip agai or to collectivize. The w class canot
ru this Ii.ght, for if it did, it would loger totalitaria d moopolistic.
. .
No bureaucracy l could so stubborn Its p~r
poses d aims. l those egaged i \V forms of o\Vllership,
1vho tread the road to \V fs of productio, are l of
beig so persistet.
:r foresaw tat after its victory the proletariat would
exposed to dager from the deposed classes 1d fro its own
bureaucracy. vVhe tl1e Commuists, especially those in Yugo
slavia, criticize Stali's administ-ation d beaucratic methods, they geerally refer to 1vhat : aticipated. However,
\Vhat is happenig i Communism today has little conectio
with :r and certainly no conectio \Vith tis anticipation.
Marx \Vas tinkig of the danger fom an i.s in parasitic
bureaucracy, 'vhich is also present in contemporay Communism. It neve occured to him that today's Communist
strong m, who hadle mateial goods bel1alf of their \V
arrow caste's iterests rather tha for the bureaucracy as
whole, would the bureaucracy he was thikig of. I this
case too, :r serves as good excuse for the Commuists,
\Vl1ether t extravagat tastes of various strata of the \V class
or poor admiistration is uder criticism.
Cotemporay Commuism is t l party of certai
type, or bureaucracy \vhich has sprug fom moopolistic
o\Vllership d excessive state itefeiece i the m.
:r tha aything else, the essetial aspect of cotemporary
Commuism is t.he e'iv class of O"\Vers d exploiters.
NEW CLASS
~9
6.
No class is estalished its O\Vll action, even though its
ascent is organized and accompanied conscious st11ggle.
This olds true for the ne\v class in Communism.
The ne1v class, because it d \Veak relationship to the
m and social structure, d of ecessity had its origin i
single party, \Vas forced to estalish tlle higllest possile orga
izational stucture. Finally it. 1vas forced to delierate and
conscious \vithdra\val fom its earlier tenets. Consequently the
ne\v class is m highly oganized d more blgllly class-co
scious t any class i recOIded history.
Tis propositio is true l if it is take relatively; consciousness d organizational stucture beig take in relation
to the outside 1vorld and to other classes, powers, and social
forces. No otl1er class i history llas as cohesive and singleminded in defendig itself and in controlling that 1vllicll it
llolds-collective and monopolistic mrnership and totalitaria
authority.
tlle otller and, t ne\v class is also t most deluded
and least conscious of itself. Every private capitalist or feudal
lod 1vas conscious of the fact t.hat he belonged to special discernile social categoy. usually believed that this category
1vas destined to make t huma happy, and that \vithout
tis category chaos d geneal rui \vould esue. Communist member of the ne\v class also believes that, \vithout his
party, society \vould egess and foundei". But he is not conscious
of the fact that he belongs to \v mvnership class, for he does
not consider himself an o>vner and does t take into account
the special privileges enjoys. thiks that he belogs to
group \Vith sid ideas, aims, attitudes, and 1oles. That
is all he sees. rt see tlt at the same time he belongs
to specia1 social category: the ownerslzip class.
Collective Orleiship, \vhicll acts to reduce the class, at the
NEW CLASS
60
same time makes it unconscious of its class substance, and each
one of the collective owners is deluded in that he thinks he
uniqely belongs to movement 1vhic 'ivould abolis classes
in society.
.
compax-ison of other characteristics of the ?-e:v c~a~s wrth
those of other mvership classes eveals m srmatles ~d
many differences. "\v class is voracios d insatiale, JHSt
as the boaeoisie "\vas. But it does t have the virtes of
frgality f m that t bog~oisie ~. ~e\V class
is as exclusive as t aristocracy t 'vrtot astocracy s efie
met and proud cblvalry.
Tlle ne\v class also s advantages over otller classes. Because
it is more t it is better prepared for greater sacrifices
d eroic exploits. individal is copletely d totally
sbordinated to the 1vlle; at least, tlle pievailig ideal calls
for scl1 sbordinatio v "\ven he is t seekig to better
hiself. ne\v class is strong ng to carry t material
and oter vetres tat oter class was ever l to do.
Since it possesses t nation's goods, t ne\V class is in position to devote itself religiously to t ais it s set and to
direct all t forces of t people to t frterance of tese
ais,
"\v o'imeblp
NEliV CLASS
"\vays of life d of
of Commuism.
61
t
main
etlds
for
t developmet
I o-Commuist systes, t
of careerism
sign that it is profitale to
ut, or that "\\'11s v parasites, so tat
t adinistration of poperty is left i t ds of employees.
I Corrunisr, careerisr d scruplos aritio testify
t.o t fact tat tere is an irresistile diive tovvad O\vership
d t privileges that the adriistratio of material goods and .
Merbership in oter o1vership classes is t idetical "\vith
tlle versblp of particlar property. This is still less the
case i t Corrist syste isu as owership is
collective. O"\ver joit O"\Vei i tlle Corrnist
syste rs tat eters the raks of the rulig political
r d otblg else.
I tl1e "\v class, jst as i oter classes, s idividuals
costantly fall the 1vayside "\Vile oteis go up t ladder.
I private-mvership classes idividal left his poperty to
his descedats. I the '\v class ierits aythig except the aspii-atio to 1-aise iself to blgher rug of the
ladder. The "\v class is actally beig created fro the lmvest
d broadest strata of the people, and is i costat rotio.
Althougl1 it is sociologically possile to prescrie '\v belongs
to the 1v class, it is difficlt to do so; for the ne"\V class elts
ito d spills v ito the people, ito other lower classes,
and is costarly gig.
The d to the top is theoietically to all, just as evei'y
of Napoleo's soldiers carried arshal's t i is
kapsack. The l thig tat is requiied to get the road
is sicere d cornplete loyalty to tlle t or to the w class.
at. the bottom, the new class becores icreasigly d
eletlessly aro"\ver at the top. Not l is t desire ecessary
f the clib; also ecessary is the aility to derstad and
develop docties, firness in stuggles agaist atagonists, and
nsls iti
62
NEW CLASS
7.
NEW CLASS
63
meas tat t ne\v class s rt succeeded in completely taking
over t management of t villages. rg tlle kolkhozes
d the use of t complsory crop-purcase system, the ne1v
class s succeeded in making vassals of t peasants and grabing lion's s of the peasants' icome, but t w class
s t become the l po,ver of t land. St.alin \Vas completely a\vare of tis. Before his deat, in Econornic Prolerns
of Socialisrn in the U.S.S.R., Stalin foresa1v tat t kolkozes
sold become state property, 'tvhic is to say tat. t breau
cl'acy should become t I'eal a\vner. Criticizing Stalin for is
excess use of prges, Khrushchev did rt owever renounce
Stalin's vie1vs on property in kolkhozes. The appoitment
the e'tv regime of 30,000 party \Varkers, rnostly to pi"esidets
of kolkhozes, was l of the measres i lie wit Stali's
policy.
Jst as uder Stali, t w regime, i executing its so-called
lieralization policy, is extedig the "socialist." O\Vlleiship of
the ne\v class. Decetralizatio i the economy does not. m
chage i o\vership, but only gives greater rights to t
lO\\rer strata of the bu!'eauacy or of the \v class. If the socalled liealizatio and decentralization meat anything else,
that \Vould manifest in the political rigt of at least part of
t people to execise some ifluence i the managemet of
material goods. At least, the people wold have the rigl to
criticize t aritrariess of tl1e oligarcy. This 'tVald lead to
the creatio of e'tv political rnovemet, v thog it 1vere
l loyal opposition. H01vever, tis is t v metioed,
just as dernocracy i t.he t is not mentioed. Liealization
and decetr-alizatio in force only for Commuists; first for
the oligarchy, tlle leaders of the e'tv class; d secod, f those
i the lo\ver echelos. Tis is the 1v method, ievitale dr
gig coditions, for t fther stregtheing d consolidatio of moopolistic O'tvnership d totalitaria athority of
the ne>v class.
fact that t.here is ne>v ownig, moopolistic, d total-
64
NEW CLASS
NETV CLASS
65
class is ost sesitiYe to deads on t part of t
people for special kind of fd, not for freedo in general
or political freedo. It is especially sensitive to deads for
fd of tougllt and criticis, \\'itin t liits of present
coditions d \\'itbl tlle liits of "socialis"; not for deands f01 retun to pevios social d o\vnersblp relations.
Tis sesitivity origiates fro t class's special position.
ne'iv class instinctively feels tat atioal goods are, in
fact, its t, d tat even t ters "socialist," "social,"
and "state" propety denote get=ral legal fictio. The ne1v
class also tiks tlt any of its totalitaiia tit
ig! ipeiil its O'ivesip. Coseqetly, tl1e \v class
opposes any type of fd, ostensily for t s of
pieserYig "socialist" O'imeip. Ciiticis of t V class's
onopolistic adinistr-atio of t geerates t f of
of possile loss of w. \v class is sesitive to tese
Ciiticiss d deads depedig t extent. to wblc t
expose t nn in >vi it rles and olds power.
Tbls is an iportant contradictio. operty is legally consideed social and national prope1ty. t, in actality, single
g anages it i its o>m inteest. discrepacy bet>veen
legal and actal conditions cotinosly eslts i s and
abnoral social and econoic relatiosllips. It also s tat
t 'i\'ods of t leading g do not coespond to its actions;
d tat all actions eslt i str-egtenig its poperty old
ings and its political position.
Tis cotradiction canot. 1esolved >vitot jeopardizing
tl1e class's positio. Oter rling, propeity-o>ving classes cold
not resolve tis contadictio eiter, uless forcefully depived
of onopoly of pO\\~"er d mmeiSip. Weever t s been
igl1er degree of freedo for society as >vole, t rling
classes llave been forced, in one \vay or anot.er, to renounce
l of o>vnersip. Tl1e revese is tre also: 'iverever
onopoly of owersip s been ipossile, freedo, to some
degree, s become inevitable.
\v
66
NEW CLASS
NEW CLASS
contradict.io
67
68
NEW CLASS
and other means, the regime has appropriated even t.he shae
of the pofits 1vhich the 1vorkers believed 1vould give to
them. l crumbs from the taies d illusio have left
to the wokers. Withot iversal feedom t v wokers'
maagemet become f. Clearly, i uf society
rbody can feely decide anythig. The gives have someho>v
obtaied the most value fom the gift of feedom t.hey sp
posedly haded t.he 1vorkers.
This does not. mean that the e'iv class canot make coces
sios to the people, v though it only coides its O'iVIl
iteests. Wokes' management, or decetalizatio, is co
cession to t masses. Cicnstaces may drive the new class,
no matter ho1v moopolistic and totalitaia it may , to retreat before t rnasses. In 1948, 1\'hen the conflict took place
bet'iveen Ygoslavia and t U.S.S.R., t Ygoslav leaders
1v fOI'ced to t sorne eforrns. v t-
it rnio-ht
1:>
1:>
mean back'i\'ad step, t set reforns as soon as they sa1v
temselves in d. Someting siilar is happeina- today
1:>
t eastern Eropean cotr'ies.
