Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Social Equality
On What It Means to Be Equals
EDIT ED BY C A R I N A FOU R I E ,
FA B I A N S C H U P P E R T,
and
I V O WA L L I M A N N - H E L M E R
F O R E W O R D B Y DAV I D M I L L E R
1
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CONTENTS
David MillerForeword
Acknowledgments xi
Contributors xiii
vii
PA RT I T H E N AT U R E OF SOCI A L EQUA LI T Y
21
samuel scheffler
45
m a r i e g a r r au a n d cci l e l a bor de
65
joh n ba k er
Contents
vi
129
a n dr e w m a son
146
christian schemmel
167
s t e f a n g o s e pa t h
Bibliography
Index 237
227
209
186
FOR E WOR D
Dav i d M i l l e r
For anyone who cares about the general health of their society and the direction in which it is moving, this collection of essays by distinguished philosophers on the idea of social equality is very timely. We live in paradoxical times
so far as that idea is concerned. On the one hand, in many aspects of our social
life, we take great pains to ensure that no one should be placed in an inferior
position or excluded altogether. We design our policies and our informal
practices so that those who might be seen as in some respect different from
the majority are not treated in a way that demeans them or gives them fewer
opportunities. For example, in the liberal democracies at least, we actively seek
to ensure that those who might otherwise be set apart by reasons of race, gender, or sexuality are included, by adopting practices such as affirmative action
and same-sex marriage. We abandon forms of speech that might be felt as discriminatory or disparaging. We change our ceremonies and festivals so that
cultural minorities can play a positive role within them while still retaining
their distinct identities.
On the other hand, the steady movement in the direction of greater economic equality that occupied most of the twentieth century has been sharply
reversed in recent decades. We have seen the emergence of a new moneyed
elite, with incomes and asset values that are huge multiples of the social average. This group lives in a way that is almost wholly disconnected from the rest
of society, housed in gated communities, traveling in private jets or yachts,
shopping in exclusive stores, and eating in equally exclusive restaurants. And
the spatial segregation of this group is not the only way in which social division manifests itself. When public space becomes privatised, as happens, for
example, when shopping areas in cities pass from the control of local authorities into the hands of private security companies, it allows for the exclusion of
vii
viii
F o r e w o rd
undesirable groups. So class divisions reappear, not so much in the old form of
cleavages based on birth and professional status but more directly on the basis
of money and the lifestyles it buys.
It seems that while we press ahead towards greater social equality along
some dimensions, lured on by the hope of prosperity we acquiesce in economic developments that greatly set it back in other ways. But what exactly is
social equality, and how much should we care about it? In the past, Iand other
philosophers defined it mainly by contrast to a ranked society in which each
person could be placed in a particular station and in which deference and
condescension were primary virtues. That contrast seems less relevant now,
since peoples experience of social inequality has changed. The super-rich are
regarded as people like us who have somehow hit the jackpot (in fact, a lot
of privilege is hereditary, but this is carefully concealed). Their lives, although
almost completely segregated in fact, are viewed from afar through the prism of
the tabloid press and the glossy magazines. Meanwhile the very poor are seen
as having brought their own misfortune and social exclusion on themselves,
through laziness, drug dependency, etc. So there is a superficial egalitarianism
that prevails (everyone has a chance) even though people from the different
social strata rarely interact with one another on terms of equality. Adefinition
of social equality for the present day needs to address this, by underlining that
a society of equals is not only one that lacks a formal hierarchy but also one
whose members actually share a form of life by interacting as equals on a daily
basis.
Assuming this is achievable, why should we value it? One important question addressed in these essays is whether the value of social equality can
be captured as a sum of individual valuesfor example, as promoting the
self-respect or the autonomy of each person who belongs to the societyor
whether its value is indeed collective, attaching to the social relationships that
exist between individuals rather than to the individuals themselves. There is
an obvious attraction in the first positionwhy should we care about social
equality unless those who partake of it are individually better off as a result?
but it may in fact turn out that the second contains an important part of the
truth as well. Related to this is a further question, also addressed here, about
which kinds of inequality the ideal of social equality can allow to occur. It
would clearly be implausible if it prohibited any differentiation of people
by their achievements or their moral characters. Asociety of equals neednt
eliminate athletics gold medals or the honouring of heroes. But when do such
inequalities of esteem begin to corrode an underlying equality of status?
A final question worth signalling here is about the scope of the ideal.
Originally social equality, as its name suggests, was regarded as a desirable feature of a society, meaning in practice something like a nation-state. But could
F o r e w o rd
ix
ACK NOW L E DG M E N TS
Carina Fourie would like to thank the Swiss National Science Foundation
for their financial support, as well as colleagues at the Ethics Centre of the
University of Zurich for creating such a valuable working environment. Fabian
Schuppert is grateful for financial support from the University of Zurich's
Research Priority Program in Ethics (URPP Ethics) and Queens University
Belfast. Colleagues and friends at both institutions significantly contributed to
bringing this volume to fruition. Ivo Wallimann-Helmer would like to acknowledge the generous financial support of the Stiftung Mercator Switzerland
(http://cms.stiftung-mercator.ch) and the University of Zurichs Research
Priority Program in Ethics (URPP Ethics), without which the research for this
volume would not have been possible. He is also grateful for the inspiring work
environment at the Ethics Centre of the University of Zurich.
xi
CON TR I BU TOR S
xiv
Contributors
Equality is not one idea, and one can advocate or criticize a number of forms of
egalitarianism. Many egalitarians advocate the equal distribution of one of a
range of equalisandain other words, what it is that should be equalized, such
as political power, human rights, primary goods, opportunities for welfare,
or capabilities. This notion that equality is best described according to some
thing that should be distributed equally has been subject to criticism by a
range of schools of thought. Of these critics, a number of prominent contemporary philosophers insist that, while the ideal of equality clearly has distributive implications and may well match certain distributive notions of equality,
equality is foremost about relationships between people. The structure of
relationships can be more or less egalitarian, more or less hierarchical. When
we appeal to the value of equality, we mean the value primarily of egalitarian
and nonhierarchical relationships, and not of distributions, which may only
be instrumentally valuable in terms of how well they reflect or help to achieve
egalitarian relationships. This form of egalitarianism is known as social or relational egalitarianism.1
For the purposes of this introduction, we take social and relational equality to be equivalent
and use mainly social equality as the umbrella term to refer to both social and relational equality. There are a number of different understandings of social and relational equality, and some
theorists may be tempted to describe these different understandings according to a distinction
drawn between social equality, on the one hand, and relational equality, on the other. We believe,
however, that there are enough similarities between what some theorists call relational equality
and some call social equality to merit referring to them as equivalent. It is an open question, and
one that social egalitarians may answer variously, as to whether there is a need to distinguish
between social and relational equality.
1
Social Equality
with or exemplify equality and by determining which kinds of asymmetrical relationships, which kinds of social hierarchies, egalitarians should oppose. Examples
of social egalitarian interactions and relationships might be the use of Mr. and
Ms. to address everyone, rather than distinguishing according to rank, education, or marital status, for example, or choosing friends according to common
tastes and interests rather than according to social rank.4 Social equality can be
seen to be embodied in certain forms of communes, state communism, anarchism and syndicalism, companionate marriage, multiculturalism [...], republicanism, democracy, socialism and social democracy.5 Claims are made that social
equality is violated by, for example, slavery, class systems, hierarchies of social status based on race or gender, orders of nobility, behavior that is either, on the one
hand, noticeably flattering or deferential or approbatory or obsequious or, on the
other hand, noticeably disparaging or deprecatory or insulting or humiliating,6
and any kinds of relationships between superiors and inferiors.
What is it about these interactions and relationships that make them socially
egalitarian or inegalitarian? Apopular response is to associate social equality with
relationships that express respect (usually respect-for-persons) or recognition.7 In
this case, an important part of determining what social equality is would be to
identify the relevant notions of respect and to unpack how egalitarian relationships constitute or reflect this form of respect. Whether respect exhausts social
equality is a question that social egalitarians need to answer and that they are
likely to answer in various manners. The asymmetrical relationships that social
egalitarians oppose also include (certain kinds of) hierarchies of prestige, honor,
and esteem, as well as those of power, command and dominationwhy and under
what circumstances these should be opposed, and whether these hierarchies can
all be categorized as constituting violations of respect, requires further analysis.
The high emphasis social egalitarians place on relationships raises a number of questions about the subject and scope of social equality. The subject of
justice is often confined to major social institutions such as the constitution
and the form of the economypersonal choice, social norms, and civil society
are often seen to be excluded from the regulation of principles of justice. 8 If
social equality is about social relationships, surely even private, interpersonal
David Miller, Equality and Justice, Ratio 10, no. 3 (1997):231.
Anderson, Equality, 40.
6
W. G.Runciman, Social Equality, The Philosophical Quarterly 17, no. 68 (1967):223.
7
R unciman, Social Equality; Miller, Equality and Justice; Jonathan Wolff, Fairness,
Respect, and the Egalitarian Ethos, Philosophy & Public Affairs 27, no. 2 (1998): 97122;
Elizabeth Anderson, What Is the Point of Equality? Ethics 109, no. 2 (1999):287337; Christian
Schemmel, Why Relational Egalitarians Should Care About Distributions, Social Theory and
Practice 37, no. 3 (2011):365390.
8
John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Oxford:Oxford University Press, 1999), Part2, 610, &
Part14, 7378; John Rawls, Justice as Fairness:ARestatement (Cambridge, MA:Belknap Press
4
5
Social Equality
friendship,9 then what does this imply in terms of our relationships with noncitizens and residents of other nation-states?10 Can social equality be said to
be what we owe all other human beings, or need it be confined to residence or
citizenship? Could we justify cosmopolitanism on the basis of social equality?
Social Equality
be fleshed out, and this fleshing out will help to determine which distributive
principles are compatible with equality.12
Theories of social equality also overlap with many theories of recognition,
the politics of difference, and notions of non-domination.13 Like advocates of
these theories, social egalitarians criticize a distributive paradigm (we discuss
this criticism further below) and emphasize the unacceptability of hierarchical
relationships, misrecognition, and domination. One could claim that notions
of social equality, however, might distinguish themselves, first, by having a
broader scope (e.g., by combining concerns about power and domination with
concerns about respect, esteem, and recognition); second, by being directly
concerned with equality in itself and positioning itself explicitly within the
debate on the value of equality; and third, often by offering a particularly liberal egalitarian slant on recognition and domination with influence from John
Rawlss justice-as-fairness. This is not to say that a particular theory of social
equality need, however, make any of these particular claims, but this indicates
how social egalitarians could potentially distinguish themselves.
Two of the most significant questions in terms of the distinctiveness of
social equality are whether and how this form of equality can be distinguished
from justice, or, relatedly, from questions associated with distribution.14 The
rest of this section of the introduction will be dedicated to highlighting a selection of significant aspects associated with the potential distinction between
social equality and justice, or social equality and distributive equality.
David Miller has argued particularly influentially for drawing a distinction
between equality and justice, claiming that there are two valuable forms of
equality, the first, and which is indeed directly related to justice, is distributive
equalityat times, justice may require equality in distribution. Social equality, however, is not directly related to justice but rather identifies a social ideal,
the ideal of a society in which people regard and treat one another as equals,
A nderson, What Is the Point of Equality? Samuel Scheffler, What Is Egalitarianism?
Philosophy and Public Affairs 31, no. 1 (2003):539; Scheffler, Choice, Circumstance, and the
Value of Equality.
13
For examples, see: on recognition, Nancy Fraser, Justice Interruptus: Critical Reflections
on the Postsocialist Condition (Routledge, 1996); on the politics of difference, Iris Marion
Young, Justice and the Politics of Difference (Princeton University Press, 1990); on republicanism, non-domination, and their relationship with social equality, Philip Pettit, On the Peoples
Terms:ARepublican Philosophy of Democracy (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 2012);
and Fabian Schuppert, Non-Domination, Non-Alienation and Social Equality: Towards a
Republican Understanding of Equality, Critical Review of International Social and Political
Philosophy (forthcoming, Winter 2014).
14
W hile theories of social justice are often concerned with distribution (of resources or
opportunities for welfare, for example), we cannot necessarily equate concerns of justice with
concerns about distribution.
12
in other words a society that is not marked by status divisions such that one
can place different people in hierarchically ranked categories, in different
classes for instance.15 Such a distinction indicates that justice and equality
are two separate values implying, for example, that social equality could make
moral claims besides, and even in conflict with, the claims made by a theory
of justice.16
While one might disagree with Miller about whether social equality and
justice should be seen as separate, one might still accept that Miller has
identified an important distinction between concerns of social equality and
concerns of distribution. Social egalitarians often distance themselves from
an emphasis on distribution as being the primary concern of egalitarianism.
While social equality is likely to have significant implications for distribution, many egalitarians insist that social equality cannot be captured foremost
according to a description of the distribution of goods or some other relevant
currency.17 Although social equality could be described in distributive terms
as something like equality of (the social bases of) status, social egalitarians
could still object that the distributive paradigm does not capture a number of
pertinent concerns.
First, for example, the moral concern of social equality often presupposes
the existence of a relationship; in contrast, distributions can exist even if there
are no relationships (such as between the two parts of Derek Parfits divided
world),18 but these are irrelevant from the perspective of social equality.
Second, social equality or inequality is conveyed through, among other things,
attitudes, and evaluations, and their expressions via behavior and institutions,
which seem difficult to subsume under a wholly distributive paradigmat
the least, such a paradigm would need to try to make room explicitly for these
kinds of phenomena, if indeed it is able to do so. Last, it seems doubtful that
what social equality will require can be captured by singular descriptions
of distributive patterns as it is likely to make nuanced demands in terms of
esteem, power, or social cooperation, which will not be properly characterized
by claims that these should (simply) be equalized.