In defending its autority, t ruling class ust execute e
fons -., tie it becomes obvious to t people that the
class is teating national property as its O'ivn. Such eforns are
not poclaimed as being 'ivhat they 11 are, but tr as t
of t "fut de-.,elopment of socialism" and "socialist dernocacy." gound1vok f efoms is lai(:l 1\rhe t discep
acy metioned -., becomes pu lic. Forn t istoical
point of vie1v t ne1v class is fOiced to fotify its autority d
o'ivesip costatly, v tg it is uig a>vay frorn t
tut: It mus~ cotatly demostrate 01v it is sccessfully
c~eatg sooety of happy people, all of 1vorn eqal
1gl1ts d feed of -., type of exploitatio. The
e'iv class cannot aYoid falling continuously into pofond i
teal cotadictios; f in spite of its blstoical orio-in it is
not l to make its mvneisip la>vful, d it cannot r:n
o\\rnersip witlut undemining itself. Conseqently, it is
N'
CLASS
69
PARTY STATE
ko'\vs
wom.
1.
The mechanism of Communist po\ver is perhaps the simplest
which can conceived, although it leads to the most refined
tyanny d tlle most brutal exploitation. The simplicity of
this mechanism 01iginates from tl1e fact that one t alone,
the Communist Party, is the backbone of the entire political,
economic, and ideological activity. The entire pulic is at
standstill or moves ahead, falls behind or turns around accordig to \vhat happes in tlle patty foms.
Under the Communist systems the people realize quickly
'\vhat they and \vat they are not penitted to do. Laws and
regulations <.-Io not v an essential importance for them. The
actual and uvritten ules concening t relationship beteen
the governmet and its subjects do. Regardless of la'lvs, everyone
kno1vs tat t government is in tlle hads of the party committees d t secret police. No'lvere is "t directig role"
of t party prescried, but. its autority is estalised in all
oganizations and sectors. No law provides tat t secret police
s the rigt to cotrol citizes, but t police is all-powerful.
No la1v pescries that t judiciary d prosecutors shold
cotrolled t secret police and t party committee, but
they are. Most people know tat tbls is tlle case. Everyoe
70
71
72
NEV
CLASS
.
from under 1v-hich the lood and s1veat of all members of sooety
flo1v-. Particular revolutionary fons vv-ere transfomed into reactioary ones. Tis 1v-as also the case 1vitll the Commuist
uits.
PARTY STATE
73
2.
particla
74
NEW CLASS
PARTY STATE
75
body leadersip over the thoughts of its rs. Althoua-h
ideo_logical unity 1vas attained in Leni's tie through discuss held at the top, Stali hiself -
to re!mlate 1t
1:>
Today, post-Stalin "collective leadersip" is satisfied to make
it ipossile for >v social ideas to appear. Thus, Marxism
has become theory to defied exclusively party leader-s.
There is no other type of Marxis or uis today, and
the developmet of aother type is hardly possile.
The social cosequeces of ideological uity have
tragic: Lenin's dictatorship 1vas strict, but Stali's dictatorship
became totalitarian. The abolitio of all ideoloo-ical struo-a-le
. h
01:>
1~ t party meant tlle ter-miatio of all freedo in society,
s:nce only though the party did the various strata fid expressn. Intolerace of other ideas and isistence the presumably exclusive scientific ature of Marxis >vere the bea-inin()'
of ideological monopoly party leadership, 1vhich l;ter d:veloped ito complete l over society.
Party ideological unity akes indepedent movemets impossile witi the Couist syste d withi society itself.
v action depends on t party, 1vi has total control
over society; 1vitin it. t is not t sliglltest eedom.
. Id~ological_ unity did t arise sddely t, like everythig
us, developed gradually, reacig its greatest
llei~llt duri~g t struggle for po>ver t various party
facts. It IS not. at all accidental tat, during Stali's ascendacy to po>ver i t id-1920's, it >vas openly demanded of
Trotsky for the first tie tat reject all ideas other than
tose fOI'ulated the party.
Party ideological uity is the spirital basis of persoal dictatoip. Witllot it personal dictatorship t even
imagined. It begets and strengthens t dictatorship, and vice
':ersa. Tis is undeistandale; monopoly over ideas, or obllgatory ideological uity, is l coplemet and theor~tical mask for personal dictatorsblp. Altoug personal
dictatorship d ideological unity were already evident in t
NEW CLASS
.
or the dictatorship of small number of ol1gachs 1vho temporarily work together or maintai balance of p01ver, as is
t case in the U.S.S.R. today. We find tendency to1vard
ideological uity in otl1er parties also, especiall i socialist
parties in teir earlier stages. Ho>vever, tbls is l tendency
in tese parties; i Commuist parties it has become oligatory.
One is oiiged not l to Marxist, but to adopt the type
of Marxism desired and prescied t leadersl1ip. Marxism
s been t.ransformed from free revolutioy ideology ito
prescried dogma. As in anciet Eastern despotism, the top
autority iterprets and prescies t dogma, 1vblle the emperor is the archpiest.
The oligatoy ideological unity of the party, 1vblc s
passed trough various pases d forms, s remained the
most essetial caracteristic of Bolsevik or Commuist parties.
If these parties had not at the same time the begiig
of 1v classes, and if t d t had special blstoical role
to play, oligatory ideological uity could not have existed in
them. Except for the Commuist u, not sigle
class or party i modern history s attaied complete ideological uity. None d, f, t task of tasforming all of
society, mostly t.hrogh political d admiistrative meas. For
suc task, complete, faatical cofidence in t rigt.eous-
PARTY STATE
ess d oility
77
teir
.
t
tbls is
metl:d
78
NEW CLASS
PARTY STATE
79
gar~~y i the ~ommunist system is rt t result of momentary
polltlcal r~la~ns, but. of long and complex social progress.
cha~ge 1t. 1vould not mean cange in the form of government one and tlle same system, but change in the system
~tself, or the beg.inning of change. Such dictatorship is
Itself the system, 1ts body d soul, its essence.
The Communist gove1met very apidly becomes small
circle of party leaders. The claim that it is dictatorsblp of
the proletariat becomes an empty slogan. The process that
leads to tbls develops 1vit the inevitabllity and uncorltrollabllity of t elements, d the theory tat the is an
avant-garde of t proletariat l aids the process.
Thi~ does not mean tat during t battle for pmver t
pai"ty 1s not the leader of the 1vorking masses or tat it. is not
wOI'king i their interests. But the, t pty's role and
struggles are stages and fom1s of its movement. to1vard po1ver.
Althougl1 its stggle aids t "\Votking class, it also strengtens
the party, as 1vell as t future po1ver-holders and the embryonic
ne\v class. As soon as it attains po1ver, the party controls all
po1ver and takes all goods iro its hands, pi"ofessig to the
representative
of t interests of t 1vorkina
class and the
~
.
';rorkg people. Except for sort periods during t evolutnai"y battle, t pi"oletariat does not participate or play
greater role in tis tl1an any oter class.
Tis does not mean tat t proletariat, or some of its stata,
are not. temporarily interested in keeping t par-ry in po1ver.
peasants suppoi"ted tose "' professed t intention to
rescue tem from opeless miseiy through industrializatio.
~Vhile individual stiata of t 1vorking classes may temporarlly support tlle party, t governrnet is not teirs nor is
theii' part in tlle government impotant for t course of social
pogress and social relations. In tlle Communist system nothia
is done to aid the \vorkig people, particularly the worki~
class, t.o attain po>ver d ights. It carot otherwise.
The classes and masses do not exercise authority, but the
80
NEW CLASS
PARTY STATE
81
lutioary
d disgace.
Comnist
persoal
extr-avaof mn
in power t.o
ance-soetinu
>vi t carot esist s
82
NEW CLASS
PARTY STATE
83
are only covened to confin what has previously been
cooked up i intimate kitcens.
The Comrunists v fetisblst relatio toward t stat.e
or t governmet, exactly as if it 1vere teir o1vn property.
The sare men, t same groups, 1vblch are intirate and familia inside the party become stiff, formal, and pompous individuals 1vhen they act as epresetatives of the state.
Tbls monarcy is anytblg but enlightened. monarch
blmself, t dictato, does not feel himself to eiter
ronarc or dictator. \!n 1vas called dictator, Stalin
ridiculed the idea. felt tat was t representative of
the collective paity 1vill. 1vas right to degree-since
l else in blstory ever had as m personal po1ver.
, like every oter Communist dictator, 1vas 1v that
retreat. f-om the ideological bases of the party, f-om t monopolism of the ne1v class, fom o1vnership of the nation's goods,
or m the totalitaria po1ver of the oligarcy, 1vould result
in his inevitale downfall. Indeed, no suc retreat was v
considered Stalin, as he 1vas t foremost representative
d creator of t system. Ho1vever, even he was dependent
on the system created under bls administration, or on t
opinions of t t oligachy. could do notblng against
them nor could he pass over them.
The fact ererges that in tl1e Communist system one is
idependet, neiter those at the top nor the leader himself.
They are all dependent on one another and must avoid being
separated from their surroudings, prevailing ideas, cotrols,
and interests.
Is there, the, sense i talking about t dictatoship
of t proletariat under Communism?
4.
Commuist teory
in detail
Lein
of t state,
and supplemented
teory
worked out
others,
Stali d
84
NEW CLASS
PARTY STATE
85
86
NEW CLASS
of view. Experience has demonstrated that the results are completely cotrary to those envisaged Lenin. The classes did
not disappear under the "dictatorship of the proJ.etariat," and
the "dictatorship of the proletariat" did not begin to wither
a1vay. Actually, the creation of the total authority of the Commuists, and the liquidation of the classes of the old society,
1vas meant to look like the liquidation of classses in geneal.
But the growth of state power or, more precisely, of tlle bureaucracy through 1vhich it enforced its tyranny did not stop with
t dictatorship of the proletariat. Instead it increased.
theory had to patcl1ed up someo1v; Stalin had coceived
still higer "educational" role of t Soviet state before it
"witered." If Commuist tlleory of t state, d especially
its practice, is reduced to its very essence, i.e., to force and coercion as tlle pricipal or only function of t state, Stali's
teory migt said to that t police system has this ig
or "educat.ioal" role to play. Understandaly, l malicious
iterpretation could lead to suc conclusio. And in tllis
teory of Stalin's tere is of t Communist half-truts:
Stali did not ko1v 1v to explai the obvious fact tat t
po1ver d migt of t state machiey cotiually grew i
t already "estalised socialist society." So took of
t fuctios of t state-te educatioal function-as the
main function. 1vas t l to use tyranny since tere no
longer 1vere any opposition classes.
The situation is t same 1vit t Yugoslav leaders' teories
concerning "tm." In t clas 1vit Stalin, t had to
"ectify" his "deviatios" and do something so tat the state
1vould soon begin to "1vither a1vay." It did t matter t.o St.alin
or t.o tem tat tlley 1vere fter promoting d strengtllening
tllat function of t state-foce-whic for tem 1vas the most
important function and one which they based their t
of the state.
St.alin's ideas on llo1v the state 1vithers a;vay while growing
stroger, i.e., the \\' that the state's fuctions contiually -
PARTY STATE
87
d and dra1v an ever increasing nr of cltlzes into
temselves, is extremely interestig. Perceivig t ever greater
d expadig role of the state macble, despite t already
"started" trasition ito "completely classless" Commuist.
society, Stali thoght that the state wold disappear having
all the cit.iz~ry ise t.o t state's level d take charge of its
affairs. Li, moieover, talked about. the time 1v "v
ouse1vives 1vill admiister the governmet." Theories resemlig that of Stali circlate in Yugoslavia, as 1ve have s.
Neitl1er these r Stali's are l to bridge the ever increasig
chasm betv.ree t Communist theories of the state, 1vith t
"disappearace" of classes d the "1vitherig a1vay" of t
state i their "socialism" tl1e had, d the realities
of t totalitaia autority of t party bureaucacy the
otller.
5.
88
NEW CLASS
PARTY STATE
89
Legal forrns st protected on the d 1vblle tlle!
moopoly of atority mst ired at t same time.
For the rnost part, i tlle Commist system, legislative
authority t separated fr-om executive authority. Lein
cosidered this perfect soltio. Yugoslav leaders also ai
tain tbls. In one-party system, this is of the sources of
despotis d omipotece i governmet.
I the same 1vay, it has impossile i pr-actice to separ-ate
police autority from judicial autlity. Those 1vho aest also
jdge d eforce puishment.s, The circle is closed: t executive, the legislative, the investigatig, t cort, and the
puisblg bodies are one and t same.
Why does t Communist dictatorsblp have to use la1vs to
the great extet that. it does? vVhy does it have to hide behind
legality?
Foreign poJitical pr-opagada is of t reasos. Anoter importat is the fact tat the Comrnist regime
st isure d fix the rigts of those u 1vom it depeds
te ;v class-to maitai itself. La;vs are al1vays >vritte from
the stadpoit of the 1v class's or party's eeds or iterests.
Officially the la1vs must 1vritte for all citizes, but citizes
t rigts of these la;vs coditioally, l if t are
t "eemies of socialism." Coseqetly the Comrnuists
costatly rd tat t rnigt forced to oat
t la1vs tat they v ac:lopted. rf, t al;vays leave
loophole or exceptio 1vich 1vill enale tem to eYade their
la1vs.
For istace, the Yugoslav legislative authorities stand the
priciple that covicted except for act. 1vhich
has exactly forrnlated the la1v. Ho>veYel', most of the
political ti'iaJs are eld the gi"ouds of so-called "hostile
propagada," altough tis t is pposely t defied
t, istead, left to the jdges or secret po1ice.
For these reasos po1itical trials i Comrnuist. regimes are
ostly prearranged. courts haYe the task of demostrating
90
NEW CLASS
PARTY STATE
91
legal point of view, v though they a.re oppoents of the
regime. From t Comrnuist. poit of vie>v, these opponents
are pnished "due process of la>v," altogh there may
no legal basis for their being convicted.
When citizens spontaneosly trn against t regime's measures, the Commnist athorities handle tem >vitlut I'eQ"ard
to costitutional and legal reglations. Modern history s"' no
record of actios against t opposition of the masses wblcl1
are as brtal, inman, and nla;vful as those of Communist
regimes. actio taken in Poznan is t best. kno>v, but rt
the most brutal. Occupying and colonial po;vers seldom take
sch severe measres, even though t conquerors d
accomplis their actios t use of extraordinary laws d
ss. Comunist. po>ver-wielders accomplish tl1e in
teir very "v" country trapling on teir O\VIl la>vs.
Even in non-political matters, t judiciay and t legislative atorities rt. safe fom the despots. The totalitaian class and its members cannot. help but mix into t affai;
of the judiciary and the legislative authorities. Tis is an
ever-yday occrrence.
An article in t l' 23, 1955, isse of t Belgade ne\vspaper Politika (Politics) offeiS tbls suitale illustrat.ion of t
real l and position of t courts in Yugoslavia (a1tlug
there s al\vays been blger deg.ree of legality in Yugoslavia
tan in oter Counist. countries):
In discussion of polems connected ;vith ciminals operating in t economy, at 2-day annal cofe!'ence, piesided
over puiic prosecutor n Jevemovic, the public pose
cutors of tlle republics, of t Vojvodina, and of Belgade
announced tat coopeation bet>veen t judiciary organs and
the autonomous organs in tlle economy and all political organizations is necess-y for complete success in tlle battle
against criminals operating in tlle economy and all political
orgaizations ....
The public prosecutors tink tat. soc:iety has t yet reacted
92
NEW CLASS
wit
PARTY STATE
93
6.
The Comuist legal syste cannot free itself of foralis,
abolish t.he decisive infl.uece of party uits d the police
i trials, electios, and siilar evets. The higher up goes,
the r legality s r ornaet, and the geater
t role of governet i tlle judiciaiJ', in electios, d the
like s.
eptiess and poposity of Counist elections is
generally 1vell kno1v; if I rr coectly, Attlee wittily
called the " race 1vitll horse." It seems to tl1at something should said: vVlly is it tat Comuists canot do
without elections, even tllough tlley llave effect political
relatios; and cannot do 1vitllout sucll costly d empty uder
takig as paliametary estalisllmet?
Again, propagada d foreig policy are anng tlle reasos.
h is also tbls: no gover11et, not even Couist one,
exist 1vitllout everythig beig legally costituted. Under
coteporary coditions this is d eans of elected represetatives. people ust formally cofirm everythig tlle
Comuists do.
Besides this there is deeper and more ipotant reaso
for t parliametai}' syste i Comuist states. It is necessary t.hat the top party beaucracy, or tlle political core of the
1v class, approve t easures taken t govenmet, its
sr body. Commuist govement ignore geeral
pulic opinio, but every Comunist govemment is boud
t pulic ii of t party, and Couist pulic
opinio. Cosequetly, v toug elections v scarcely
ig for Couists, tl1e selectio of tose 1v 1vill i
t parliaet is done v caeflly the top party group. I
the selection, accout. is take of all circustances, suc as services, role d fuction i t vt d i society, t professions represented, etc. F tlle intra-party poit of vk\v,
electios for leadersblp are very iportant: t leaders disr
94
NEW CLASS
95
PARTY STATE
governmet; ideed,
type would
tat
any otl1er
7.
Fouded
96
NEW CLASS
PARTY STATE
97
98
NEW CLASS
PARTY STATE
99
most important reaso why there was no organized
resistace to Commuism lies deep in tlle all-inclusiveess and
t.otalitariaism of tlle Commuist state. It ltad peetrated into
all tlle pores of society and of the persoality--into the vision
of t scietists, tl1e ispiration of poets, and the dreams of
lovers. rise agaist it meat t. l to die t deat of
desperate individual, but to braded d excommuicated
from society. Tlle1e is air or ligllt uder tlle Commuist
govermet's iro fist.
Neitller of tlle t1vo mai types of opposition groups-tat
stemming from the olde1 classes and tat stemming from origial Commuism itself-found 1vays and eans of combatia
.
t:>
t 1s encroachment tlleir lierty. first. group 1vas tuggig
back1vard, 1\'ile the secod group carried poitless d
tougtless revolutioary activity, and egaged in quiblig
about dogma 1vith tlle regime. Conditios 1vere t yet ripe
for t finding of 1v roads.
Meamvhile, the people 1vere instinctively suspicious of t
1v d and esisted every step and small detail. Today, this;
resistance is t geatest, tl1e most real threat to Commuist
1egimes. Tlle Communist oligarcs loger kr1v \Vllat
t masses thik 1 feel. regimes feel isecure in sea of
deep d dark discotent.
gl1 istoy s recod of oter system so sucessfl in checking its opposition as t Commuist dictatoi"Sip,
n v s provoked sucll pofoud d fa1-reacig discontent. It seems tat t more t consciece is crused and
t less t opportunities for estalishir oraaization exist
~
'
t geater t discontet..
Commuist totalitariaism leads to total discotet, i wicll
all differeces of ii are gradually lost, except despaii
d hatred. St resistance-te dissatisfactio of millions 1vith t everyday details of life-is t form of resistace
that the Communists v t l t.o smoter. Tis was
confiied duig t Soviet.-Gera war. vV t Germans
100
NEW CLASS
8.
Communist
prolems tat d
PARTY STATE
101
102
NEW CLASS
104
CLASS
Covinced
DOGMATISM IN
ECONOMY
105
it s created closed economic system, >vith forms of property
which facilitate t party's domiatio d its moopoly. At
first, t Commists d t.o tur to this ''collectivistic" fom
for objective reasons. N o-vv they colltine to stregte tis
form->vitot considerig >veter not it. is i the interest
of the natioal economy and of ftr idustrializatio-for
teir Ov\'11 sake, for an exclsive Commuist class aim. They
first admiistered d controlled t etire economy for socalled ideal goals; 1ater tlrey did it for t prpose of mai
taiing teir absolte tl and dominatio. t is the i
reaso for suc far-reacl1ig d inflexile political measures
i t Commnist m.
I an itervie>v i 1956, Tito admitted tat. there "socialist elements" in \Vester economies, t tat they are t
"delierately" introdced ito t ecoomies as s. Tis
expesses t \vole Communist idea: l s "socia1ism"
is estalislred "delierately"-by organized complsio-i t
ecoomics of teir cotr-ies must t Communists preserve
the despotic metod of governig and teir o-.;vn moopoly of
o\vnersip.
106
NEW CLASS
t;
2.
The Couists interpret t special role of those w
produce in tenns of their total O\vership d, even r i
portat, often in ters of the overriding role of ideology i
t n.
DOGMATISM IN
Coplsory
ECONOMY
107
onopoly
108
CLASS
DOGMATISM IN
ECONOMY
109
Above all,
110
are
of
political than an
NEW CLASS
econoic rl
DOGMATISM IN
for the
t.
It is not accidetal tat t working class is the ain concenl of the regie; not for idealistic or uaitarian reasons,
but siply because tis is t class 1vi production depends and on ivich t rise and t very existence of t new
class depends.
ECONOMY
111
Counists.
vVhile inclividua1 st.rikes are alost ipossile, and hopeless as far as potential esults are concerned, there are no
r political conditions for general strikes and they can
occur only i exceptional situations. Wheever idividual
strikes have taken place, they have usually cl1anged ito gl
strikes d have taken on distinctly political chaacter. I
addition, Couist regies constantly divide d disrupt
the 1vokig class eans of paid fuctionar-ies, aised fro
its raks, 1vho "educate" it, "uplift it ideologically," d direct
it in its daily life.
Trade unio organizations and other professioal OIganizations, because of thei purpose d functio, l
the appendages of single o1vner and potetate-the political
oligarchy. Thus, teir "ain" s is t of "buildig
socialis" or increasig production. Teir oter fuctions
to spread illusions and acquiescent d g t
1vorkers. s orgaizations v played only iportant
role-the lifting of the cultal level of the \Vorking classes.