Social Equality
Emphasizing the discontinuity between distributive and social egalitarianism also functions to indicate how social equality can be used as a basis (1)to
criticize the way in which many distributive egalitarians move from a broad
notion of equal moral worth or equal respect and concern straight to distributive concerns without fleshing out the ideal of equality that should, arguably,
underlie these distributions, and (2)to criticize specific distributive principles
or distributions. For example, we could criticize income inequalities on the
basis that they create objectionable status differences between the rich and the
poor.19
A particular theory of social justice that is often considered to be in conflict with social equality is luck egalitarianism. This form of egalitarianism
can be described as the view that inequalities are fair if they occur due to
option luck but are unfair if they are due to brute luck. Anumber of significant advocates of social equality have criticized luck egalitarianism on the
grounds, for example, that it violates respect by treating certain citizens as
inferior and that it is disconnected from a more fundamental and valuable
form of egalitarianism. 20
A further significant aspect of the potential distinction between questions
of distribution and social egalitarianism is the relationship between distributive patterns and social equality. A primary debate within social justice is
whether we really require equality, at least as an ideal that is valuable in itself,
or whether some other distributive pattern might not be our ultimate aim,
such as, for example, providing the worst off with best possible position, or
providing individuals with enough, with a sufficient amount. This debate has
led many to question whether equality is valuable at all.21 Social egalitarians
could respond by emphasizing that this debate is too focused on only certain
forms of (distributive) equality, in isolation from the social egalitarian commitments that could underlie them. Indeed, we could distinguish at least two
ways in which social egalitarians could make claims to establishing the value
of equality.
First, although one could point to the many negative consequences of social
inequality, social equality can also be seen as constituting a form of equality
See, for example, Miller, Equality and Justice, 224225; T. M.Scanlon, The Diversity of
Objections to Inequality, in The Ideal of Equality, ed. Matthew Clayton and Andrew Williams
(Basingstoke:Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 4159, at 52.
20
Wolff, Fairness, Respect, and the Egalitarian Ethos; Anderson, What Is the Point of
Equality? Scheffler, What Is Egalitarianism?
21
Even an only partially comprehensive set of references here would be too numerous. For
early contemporary statements of the sufficientarian, egalitarian, and prioritarian positions see,
respectively, Harry Frankfurt, Equality as a Moral Ideal, Ethics 98, no. 1 (1987):2143; Larry
S.Temkin, Inequality (Oxford University Press, USA, 1993); Parfit, Equality and Priority.
19
that is noninstrumentally valuable or is desirable per se.22 Derek Parfits influential criticism of telic egalitarianisms commitment to equality as a good
in itself is directed at distributive equality.23 While many egalitarians reject
Parfits argument on various grounds, even if we accept Parfits criticism, social
equality, arguably, provides an understanding of equality that seems to justify
why we should indeed value equality itselfit seems, at least at first glance, to
make more sense to claim that we value equal social relations per se, in contrast to making similar claims about equal distributions. Second, however,
social equality could provide egalitarian grounds for equal distributions. 24
While prioritarians and sufficientarians could indeed promote equality in the
distribution of certain social goods, they would argue that the reasons why
we should prefer these distributions are actually ultimately inegalitarian. For
example, we may still prefer an equal distribution of goods if our ultimate aim
is to achieve the best possible opportunities for welfare for the worst off, and
not equality per se.
However, a number of egalitarians have pointed out that there seem to be a
range of reasons why we might prefer equal distributions of at least certain kinds
of goods, and although some of these, such as a concern for the absolute position
of the worst off, are not egalitarian, a number of them, including reasons that
correspond to social equality, are indeed egalitarian. So, for example, when we
are concerned that inequalities in social goods lead to stigmatizing differences
in status, whereby the badly off feel like, and are treated as, inferiors... [or they
create] objectionable relations of power and domination we have egalitarian
reasons, specifically, socially egalitarian reasons, to value distributive equality.25
Whether social equality does indeed demand distributive equality, however,
needs further critical assessment. Social equality has been used as the basis to
argue for particular distributive schemes, such as a demanding form of equality
of opportunity26 or a sufficient set of central capabilities to enable citizens to
function as social equals, for example.27 Different notions of social equality are
likely to engender different patterns of distribution. It may also be the case that
For example, Norman, The Social Basis of Equality; Anderson, Equality. Also consider
Fouries discussion of the value of equality:Carina Fourie, What Is Social Equality? An Analysis
of Status Equality as a Strongly Egalitarian Ideal, Res Publica 18, no. 2 (2012):107126.
23
Parfit, Equality and Priority.
24
For example, Scanlon, The Diversity of Objections to Inequality; Martin ONeill,
What Should Egalitarians Believe? Philosophy & Public Affairs 36, no. 2 (2008): 119156;
Daniel M.Hausman and Matt Sensat Waldren, Egalitarianism Reconsidered, Journal of Moral
Philosophy 8, no. 4 (2011):567586; Jonathan Wolff, Scanlon on Social and Material Inequality,
Journal of Moral Philosophy, 10, no. 4 (2013): 406425.
25
ONeill, What Should Egalitarians Believe? 126.
26
Schemmel, Why Relational Egalitarians Should Care About Distributions.
27
A nderson, Justifying the Capabilities Approach to Justice, 83.
22
10
Social Equality
even where we agree on a theory of social equality, such a theory could be compatible with more than one pattern of distribution or notion of social justice.
While there is no singular account of social or relational egalitarianism, certain overlapping concerns stand out, such as an emphasis on determining the
structure of egalitarian relationships, and not merely on determining distributive patterns of social goods. This introductory section has aimed to highlight
some of the significant questions that can be asked of this form of egalitarianism and indicated some of the potential ways in which they can be answered.
The essays in this volume will provide unique and more in-depth answers to
many of these questions.
11
12
Social Equality
13
14
Social Equality
for determining whether the issues identified by social egalitarians are necessarily concerns from the viewpoint of justice. However, to determine whether
a certain state of affairs, or a certain action, (a) violates social equality and
(b)represents a case of injustice, is often a difficult task.
In his essay, Andrew Mason offers a detailed analysis of four instances in
which an agent Adoes not seem to treat another agent B as a social equal. As
Mason argues, while we might find all four instances morally problematic,
there exist good reasons to believe that As actions should not be considered
unjust. According to Mason, then, not all social inequalities are a matter of
(in)justice. For example, if a person decides out of prejudice against a particular shop owner to shop at a different store justice might not have been violated,
even if we find it morally problematic to have this prejudice and to act on it.
However, just because we do not consider an isolated instance of a certain
action a case of injustice does not mean that the same actionseen in a wider
contextcannot become a matter of injustice. As Mason observes, our deontic assessment of any given act also depends on the circumstances in which we
operate. Thus, in cases of background injustice, such as unequal opportunities
to occupy positions of social esteem, or structural practices of social discrimination, unequal treatment of others, which might otherwise be considered
merely morally dubious, can become part of an ongoing societal practice of
injustice.
Generally speaking, it seems that we can distinguish at least two different conceptualizations of social equality and its relation to justice:on the one
hand, those theories that hold that social equality is justice based, which is the
term Christian Schemmel uses, or directly justice connected, and on the other
hand, those theories that see social equality as partially distinct from justice.
In the terminology of Schemmels essay, which offers us a typology of social
egalitarianisms, this gives us two broad camps:justice-based relational egalitarianism and pluralist social egalitarians. Defenders of justice-based relational egalitarianism have a somewhat narrower conception of social equality
than pluralist social egalitarians, who hold that the idea of social equality is of
independent value above and beyond justice.
Schemmel draws out possible implications of subscribing to these different accounts of social equality and their respective ranges. Accordingly,
justice-based relational egalitarianism limits the range of social equality to
issues of justice, which means that social equality is primarily about emphasizing the sometimes neglected social-relational side of justice, whereas pluralist
social egalitarianism argues for social equality as an autonomous value that is
only partially tracked by principles of justice. Following this typology, Masons
account of social equality that claims that not all violations of social equality
are necessarily unjust presents a case of pluralist social egalitarianism. While
15
16
Social Equality
17
Nath, Rekha. Equal Standing in the Global Community. The Monist 94, no. 4 (2011):
593614.
Norman, Richard. The Social Basis of Equality. Ratio 10, no. 3 (1997):238252.
ONeill, Martin. What Should Egalitarians Believe? Philosophy & Public Affairs 36, no. 2
(2008):119156.
Runciman, W.G. Social Equality. The Philosophical Quarterly 17, no. 68 (1967):221230.
Satz, Debra. Why Some Things Should Not Be for Sale: The Moral Limits of Markets.
NewYork:Oxford University Press, 2010.
Scanlon, Thomas. The Diversity of Objections to Inequality. In The Ideal of Equality, edited
by Matthew Clayton and Andrew Williams, 4159. London:Macmillan, 2000.
Scheffler, Samuel. What is Egalitarianism? Philosophy & Public Affairs 31, no. 1 (2003):539.
. Choice, Circumstance, and the Value of Equality. In Equality and Tradition:Questions
of Value in Moral and Political Theory, 208235. Oxford:Oxford University Press, 2010.
Originally published in Politics, Philosophy & Economics 4, no. 1 (2005):528.
Schemmel, Christian. Why Relational Egalitarians Should Care About Distributions. Social
Theory and Practice 37, no. 3 (2011):365390.
. Distributive and Relational Equality. Politics, Philosophy & Economics 11, no. 2
(2012):123148.
Schuppert, Fabian. Suffering from Social Inequality. Normative Implications of Recent
Empirical Findings on the Negative Effects of Social Inequality. Philosophical Topics 40,
no. 1 (2013):97115.
. Non-Domination, Non-Alienation and Social Equality: Towards a Republican
Understanding of Equality. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philos
ophy(Forthcoming, Winter 2014).
Wolff, Jonathan. Fairness, Respect, and the Egalitarian Ethos. Philosophy & Public Affairs 27,
no. 2 (1998):97122.
. Scanlon on Social and Material Inequality. Journal of Moral Philosophy 10, no. 4
(2013):406425.
PA R T I
G.A. Cohen, On the Currency of Egalitarian Justice, Ethics 99, no. 4 (1989):906944, at 906.
21
22
relational ideal, and its bearing on questions of distribution is indirect. The relevant question, in thinking about equality and distribution, is not What is the
currency of which justice requires an equal distribution? It is, rather, What
kinds of distributions are consistent with the ideal of a society of equals?
Defenders of the relational view have sometimes criticized the distributive view for offering an inadequate account of the basis for our concern with
equality. The distributive view, it is said, represents equality as an excessively
abstract or arithmetic value. It makes it seem as if the fundamental egalitarian concern is to secure conformity to a certain pattern of distribution for its
own sake. It fails to recognize that the real motivation for egalitarianism, both
historically and conceptually, lies in a commitment to a certain ideal of society, a conviction that the members of society should relate to one another on a
footing of equality. Distributive equality matters, they claim, only because and
insofar as it is necessary in order to achieve a society of equals.
Yet the force of the relational view is open to doubt for at least two reasons.2
First, since defenders of this view agree that it, too, supports egalitarian distributions of some kind, it may be obscure what substantive, normative difference it makes whether one accepts the relational view. If the point is simply
that egalitarian distributive principles should be grounded in the ideal of a
society of equals, rather than presented as self-standing or grounded in some
other way, then it looks as if the relational view has no bearing on the choice of
the principles themselves. It is simply addressing a different question. So, there
need be no conflict between the distributive and relational views.
Second, it may seem that the relational view, if fully spelled out, must itself
take a distributive form. For suppose that the members of society are committed to the ideal of a society of equals and are determined to structure their
mutual relations in accordance with that ideal. How would they go about
doing this? The answer, it may seem, is that they would take care to ensure
that certain important goods, such as status, power, or opportunity, were distributed equally within the society. That is what it would mean for them to
achieve a society of equals. But if that is correct, then the relational view is not
really an alternative to the distributive view but is rather a version of it. It is
distinguished from other versions not by placing less emphasis on distribution
but by singling out goods like status and power as the ones whose distribution
should be the object of egalitarian concern.
2
For versions of these objections, see Christian Seidel, Two Problems with the
Socio-Relational Critique of Distributive Egalitarianism, in Was drfen wir glauben?
Was sollen wir tun? Sektionsbeitrge des Achten Internationalen Kongresses der Gesellschaft
fr Analytische Philosophie, ed. Miguel Hoeltje, Thomas Spitzley, and Wolfgang Spohn
(Duisburg-Essen:DuEPublico, 2013), 525535.
T h e P ra c t i c e o f E q u a l i t y
23
I believe that these two doubts can be allayed. Contrary to what the second
doubt suggests, the relational view is not a version of but is rather a genuine
alternative to the distributive view. And contrary to what the first doubt suggests, the relational view does have a bearing on substantive, normative questions. If we accept the relational view, this will affect the way we think about
the content of distributive justice. In order to establish these claims, more
must be done to develop the relational view. That is what Iwill attempt to do
here. Before Ibegin, two preliminary issues need to be addressed.
First, consider the distinction between prioritarianism, which holds that
benefits to those who are worse off matter more than benefits to those who are
better off, and forms of egalitarianism that hold that it is bad if some people are
worse off than others through no fault of their own. It is sometimes said that
prioritarianism is a nonrelational view, because it is sensitive only to the absolute levels of well-being of the affected individuals, whereas egalitarianism is
a relational view, because it is sensitive to essentially comparative judgments
about the relations among different individuals levels of well-being. 3 Here the
term relational is being used to mark a difference between two different distributive views. Both prioritarianism and egalitarianism of the sort described
are distributive views, and the term relational is being used to distinguish
distributive views that are sensitive to comparative information from those
that are not. By contrast, Iuse the term to describe a view of equality that is
not distributive at all. What Icall the relational view is not the view that distributive principles should be sensitive to comparative information. It is a view
according to which equality should not be thought of as a fundamentally distributive value in the first place.