"\Vorkers' ogaizations uder t Couist. syste
really "" "yello1v" ogaizations of special kid.
expressio "of special kid" is used because t
l is at t s tie t goveent and t exponent
of t predoinant ideology. In other systes tlse t1vo factors
are generally separate fro oter, so tat t 1vokers,
even tlug ul to rely either one of t, are at least
l to take advantage of t differences and conflicts betiveen
free lt or free
ivokers' orgaizatios, tere is liit. to exploitatio, even
i t Couist syste. searc for tis liit would
require d d ill01e concete analysis. W will cocern
ourselves l 1vit its ost iportant aspects.
I additio to political liits-fear of dissatisfaction aonD"
the ivorkers and otl1er cosideratios wich are subject. to
g-th are also costant liits to exploitatio: the fs
d degrees of exploitation 1vich too costly for the
syste ust s or later discotiued.
Tus, t decree of April 25, 1956, i t U.S.S.R., t
dti of 1vorkers for tardiess or for quitting t.heir
jobs ivas caceled. Also great n \VOI"kers 1vere released
fro l s; these ivere cases in ivhich it ivas ipossile
to distingish betivee political prisoers d those iv t
gi d tloiv ito labor s because it needed labor
fOI'ce. This decree did t result i copletely freed labor
f, for cosideale liitatios still reained i force, t
it did repeset the ost sigificat pogress d after Stalin's
In spite of
fact
tat. tere
is
deat.
112
NEW CLASS
freedoms ate detennined the ature of ownership and govemment. Until o-.;vnership d govenment are chaged, the
labor force canot become free d must remai subject to
moderate or severe forms of ecoomic d administrative
r.
Because of its production needs, Commuist regime regulates labor coditios and the st.atus of the l force. Jt takes
maysided and a.encompassing social measures: it regul~tes
such things as -.;vorking hours, vacations, isurace, dt,
the labor of wome and childre. Many of these meases are
largely nominal; many are also of progressively harmful
character.
Commnist system the tedency t.o regulate labor relations and to maintai order and in productio is constant.
single d collective mvner solves labo-force polems
on an all-encompassing scale. Jt canot st "rl" in
anytblng, and certainly rt in t labor f. Jt must eglate
it just as mch as every oter aspect of productio.
The great boast that there is full employment i Commnist.
systems cannot ide t 1vounds 1vi e\'ident as one
looks more closely. As s as all mateiial goods contolled
one body, these goods, like m1v eeds, mst become
t subject of planig. Political necessities play importat
role i planig d tis uavoidaly eslts i t retetio
of number of rs of idustry, 1vich srvive at. t
expense of oters. s planning bldes actal nemploymet.
As soon as sectors of t economy can engage in feer play, or
as s as it becomes unnecessay for the regime to sstain and
stregthe at t s of tr, uemploy
mellt -.;vill r. More extesive ties with t 1vold market
can also cause tis tied.
Cosequetly, full employment is t t reslt of Commuist "socialism" t of an ecoomic policy carried t
command; in t final aalysis, fll employmet is t result
of disharmoy d prodctio inefficiecy. Jt does t eveal
DOGMATISM IN ECONOMY
ll3
the power but weakness of the economy. Yugoslavia was
sor~ of wor~ers util it acieved satisfactory degree of productn efficiecy. As s as it did, tllere -.;vas uemploymet.
Uemployet 1vould v blgher if Yugoslavia attaied
maximum prodctio efficiecy.
Coniuist econoies full eployent conceals une
ployent. poverty of all coceals t ulr of
s, just as the pheoenal progress of s sectors of t
n coceals the backwardess of oters.
s token, this type of l mvnersblp and
goveme~t is l t.o pevent. econoic collapse, but il
of preventg chroic crises. The selfish interests of the 11ew
class d the ideological caracter of the n k it
ipossile to aintain healthy and llaronious syste.
4.
Marx 1vas t the first. to visualize the of futre
society ld basis. t -.;vas t first, or g t
first, to recogize tat dr r uavoidaly teds
toward planig because, i additio to social reasos, it is
~eig estaliseq tlle basis of scietific teclology.
s 1vere the fiist to l gigatic atioal d iter
atioal scale. Today, planig is geeral and
an iportant eleent of the econoic policy of ost governents, even togh it s differet caracter in indstrially
devel~ped countries fro tat in indstially udeveloped ones.
Planng s necessary when podction reaces an advaced stage d 1ven social, intemational, d other codi
tions are subject to siilar teds. Jt does t llave uch conection with anyone's teories, let alone tllose of , 1vhic
were costr"Ucted on far lo1ver level of social d econoic
relations.
114
NEW CLASS
DOGMATISM IN
ECONOMY
ll
NEW CLASS
DOGMATISM IN
ECONOMY
ll7
The same is true 1vith regard to agriculture. U11der prese11tday coditio11s, progressive agriculte also means idus
trializatio11. Pogressive agriculture does 110t isure that
Communist regime 1vill indepe11det of the outside. Inter11ally it makes t regime depe11de11t 011 the peasat, eve11
though the peasats are membel'S of ' cooperatives. Cose
que11tly steel s give11 priority i t pla11, right beside
kolkhozes 1vith lo1v productio. The plaing of political
1v had to allead of ecoomic progress.
Soviet, or Commuist, planig is of special kid. It has
t eyolved as tlle esult of t tech11ological developmet of
poductio r as the result of the "socialist." cosciousess of
its iitiators. I11stead it s evolved as t result of special
type of governmet and O\V11ers11.ip. Today, tecical d other
factors are i11flue11ci11g this type of lig, but tese other
factors have t ceased to v tlleir effect the evolutio11
of tis type of plan11ing. It is very important to 11ote tis, for
it. is tlle key to u11dersta11di11g tlle cllaracter of this type of planng, a11d of the capailities of Commu11ist eco11omy.
results acieved such 11 eco11omy a11d such pla11ni11g vaied. tti11 of all mea11s to acieve
specific s make it possile for t po1ver-1vielders to
progress 1vith extraordiary speed i11 certai11 s of the
eco11omy. Tlle progress that t U.S.S.R. s achieved i11 some
banclles s eretofore ever 11 acieved a11y1vhere in t
1vorld. Hmvever, 1vl1e11 11 cosides the back\vard conditios
existig in oter branches t progress acieved is 110t. justified
from t ove-all economic point of vie1v.
. Of couse, onc:-back\vard Rsia s attaied secod place
\Vold productn as far as its most importa11t branches of
t eco11omy nd. It s become t mitiest conti
nental pmver in t 1vorld. strong 1vorkig class, 1vide stratum of teclical intellige11tsia, and t materials f consuer
goods productio v created. dictatosip s t
NEW CLASS
118
5.
The Commuist planed ecormy conceals within itself an
anarchy of special kind. In spite of the fact that it is planned,
the Commurlist economy is perhaps the most 1vasteful economy
ir1 the history of human society. Such claims may seem stange,
especially if one has in mind the relatively rapid development
of individual branches of the economy, d of t.he m as
1vhole. However, they have solid basis.
\Vastefuless of fantastic proportios was unavoidale even
if this had t group 1vhich cosideed ever-ytblg, i
cludincr the m, from its O\Vll narrO\V owership and
ideolo~ical poit of vie1v. Ho;v could sigle group of this
kid admiister complex modern m effectively d
thriftily-a economy which, in spite of the most complete
plarig, sho;ved yaried d often contradictory iteral and
external tedecies from day to day? The absence of type
of criticism, even of any type of important suggestio, inevitaly
leads to ;vast.e d stagnatio.
DOGMATISM IN
ECONOMY
119
g,
t. at. Is, ~ te1r peisoal VIe>vpot. The economy 1s JUSt
an area \ViCh least toleiates aritrainess. v if they -.vished
~ do so, the leaders could t take ito coilSideratio the
t~rests of the m as whole. For political reasos t
:ulg gr~u?, de~;r~r:es ,;v~at is "vitally ecessar-y," "of key
Importance, or deCistve movement. Nothicr stads i
the 1vay of its ~ig out the matte in questi;n, for the
group_ IS ~ot afra1d of losig its 01v or property.
Per~odically _the leades idulge i criticism or self-criticism
d c1te >vhen theie is evidence that sometincr is
not progressig or >v~:. treme_dous ;vaste s become
~_rt. -~~rushc~ev ctici~ed Stal for is agr'icultural policy.
Ito ctiCized h1s __v eg1me for excessive capital ivestmets
and t >vaste of bllllos. citicized imself for t 1"s "
.
d. .
l"
It~a
neglect of t stadad of liYig. But t essence
Iemas t same. same m prolong the same system
about the same metld , util s
and "1"rregu 1ar-Ities
"
.
become a~paret. Losses incued no loger resto!'ed,
so t reg1me d tl1e party do t take t responsiility for
t losses have " note d" t h eors d these s '\Vill
"corrected." So let's begin all over againl
120
NEW CLASS
DOGMATISM IN
The 1vaste is
ECONOMY
121
tremedo
122
NEW CLASS
DOGMATISM IN
ECONOMY
123
TYRANNY OVER
MIND
125
substace
1.
There is only partial justification for seeking, i Comnist
philosophy, the sources of tyranny over the mind, tyranny
>vich the Communists exeicise >vith cliical refinement >v
t come to po>vei. Commuist mateiialism is possily r
exclusive than any otl1er cotemporaiy vie\v of t >vorld. It
puses its adherets ito the position 1vhich makes it. impossile
for them to hold other vie>vpoint. If tis vie>v >vere not
conected >vitll specific forms of govemment and mvnersblp,
the onstrous methods of oppression and destctio of the
human ind could not explaied the vie\V itself.
Every ideology, v ii, tr-ies to r-epreset itself as the
l true d complete . This is it i an's
thinkig.
126
NEW CLASS
Marx,
Li
taught
tat
gressive as
l troughout istory, d
TYRANNY OVER
MIND
127
'l!eory;
128
NEW CLASS
TYRANNY OVER
MIND
129
to jstify t. At first sigt, it seems as if its vie1vs, individually, \Vel'e tr'Ue. t it is icurably ifected with lies. Its halftruts exaggerated d debased to poit of perversion;
t i Iigid d t r ispied it is with lies, t 1
it strengtens the moopolis of its leaders oYer society, d
ths OYel' Cornist t itself.
2.
The proposition t.at Marxis is iversal etld,
proposit.io >i Commists oliged to stad, mst
in practice lead to tyrany i all areas of itellectal activity.
130
NEW CLASS
TYRANNY OVER
MIND
131
132
NEW CLASS
TYRANNY OVER
MIND
133
t>
natn, ut, d decay.
s oligaiclls d soul-saves, tese vigilat protectors 1vl
see to it tat urnan tougt does t. dift into "cirnial
tlugt" or "anti-socialist lies"; tese uscpulous procurers of t and actually t only availale consumer
goods-tese olders of obsolete, uncangeale, and irnrnutale
ideas-ave retarded and frozen t itellectual irnpulses of
thei people. v tougt up t most antilman vvords
-"pluck frorn t lrnan consciousess" -and act. accoding to
tese >vords, just as if t 1vere dealing >Vit oots and weeds
istead of rna's tlugts. stiflig t consciousness of
oters, and ernasculatig uman it.ellect so tat it cannot
take courage and soar, t t.ernselves become gray, n of
134
NEW CLASS
.
Neverteless, every Commist country achieves tecnical
piogress, even thoug of special kind and in special periods.
Industrialization, r-apid as it is, ceates laige tecnical intelligentsia, "\vi, v if it is not especially igh in quality,
attact.s talents d stimulates the ivetive itellect. reasos tat l to acieve idstrialization rapidly in specific
!'s of t also act. as icetive for ivetive
ess. The U.S.S.R. has not lagged to any extent i "\V-ar techology eiter in World War or since. U.S.S.R. is t
far beblnd t United States in the development of atomic
eergy. Tecnology is advaced i spite of t fact. tat b
reacratic system makes it difficlt. to adopt iovatios; invetions sometimes lie for years i t "\vareouses of state
estaiisments. disinterest of producing organizations ofte
deadens iventiveness still more.
Being very practical n, t Communist leaders immediately
estaiis cooperation wit tecicias d scientists, not paying m attention t.o teir 'orgeois" views. It is clear to t
TYRANNY OVER
MIND
Ieaders that
indstrialization
135
136
NEW CLASS
TYRANNY OVER
MIND
137
tioing
4.
Siilar tblgs
are happening i art. Here favors are exin inceasing easure, to already estalised fs and
vie1vs of average quaJity. Tbls is udel'Standale: tere is no
art 1vitout ideas, or -.;vitout some effect t consciousness.
Morpoly over ideas, t fOI"matio of t cosciousness, are
t prerequisites of tl1e rulel'S. Couists are taditioalists
in art, mostly because of t d to aitain teir l
over t mids of t people but also because of teir ignOiance
d one-sidedness. S of t toleate kid of deocratic
freedo in odern art; but this is only acknowledgent tat
t do t understand modern art, d teefore believe tat
t sould it it. Li felt this 1vay about t futuris
of Mayakovsky.
I spite of tbls, back -.;vard peoples i Counist systes experience cul tural renaissance alog >vith t teclical .
Clture becomes IOI'e accessile to the, even tough it comes
Iagely i t for of propagada. The ne-.;v class is ierested
in tl1e sprcad of cltre s indstrializatio bings the
d for higl1er-qality >VOI'k d t d for enlarging itel
lectal oppotnities. The et...vOik of schools and professioal
branches of art has spead very rapidly, soeties even beyond
actal neelis and capailities. Progess in art is udeniale.
After evolution, f the rlig class llas estalised
coplete onopoly, significant -.;vorks of art are generally
ceated. s 1vas tre i the U.S.S.R. prio to tlle 1930's; it
is true today in Yugoslavia. It is as if t evolutio d
a;vakeed donant talents, v tlloug despotis, 1vhic is
also born i tlle revolution, iceasigly stifles art.
t"\vo basic ethods of stiflig t arts are oppositio
to1vard t itellectual-idealistic aspects of it and oppositio t.o innovations in for.
In Stalin's tie things d tlle point were all forms
teded,
138
NEW CLASS
TYRANNY OVER
MIND
139
Ygoslav lt,
v vale watever.
coplain
140
NEW CLASS
that there are no vvorks of art vvhich can shovv "our socialist
reality." In t U.S.S.R., on t oter lland, tons of vvorks of
art based on actual subjects are eated; but since tl1ey do not
reflect t trut, tl1ey do not have any value and are rapidly
rejected the pulic, later even coming under official criticism.
metod is varied but t.he final result is the same.
5.
The theory of so-called "Socialist Realism" reigns in all
Communist. st.ates.
In Yugoslavia tbls t.heory has been ushed and is now held
l the most reactioy dogntists. I tbls area, as i
others, the regime has been strog enoug to forestall the
developmet of disagreeale theories but has too weak
to impose its >v vie>vs. It said that. t same goes for
t.he oter East Eropean countries.
theory of "Socialist Realism" is t even complete
system. Gorky vvas t fit to use tbls term, l inspied
bls realist. metod. His vievvs vvere tat i ude cotemporay
"socialist" coditios, art mst inspired \\'itl1 ne1v socialist
ideas and must depict eality as faitbllly as possile. Everytl1ig else tllat tbls tlleory advocates-typicalness, empllasis on
ideology, party solidarity, etc.-as eitl1e take over fom
otller t.heories or tlo1vn i because of tlle political needs of
the regime.
Not llavig been evolved ito complete teory, "Socialist
Realism" actually meas ideological moopolism Commuists. It calls f efforts to clothe t.he nao\v, back,vard ideas
of t leades i art forms d for tlleir 1vorks to depicted
romatically and paegyrically. This llas led to Plrisaic
justificaton of t regime's cotrol over ideas d to bueau
cratic censorsip of the eeds of art. itself.
The forms of tbls cotrol v in differet Communist n-
TYRANNY OVER
MIND
141
to ideological iflu.
ence.
Yugoslavia, for istace, has ever d censorsip. Cotrol
is execised idirectly tbls method: i pulisig enterprises, artist's associatios, periodicals, e1vspapers, and tlle
like, party 'membel'S sbmit eveytblg t consider "suspicios" to t piOper autorities. Censorsblp, or really selfcesorsblp, s sprouted fom that very atmospere. Even
tg party membes may psh sometblg or other thi'Ough,
t self-cesorsl1ip 1vi t and oter itellectals must. exercise v tllemselves forces them to dissemle eveything and
make uvorthy insiations. But tbls is consideed progess,
it is "socialist <:lemocracy," istead of bureacratic despotism.
Neite in tl1e U.S.S.R. n in other Communist couties
does t existece of cesosblp absolve creating artists fom
self-censosl1ip. Intellectuals are forced ito self-censorsblp
ti status and t reality of social elatios. Self-censorship
is actually the mai form of paity ideological tl i the
Commuist system. In tl1e Middle Ages men first d to delve
ito the tlloght of the rh on their 1Nk; in the same
m, i Commist systems, it is ss fist to imagie
1vhat kid of performance is expected and, often, to ascertai
t.he taste of tlle leaders.
Cesosblp, self-cesosip, repesets itself as beig
"ideological aid." In tlle same \vay, everytblng in Communism
is represeted as being devoted to the implementatio of absolte appiness. Consequetly, the expressions "the people,"
"the >vokig people," and simila ones-in spite of teir
vagueness-are used freqently i conectio >vitll tlle arts.
Pe!'Sectios, poblitios, tlle impositio of forms d
ideas, humiliations, and islts; t doctr'iaie autllority of
semi-literate bureaucats over geiuses; all tis is d i the
of t people and for the people. Commuist "Socialist.
Realism" is not different even in teminology fiom Hitler's
National Socialism. Yugoslav autor of Hungaria igin,
142
NEW CLASS
6.
enemy to thought i the of sciece, m to
freedorn i the n of dernociacy, tlle Cornrnunist oligarclly
t but accomplish cornplete couptio of the mind. Capi-
TYRANNY OVER
MIND
143
144
NEW CLASS
attractive "1vorking conditions" and lavish lnorarins, re"\Vards, villas, vacation centers, discounts, automoiles, abas
sadorial andates, agit-prop protections, and "magnanimous
interventions." Thus, as rule, it favors the untalented,
depender, and rn-inventive. It is uderstandale that the
greatest inds have lost their diection, faith, and power. Suicide, despair, alcoholis, and debauchery, the loss of inteal
po1vers and integrity because the artist is foced to lie to himself
and others-these are the most frequer hn in the
Counist syste g those 1vho actually 1vish to, and could
create.
7.
It is generally thoght that Comnist dictatorship practices
brutal class discriiation. This is not completely accrate.
Historically, class discriminatio declines as the revoltion
slackens off, t ideological discriinatio increases. The ill
sio that tlle proletaiat is in po1ver is inaccrate; so, too,
is t.he proposition that Commists st someoe s
is borgeois. Their measres do aim ost arshly at tlle
embers of the ruling classes, especially tlle borgeoisie. t
those borgeois "\vl capitlate, or reorient themselves, are l
to assre for theselves lucrative posts and favor. vVhat is
r, the secret police ofte find l agents i their raks,
'Nhile t.he "\v po\ver-wielders fid them l servats. l
those who do t ideologically approve the Commist eas
res d vie,vs are pished >Vithot. consideration as to their
class or tlleir attitde tmvard nationalization of capitalist
property.
Persecution of <:leocratic and socialist thogt 1vhicll is at
variance witll that of the rulig oligarchy is fiercer <.-1 r
coplete t persection of tlle ost reactionary followers
TYRANNY
VER
MIND
14!S
146
NEW CLASS
ist
0\VIl.
that t do not exist. Today they lie i dark d apathetic resistace, and in the ushapen hopes of the people. It
is as if totality of oppression -.;vere easig differences i atioal
strata, unitig all people i t demand for freedom of tought
d for freedom i geeral.
History will pardon Communists for much, estalishing tllat
they 1vere forced into many butal acts because of circumstaces
and t. need to defend their existece. But the stifling of every
diverget thought, the exclusive monopoly over thinking for
the s of defendig thei!' pet'Sonal interests, will ail t
Communists to oss of shame i history.
All revolutions
uscrupulous meas
in
l-18
NEW CLASS
149
cotrary to ilieir etical views. I this tlley are not much dif-
Commuists.
H~vvever, there is an integral feate of contemporary Comusm >vhich distinguishes its methods from those of other
150
NEW CLASS
1i
'1,
AIM AND
MEANS
151
2.
Cormunists speak of "Comruist morale," "the new Socialist m," and sirnilar concepts as if t were speaking of
some higer etical categories. These hazy concepts v l
one practical eaning-the ceeting of Comunist raks and
opposition to foreign ifluece. As act.ual ethical categories,
l1vever-, they do not exist.
Since no special Communist etblcs nor Socialist Man can
emerge, the cast.e spirit of the Communists, and special moral
and oter concepts, which they urse arong temselves, are
are all t more strongly developed. These are not absolute
principles, but changing moral stadards. They are embedded
i the Communist hierarchical system in which almost ay
thing is peritted at. the top-the upper circles-'\vile the s
things are condeed if they are practiced at lower echelonsthe lower circles.
This caste spirit and t.hese morals, changeahle and incomplete, v undergone long d varied development, and
have even often been the stimulus for the further development
152
NEW CLASS
of the ne\v class. The end result of this developrnent has been
the creation of special sets of rnoral standards for variou~ castes,
always subordinated to the practical needs of t ol1garchy.
The forrnation of these caste rnorals roughly coesponds t.o the
rise of the ne\V class and is identical with its abandonrnent of
hurnae, really ethical standards.
These propositios require detail~d exposition.