Second, although my sympathies lie for the most part with the relational
view, this does not mean that Iregard questions of distribution as unimportant or that Ithink economic inequality is unobjectionable. Ibelieve that the
levels of economic inequality that prevail in my country and many others are
indefensible, and Iam as convinced as anyone of the importance of distributive justice. The relational view does not deny that equality has a bearing on
questions of distribution. Instead it holds that, in order to appreciate the bearing of equality on distribution, one must begin by understanding equality as a
broader ideal that governs the relations among members of society more generally. Rather than assuming that justice requires the equal distribution of something and then asking what that something is, a relational approach asks what
the broader ideal of equality implies about distributive questions. Defenders
For an example of such usage, see Michael Otsuka and Alex Voorhoeve, Why It Matters
That Some Are Worse Off Than Others:An Argument Against the Priority View, Philosophy &
Public Affairs 37, no. 2 (2009):171199.
3
24
of the relational view believe that the case against distributive inequality is
strengthened rather than weakened if it is linked to a broader ideal of this kind,
because the ideal is more attractive than any purportedly egalitarian distributive formula considered on its own. If egalitarian social and political positions
have roots in the idea of a society of equals, this gives them a critical force
that they would otherwise lack. Or so defenders of the relational view believe.
Whether they are right depends on whether the relational view can be successfully fleshed out. That is what Iwill try to do in this essay.
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Paris; you want to go to Rome. So we decide to spend half our time in Paris and
half our time in Rome. Afifth strategy is one of trading off. Suppose we face two
decisions that we regard as being of roughly comparable importance:where to
go on our holiday, and whether to subscribe to the ballet or to the opera. Iwant
to go to Paris; you want to go to Rome. You want to subscribe to the opera;
Iwant to subscribe to the ballet. So we decide to go to Rome and subscribe to
the ballet. Asixth strategy is separation. Iwant to go to Paris; you want to go to
Rome. So we decide that we will not take a joint holiday. Instead, Iwill go to
Paris, while you will go to Rome. 5
Even in simple cases such as these, arriving at a decision may be a significant
deliberative task, because multiple solutions to the deliberative problem may
be available, and you and I may have different meta-preferences among the
strategies embodied in those solutions. In more complex cases that implicate
more important interests, satisfactory solutions of any kind may be difficult to
find, and so the deliberative task may be more challenging. Moreover, different
decisions may interact with one another in a variety of ways that add further
deliberative complexity.
Six additional complications should be noted. First, it should be clear even
from the simplified example just given that the egalitarian deliberative constraint is best understood diachronically rather than synchronically. The point
is not that each decision taken individually must give equal weight to the comparably important interests of each party. Sometimes this will be impossible
or undesirable. The point is rather that each persons interests should play an
equally significant role in determining the decisions they make over the course
of the relationship.
Second, Ihave said that the relevant notion of interests is a broad one that
includes needs, values, and preferences. We need not suppose that there are
sharp dividing lines among these categories. But the inclusion of needs and
values along with preferences and other interests reminds us that sometimes
arriving at a joint decision in the face of conflict may be difficult or even impossible. If you and Ihave diametrically opposed values, then in decisions that
implicate the opposing values none of the strategies just mentioned may be
available. If Iam a pacifist and you are a warrior, there may be no possibility
of splitting the difference between us. Diachronic solutions like taking turns
may also be unacceptable if our values are sufficiently opposed. Deciding to
5
These examples assume that the participants in the relationship are economically well-off,
inasmuch as they have the resources necessary for expensive holidays and for opera or ballet subscriptions. However, Itake this to be an inessential feature of the examples. People with fewer
resources could just as easily face situations in which the strategies illustrated by these examples
would be available to them.
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honor my values today and yours tomorrow will not work if honoring your values amounts to a violation of my values whenever it is done. If Iam an animal
rights activist and you are a hunter, then deciding that we will demonstrate
against animal experimentation today and go hunting tomorrow will not work.
Even separation may not always seem tenable. Ajoint decision that Iwill go to
the animal rights demonstration while you will go hunting may still seem to
me an intolerable compromise of my values. This gives people who want their
relationships to be conducted on a footing of equality a (defeasible) reason to
seek out others who share their most important values, at least for their most
comprehensive personal relationships.
There may sometimes be another alternative. Ihave said that the egalitarian
deliberative constraint applies to decisions made within the context of an egalitarian relationship. However, it is not obvious when a decision counts as being
made within the context of the relationship. If Idecide to demonstrate against
animal experimentation while you decide to go hunting, is it the case that our
respective decisions are made within the context of our relationship? That may
depend on the character of the relationship. In principle, one way of preserving
an egalitarian relationship in the face of conflicting values may be to externalize
the conflict by relegating the parties pursuit of their discordant values to a space
that is defined as being outside the relationship. This is similar to the strategy of
separation that may be used to satisfy the deliberative constraint, but it differs in
that here each of the parties can disclaim even the limited endorsement of the
others values that is involved in a joint decision to separate. It is an interesting
question under what conditions externalization of this kind can be successful. At
times it may seem artificial or self-deceptive. And when conflicts of fundamental
values are at stake, it may be unsustainable.
Third, however we assess the prospects for externalizing conflict in the manner just described, it is important to emphasize that decisions made within
the context of an egalitarian relationship need not always be arrived at jointly.
Sometimes one of the parties to a relationship will be charged with the sole
responsibility for making such a decision. This can happen, for example, if the
other party is unavailable for joint deliberation, or if the parties have themselves
decided on a division of deliberative labor, in which, say, decisions of some kinds
are made by one of them while decisions of other kinds are made by the other of
them. But these exceptions arise against the background of a presumption that
each party is equally entitled to participate in decisions made within the context of the relationship. This participatory requirement follows from the more
general point, noted earlier, that the parties to an egalitarian relationship view
each other as equally entitled to determine the future course and character of the
relationship. The participatory requirement can be modified in cases like those
mentioned but only in ways that are acceptable to the parties themselves.
28
Fourth, my example of choosing a holiday destination may create the misleading impression that the egalitarian deliberative constraint requires the
parties always to make decisions that will satisfy their interests (weighted for
importance) to an equal degree, as all the possible decisions mentioned in the
example do. But in this respect the example is unrepresentative. What the
deliberative constraint requires is that the comparably important interests of
each party should play a comparably significant role in influencing decisions
made within the context of their relationship. This does not mean that, in general, their decisions must leave the parties equally well-off either in respect of
those interests or overall. To suppose otherwise is to overlook the heterogeneity of peoples interests and the variety of ways in which their interests may
constrain the deliberative process.
How should the deliberations of the parties be influenced by the interests of each in order to comply with the egalitarian deliberative constraint?
The first requirement concerns the way in which the parties interests shape
their deliberative priorities. The comparably important interests of each of
them should be assigned comparable priority when setting their joint deliberative agenda, that is, when selecting the issues that will receive their joint
deliberative attention. In addition, the parties should display comparable
tenacity and imagination in seeking to address the comparably important
interests of each of them. 6 In these ways, they make manifest their view of
one another as equals and the equal seriousness with which they treat one
anothers interests.
Beyond this, there is the question of how the content of the parties decisions should be influenced by their respective interests. There is no single
answer to this question. When the interests in question are values, then satisfying those interests will mean different things in different contexts. This
is true even for a single individual who is not subject to the egalitarian constraint. Sometimes satisfying a value may simply mean not acting in ways
that are inconsistent with it. In other contexts, it may mean acting in specific
ways that are demanded or required by the value. And in still other contexts,
it may mean acting in ways that are expressive or constitutive of the value. It
follows that in joint deliberations where the parties values are at stake, what
the egalitarian deliberative constraint requires cannot without distortion be
described as achieving an equal level of interest-satisfaction. Instead, what the
6
Stated more carefully, the point is that the parties should, when necessary, display comparable tenacity and imagination in both cases. If one partys interest proves easier to address then
the others, they are not required to expend superfluous effort in the easier case so as to equalize
the levels of effort devoted to the interests of each. Iwill take this qualification for granted in
what follows.
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30
their preferences to an equal degree, and that there are no other interests that
need to be taken into account, it is natural, though not strictly necessary, that
they should make a decision that will produce equal preference-satisfaction.
But in many cases one or more of these conditions will fail to obtain. In such
cases, there is no general reason to expect that the egalitarian constraint
will require decisions that leave the parties equally well-off with respect to
preference-satisfaction or anything else.
The fifth complication is this. The egalitarian deliberative constraint tells
the parties something about how they should treat the comparably important
interests of each of them. But how are these judgments of importance to be
understood? Is the point that the parties should be guided by their own beliefs
about the importance of their interests, or is there some independent standard
of importance that applies? In practice, the parties have no choice but to rely
on their own judgments of importance (even if they consult others in forming
those judgments). Moreover, the very fact that one believes an interest to be
important can sometimes make it important. But what the deliberative constraint says is that the parties should treat (what are in fact) the equally important interests of each of them as having equal significance for their decisions.
This standard of importance is independent of and can diverge from their own
judgments of importance, even if they have no choice but to rely on those judgments. This means they can be mistaken in thinking they have complied with
the constraint.
Finally, the deliberative constraint is central to egalitarian relationships,
but if it is kept too clearly in view or interpreted too rigidly it can encourage
a kind of scorekeeping that may erode the quality of the relationship. If the
participants in a relationship are constantly preoccupied with making sure
that the comparably important interests of each of them are playing comparably significant roles in determining their joint decisions, that may exclude
forms of intimacy and joint identification that give personal relationships
much of their value. So the trick is to ensure that the egalitarian deliberative constraint is satisfied without itself becoming the focus of excessive
attention.
It should be clear from the six complications I have discussed that conducting and sustaining a personal relationship on a footing of equality is a
significant practical task. Indeed, relating to others as equals is best thought
of as a complex interpersonal practice. It is a practice that makes substantial
demands on the attitudes, motives, dispositions, and deliberative capacities
of the participants. There is no general formula or algorithm for determining how best to engage in the practice. Instead, sustaining an egalitarian relationship requires creativity, the exercise of judgment, and ongoing mutual
commitment, and even the sincere efforts of the parties are no guarantee of
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the sense that matters for our purposes, even if the resources whose allocation
is under consideration belong exclusively to one of the participants.
Let us leave these complications aside, however, and focus on cases in which
the participants in a relationship of equals are considering how to allocate
resources that they jointly control. These decisions are subject to the egalitarian deliberative constraint. Each participant accepts that the others comparably important interests should play a comparably significant role in influencing
the allocation decisions that they make. This is a substantial constraint, even if
we assume that it applies diachronically rather than synchronically. In the context of a face-to-face personal relationship, however, it seems unlikely that the
participants will attempt to satisfy the constraint through the self-conscious
application of a fixed distributive formula, such as a leximin principle or a principle of equality of welfare or resources. It would seem more than a bit peculiar
if they did do this. There are several reasons why this is so. First, to rely on such
a formula would seem rigid and moralistic, and would raise concerns of the
kind noted earlier about excessive scorekeeping. Second, many of the allocation decisions the participants are likely to face will be decisions about how
best to advance or protect their shared interests, whereas distributive formulae
of the kind mentioned are used to adjudicate among conflicting interests.
Finally, the participants are, by hypothesis, concerned to sustain their relationship as a relationship of equals, and they are therefore concerned with the
ways in which their respective interests influence their joint decisions. This
means, to put it crudely, that they are concerned with the ways in which their
respective interests are treated as inputs of deliberation and decision. But distributive formulae of the kind mentioned operate, in effect, on the outputs of
decision. Such a formula does not directly assess the role played in deliberation by considerations about the respective interests of the parties. It looks
instead at the situation of the participants once a given decision is carried out
and assesses their comparative standing in respect of some dimension, such
as welfare or resources, which is thought to reflect their interests. Such assessments may provide indirect evidence of the way in which considerations about
the participants interests influenced the decision-making process. But the
participants, with their normally extensive mutual knowledge and their direct
access to their own deliberations, are unlikely to regard these output measures
as being, in general, good proxies for the kinds of assessment of their deliberations that matter to them. Why should they look at their overall situation once
a decision is carried out and make an inference on that basis about how they
must have deliberated? As a way of assessing their deliberations, this would be
not only indirect but also of limited reliability, since for two people to deliberate in accordance with the egalitarian constraint it is neither necessary nor
sufficient that their overall situation once the decision is carried out should
34
end up satisfying any fixed distributive formula. There is, in general, no need
for the participants to rely on such indirect and unreliable inferences. They can
ask themselves directly whether the comparably important interests of each
of them played an equally significant role in influencing their decisions. Of
course, they can be mistaken about this, and output measures may serve as
correctives to self-deception and other forms of error. Distributive inequalities may be symptoms that the participants internal deliberations violated the
egalitarian constraint even though they thought otherwise. But there is a difference between using output measures to guard against self-deception and
using them systematically to satisfy the egalitarian deliberative constraint.
So, to repeat, the participants in a relationship of equals are unlikely, when
facing decisions about the allocation of their resources, to try to satisfy the
egalitarian deliberative constraint by applying a fixed distributive formula.
On the other hand, the deliberative constraint will itself exert pressure in
the direction of egalitarian distribution. If, in deciding how to allocate their
resources, the participants treat the comparably important interests of each of
them as having comparable significance, then a natural default assumption is
that they will end up devoting roughly equal resources to satisfying the comparably important interests of each. And insofar as it makes sense to compare
the extent to which their interests are satisfied, a natural default assumption
is that their decisions will tend to produce roughly equal levels of (weighted)
interest satisfaction. The fact that the egalitarian deliberative constraint exerts
general pressure toward egalitarian distributions explains why distributive
inequalities can serve the corrective function just noted. But the conclusion
that the participants decisions will have distributively egalitarian upshots is a
defeasible one, and the reason it holds is not because they apply any particular
distributive formula in making their choices. It holds because they regard the
reasons generated by the comparable interests of each of them as themselves
being of comparable strength. That is the regulative principle governing their
deliberations.