Like all other aspects of Cornrnusrn, caste rnor-als developed
frorn revolutioary morals. At first, in spite of the fact that
they "rere part of isolated movement, tl1ese morals \vere
proclaimed as beig more humane than those ~f sect or
caste. But Commuist movement al\vays begs as of
hio-hest idealism and most selfless sacrifice, attractig into its
ra~ks the most gifted, t bravest, and even the most nole
intellects of t ti.
Tis statement, just as most of t others made here, relates
to countries i \vhic Communism s developed for t most
part because of national conditios, and :vhere it has attai~ed
full pmver (Russia, Yugoslavia, d ~) . Ho\vever, ":1th
some ndificatios this statement also applles to Commusm
in other coutries.
EveyY\vhere, Communism begins as an aspiratio towad
beautiful ideal society. As suc, it attracts and ispires rne
of i moral standards and of oter ig distinction.
. But
since Comnism is also an iteratioal rnovernent, 1t turns,
like sunflo\ver to the sun, to t movement whic is strongest
-until no\v piimarily in t U.S.S.R. Consequetly, even t
Communists of oter countries \veie they are not i power
rapidly lose t featues t d i t begiing d take
on those of t po\ver-\vielding Commuisrn. As result, t
Comrnunist leadeis in the West, and in t places, v accustorned ternselves to play as easily wit t tuth and ethical
priciples as t Comrnuists in the U.S.S.R. v Comrnuist
movement at fil'St also l1as high rnoral featuies \Vhich isolated
idividuals rnay retain even longer d which provoke cises
~
\vhe
AIM AND
MEANS
153
154
NEW CLASS
.
When it becomes truly revolutioary, the Comrnust movemet and its follo1vers achieve, for mornet, the high rnoral
standards descried here. This is mornent. in Cornrnunism
whe it is difficult to separate words fiom deeds, or more accurately, when the leading, most importat, truest, and ideal
Cornmuists sicerely believe i their ideals d aspire to put
the into practice in their rnethods and i their personal .
This is the moment on the eve of t battle for power, moment which occurs only i movement.s whic arrive at tllis
unique point.
True, these are the orals of sect, t they are orals on
high plane. The movement is isolated, it oft.e does t see
the truth, but this does not mean that the vt does not
terefore i at, or tat it does not love, trth.
Int.ernal moral and intellectual fusion are the result of
Jong battle for ideological and operational unity. Without. this
fusio there t v tlught of tr"lle revoltioary
Comunist moveet. "Unity of id and act.ion" is i
possile 'vithout psycic-oral it. And vice versa. But tbls
very psychic and oral unity-for 'vhich no statutes or la,vs
have ,\l:titten, t wich occts spontaeously, to become
custom d conscious hait-ore than ayting else akes
Counists that. indestructile faily, incoprehensile and
ipenetrale to othel-s, inflexile in t solidarity and ide11tity
of its reactios, thoghts, d feeligs. More tha11 anything
else, tlle existece of this psychic-moral u11ity-wich is rt
attained all at and 1vhich is t. eve11 fi11ally fored except as soething to aspire to--is t ost reliale sig that
the Commist vt s estalished itself d has become
irresistile to its follo,vers d to n others, po,verful -
AIM AND
MEANS
IM
156
NEW CLASS
of
AIM AND
MEANS
157
criminals and traitors. Long ago tlley had been educated to
believe and had proclaimed that they were connected in every
fiber of their being to t.he party and its ideals. Nmv, uprooted,
tlley found t.hemselves completely bereft. either did not
kno>v or d forgotten or renounced all of tose outside t.he
Commuist sect and its \v ideas. N ow it \Vas too late to
get acquaited with aytlling but Communism. were
entirely alone.
Man cannot figt or live outside of society. Tllis is his
immutale characteistic, one \vhich Aristotle noted and explaied, calling it "political being."
What else is left to man from such sect wl finds himself
morally crushed and uprooted, exposed to refined and brut.al
torture, except t.o aid the class and his "comrades" \Vith his
"confessions"? Such confessions, l1e is convinced, are necessary
to the class to resist the "anti-Socialist" opposition and "imperialists." These confessions are the one "great" and "revolutionary" contiution left that t victim, lost and wrecked,
can make.
Every true Communist s educated and s educated
llimself and otllers in the belief tllat fractions and fractionaJ
battles are among tlle greatest crimes against t.he party and
its aims. It is tue that Commuist t \vblcll was divided
actions could neitller >vin i t.he revolution nor estalish
its dominance. Uity at any price and without consideration
for anytblng else becomes mystical oligatio behind \vblch
t aspirations of t oligax"Cs for complete po1ver entrencll
t.hemselves. v if he has suspected tbls, or even kno>m it,
t.he demoralized Communist oppositionist llas still not freed
blmself of tlle mystic idea of unity. Besides, he may tink tat
leaders come and go, d tllat tese too-te evil, t stupid,
t egotistical, t inconsequential and the po1ver-loving-will
disappear, \Vile t goal \Vill remain. goal is everythig;
llas it t. avays been tus i the party?
Trotsky himself, who was t most inportat of all the -
158
NEW CLASS
But the
Comuists
dorniatio11
teir
totalitarian
in such
stroger,
AIM AND
MEANS
159
reversals; that
tis
siilar reasos
4.
Moral dmvngradig in t eyes of oter men does not. yet
mean that Commuisrn is weak. Generally, util w, it has
meat t reverse. vaious purges d "Mosco\v trials"
stregtened t Commuist system d Stalin. I all events,
certai stata-te itellectuals 1vitl1 Gide as t most famous
example-reouced Commuism because of this d doubted
tat Commuism as it is today could realize t ideas d ideals
they believed i. Ho>veve, Commuisrn, s as it is, s t
becorne >veaker: t >v class s becorne stroger, rnore secure,
freeig itself frorn rnOIal cosideratios, wadig i t lood
of every adheret of t Cornrnuist idea. Althoug it has been
rnorally downgraded i t eyes of oters, Cornrnuisrn has
actually strengteed i t eyes of its O\V!l class d i its
dorniatio over society.
Oter coditio 1vould necessary for coternporary Cornrnism to lo>veed i tl1e estirnatio of t ks of its
mvn class. It is ecessary for t revolution t only to devour
its >v childre, but-oe rnigt say-devour itself. It is necessary f01 its greatest minds to perceive tat it is t exploiting
class and tat its reig is ujustified. Concretely speakig, it is
necessary for t class to perceive tat i t r future tere
cannot any talk of t >\'itering a>vay of t stat.e, or talk
of Cornrnunist society-i >vhic everyoe will >vork acc01ding
160
NEW CLASS
to bls capailities and 1vill receive according to his needs. The
class must recognize that the possiilit.y of such society can
as well refted as it can demonstrated. Ths the means
that this class sed and is using t.o achieve its aim and dominance 1vold become absrd, inhmane, and contrary to
its great prpose-even to the class itself. This 1vold mean
that tere were cleavao-es and vacillations, w cold not
longer cecked, among t ruling class. In oter 1vords, the
battle for its 01vn existence \vould di'ive t rling class it.self,
or individal fractions of it, to renonce the crrent means
it is sing, or renonce t idea tat its goals are \Vitin sigt
d real.
There is no prospect of suc development he1e as prely
teoretic proposition-i of the Commnist conties, least
of all in t post-Stalin U.S.S.R. 1ling class is still compact one tere; the condemnation of Stalin's metods has
evolved, even in teory, into potectig t U.S.S.R. from the
despotism of sl dictatorship. At t T\vent.ieth t
Congess, Kruschev advocated "necessary terroism" against
the "m," in cotast to Stalin's despotism against "good
Commnists." sv did not condemn Stalin's methods
as sch, t only ti s in t ks of the 1ling class. It
seems that the elatios 1vitin t class, \Vhic has become
stog ng to avoid srrender to the absolte dominance
of its leader and police apparats, v canged since Stalin.
class itself d its metods v not consideraly canged
in terms of interal cleavages \vit regard to moral coesion.
first sigs of cleavage, o1vever, pesent; these are
evidecing temselves i t ideological crisis. t i spite of
this it mst realized that t process of moral disintegation
has scarcely begn; t coditions ardly exist for it to happen.
Aogating certain igts to itself, t rling oligacy canot
avoid allo1vig t cmbs of s rigts to fall to t people.
It is impossile for t oligarcy to lecte t lack of
rigts nder Stali even amog t Commists, and not at
~
AIM AND
MEANS
161
same time expect echo amog t masses-1vho are immore deprived of teir rigts. Frenc bor
geoisie finally rebelled against its einperor, Napoleo11, when
his wars and breacratic despotism became intolerale. But
the Fr people eventally got some profit from this. Stal~n's
metods, in '1vhic t dogmatic ypotllesis of ftre soCiety
also played an importat role, will not retr. t tbls does
not m tat the crrent. oligarcl1s 1vill rn tl1e s of
all bls meas, even tlg they t s tem, or tat t
U.S.S.R. will s or overnigt become legal, democratic
state.
Ho1vever, something s gd. rulig class 1vill no
Ionger l to jstify v to itself tat the end jstifies
t means. class 1vill stilllectre t final goal-a Commist society-for if it did oterwise it wold v to rn
absolte dominace. This 1vill force it to resort to any means.
Every time tat it does resort to tem, it will als? :. to
conden tlleir s. stronger po1ver-fear of pbllc
i t 1vorld, fear tat it will bing harm to itself and its
absolte domination-1vill s1vay the class and old back its
and. Feeling itself sfficietly strong to destroy the clt of
its creator, or t creator of t system-Stalin-it simltane
osly gave the deat lo1v to its mvn ideal basis. Completely
dominant, the lig class s begn to abando and lose the
ideology, t dogma which brogt it to power. class s
g to split up ito &-actions. At t top everythig is peac.efl d smooth, but below the top, i the depths, d v
its ranks, 1v toughts, w ideas, are lig and futre
storms bre~ving.
s it had to renouce Stali's methods, the rulig class
will t l to preserve it.s dogma. methods were
actally l the expressio of that dogma, and, indeed, of
tlle practice on 1vblch the dogma 1vas base.d.
.
It was not good will, still less mt, whiCh prompted
Stali's associat.es to perceive t armfulness of Stalin's methmeasraly
162
NEW CLASS
AIM AND
MEANS
168
tetions."
5.
Trougout blstory tere v no ideal ends wblch
were attained wit non-ideal, iumane means, just as tere
has been free society wblc was built slaves. Notblg so
well reveals the reality d greatess of ends as t metlds
used to attain tem.
If t d must used to condoe t means, ten there is
sometblng in t end itself, in its eality, wi is not 'vorty.
t wi really lesses the d, 'ivich justifies the efforts
and sacrifices for it, is the means: teir constant perfection,
humaneness, icreasing freedom.
Contemporary Communism has not even reaced t begining of such situation. Instead, it s stopped dead, hesitating
over its means, but always assured about its ends.