It may seem that the participants in egalitarian relationships would have a
greater concern than Ihave acknowledged with distributive equality per se.
They would regard it as intrinsically important that equal resources be allocated to meeting their respective interests, or that those interests be satisfied
to an equal degree. But Ido not believe that a concern for the egalitarian character of their relationship would lead them to be troubled by the bare fact of
inequality in one of these dimensions. Their primary concern, insofar as they
wish to conduct their relationship on an egalitarian basis, is with their attitudes toward one another and with how seriously each takes the interests of
the other in contexts of deliberation and decision. If they were in other respects
satisfied with the egalitarian character of the relationship, then Idoubt that the
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36
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two cases. And these differences suggest that the first of the two doubts about
the relational conception may get more of a purchase in the case of a society
of equals. The central point is that some of the reasons for doubting whether
the participants in egalitarian personal relationships would rely on any fixed
distributive formula do not apply to a society of equals. For example, concerns
about moralism and scorekeeping seem less significant in this case. And for the
members of a society of equals, who lack the kind of direct deliberative access
that the participants in an egalitarian personal relationship have, an output
measure like a distributive formula, indirect though it is, may be the best way
of judging whether the egalitarian deliberative constraint has been satisfied.
For them, the fact that resources have been distributed equally may be the best
available indicator that the comparably important interests of all of them constrained the processes of social decision to the same extent.
In addition, the anonymity of the relations among the members of society militates in favor of a clear public standard to govern the distribution of
resources. Without the extensive mutual knowledge that is available at the
level of personal relationships, the members of society are unable to engage
in the kind of sensitive individualized consideration of one anothers interests
that such knowledge makes possible. Instead, they need a clear public standard
governing distribution:a standard they can all accept as an appropriate basis
for judging whether, on the bounded but vitally important range of issues that
concern them collectively as members, their shared egalitarian aspirations
have been satisfied.
These considerations may serve to revive the first doubt about the relational view of equality. Their tendency, it seems, is to suggest that the ideal of a
society of equals supports egalitarian distributive principles of some familiar
kind. But we still need to determine which principles in particular egalitarians
should accept, and that is precisely the question to which the distributive view
is addressed. The suspicion, then, is that there is no conflict between the distributive and relational views; they are simply addressing different questions.
This suspicion is likely to be reinforced when one considers that the egalitarian deliberative constraint seems to underdetermine the choice among candidate distributive principles. As earlier observed, the deliberative constraint
exerts general pressure in the direction of egalitarian distribution, and it provides a basis for rejecting nonegalitarian arrangements like the laissez-faire
system of natural liberty. It also provides strong grounds for opposing systems
of hereditary caste and privilege, and it vindicates the familiar complaint that
we do not live in a society of equals if our laws and policies are shaped to a disproportionate degree by the interests of the rich and powerful. Beyond that, it
is not clear that the deliberative constraint provides a basis for selecting among
the different egalitarian distributive principles that have been proposed.
40
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ideal of society. This is not merely a question of logical consistency but also a
question about the human implications of living together on utilitarian terms.
Once the question is framed in this way, it seems clear to me, though Iwill not
try to argue the point here, that an unrestricted principle of utilitarian aggregation is incompatible with the ideal of a society of equals.
42
whose application may at times be limited because of conflicts with other values.
It follows that, in addition to being normatively autonomous, equality is also dis
tributively self-sufficient. Not only is its normative content exhausted by the idea
of an equal divisionby the idea there is something people should have equal
amounts ofbut, in addition, equality is capable all on its own of generating a
presumptively authoritative principle of distribution, albeit one that may have to
give way if, from the standpoint of justice, other conflicting values trump equality in some cases. Once again, the relational conception takes a different view.
Not only do other values enter into the definition of equality, so that equality is
not normatively autonomous, but, in addition, equality so understood need not
by itself yield any fully determinate principle for regulating the distribution of
resources, not even a presumptive or prima facie one. Although some candidate
principles will be incompatible with the ideal of a society of equals, that ideal
may not fully determine the choice of a single principle. This is unsurprising,
according to the relational view, for there is no reason to expect equality to be
distributively self-sufficient. The regulative principles governing distribution
are the principles of distributive justice, and those principles are answerable to
a range of values, of which equality is just one. None of these values need determine even a prima facie principle of distribution on its own. In Rawls representative formulation, the principles of justice specify the fair terms of cooperation
for free and equal persons. This does not mean that we first establish what principles of distribution are required by equality and then ask to what extent the
competing values of fairness, freedom, and cooperation restrict the application
of that egalitarian principle. It means that justice is the virtue that tells us how
the distribution of resources should be regulated so as jointly to accommodate
all of these values. This is not to deny that distributions can be assessed as more
or less egalitarian in some purely arithmetic sense. It is not, for example, to deny
that we can use the Gini coefficient to measure income inequality. It is rather to
assert that equality as a value, considered on its own and without reference to the
other values that bear on justice, need not yield a fully determinate distributive
principle that enjoys even prima facie authority.
It is tempting to conclude from this that the bearing of equality on issues
of distributive justice is weaker on the relational view than it is on the distributive view. This would be a mistake. Consider, for example, the well-known
criticisms of various luck-egalitarian principles as having unacceptably
harsh or demeaning implications in some cases.9 One reply by defenders of
luck-egalitarianism is to say that these criticisms do not show that it provides
See, for example, the classic papers by Elizabeth Anderson, What Is the Point of Equality?
Ethics 109, no. 2 (1999):287387, and Jonathan Wolff, Fairness, Respect, and the Egalitarian
Ethos, Philosophy & Public Affairs 29, no. 2 (1998):97122.
9
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the wrong account of distributive equality, only that equality may be overridden by other values in some cases. From a relational perspective, however, this
reply misses the distinctively egalitarian character of the criticisms. The harshness of unadorned luck-egalitarian principles is a reason for thinking that such
principles are incompatible with the ideal of a society of equals, so that they are
ruled out as unjust on specifically egalitarian grounds. Rather than speaking
for luck-egalitarian principles, albeit not decisively, equality speaks decisively
against them. Here it is the relational view rather than the distributive view
that has clearer implications for justice.
If what Ihave been saying is correct, then the first doubt about the relational
conception can be allayed even as it applies to the case of a society of equals.
The relational conception understands the bearing of equality on issues of distribution very differently than does the distributive conception. In assessing a
candidate distributive principle, the distributive conception will lead us to ask
whether that principle has correctly identified the currency of which people
should have equal amounts, whereas the relational conception will lead us to
ask whether the principle sets out plausible terms for regulating the relations
among the members of a society of equals. Although the general tendency of
the relational conception is to support strong limits on allowable economic
inequalities understood in purely arithmetic terms, and although the relational conception confirms the need for a public set of principles to regulate
distribution, it insists that the requisite principles are given by justice and not
by equality. Equality by itself need not determine a distributive principle with
even presumptive authority. It is not normatively autonomous nor need it be
distributively self-sufficient. Although it is conceivable that the same distributive principles will be selected no matter which conception of equality one
begins with, there is no reason to expect this and offhand it seems unlikely. So
if we wish to investigate the content of distributive justice, it matters which of
these conceptions of equality we accept.
1.7Conclusion
As Isaid earlier, my sympathies lie for the most part with the relational conception. However, Ihave provided little in the way of direct argument in its favor.
My aims have been more modest. Ihave tried to show two things. The first is
that the relational conception is an independent conception of equality, which
is not reducible to a version of the distributive conception. The second is that it
makes a difference which of these two conceptions we accept. If we accept the
distributive conception, we will see equality as a value that is essentially concerned with distribution and that, on its own, generates a distributive formula
44
with presumptive authority. We will think it important to identify that formula, which we may see as providing the core of an egalitarian conception
of justice. If we accept the relational conception, by contrast, we will see
equality as a broad practical ideal governing the structure of human relationships, an ideal that itself draws on a variety of other values and that has a clear
bearing on questions of distribution but does not yield determinate principles
of distribution in isolation from other values. We will think it important to
develop this ideal across a broad front. Insofar as we are concerned with social
and political philosophy in particular, we will think it important to identify
the kinds of practices and institutions we would have to create, and the kinds
of attitudes and dispositions we would have to possess, in order for us to live in
a genuine society of equals.
Acknowledgments
Earlier versions of this article were presented to conferences at the University
of London and the Central European University and to a seminar at Columbia
Law School. Iam indebted to Jnos Kis, Daniel Putnam, and Joseph Raz for
helpful critical comments.
Relational Equality,
Non-Domination, and Vulnerability
Marie Garrau and Ccile Laborde
In this essay, we attempt to do three things. In the first section, we suggest that republicanism is a paradigmatic relational theory of equality.
Much in the spirit of Elizabeth Anderson and Samuel Schefflers relational
approaches, the republican ideal points not merely or exclusively to a distributively just state but aims at creating a society where citizens enjoy
equal standing. In the second section, we focus on Philip Pettits republicanism and account for his commitment to relational equality. We argue
that Pettits concern with domination relies on a distinctive anthropology
of social interdependence and mutual vulnerability. However, in the third
section, we show that the republican conception of vulnerability is too narrow to accommodate important threats to relational equality. Drawing on
the work of French sociologists such as Pierre Bourdieu, Serge Paugam,
and Robert Castel, we argue that not all social vulnerabilities are reducible, or even connected, to domination. If that is the case, the pursuit of the
republican ideal of relational equality cannot be reduced to the pursuit of
non-domination, at least as Pettit understands it.
46
R e l a t i o n a l E q u a l i t y, N o n - D o m i n a t i o n , a n d Vu l n e ra b i l i t y
47
48
R e l a t i o n a l E q u a l i t y, N o n - D o m i n a t i o n , a n d Vu l n e ra b i l i t y
49
50
R e l a t i o n a l E q u a l i t y, N o n - D o m i n a t i o n , a n d Vu l n e ra b i l i t y
51
in reverse order. First, republicans worry about both vertical and horizontal
domination: domination in the private sphereimperiumis as acute a
source of political concern as domination by the statedominium. As republicans have long argued, individuals who live at the mercy of othersslaves,
womencannot be citizens. This means that citizenship is not purely a formal
notion applying to the state and its laws. It is, more comprehensively, a social
notion with wide-ranging implications on the shape and form of civil society. Second, a dominant theme in republican writings has been that of virtue.
Virtue points to those attitudes and dispositions that citizens need to display
towards the state and toward one another. While historically those virtues
were narrowly martial, masculinist and hierarchical, in egalitarian societies
they become virtues associated with the ethos of democracyequal respect,
solidarity, and care. Republicans have been open about the need for republics to build a citizen society.21 Third, republicans expect citizens to identify
with their institutions, so as not to let politics become the preserve of a narrow elite. Institutions matter morally not only for what they do, but also for
how they do it. Republicanism, therefore, is a spontaneously expressive theory
of law and institutions.22 Fourth, republicans have long defined the currency
of equality in nonexclusively material terms, as equality of statusthus
incorporating many of the concerns of recognition theorists. This does not
mean that republicans have been indifferent to the redistribution of material
goodsthe growth of the welfare state in France, for example, was grounded
in solidariste ideals derived from republican ideals of equality, mutuality and
reciprocity.23 Butas is the case with most relational theoriesrepublicans
justify material redistribution by appeal to a broader moral vision, that of the
society of equals,24 and material redistribution is necessary but never sufficient
to achieve a society of equals.
This leads us to the second, more general sense in which republicanism is a
promising relational theory of equality. The republican concern for the quality
of social relationships comes from a rejection of the peculiar form of atomism
21
Stuart White and Daniel Leighton (eds.), Building a Citizen Society. The Emerging Politics
of Republican Democracy (London: Lawrence and Wishard, 2008); Richard Dagger, Civic
Virtues:Rights, Citizenship and Republican Liberalism (Oxford:Oxford University Press, 1997);
John Maynor, Republicanism in the Modern World; Victoria Costa, Neo-Republicanism, Freedom
as Non-Domination, and Citizen Virtue Politics, Philosophy, Economics 8 (2009):401419.
22
Pettit, On the Peoples Terms, 7792; Ccile Laborde, Political Liberalism and Religion.
23
Jean-Fabien Spitz, Le Moment rpublicain en France (Paris: Gallimard, 2005); Sudhir
Hazareesingh, Intellectual Founders of the Republic. Five Studies in Nineteenth-Century French
Republican Political Thought (Oxford:Oxford University Press, 2001).
24
R ichard Dagger, Neo-Republicanism and the Civic Economy, Philosophy, Politics, and
Economics 5, no 2 (2006):151173; Pierre Rosanvallon, La socit des gaux (Paris:Seuil, 2011).
52
See especially, Joan C.Tronto, Moral Boundaries. APolitical Argument for an Ethics of Care
(NewYork:Routledge, 1993); Joan C.Tronto, Caring Democracy. Markets, Equality and Justice
(New York: New York University Press, 2013); Axel Honneth, The Struggle for Recognition
(1995); Axel Honneth and Joel Anderson, Autonomy, Vulnerability, Recognition and Justice,
in Autonomy and the Challenges to Liberalism:New Essays, ed. Joel Anderson and John Christman
(Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 2005), 127149.
26
On this definition, see Robert Goodin, Protecting the Vulnerable. AReanalysis of our Social
Responsibilities. (Chicago:The University of Chicago Press, 1985), 111112.
25
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on their parents for the physical and affective care they receive; yet they can
also be harmed by their parents. In the same way, citizens are vulnerable to the
state:in so far as they depend on the state for the rights they enjoy, they can be
harmed when the state deprives them of their rights or violates these rights.
However, vulnerability does not necessarily suppose the existence of a
structural asymmetry, or of an imbalance of power, between interdependent
agents. For instance, co-workers or lovers are vulnerable to one another in so
far as each member of the relation has the power to affect the other, merely
because of the relationships they both depend on. Vulnerability then only supposes the existence of a dependency relationship between agents who can act
on one another and, potentially, harm one another. If vulnerability increases
when the relationship becomes asymmetrical, or when one agent has more
power than the other, it does not disappear when the relationship is symmetrical, or the power equal. Rather, in these cases, we can say that vulnerability is
mutual or equally distributed between agents.
28
54
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They redefine autonomy in a relational way34 and offer alternative political ideals grounded on the acknowledgment of vulnerability. However, these authors
tend to reduce vulnerability to an anthropological category, that is, a common
and irreducible fact of our lives. As a result, they do not convincingly account
for the fact that some people are more vulnerable than others, because of the
social situations they happen to be in; moreover, they do not design precise
political answers to these forms of unequal vulnerabilities. In both respects,
Pettits approach is more promising. Indeed, Pettit does not reduce vulnerability to an anthropological category. He pays attention to the social conditions
that reduce or increase vulnerability and acknowledges that not all people are
equally vulnerable. In his perspective, that we are fundamentally vulnerable
does not only mean that we need the support and cooperation of other in order
to develop our abilities, whether in the form of care or recognition. It also
means that we are exposed to a specific risk:that of domination. That is why a
politics aiming at creating a society of equals should prevent the transformation of relations of mutual interdependence into relations of domination.
Pettit draws a strong and complex connection between vulnerability and
domination. It is this: vulnerability understood as a fundamental aspect of
human life opens up the possibility of domination; yet domination both
increases and changes the nature of vulnerability. Domination, conceived as a
social relationship where one agent has the capacity to interfere arbitrarily in
anothers course of action, can be seen as a primary cause of the intensification
of vulnerability. The problematic vulnerability produced by domination is no
longer compatible with autonomy; on the contrary, it indicates that autonomy
can no longer be exercised or maintained.
This is made clear in Pettits portrayal of the dominated agent. The dominated agent is vulnerable to the actions of the dominant agent, in the sense
that she is exposed to the dominant agents arbitrary power. But, in addition, she can be said to be especially vulnerable when this exposure alters her
A s Pettits approach made clear, relational conceptions of autonomy define autonomy neither as an individual property which grows naturally with the development of the agent cognitive
skills, nor as an ability that is best used alone, through the solitary definition of ones own ends for
instance. Rather, autonomy is conceived as a relational ability that can only develop with the support of others and that is best used within interaction. On relational conceptions of autonomy,
see also Jenifer Nedelsky, Reconceiving Autonomy:Sources, Thoughts and Possibilities, Yale
Journal of Law and Feminism 1, no 1 (1989): 736; Marylin Friedman, Autonomy and Social
Relationships, in Feminists Rethink the Self, ed. Diana T.Meyers (Boulder, CO:Westview Press,
1997), 4061; Catriona Mackenzie and Natalie Stoljar (eds.), Relational Autonomy. Feminist
Perspectives on Autonomy, Agency and the Social Self (Oxford, NewYork:Oxford University Press,
2000); Joel Anderson and John Christman (eds.), Autonomy and the Challenges to Liberalism:New
Essays (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 2005).
34
56
sense of self-respect and agency in the long term. As Pettit suggests, domination does not only produce attitudes of strategic deference and anticipation
aimed at avoiding retaliation and punishment. In addition to these immediate
responses, it can also produce a vulnerability that manifests itself in feelings
of powerlessness and anxiety, and eventually in a lack of self-respect on the
part of the dominated agent. 35 Here then, vulnerability does not only refer to a
mere and common situation of dependence and exposure; it more specifically
describes the subjective and long-term effects of a relationship that deprives
the agent of her autonomy by refusing her the kind of recognition that is due
to equals.
So while problematic vulnerability is anchored in fundamental vulnerability, it cannot be conflated with it.
35
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58
to a re-distribution of power in the workplace, notably through greater collective rights and contestation opportunities for workers.41
The republican ideal is dynamic and its precise institutional recommendations must remain open-ended.42 However, it is clear that a society of
non-domination is a society where citizens are equally recognized as fundamentally vulnerable and equally protected against social processes of vulnerability intensification. Pettits republicanism, therefore, appears as a plausible
and attractive theory of relational equality.
42
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to one option or by making another disappear. From this point of view, the
republican conception differs from other accounts of domination, such as that
of Karl Marx, Pierre Bourdieu, or Iris Marion Young, who all define domination as a structural relationship, rather than as an interpersonal one. From
their perspective, domination does not need to be intentional or refer to the
will of an identifiable agent. It can be defined as a relationship based on a structural imbalance of power, which affects, not necessarily the choice set available
to the dominated agent, but their conception of themselves and their ability to
think of themselves as agents capable of choice.
Undoubtedly, the republican agential conception of domination has strong
advantages. As Frank Lovett noticed,45 it can account for most of the typical
relationships of domination, from slavery to serfdom, through to traditional
marriage or capitalist relationships between employers and employees. Yet,
by contrast to structural conceptions of domination, it does not adequately
account for the long-term effects of domination; noras a resultis it
well-equipped to address them. Feminist theory has shown that domination
produces long-term subjective effects on women, not only in the sense that
it deeply affects the way women perceive themselves and assess their agency
in the long run,46 but also in the sense that once the effective relationships of
domination have been removed, problematic vulnerability remains. Those who
were once subjected to domination or who grew up in a social environment
that still bears the mark of past relationships of domination, may no longer be
dominated in Pettits sense, but they still suffer the effects of domination.
To illustrate this claim, we draw on Bourdieus writings on male domination. As Bourdieu noticed in the last essay of Masculine Domination,47 the formal structures of male domination have been removed in France. Women have
fought for, and won, equal rights in the family and the public sphere; they have
entered the labor market and secured financial independence; and they have
achieved high levels of academic success. Their formal status is equal to that of
men. Yet, womens vulnerability has not disappeared, even if it now takes a form
that Pettits conception of domination cannot easily account for. For instance,
despite the law voted in 1999 to promote an equal proportion of women and
men in the French National Assembly, women remain under-represented in the
Assembly, as well as in other places of political power; despite the laws demanding wage equality between men and women since the mid-1980s, womens
45
Frank Lovett, A General Theory of Domination and Justice (NewYork:Oxford University
Press, 2010).
46
Something that Pettit notices.
47
Pierre Bourdieu, Masculine Domination, trans. R. Nice (Stanford, CA:Stanford University
Press, 2002).
60
wages remain inferior to mens wages; despite the legal recognition of conjugal
rape as a crime, women remain subjected to this kind of violence in a far too
large numbers. Women continue to do most of the care and domestic work at
home, which can lead them to lower their professional expectations; they are
vulnerable to harassment on the streets, which leads them to restrict their use
of the public space. Moreover, sociological analyses suggest that women have
often internalized their subordinate status, in such a way that they do not always
take advantage of the social and legal opportunities that have been designed for
them. So even if they are not actually subjected to domination in Pettits sense,
they remain especially vulnerable in the sense that they, as a historically constituted vulnerability class, are deprived of the social conditions fully to exercise
their autonomy.
This example draws attention to the power of the social norms and representations that underpin domination and highlights their central role in the
maintenance of unequal social relationships, even in the absence of actual relationships of domination.48 Internalized by social agents and inscribed in the
functioning of social institutions, these norms and representations categorize
social agents, attribute differential meanings and values to their social positions and identities, and equip them with unequal social power. For example,
the idea that women are naturally capable of caring for others helped justify
the legal obligation that women had to ask for their husbands permission to
work outside the home. This has now been abrogated, yet the idea that domestic and care work is a natural task for women has persisted (after all, someone has to take care of the kids). Deeply ingrained social perceptions prevent
women from committing to a professional career on an equal footing with
men, even though no oneneither their husband nor other mendominates
them at that particular moment.
We may wonder whether Pettits agential concept of domination is the
most appropriate to account for these phenomena of adaptive preferences
in response to social contexts structured by norms and representations that
assign different and unequally valued social roles and identities to social
agents. Maybe the concept of oppression better describes the obstacles to
autonomy and status equality that are at stake here. At any rate, Pettits conception of domination does not seem well-equipped to respond to these phenomena because it focuses on interpersonal relationships of domination and
does not take sufficiently into account the weight of norms and representations
in the constitution of agents identities and social power. A more structural
conception of domination would incorporate an analysis of the role of social
48
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49
For a similar objection to the narrowness of Pettits conception of domination and its difficulty to account for unintentional social processes that threaten peoples agency, see Sharon
R. Krause, Beyond Non-Domination: Agency, Inequality and the Meaning of Freedom,
Philosophy and Social Criticism 39, no 2 (2013):187208.
50
Serge Paugam, La disqualification sociale. Essai sur la nouvelle pauvret, 2nd ed. (Paris:PUF,
2000).
62
the agents identity is defined negatively in reference to her subaltern social position, and paradoxically presented as its cause. In this regard, social disqualification implies a social judgment based on a normhere the norm that defines
social success and social respectability by reference to paid work and economic
independencethat the agent is perceived as violating. Stigmatization produces
a negative identity that welfare recipients conform to in their dealings with welfare officials; but this negative identity threatens their sense of their own value
and can lead them to isolate themselves from others. Only those who can expect
to find a job quickly and who can count on other sources of social recognition
family, friends, involvement in professional training or local associationscan
resist the stigma of dependency to welfare. But even in these cases, being socially
identified as a loser, as a lazy person or as a parasite because of a social situation one did not choose causes suffering and self-doubt, and eventually alters the
affective ground of personal autonomy.51
Can a republicanism of non-domination respond to the vulnerability produced by social disqualification and secure the affective basis of welfare recipients autonomy? To be sure, as we saw, republicanism has resources to address
the expressive deficit of impersonal bureaucracies such as the welfare state,
when they humiliate recipients and fail to treat them as equal citizens. Yet such
critique of bureaucratic domination does not seem to get to the heart of the
disqualification complaint. The negative stigma that equates welfare dependency with social failure would remain, fuelled as it is by well-entrenched public and political discourses. Welfare recipients, in sum, experience a distinct
harm of stigmatizationwhich cannot be reduced to any actual domination
they might also suffer.
Sociologist Robert Castel, for his part, has brought to light another process,
which he calls disaffiliation.52 Like disqualification, disaffiliation is brought
51
Paugams definition of social disqualification bears some similarities with Iris Youngs definition of oppression. In Justice and the Politics of Difference (1990:38), Young defines oppression
as a set of systematic institutional processes that prevent people from learning and using their
skills in socially recognised settings, or that inhibit their ability to play and communicate with
others or to express their feelings and perspectives on social life in contexts where others can
listen. In so far as it precludes self-realization and prevent people from forming a positive conception of themselves, oppression in Youngs sense and social disqualification produce similar
effects. The advantage of Paugams perspective however is that it provides a precise description
of the social mechanisms through which such effects are produced, when Youngs category of
oppression includes several different social processesnamely exploitation, marginalization,
powerlessness, cultural imperialism and violence. If these processes increase peoples vulnerability by affecting the way in which they relate to themselves, we think it is best to distinguish them
if we are to define ways to overcome them.
52
Robert Castel, Les mtamorphoses de la question sociale. Une chronique du salariat
(Paris:Gallimard, 1999). See also the articles collected in Robert Castel, La monte des incerti
tudes. Travail, protections, statut de lindividu (Paris:Le Seuil, 2009).
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struggle for more equality. But he is perhaps too quick in suggesting that it can
subsume all pathological forms of social interdependence. Or so at least we
have claimed in this essay. Because it is rooted in an anthropology of mutual
interdependence, republicanism can account for the fact that people are fundamentally vulnerable and justify that political theory gives central importance to peoples relationships to one another. By showing that fundamental
vulnerability is unequally increased and autonomy unequally jeopardized
by social and political relationships of domination, it provides a ground for
the promotion of freedom as non-domination as well as detailed political and
institutional recommendations to do so. However, the republican concept of
domination may not be strong enough to do all the work that Pettit would like
it to doparticularly if it remains narrowly agential and thereby ill-equipped
to capture more structural forms of domination, oppression and social marginalization. In so far as not all problematic vulnerabilities are the product of
domination in Pettits sense, a republicanism of non-domination may not be
sufficient to create a society of equals.
Acknowledgments
We are grateful to the editors of this volume, particularly Fabian Schuppert,
for helpful comments on an earlier version of this piece.
3.1Introduction
The central aims of this essay are to identify three importantly distinct
dimensions of social equality and to argue that for each of these dimensions there are different conceptions of equalityin particular a difference
between what I will call liberal egalitarian conceptions and radical egalitarianism or equality of condition. Although the main point of the essay is
to map out the terrain, Ido not pretend to do so in a neutral manner. My
commitment is to equality of condition, and Ihope that the essay will make
this conception of social equality plausible. Iam not always confident about
the best way of articulating that conception, so in some places Iam more
interested in raising questions than in providing answers.
I take social equality to be concerned with the question of what it means
for us to relate to each other as equals. Social equality in this sense can
also be called relational equality and can be contrasted with the idea of
distributive justice or distributional equality. Unlike some theorists, I do
not believe that social or relational equality is more important than distributional equality or is the root of distributional equality, although nothing I say here hangs on the issue. Similarly, I doubt that everything that
is desirable about social equality is a matter of justice; Iam not even sure
whether any of it is. But that is not something Iwill discuss here. Ido think
that social equality is a very important part of egalitarianism, and always
has been. But I also think that social equality is sometimes too narrowly
defined, and that there are importantly different visions of social equality
that are not always distinguished.