No egime i story wblch was democrat.ic-or relatively
democratic 'ivhile it lasted-was predominantly estalished
the aspiratio for ideal ends, but rather on t small everyday
means in sight. Along with this, such regime acbleved,
more or less sporltaneously, great ends. t other d,
every despotism tried to justify itself its ideal aims. Not
sigle one acbleved great ends.
ESSENCE
165
The Essence
1.
None of the theories on the essence of contemporary
munism treats the matter exhaustively. Neither does this theory
claim to do so. Contemporary Comnunism is the product of
series of historical, econonic, political, ideological, national,
and international causes. categorical theory about its essence
cannot entiely accurate.
The essence of contenporary Communism could not even
perceived until, in the course of it.s development, it. revealed
itself to its very entails. Tbls noment came, and could only
come, because Communism entered particular phase of its
development-tat of its maturity. It. then became possile to
reveal the nature of jrs po>ver, o>vnersblp, and ideology. In
t time tat Communisn was developing and was predominantly an ideology, it >va.s alnost impossile to see trough it
completely.
Just as other truths are the >vork of many autors, countries,
and movements, so it is >Vith contemporary Communism. Co
muism .s revealed gradually, more or less parallel to
its development; it. t looked u as fial, because it
has rt completed its developmet.
Most of t teories regardig Commuism, however, v
164
t t entie tth.
166
NEW CLASS
defiitio,
2.
teory
THEESSENCE
167
168
NEW CLASS
ESSENCE
169
170
NEW CLASS
THEESSENCE
171
172
NEW CLASS
National Communism
1.
In essece, Couism is only one tblg, but. it is realized
in differet degrees and aners i every coutry. Therefore
it is possile to speak of various Counist systes, i.e., of
various fors of t s aifestatio.
differeces >vhic exist bet>vee Couist states-differeces tat Stalin attepted futilely to reove force-are
the result, above all, of diverse historical backgrounds. Even
t ost cursory obsetvatio reveals ho>v, for l, co
teporary So\riet bureaucracy is t >vitout. conectig lik
>vith t Czarist syste in wblc t officials >vere, as Engels
noted, " distict class." Soe>vhat t s tblg can also
said of the nr of govet'Ilet i Yugoslavia. \Vhe ascendig to pmver, the Couists face i the various countries
differet cultal and tecnical levels d varying social rela
tiosblps, d are faced >vith differet ational itellectual
chaacters. s diffeteces develop v farter, i special
\vay. Because the geeral causes \vhich btoght the to pO\ver
are identical, d because t v to >vage stggle agaist
n iternal d foreign opponents, t Couists
in separate couties iediately copelled to fight jointly
d on t. basis of siilar ideology. Iteratioal Com173
174
NEW CLASS
NATIONAL COMMUNISM
175
influece of the Soviet Union; tat is, in 'roterly love" and
in "eterrral friedship" witll it. In . report at closed session
of the T\vetiet Cogress, Khruscev revealed tat clas bet\veen Stali and t Chinese goverrrmet had barely been
averted. The case of the clash wit Yugoslavia was not an
isolated case; but only t most drastic d the first to occur.
I t oter Comunist countries the Soviet government enforced Communism "arrned missionaries"-its arrny. The
diversity of manner and degiee of the development in these
counties has still rt at.tained the stage reached in Yugoslavia
d Chia. Ho\vever, to the extet that rulig bureaucracies
gather stregt as indepedet bodies i these countries, and
to the extet that. they recogize that obediece to and copyig
of t Soviet Ui weaken themselves, t endeavor to
"patterrr" themselves Yugoslavia; that is, to develop ide
pendently. The Communist East European countries did not.
become satellites of the U.S.S.R. because they benefited from
it, but because they were too weak to pevent it. As soon as
they stronger, or as soon as favorale conditions are
created, yearning for indepedence and for protection of
"their own people" from Soviet hegenny will rise among
them.
Wit the victory of Communist revolution in country
ne-.;v class comes into po,ver and into control. It. is uvillig
to suender its o'\vn hard-gaied privileges, even tlugh it
subodinates its interests to similar class in arter country,
solely in t cause of ideological solidarity.
Where Commuist revolutio has \Von victory ideped
etly, separate, distinct path of developmet is ievitale.
Fl'ictio \Vith other Commuist coutries, especially \Vith the
Soviet Unio as the most. importat d most imperialistic
state, follo\vs. ruling national bureaucracy i the coutry
where t victor'ious revolutio took place has already become
indepedet i the course of the armed struggle and has tasted
t lessings of authority and of "atioalizatio" of property.
176
Philosopically
NEW CLASS
NATIONAL COMMUNISM
t
Europea
177
concealed
178
NEW CLASS
2.
The concept of natioal Communism had no meaning u
til the d of World War , \vhen Soviet imperialism \vas
manifested rt only \Vit.h regard to the capitalist but. the Comnist states as \Vell. Tis concept developed all from
the Yugoslav-U.S.S.R. clash. The enunciatio of Stalin's methods t.he "collect.ive leadeship" of Khushcl1ev-Bulgain may
pehaps modify relatios between the U.S.S.R. d other Commuist countries, but it canot resolve them. In tlle U.S.S.R.
operations are not concemed solely witll Communism but are
simultaneously concerned \Vitll tlle imperialism of the Geat
Russian-Soviet-state. Tis imperialism cllange in form
d method, but it more disappear tha can tlle aspiratios of Commuists of other coutries f01 idepedence.
similar deYelopment a\vaits the other Commuist. states.
According to strength d conditios, tlley too will attempt to
become imperialistic in one \vay or another.
I tlle developmet of the foreign policy of tlle U.S.S.R.
tllere llave t\VO imperialistic phases. Earlier policy was
almost exclusively matter of expasion evolutioary propagada in otller couties. At that time tllere \Ver-e pmverful
imperialistic tedecies (as regards t.he Caucasus) in tl1e policies of its higllest leader-s. But, i my ii, tllere is no
satisfactoy reason for t.he revolutionary phase to categOIically cosidered imperialistic, sice at tllat time it. \Vas more
defesive tan aggressive.
If \Ve do not cosider t revolutioary pllase as imperialistic,
t imperialism began, rougbly speaking, \vith tlle victory of
Stali, or \vit t industrializatio and estalisllmet of t~
autol'ity of ne\v class i tlle l 930's. This cllange was clearly
s\v on tlle eve of t war \V Stalin's goven1met was
l to go ito actio d Ieave behid pacifist d anti-imperialistic pases. It \vas even exp1essed i the g of foreign
NATIONAL COMMUNISM
179
180
NEW CLASS
NATIONAL COMMUNISM
in
oder
181
hidtace
182
NEW CLASS
cecked.
NATIONAL COMMUNISM
183
Moscow itself is no loger tat wblch it was. It singleandedly lost t moopoly of the 1v ideas and the rnoral
rigt to prescrie tl1e only permissile "lie." Renocig
Stalin, it ceased to t ideological center. I Moscow itself
t of great Cornrnnist rnonarcs and of great ideas
carne to an end, d tl1e reign of mediocre Comrnnist brea
crats began.
"Collective leadership" did not anticipate that difficlties
and failres were a1vaiting it in Cornrnunis itself-eiter exteally or inten1ally. But wat could it do? Stalin's imperialism was exorit.at and overly dangerous, d wat 1vas v
1vorse, ineffective. Uder him t orlly the people geerally,
but. v t Cornrnunists, grnled, and t did so at the
tirne of very staied intemational situation.
1vor-Id ceter of Cornunist ideology no longer exists;
it is in the process of cornplete disintegratio. The unity of
t 1vorld Comrnuist rnovernet is incuraly injured. r
are no visile possiilities watsoever tat it can restored.
However, just as t shift from Stalin to "collective leadership"
did rt alter t nature of t systern itself in the U.S.S.R., so
too national Comrnuis s been unale, despite ever increasing possiilities for lieration fro Moscow, to alter its i
tenlal ature, 1vblc consists of total cotrol and rnoopoly
of ideas, and o1VI1ersblp the party bureaucracy. Indeed, it
significantly alleviated t pessure and slowed down the rate
of estalisment of its rnonopoly over property, particularly
in t rural areas. But natioal Cornunisrn either desires
nor is l to transforrn itself ito somethig oter t Co
rnuisrn, d sorneting always spotaeously draws it towad
its source-toward the Soviet Uion. It 1vill ul to separate its fate from that wblcl1 liks it. 1vit t rernainig Comrnuist coutries and movernents.
National ndifications i Cornnnisrn jeopardize Soviet
irnperialisrn, particularly t irnper-ialisrn of t Stali ,
but not Cornunisrn eiter as wole or in essence. On t
184
NEW CLASS
NATIONA.L COMMUNISM
185
t t
unecessary,
186
NEW CLASS
impossile
w:s
4.
National Communism similar to that in Yugoslavia could
of immense it.er-ational sigificance in Communist parties
of no-Commuist states. It could : of v greater signifi-
NATIONAL COMMUNISM
187
188
NEW CLASS
NATIONAL COMMUNISM
189
Togliatti is cofused, d the robust Torez is wavering. External d internal par-ty life is begining to bypass t.hem.
Emphasizing that today pai'liament can serve as "form
of trasition to socialism," Kl1rushchev inteded at t.he Twentieth Congress to facilitate manipulatio of the Commuist
parties in '~capitalist countries," and to stimulate the c~oper
atio of Cornrnunists and Social Dernoats d t format of
"People's Fronts." Something like this appeared realistic to
him, according to bls 1vords, because of the gs which d
resulted in the stregtheig of Commnism and because of
i the -.;vorld. With tat tacitly ackrwledged to everyoe t obvious impossility of Commuist revolut.ios in
t.he developed counties, as -.;vell as the impossiility of fter
expasion of Commuism dr ut coditions witout
t dager of -.;v 1vorld war. policy of t Soviet. stat.e
s educed to status quo, while Commuism s desceded to gradual acquisition of -.;v positios in new 1vay.
CI'isis s actually begu i t Communist parties of t.he
no-Commnist states. If they change over to natioal Communism, t risk forsaking their v nate; and if t do
not change v, t face loss of follo>vers. Teir leaders,
tose 1v repesent t spiit of Cornuism i tese parties,
will fol'ced ito t most cuing manipulatios and unscupulous measues if they are to extricate temselves fom
tis cotadictio. It is improbale tat. they will l to
k disoientatio d disitegratio. v reached
state of conflict >vit t real tendencies of development in
tlle world d in tl1eir cour1tries tat. obviously lead to-.;vad
>v relatioships.
190
NEW CLASS
1.
In order to det.errnine more clearly the intemational position
of contemporary Communisrn, it is necessary briefly to draw
picture of the preset-day world.
The results of the First World War led to the transforrnation
of Czarist Russia ito new type of state, or into country
wit.h w types of social relatioblps. Internatioally the differece between tl1e t.echical level and tempo of t Uited
Stat.es d the coutries of westem Europe deepeed; t
Secod World War was to trasform tis ito ubridgeale
gulf, so that l the Uited States did t udergo major
gs in the structure of its m.