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66
The ideas here connect in many ways with the work of others.1 But for the
most part, my aim is to contribute to egalitarian ideas and social change rather
than to academic literature, trying more to articulate the values and commitments that inform an important and long-standing social movement for equality than to say anything new. Imake no claim to originality.
The three dimensions of social equality I want to distinguish here
are:respect and recognition; love, care, and solidarity; and power. 2 Ibelieve
that we relate to each other as equals only if we engage with each other in
a spirit of equal respect; if we relate to each other in appropriately loving,
careful, and solidary ways; and if we replace the exercise of power over one
another by relationships of genuine cooperation. Each of these dimensions of
social equality seems to me to have quite a different character from the other
two, andperhaps more importantlyto be open to weaker and stronger
interpretations. In todays very unequal world, even the set of weaker interpretations that Icharacterize as liberal-egalitarian implies the need for significant social change, but it still seems to me to be more concerned with limiting
and justifying inequality than with imagining what it would mean to do away
with inequality altogether. In the field of distributive justice, Rawlss difference principle is a paradigm case of this liberal egalitarian approach, since it
is expressly concerned with legitimating inequalities of income and wealth.
By contrast, this essay is largely preoccupied with trying to imagine the radically egalitarian alternative that Icall equality of condition, which aspires to
a radically more equal set of social relations as well as radically more equal
distributions. It is, of course, a truism of egalitarian theory that equality in
any respect entails inequality in some other respects, so my aim here should
not be construed as imagining a world without any inequalities at all. It is,
rather, to show how an admittedly ambitious desire to ameliorate inequality in
each of these dimensions might be superseded by a more robust aspiration to
eliminate inequality of the same general type, or at least to reduce inequality
much more dramatically than is generally proposed. 3
1
Iam sure Ihave forgotten the sources for many of them and would see even more connections to other peoples work if I were better at keeping up with the ever-growing literature in
egalitarian theory.
2
For a discussion of the five-dimensional conceptual framework from which these ideas are
drawn, see John Baker, Equality:What, Who, Where? Imprints 9, no. 1 (2006):2941 and John
Baker et al., Equality: From Theory to Action, 2nd ed. (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009). Iconcentrate on these three dimensions because Icannot identify a relational component in the other two.
3
The contrast between liberal egalitarianism and equality of condition is therefore, strictly
speaking, between two regions on a continuum rather than a sharp contrast between legitimate
inequality and strict equality. But Ihope that what follows will demonstrate that the contrast is
still worth making.
C o n c e p t i o n s a n d D i m e n s i o n s o f S o c i a l E q u a l i t y
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4
For an excellent survey, see Robin S. Dillon, Respect, The Stanford Encyclopedia of
Philosophy (Fall 2010 Edition) (2010), accessed January 30, 2014, http://plato.stanford.edu/
archives/fall2010/entries/respect/.
5
For a powerful argument against the use of black as a human category, see Nicholas Tsri,
Africans Are Not Black:The Case for Conceptual Liberation (PhD diss., University College
Dublin, 2013).
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are sometimes treated as different kinds or senses of respect, which Iwill refer
to as basic respect and appraisal respect or esteem. It is taken for granted
in contemporary culture and philosophy that in some sense everyone is of
equal worth, has equal status, deserves equal respect, and should be respected
as an equaldifferent ways of formulating the same or at least closely related
ideas about equal basic respect. But it is also taken for granted by most people
that this type of equality is compatible with inequalities of worth, status, and
respecta kind of respect that has been called evaluative or appraisal or
merit respect and that is closely linked to the concepts of esteem, admiration, and honor. In sum, we should (basic-)respect each other equally, but it is
fine to esteem some people much more than others. For example, a school may
be dedicated to a policy of mutual respect, but that is not usually considered to
be incompatible with a powerful social hierarchy among its students.9
These two concepts are typically taken to be relatively but not completely
independent:the sense in which everyone is due equal basic respect seems
to imply some restrictions on inequalities of esteem but not to be deeply
at odds with them. For example, equal basic respect plausibly entails a ban
on treatment that is particularly degrading; a prohibition on using certain
types of characteristic (such as sex, ethnicity, and disability) as grounds for
depreciation; and the elimination of certain types of practices and institutions that embody permanent inequalities of esteem (e.g., slavery, segregation, hereditary nobility). To evaluate someone, however unequally, within
these constraints is generally considered to be consistent with respecting
them as an equal, while to transgress the constraints is to treat them with
disrespect in that first, basic sense. What we are left with is a distribution of
respect that is quite typical of liberal egalitarianism:a floor of basic respect
below which no one should fall and a system of fair inequality of esteem
based on merit and regulated by a commitment to equal opportunities for
attaining high esteem.
An obvious question that arises from this way of looking at respect is
whether there is a radical alternative to liberal egalitarianism:one that seeks
to eliminate, or at least to place much more severe constraints on, inequality
of esteem. That might seem to be too absurd even to be contemplated. For
example, Dillon remarks that It is obvious that we could not owe every individual evaluative respect, letalone equal evaluative respect, since not everyone
acts morally correctly or has an equally morally good character.10 Similarly,
9A good example is Brown Middle School, Student Planner 20121013, (Madison,
CT: Brown Middle School, 2012). For further discussion of the distinction, see Stephen
L.Darwall, Two Kinds of Respect, Ethics 88, no. 1 (1977):3649 and Dillon, Respect.
10
Dillon, Respect.
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there are other forms of sexual relationship that most people continue to find
objectionable, such as pedophilia. More generally, so long as any of us have
any moral standards at allincluding egalitarian standardswe will approve
of some peoples behavior and disapprove of others. To what extent will those
approvals and disapprovals inevitably justify inequality of esteem?
The first point one might make is that there is a distinction between approving of a persons behavior, accomplishments, or abilities and esteeming that
person. Conversely, we can distinguish between finding someones beliefs,
commitments, and actions objectionable or even reprehensible and disrespecting that person. One might put it this way:that even if Ireject everything
you stand for, Ican show you equal respect as a person by taking your values
and commitments seriously, and seeing you as someone with whom it is worth
disagreeing. Of course, that also means that Ido not see myself as superior to
you, even if Ithink that what Ibelieve and care about is more worthwhile than
what you believe and care about.
I can foresee at least two objections to this line of thinking. First, it might be
objected that it simply reverts to basic respect, because it elucidates what it is
to relate to someone as a person. There is some truth in the objection, because
it helps to specify what is involved in that first sense of respectto insist that
there is a way that people can engage with each other as equals that is neither
restricted to mutual tolerance nor insists on the uncritical celebration of difference, but involves mutual engagement.13 But it also helps to erode the grounds
on which one might make judgments of esteem, by emphasizing the distinction between people and their attributes.
The second objection focuses precisely on that distinction, by protesting
that this way of thinking relies on unacceptably distancing people from their
beliefs, commitments, character traits, etc. Surely these are part of what we
are? So if you are gay, for example, you might take little comfort from my saying
that Ihave complete respect for you but that Ithink that being gay is disgusting and sinful. That is precisely why the revaluations Ihave already referred
toof gender, disability, ethnicity, etc.are so important. But even if some
characteristics have this kind of inseparability from the person, many do not.
It is not a depreciation of you for me to say that Idisagree with your politics, or
think your lectures are boring, or even that you behaved disgracefully the last
time we met. Or at least not necessarilythat depends both on my capacity
and willingness to distinguish between you and these characteristics, and on
yours, and that distinction is itself either impeded or facilitated by the culture
in which we live. If it is true that modern cultures make a stronger distinction
13
72
between persons and their attributes than traditional cultures, that creates
more scope for greater equality of esteem.
A related point is that holding a person in high regard, as distinct from their
particular characteristics and actions, is to make a holistic judgment about
them that we are rarely in a position to make. When one thinks of prominent figures in the history of struggles for equality, for example, all one typically knows about them are their salient achievements. What often emerges
on closer inspection is that they had a similar mixture of virtues and vices to
those of ordinary mortals. Iam not suggesting that no one is really better than
anyone else, only that the differences do not justify the degree of inequality of
esteem that they are typically thought to call for.
An additional factor that supports radically egalitarian esteem is an appreciation of the role of luck in human affairs and a corresponding modesty about
peoples responsibility for their own accomplishments. It is easier to avoid the
transition from admiring someones achievements to giving that person a high
status if one acknowledges the combination of contingent circumstances that
goes into shaping anyones life. It is not that no one is responsible for anything,
but that what people can be held responsible for is just a fragment of what they
actually do.
When we look at the status inequalities in most societies, it is also obvious
that the opportunities for and obstacles against achieving esteemed characteristics are themselves unequally distributed. The dominant evaluative standards in any society are those set by the privileged; their social position gives
them and their families privileged access to the means for achieving success
according to these standards. So the ideal of reducing inequalities of esteem
is closely related to the ideal of reducing inequality more generally, with the
effect of democratizingand thereby diversifyingevaluative standards as
well as making the opportunities to live up to them more equal. To be most
fully realized, then, it requires a wider social transformation.
Taken together, these considerations seem to me to provide a lot of support
for a world with very restricted inequalities of appraisal respect and related
inequalities of honor and admiration, even if they do not do away with them
altogether. Nevertheless, Ialso think that it would be ungenerous to adhere
rigidly to the idea that no one deserves much more esteem than anyone else.
To respect and admire someoneeven if they do not fully deserve itcan
be an act of affirmation that is good for them and not necessarily harmful to
anyone else. And to disesteem someone who can justifiably be held responsible for a feature that it is impossible to separate from them as a person, such
as a central character trait, can be seen as a necessary consequence of treating them with basic respect. What seems to me to be particularly harmful is
when inequalities of respect and esteem become so large that they damage the
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14
Lurking behind the idea of unequal esteem is the idea of desert. Some of the lines of argument in this section mirror those about desert in Chapter7 of John Baker, Arguing for Equality
(London:Verso, 1987).
15
For an interdisciplinary investigation of these issues to which the present essay is indebted,
see Kathleen Lynch et al., Affective Equality: Love, Care and Injustice (Basingstoke: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2009).
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one still has to acknowledge important differences between this type of caring
and the care of people with whom we have face-to-face relationships. So the relevant principles here seem to be context-dependent:that we should love our intimates, care about and for those with whom we have direct personal relationships,
and maintain a different kind of care for or solidarity with others. Even that way
of putting it is probably too general, since the kinds of love, care, and solidarity
that are appropriate to our diverse relationships are variable and contestable. For
example, there are different conceptions of the kinds of love appropriate between
spouses; there are important differences between the kinds of love people have
for their partners, their parents, and their children; the care that parents owe to
their children is different from the care teachers owe to their students; and so on.
The idea that we should love or care about others may seem problematic. Love
and care involve emotions, and emotions are often beyond our control:can we
really be prescriptive about them? Ithink a number of interconnected replies are
in order. First of all, one might take issue with the ought/can assumption here,
and say, for example, that parents really ought to love their children, regardless
of whether they find themselves able to do so. Perhaps they should not always be
blamed for not loving them, but it is still desirable that they do. One reason for
insisting on this point has a more general application within egalitarianismit
is that unless we can be free to imagine the desirable independently of its apparent feasibility, we are likely to err on the side of caution and to be hidebound by
what currently passes as common sense. Arelated point is that the incapacity of
people to have the love, care, and solidarity that they ought to have can result
from social forces that it is possible to change. So the inability of some people in
some circumstances to love or care for others can point us towards the need to
change social practices and structuresgendered practices of upbringing, for
example, and living and working conditions that drain people of their capacity
for love. It is also worth noting that the context-dependent character of these
relational principles gives them an interesting logic:if you are a teacher, you
should care about your students implies if you dont care about your students,
you shouldnt be a teacher. So even if we cannot find ways of ensuring that particular teachers care about their students, we could try to find ways for teachers
who do not care about their students to do something else for a living. Nothing
that Ihave said here entails forcing anyone to love or care for anyone else, even if
that were possible. It is about how people should act toward others, as appropriate
to the different contexts in which they encounter them.19
I n this respect, my view is not illiberally coercive, though Iacknowledge that every social
ethos constrains peoples freedom (cf. Paula Casal, Occupational Choice and the Egalitarian
Ethos, Economics and Philosophy 29, no. 1 (2013):320). Whether it is illiberally perfectionist is
too complex an issue to pursue here.
19
76
In the case of respect and recognition, Iargued for a difference between liberal egalitarian and radical egalitarian conceptions of equal respect. Is there a
comparable issue here? One thing that makes this dimension of social equality
different is that affective relationships do not figure within the liberal tradition with anything like the prominence of the idea of respect. The love of intimates is typically considered to be a private matter, as is the importance of care
insofar as it relates to familial relationships. In a brief discussion of fraternity
(which Itake to be more or less the same as solidarity), Rawls acknowledges
its place in the liberal tradition, and links it to the difference principle, in the
course of which he comments:
The ideal of fraternity is sometimes thought to involve ties of sentiment and feeling which it is unrealistic to expect between members
of the wider society. And this is surely a further reason for its relative
neglect in democratic theory.20
By interpreting fraternity as the idea of not wanting to have greater advantages unless this is to the benefit of others who are less well off,21 he rids it of
that emotionality, and thereby, in my view, eviscerates it.
So liberal egalitarianism seems to have a problem with love, care, and
solidarity, and particularly with their emotionality. If we dig a bit deeper,
however, and if we attend to the actual practice of liberal democracies and to
the spirit of liberal feminism, we might discern elements of a liberal egalitarian position on affective relationships. For example, there is legislation in
many jurisdictions against the abuse of vulnerable people, particularly children and people in institutional care; hate speech is widely prohibited; the
decriminalization of same-sex relationships, and the extension of marriage
law to include them, are often premised on claims about love; provisions
for parental leave, child care, and family-friendly employment all recognize
the importance of care responsibilities. All of these seem to belong to a liberal egalitarian perspective on love and care because, distributionally, they
aim to secure certain basic rights and protections in affective relationships,
while, relationally, they call on us to show at least minimal care for others;
they otherwise leave room for considerable inequalities. One way of theorizing this perspective is Nussbaums inclusion of emotions (which includes
being able to love) and affiliation (which includes being able to show
concern, have compassion, and engage in friendship) in her list of central
John Rawls, A Theory of Justice, revised ed. (Oxford:Oxford University Press, 1999), 9091.
Ibid.
20
21
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case for this view can be made on the basis of principles of gender equity. 24
What interests me here is whether the universal caregiver model can also be
understood as a radically egalitarian interpretation of social equality. Since
care-giving in this sense is by definition confined to face-to-face relationships,
it is not a case of every person caring for every other. But it seems to me that
there are at least two ways in which universal care-giving represents a form of
social equality. First, it constitutes a model of what egalitarian relationships
should look like precisely among people who do have face-to-face personal
relationships. Arelationship of care is a way of attending to the needs of those
one cares for and of trying to ensure that those needs are met. It is, Ithink,
only rarely that this involves a caregiver trying to meetall those needs on their
own. Rather, it belongs to their role as caregiver to try to get a good grasp of
the care recipients needs and of the ways they can best contribute to meeting
those needs in the context of a web of caring relationships. There is therefore a
genuine sense in which, in caring relationships, caregivers treat care recipients
as equals whose needs and interests are just as important as their own, even if
they are not obliged to give equal weight to those interests in their everyday
decisions. For example, if Itry to have a caring relationship with the people
Iwork with, that does not entail my taking on the task of trying to satisfy all
their various needs, but it does entail my engagement with and response to the
needs they have in the workplace andinsofar as Iam aware of themadjusting that response to their wider circumstances.
This leads to the second way that universal care-giving represents a form of
social equality. It is that in a society where each person is connected to many
others through relationships of care, and in which each of us has a political
commitment to sustaining those relationships, we approximate a society in
which each of us is in a relationship of reciprocal care with everyone else. The
form of reciprocity here is what Sahlins calls generalized reciprocity in contrast to balanced reciprocity.25 It does not involve reciprocal care in each
caregiver/care recipient relationshipthough that may be a widespread patternbut a general system of relationships through which each caregiver also
receives care from others:for instance, a society in which each of us over the
course of our lives will have received care, as children, and have given care to
other children in return. That seems to me to constitute an egalitarian model
of social equality in the field of care.
A similar line of thought can be applied to love. As with care, only more
emphatically so, our loving relationships are necessarily limited to our closest
Fraser, Justice Interruptus, 44. She wrongly, in my view, construes equality as meaning
treating women exactly like men (ibid.).
25
Marshall D.Sahlins, Stone Age Economics (NewYork:Aldine de Gruyter, 1972).
24
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connections. Love is, in this respect, a focused and exclusive relationship that
occurs within small, intimate settings. But it seems plausible to suggest that in
a society of equals, everyone would have some loving relationships and everyones needs for loving relationships would be satisfied. Expressed in that way,
it is a principle of distributional equality (or at least of sufficiency). But what
does that have to do with relational equality? Iwould suggest that it is within
at least some instances of love that we engage most deeply with the full humanity of others and truly identify with their needs as much as if they were our
own. There are, of course, many forms of love, some of which are far removed
from the type Ihave been describing, and there are many better ways of exploring and analyzing them than in the language of political theory. But if certain
types of loving relationship are in some contexts and in some ways paradigm
cases of treating someone as an equal, then it behooves egalitarians to aspire
to such relationships in their own lives and to encourage them in the lives of
others.26 Asociety in which everyone is involved in such relationships, as well
as in the caring and solidary relationships that play such an important role in
nurturing them, could be characterized as truly egalitarian.
We have noted that deeply unequal societies generate deeply unequal
opportunities for achieving esteem; they also generate deeply unequal opportunities for engaging in affective relationships. It follows that if we aspire to
a world in which everyone is both the giver and recipient of love, care, and
solidarity, we need to join that aspiration to a broader egalitarian program of
social transformation. In any society, however, some of us are likely to have
better luck in our affective relationships than others. As Gheaus argues, that
is a form of luck that it may be impossible or undesirable ever to fully rectify.
But it does suggest that those who have been fortunate in this respect have a
particular obligation to love and care for others.27
In summary, this section has been devoted to relations of love, care, and
solidarity as a distinct dimension of social equality. Ihave argued that just as
egalitarians should be concerned with treating others with respect, so they
should be concerned with relating to others with love, care, and solidarity.
Ihave tried to sketch out one plausible liberal egalitarian interpretation of this
idea and to contrast it with a more thorough-going vision of a network of loving, caring, and solidary relationships, which Ihave tried to characterize as
In The Subjection of Women, Mill extols an egalitarian relationship as the ideal of marriage
(John Stuart Mill, The Subjection of Women, in On Liberty and Other Essays, ed. John Gray
(Oxford:Oxford University Press, 1991):469582, 575). This ideal goes beyond the one Iam
speaking of here, which is defined by ones deep commitment to the others needs, but it is an
interesting example of how egalitarian thinking about married love could be developed.
27
Anca Gheaus, How Much of What Matters Can We Redistribute? Love, Justice, and Luck,
Hypatia 24, no. 4 (2009):6383.
26
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3.4Power
There is a third type of social relationship that has always been important in
political theory but is not always talked about in the context of egalitarianism,
namely relations of power. In particular, the exercise of power by one person or
group over another is clearly an unequal relationship. Since social equality is
sometimes contrasted with political equality, and political equality is sometimes defined in terms of power, one might well ask if social equality really
includes power relations. But if we conceptualize social equality in the broad
sense of relational equality, and if we also recognize that power relations occur
throughout our social relationships and not just in the sphere of life usually
referred to as politics, then it makes sense to take power as constituting a third
dimension of social equality.
In the academic literature on power, power over is often contrasted with
power to and the relationship between them has been theorized in various
ways. For present purposes, I take these to be relatively clear intuitively
and relatively distinct, and try not to premise the discussion on a particular
theory of power. Power over is closely connected in ordinary language and
in academic analysis with a family of concepts including domination and
subordination; some of these concepts are employed below where it seems
appropriate to do so. Although an egalitarian approach to power relations will
necessarily start from a consideration of power over, the idea of power to turns
out to be relevant, too. 28
As with other relationships, we can view power through a distributional lens
and define equality in terms of an equal distribution of power, or more modestly as guaranteeing an acceptable minimal set of powers or protections from
the power of others. For example, Rawls treats the powers and prerogatives of
office as a primary social good, the distribution of which should be governed
28
A nalytically, a case can be made for saying that power to is the generic concept since power
over is a power to get others to do things (Peter Morriss, Power: A Philosophical Analysis, 2nd
ed. (Manchester:Manchester University Press, 2002), 3235). But (as Morriss himself recognizes:xiiixiv) that does not make power over an unimportant category of power, empirically or
normatively.
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not have power over them. Aradically egalitarian response to this objection
cannot be merely the theoretical sleight of hand that insists that any form of
democratic accountability is tantamount to powerlessness; it has to be based
on a substantial difference between different understandings and practices of
accountability rooted in different political principles. For a radical egalitarian
a radical participatory democratthe issue is whether office-holders are genuinely the agents of a democratic public and subject to their will. If so, then there
is a circuit of power through which the power of the office-holder over citizens
is counterbalanced by the power of citizens over office-holders as two sides of
a cooperative relationship, and the role of office is construed as one of coordination rather than domination. There is nothing particularly novel in this
thought: it is a common theme in the tradition of participatory democracy,
though one that could be more thoroughly elaborated. 35 The central issues it
throws up are those of institutional design:issues that, in my view, cannot be
resolved simply by means of the formal rules by which democracies operate,
but require an appropriate ethos among their participants. More particularly,
whats necessary is a genuine commitment to cooperation, as well as the internalization by office-holders of the constraints of accountability, which itself
constitutes a form of societal power over them. 36 In such a democracy, the
powers and prerogatives of office would be seen as burdens of public service,
not as part of an individuals bundle of primary social goods. 37
For radical egalitarians, then, there are two closely connected models of
cooperation: one that involves strictly co-determined activity and one that
involves a degree of role specialization in which different participants power
over is counterbalanced by that of others through a combination of ethos and
procedures. But are these realistic? Perhaps it is a matter of scale. In some contexts, with some groups of people, it seems perfectly appropriate to aspire to
cooperative arrangements for making and implementing decisions, even if,
being imperfect beings, we cannot always live up to the aspiration. Iam thinking of various kinds of collectives including groups of friends, households,
workers cooperatives, academic departments and social movement organisations. Even if all we could achieve were a widespread radical democratization
of these localized sites, while failing to remove or counterbalance power over
For an interesting attempt to do so, see Deiric Broin, Participatory Democracy,
Representation and Accountability: Some Lessons from Irelands Community Sector (PhD
diss., University College Dublin, 2006).
36
Haugaard, Rethinking the Four Dimensions of Power:Domination and Empowerment.
37
A s Seamus Heaney writes:At their inauguration, public leaders / must swear to uphold
unwritten law and weep / to atone for their presumption to hold office. Seamus Heaney, From
the Republic of Conscience, in Opened Ground:Selected Poems 19661996 (London:Faber and
Faber, 2002):276277.
35
84
For an empirical analysis of this complexity, see Lynch etal., Affective Equality, esp. ch. 6.
Amy Allen, Rethinking Power, Hypatia 13, no. 1 (1998):2140. Even if one conceded the
persistence of power over, it would still matter, Ithink, if some people were consistently dominant
and others subordinate. Afurther distinction between liberal and more radical forms of egalitarianism could therefore be drawn in terms of whether positions of power circulated among all of a
groups members or were merely subject to conditions of legitimacy.
38
39
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3.5Conclusion
In this essay Ihave tried to show that social equality, understood as relational
equality, has at least three dimensionsrespect and recognition; love, care,
and solidarity; and power. In each case, the discussion has touched on some
common issues. First, there is a distinction between genuinely relational
equality and a closely related distributional equality. Second, there is a distinction between what Ihave called liberal egalitarian and radically egalitarian
visions of these relational equalities. Third, it is important to allow ourselves
to think freely about our aspirations for equality, and not to be confined by our
current impressions of feasibility. Fourth, social equality cannot be brought
about solely through formal procedures but also requires a change of ethos.
And finally, despite the distinction between dimensions of equality, there is
also an important unity, in that the realization of equality in any one dimension is interdependent with its realization in others. Throughout, Ihave tried
to distinguish the question of desirability from the question of compulsion,
and Ihave left to one side the issue of whether social equality is an ideal of justice or simply of good social relations.
Our success in realizing social equality will always be a matter of degree:our
relations with each other can be more, or less, egalitarian according to whatever
Davina Cooper, Challenging Diversity: Rethinking Equality and the Value of Difference
(Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 2004).
40
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Acknowledgments
The work of this essay draws on and tries to develop collaborative work
in the UCD Equality Studies Centre, particularly John Baker et al.,
Equality: From Theory to Action, 2nd ed. (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan,
2009) and Kathleen Lynch et al., Affective Equality: Love, Care and Injustice
(Basingstoke:Palgrave Macmillan, 2009). Iam deeply indebted for the ideas
in this essay to my colleagues, especially Kathleen Lynch, Maureen Lyons,
Judy Walsh, Sara Cantillon, and Marie Moran; to the participants in the 2013
workshop on Equality organized by the Political Theory Specialist Group of
the Political Studies Association of Ireland; to Anca Gheaus, Mark Haugaard,
Pete Morriss and Isabel Baker; to the editors of this book; and to generations
of students in Equality Studies at University College Dublin.
The aim of this essay is to provide an answer to the following question:according to social or relational egalitarianism, what is the normative status of
inequalities of social status based on esteem? In section 4.1, Iconsider why
inequalities of esteem might seem to pose a problem for social egalitarianism,
and dismiss two broad-brush preliminary responses to this problemthat
inequalities of esteem are simply either problematic or acceptable. In section 4.2, I analyze W.G. Runcimans claims that inequalities of esteem are
acceptable on the basis of a distinction drawn between respect and esteem.1
Although Ibelieve that the distinction has some merit, and particularly that
many of the intuitive problems we have with inequalities of esteem are related
to violations of respect, Ifind that social egalitarians should still be concerned
about inequalities of esteem in themselves as they can make people feel inferior. As T.M. Scanlon claims, and as Idiscuss in section 4.3, these feelings of
inferiority can harm individuals as well as society. 2 We cannot advocate equality of esteem as suchindeed, the idea is absurdhowever, we have prima
facie reasons as social egalitarians to reduce (at least certain kinds of) inequalities of esteem, or to create social circumstances in which the damage done by
inequalities of esteem is diminished. In the final section of the essay Ipresent
seven factors that Ibelieve should be taken into consideration when evaluating inequalities of esteem from a social egalitarian perspective, as these factors
can make inequalities of esteem more or less acceptable. Iderive these factors
W. G.Runciman, Social Equality, The Philosophical Quarterly 17, no. 68 (1967):221230.
T. M. Scanlon, The Diversity of Objections to Inequality, in The Ideal of Equality, ed.
Matthew Clayton and Andrew Williams (Basingstoke:Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 4159.