Wars were t t l cause of this gulf betwee the Uited
States and t rest of the world; t l accelerated its coming. The reasos for t rapid advancernent of the Uited States
found, udoubtedly, in its int.ernal potetialities-in
the atural d social coditios d t caracter of t
economy. American capitalism developed i differet circumstances frorn Europea capitalism and it was in full s1ving at
time wen its European couterpart d already begu to
decline.
Today t gulf is this wide: 6 per cent of the world popula191
192
NEW CLASS
for
PRESENT-DAY WORLD
oter reasos.
lt was the
193
codition
tras
formatio.
Ho1vever, there 1vas aother, pehaps rt very obvious, ele:nent 1vhich was really evolut.ioary for t md 1vold.
his elemet was modern wars. They lead to substatial
changes even 1ven t do not lead to actual evolutios.
Leaving igtful devastation behid tem, t g both
wold relations and elatios witin individual counties.
revolutionay character of modern 1vars is maifested
not only in t fact tat t give impetus to tecical discoveies, but, most of all, i the fact that they g t
ecoomic d social st1ucture. I Geat Bitai, tl1e Secod
vVorJd War exposed d affected relatiosllips to the extet
that cosiderale atioalizatio became ievitale. Idia, Burma, d Idoesia eme1ged m t 1var as idepedet
couties. uificatio of 1veste1 u g as eslt
of the 1var. It urled t Uited States d the U.S.S.R. to t
summit as the two major ecoomic d political po1ves.
Modem warfare affects the Iife of atios d humaity
m more deeply tl did was of ealier epochs. h are
tiYO ss for this: Fist, md '''ar st ievitaly total
;var. Not ecoomic, huma, other souce 1emai
utapped, because tl1e techical lcvel of poductio is ]d
so high that it makes it. impossile for parts of ti or
r of t m to stad to side. Secod, for
t same tecical, ecoomic, d t1 ss, t 1vold, to
iml lg extet, ls become 1vl!e; so t
smallest clges i t brig ft reactios i other
pats as well. v modem ;var teds to g ito ;vor1d
1v.
s ivisile
military
economic
revolutios
are of
t revolutios
is, t are t br
deed to as geat extet 1vitl1 ideological d gaizatioai
elemets. Terefore, such evolutios make it possile to
acbleved
f; tat
194
NEW CLASS
2.
The
tendecy
caracteristic
toward t ificatio of
of our time. Tbls does rt
PRESENT-DAY WORLD
195
196
NEW CLASS
unificatio
wheter
uderstandigs.
PRESENT-DAY WORLD
197
The earlier unities 1vere ever attained as sornethina final this
.
.
'
uty too IS beig estalisl1ed only as tedency, as sornetllina
toward. 1vllich. prodctio, at least t.hat of the most developed
countries, asp1res.
.
endig of t Secod World War llad already confirmed
t.he tedency t.o divisio of systerns 1vorld scale. All tlle
countries vhic fell nder Soviet influence, even parts of cou
t!'ies (Gerrnany, Kor-ea), acllieved rnore or less t sarne syste.
It 1vas the sarne on t \Vester side.
The Soviet leade 1vere flly a1vare of this piocess. I rernernber that at an intimate party in 1945 Stalin said: "In
rnodern war, tlle victor- vill impose his systern, 1vllich 1vas t
the case i past v." said tllis before the 1var 1vas over, at
tirne 1vhen love, hope, and trst 1vere at their peak arnona
t Allies. In February 1948 he said to us, the Yugoslavs, and
to t Blgaians: "Tl1ey, t Weste po1vers, 1vi11 make
country of their mvn t of \Vest Germany and 1ve 1vill rnake
of our om out of East Ger-rnany-tis is ievitale."
Today it is fashionaie, and to sorne extent justifiale, to
evaluate Soviet policy as it 1vas before d after Stali's deatll.
Ho1vever, Stalin did t invent the systems, nor do tlse 1vho
succeeded irn believe in the less than did. \i\Iat. has
gd since bls deatl1 is t rnethod 1vllich Soviet leades
dl elatios bc:t1vee systerns, not. the systes temselves.
Did t Khrushchev, at the T1vetieth Cogress, mention
is "1vld of socialisrn," is "1vorld socialist systern," as something separate and special? I practice tllis rneans notblna r
t insistece upon divisio into systems, into t.he futher
exclusiveness of Cornrnuis's o1m systern and l1egemoistic
tl.
Because
conflict
bet1vee t
West
East is essentially
198
NEW CLASS
PRESENT-DAY WORLD
199
4.
~
ductio.
200
NEW CLASS
PRESENT-DAY WORLD
201
202
NEW CLASS
PRESENT-DAY WORLD
203
economic and social progress of t countries concerned. It
is possile to haYe, i armony with progiessive economic and
democratic aspirations i t world, more bread and lierty
for people generally, more just dist.riution of goods, and
normal tempo of econoic deYelopen:t. Tl1e conditio for
tis is t canging of existing property and political relationships, particulaly tose i Counis since they are, because
of t onopoly of t ruling class, t most serious-altough
not t only-obstacle to natioal and world progress.
5.
204
NEJV CLASS
PRESENT-DAY WORLD
309.6
8,998.1
40,166.8
::
New York,
. .
Crowell, 1953.
2,436,453
42,967,531
256,708,000
205
NEW CLASS
206
terprise, and relatively uncontrolled private ent.erpise all exist
side side."
These and other authors cit.e various aspects of this process
d t growth of t eeds of society for social welfare, educatio, d similar beefits, whic are beig provided government agecies, as well as t continual icrease-both
relative and absolute-i the umber of persos employed
t goven1ment.
It is uderstandale tat this process received immese impetus and intensity during t Second World War because of
military needs. Ho,vever, after the war the process did not
subside but contintted at faster tempo tan during t prewar
period. It ras not just the fact that the Democratic Party was
i power. Even the Repulica government of Eiseower,
which was elected to po1;ver in 1952 the slogan of return
to private initiative, could 110t cange anythig essentially.
The same thing happened 1;vith the Conservative governent
in Great Britai; it did t succeed i bringig about denatioalization except i the steel idstry. Its role in the
economy, compariso 'vit tat of the Labour government,
has t essentially decreased, altoug it has t increased
eiter.
interferece of t governet in the economy is obviously t result of objective tendecies 'vhich d already
penetated the people's consciousness log time ago. All
serio economists, beginning wit Keynes, have advocated t
intervention of t stat.e in t m. No1;v this is more or
less an actuality trougout t 'vorld. State intervention and
state o'vnership are today essential and i some places
detetmining factor i the economy.
could almost conclude fom t.his tat there is no distinction or source of coflict in the fact tat in the East.ern system
the state plays the major role, while in t Western system
private ownership, or owne1-ship moopolies d compaies,
plays major role. Such coclusion seems all the more war-
PRESENT-DAY WORLD
207
since t role of private ownersblp in tlle West is
gradually decliig, t role of t state growio-.
However, this is t t case. Aside from t; other differences betwee systems, tere is an essetial differece i state
ownersblp ~ i~ the rol~ of t state in the economy. Though
state mvers1p 1s teccally preset to s extent i both
systems, . they ~re tw? differet, even contradictory types of
owersh1p. Th1s appl1es to t role of the state in the ,
too.
Not single Western government acts like an owner with
rel~tion to the n. In fact, W estern governmet is
ne1ther the Ol;Ver of natioalized property nor the owner of
funds wblch it has collected trough t.axes. It canot an
owner because it is subject to chage. It must administer and
distriute t.his property under t control of parliament. In
t course of distriutio of property, the governmet is sb
ject to vario inflences, but it is not t owner. All it does
is admiister and distriute, well or badly, property which does
t belong to it.
This is t t~e. case i Commuist contries. The government both adr~1sters ar~d distriutes ational property. The
w class, or Its executive organ-the party oligarcy-botll
acts as the mvner d is the owner. The most reactioary and
~ourgeois govermet can hardly dream of such monopoly
the ecormy.
S~rface similarities in ownership i the West d t East
are fact real d deep differeces, even coflictig elemets.
rated
6.
Even after the ~irst World War, forms of ownersip were
probaly an essetlal reaso for the coflicts between the West
and t U.S.S.R. Monopolies then played much more important role and they could not accept t idea that one part
NEW CLASS
208
of the 1vorld-specifically the U.S.S.R.--was escaping fro their
doain. TI1 e Counist rr had just recently
the ling class.
.
Ov.'Ilersblp relationships have alway~ been v1tal to _the
U.S.S.R. in its deaHngs 1vith other countries. '\Vherever p~sSIle
its pecliar type of mvnership and polit~cal relations~1p w~s
iposed force. No att.er how uch 1t de~eloped 1ts bsi
ness connections 1vith the rest of the 1vorld, It cold not go
beyond the r exchange of goods, 1vhich ~ad been developed
during the period of national st.ates. _This was also tre ~f
Ygoslavia in the period of its break 1v1th Mosco_w. Yugosla_via
could not. develop any kind of significant econoic rt
except for the exchange of goods, although she had and contines to have hopes of achieving this. Her n has reained isolat.ed too.
There are other eleents >vhich coplicate this picture d
tl1ese relationships. If the stengthening of '\Vestern. tendencies
to\vard \VOrld unity of podction ight not n d to undeveloped contries, in practice it \vould lead to the ascend~ncy
of one nation-the United States-or, at best, grop of natns.
the very eleent of exchange, tl_1e n _and the
ational life of the undeveloped contes exploed and
'iorced to subordinated to the developed contries. This
eans that the undeveloped conties can only defend the
selves political rneans, and shuttig thernselv~s i if ~
,vish to surviYe. Tbls is one \vay. The other way 1s to rece1ve
aid forn the otside, fom the deyeloped cotr'ies. There is
no tllid ;vay. Up to no\v thee has been l the beginning
alona the second >vay-aid in insignificant arnonts.
T~day the difference bet\veen the American and the I~Ido
nesian 1voker is greate tha that bet\veen the mr
\voker and the \Vealthy Arneica stockholder. In 1949 v
ihaitant of tlle United States earned average of at least
$1,440.00; the Indonesian \vker eared l/53rd as rncl1, on1y
$27.00, according to United Natios data. d there is j?;eneral
PRESENT-DAY WORLD
209
aQeernent that the rnaterial d other differences bet;vee dev~loped and undeYeloped courltries do not diinish; on the
tr, they increase.
The inequality bet\veen the Western developed countries
and the tdeYeloped counties reYea1s itself as beig rnainly
ecoomic. Traditional political dorniatio goyers d
locallords is already on its 1vay out. No,v, as rule, the ecoorny
of an developed t politically idependent, ational gover"rnent is subodiate to sorne oter contry.
Today no single people can willingly accept such subordinate
relationships, jst as single people can 1villigly reounce
the advantaaes
rnade possile geater productivity.
u
210
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PRESENT-DAY WORLD
gove1met subordiates
loas,
v i
2ll
the case of
212
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PRESENT-DAY WORLD
213
214:
NEW CLASS