1
2
87
88
3
Th is is not their exclusive concern. For more on social equality, besides Runciman and
Scanlons texts, see for example, David Miller, Equality and Justice, Ratio 10, no. 3 (1997):222
237; Jonathan Wolff, Fairness, Respect, and the Egalitarian Ethos, Philosophy & Public Affairs
27, no. 2 (1998):97122; Elizabeth Anderson, What Is the Point of Equality? Ethics 109, no.
2 (1999):287337; Samuel Scheffler, What Is Egalitarianism? Philosophy & Public Affairs 31,
no. 1 (2003):539; Martin ONeill, What Should Egalitarians Believe? Philosophy & Public
Affairs 36, no. 2 (2008):119156; Christian Schemmel, Why Relational Egalitarians Should
Care About Distributions, Social Theory and Practice 37, no. 3 (2011):365390; Carina Fourie,
What Is Social Equality? An Analysis of Status Equality as a Strongly Egalitarian Ideal, Res
Publica 18, no. 2 (2012):107126.
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An example would be the hierarchy implied by some kind of formal competition, such as a sporting event or beauty contest, where individuals are literally ranked according to a particular attribute(s). However, inequalities of
esteem need not be so explicit, nor so formal. Another example would be the
inequality of esteem experienced over a lifetime between someone who is talented and someone who is untalented. Here talented merely means that a
person so designated happens to have the attributes and talents, or happens to
have been lucky enough to have been able to develop the attributes and talents,
which are valued in the particular society in which she lives.4
What should social egalitarians think of inequalities of esteem? On the one
hand, there are clear similarities between these inequalities of esteem and the
examples of social inequalities Idescribed above, such as orders of nobility.
In both cases we seem to evaluate and rank individuals or groups, whether
explicitly or more indirectly, indicating that some are better or superior, and
others, worse or inferior. When it comes to the untalented, their worth or
value seems diminished, but merely because they happen to have been born
into a particular social setting where their attributes or talents are not valued.
Inequalities of esteem do not seem to fit entirely comfortably with an ideal of
social equality, in which hierarchies of social status would be minimized. So,
does this mean that social egalitarians should consider inequalities of esteem
to be unacceptable?
This seems far too simplistic a response. At least, advocating equality of
esteem seems absurd on a number of levels. Esteeming is unavoidable, and at
least many individual acts of esteeming and disesteeming appear to be perfectly
morally permissible, probably even the correct moral response to admired or
disliked characteristics, respectively. Equality of esteem, indeed, appears to be
even logically impossible:the very nature of esteem seems to imply inequality
and as Runciman points out equality of esteem, where esteem is purposefully
meted out equally, is equivalent to no esteem at all. 5 So, does this mean that
social egalitarians should set aside any concerns they have with inequalities of
esteem? Or, indeed, should we set aside social equality as an absurd ideal if it
cannot provide us with an adequate distinction between acceptable esteem
and unacceptable social inequalities?
Here we have two broad-brush and crude responses to inequalities of
esteem:they are unacceptable, or they are acceptable, period. Ithink it would
be appropriate, at least intuitively, to find merit to the claims underlying
each position, but it is difficult to accept either of these extreme responses
precisely because the underlying position of its opposite has some appeal.
4
5
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Ithink an intuitive oscillation between these positions points us in something of the right direction. Social egalitarians should neither condemn
inequalities of esteem outright, nor dismiss them as morally irrelevant. What
Iwill be pointing to in this essay is that social egalitarians require a nuanced
approach to inequalities of esteem, and Iaim to provide a preliminary sketch
of such a response. 6
Thus far, Ihave only presented a crude outline of the claim that social egalitarians should find inequalities of esteem acceptable. Perhaps there is more to
this approach than Ihave yet indicated. Let us consider a more detailed and
philosophically better grounded attempt to distinguish between inequalities
of esteem and morally unacceptable social inequalitiesRuncimans notion
of social equality, which draws a distinction between the morality of inequalities of social status based on respect and those based on esteem.
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learn something more specific about why indeed we might be concerned about
inequalities of esteem per se from Scanlons account of status inequalities.
22
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or both.25 Consider some of the examples we referred to earlier. It seems that both
in the case of the expectations of deferential behavior as well as in cases where
groups of people are seldom accorded esteem because they are lacking admired
characteristics, those of lower status could reasonably feel inferior and their
self-worth could be damaged as a result of these differences in status. Here we
have a way of explaining the discomfort we may feel at differences in social status
even when they are based on esteem, as Runciman defines it, and when they do
not also encompass a violation of respect.
With Scanlons emphasis on being made to feel inferior, we do not, however,
have a direct solution to the example of a society that encourages frequent competitions for esteem that we considered in the previous section. We cannot describe
the discomfort that even those of higher status may feel at the emphasis on these
competitions as a problem in terms of the talented being made to feel inferior.
However, we could still expand upon Scanlons main claims about the harms
associated with status inequalities to cover this example. This kind of society
really does not seem to be promoting genuinely equal relationships between community members because it encourages constant tension and a constant emphasis
on proving oneself to be superior. This could feasibly be said to undermine fraternitythis kind of emphasis on competitions for esteem could harm society by
undermining civic friendship and social trust.
We can thus use Scanlons explanation of the harm of status inequalities and
this above-mentioned addition to his explanation to supplement the concerns we
have identified thus far, and to start providing a more nuanced view of inequalities of esteem than the views provided by the two broad-brush approaches we
considered in section 4.1.
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i. Expressions of Esteem
The first factor that we can identify that will influence whether an inequality
of esteem may be more or less acceptable for social egalitarians is how esteem
is expressed. As discussed in section 4.2, Runciman points out that even when
we are only appraising someone, e.g., giving her a high or a low score on an
attribute, certain forms of expressing esteem would be morally unacceptable.
He points out that certain ways of expressing negative appraisal violate respect
and would thus be unacceptable:for example, if we had to humiliate someone
on the basis of our appraisal. Is the normative problem with this factor reducible to a violation of respect? In this case, Ithink soparticular expressions of
esteem per se are unlikely to be incompatible with social equality unless they
violate respect.
The distinction may not always be clear to make and what may need to be
clarifiedI can only point to this hereare the very different ways in which
These factors are presented in no particular order and should also not be seen as exclusive
categoriesthere is some overlap between them. However, they could also come into conflict
for example, factor iv, the pervasiveness of competitions for esteem, could conflict with factor v,
the genuine opportunities available to achieve socially valuable forms of esteem.
27
98
negative appraisal can be expressed and how they may relate to disrespect.
Negative appraisal could take an active form where it becomes the opposite
of positive appraisal, for example, as scorn, contempt or actively ignoring
someone, or it could take a passive form of unintentionally overlooking
someone, or it could simply mean not esteeming, or not providing positive
appraisal. Often, it will be the more active forms of scorn or contempt that are
likely to be violations of respect, while merely not esteeming someone, who
does not deserve to be esteemed, is unlikely to pose a problem for social equality if we concentrate solely on how esteem is expressed.
28
Imade some initial remarks of this nature in Fourie, What Is Social Equality? fn. 14.
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admire black skin over white skin in the same way that they might claim that
they admire red hair over blonde hair. We may still have some moral problems
with thisfor example, we may think that anyone who really admired someone else on this basis was superficialbut Iam not convinced that the grounds
for according esteem here are directly a violation of social inequality. However,
that being said, if we consider that a socially egalitarian society might aim to
minimize even acceptable inequalities of esteem to avoid some of their negative consequences, perhaps one distinction that should be made in such a society as a guide as to which hierarchies of esteem might be diminished would be
distinguishing between better or worse grounds for esteem, even if the grounds
for esteem are themselves not directly inimical to social equality.
The grounds for according esteem could actually make inequalities of
esteem recommended or required from a social egalitarian perspective. Iam
thinking here of cases where esteem can be used to promote social equality.
Consider the example of upward contempt.29 This is a sneering attitude of
the lower classes toward the upper classes, which refuses to acknowledge the
superiority of the upper classes, and could indeed even imply that they, the
upper classes, are the ones who are inferior. Elizabeth Anderson indicates that
this is one of the tools that is used in civil society to reduce the negative effects
of hierarchies of social status. In this case, the lower classes negative appraisal
of the upper classes is used to reverse a status inequality and to help achieve
social equality. More generally, contempt and positive appraisal have been
indicated as important means to help shape moral behavior. 30 In the context
of social equality, one could see negative appraisal as a tool that can be used
to shame those who violate social equality, or those who are advantaged by
social inequality, and praise or admiration as a tool for promoting egalitarian
behavior. In these cases, inequalities of esteem would not be in conflict with
social equality but actually a means to achieve it.
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none of the traits she has are esteemed, even though there are a vast number of talents that are indeed esteemed. This person could reasonably feel inferior, and may
feel even more so, knowing that there are many opportunities for esteem. It is possible that for those unlucky enough to have very few talents, pluralism may prompt
even greater damage to their sense of self-worth than in a less diverse society, as they
find they fail at almost everything, and there are so many very things at which to
fail. Despite this proviso, Ithink we can recognize, however, that the pervasiveness
of certain hierarchies of esteem is a significant factor that is likely to increase the
probability that inequalities of esteem are noxious, and that pluralism is often likely
to promote social equality, although it can be no guarantee.
While a pluralism of social values is likely to mitigate the negative effects of
inequalities of esteem, a society that places a great emphasis on the importance
of competing for esteem and that encourages many competitions for esteem
this example was first raised in section 4.2seems as if it might exacerbate
the damage of status inequalities. While esteeming might be unavoidable, we
could choose social arrangements that place more or less of an emphasis on
encouraging its participants to be in frequent competition with their peers to
prove their worth. The pervasiveness of particular hierarchies of esteem as well
as the pervasiveness of competitions for esteem are thus likely to be factors
that should be taken into account in assessing inequalities of esteem.
102
such as liberty rather than equality). An example outside of the realm of the
state would be if teachers and official school channels of recognition and
reward were to back up the informal hierarchies of popularity at a high school.
While institutionally backed inequalities of esteem are likely to be particularly pernicious, Ido not think this kind of backing is necessarily problematic from a socially egalitarian perspective. I would also not dismiss as
harmless inequalities of esteem that are not created or reinforced by institutional arrangements. First, institutions may want to use appraisal to influence
behavior, and particularly if this will promote or help to achieve social equality, then from the perspective of social egalitarianism, it might be acceptable,
even recommended for institutions to use appraisal in this way (whether or
not we would endorse it all things considered). Second, I do not think that
this provides grounds to claim that only institutionally backed hierarchies of
esteem are problematic. Even hierarchies of esteem that are associated with
more informal spheres such as those in civil society may be problematic if associated with some of the other factors discussed in this sectionfor example,
as discussed in terms of the previous factor, certain informal hierarchies of
esteem could be especially pervasive.
T h e P r o b l e m o f I n e q u a l i t i e s o f E s t e e m f o r S o c i a l E g a l i t a r i a n i s m
103
in sports or physical events. One cannot claim, for example, that women are
being treated as equals if they are allowed to compete directly with men in
athletics. Genuine opportunities to compete for esteem would require different platforms for competition in these cases, and, thus, having separate events
designated specifically for men and for women, and developing competitions
such as the Paralympics, can be seen to be means of securing social equality.
Simply having sporting events specifically for women, for example, is not
enough, however, for these to be genuine opportunities for securing esteem.
Often womens sports attract less honorfor example, there may be many
fewer spectators than in mens sports and the privileges associated with them,
such as prize money, are often of a lesser value. This could be seen as a problem
for equal social standing as women are restricted to having only inferior platforms to compete for esteem in these cases. 35 Something similar can also be said
about a tendency to divide esteem into categories that imply a higher or lower
social status. For example, even if women have plenty of genuine opportunities
to achieve esteem in certain socially valuable categories such as being beautiful
or being a good mother or an excellent cook, where these imply that these are
lower forms of esteem than the truly valuable forms of esteem available to
men, then, yet again, women are not being treated as equals. Particularly insidious is when esteem is accorded for manifestations of lower status. Consider,
for example, the problem of femininity being associated with submissiveness.
Women excel when they are quiet, pleasant, when they dont rock the boat,
and so on. Here women are given room to excel but not in a socially egalitarian
way as what they are given room to excel at is an expression of lower status.
With the particular examples that we have used, the normative problem
mainly seems to lie with a violation of respect or with an unfair distribution
of opportunities, or both, and not with the hierarchies of esteem per se. In all
likelihood these would constitute the most morally urgent cases. However, it
is possible that, unintentionally and due to no failure in respect, certain societies may not provide its members with genuine opportunities to gain esteem.
Socially egalitarian societies might aim to minimize or redress even these
ensuing inequalities of esteem.
104
section 4.1, I indicated that inequalities of esteem are often not only limited to positive or negative appraisalalong with positive appraisal comes
awards, medals, and privileges (and vice versawith greater power and
material goods, for example, often comes greater esteem). Amorally relevant
factor that would also need to be taken into account is whether hierarchies
of esteem, as they often do, become associated with the conferral of other
valuable social goods, such as a higher income, or with other hierarchies of
social status. 36
As social egalitarians Ithink we need to be particularly suspicious of hierarchies of esteem that justify or bolster privileged or underprivileged status,
often making the advantaged, or the disadvantaged, even more so. Consider
an example here from the United Kingdomthe stereotypes associated
with chavs (an often derogatory term used to refer to groups of the working classes), which are manifest in the media and popular culture and which
claim that, for example, they do not value education or high culture, they do
not value work and they enjoy living off benefits, and for chavettes particularly (female chavs), they are lascivious and promiscuous. 37 Foremost, what
we have here, clearly, is a hierarchy of social status that goes far beyond mere
negative appraisal and that violates respect. However, note the complex way in
which esteem becomes mixed inwhat it is the lower classes excel at, what it
is that they esteem, should actually, if you are the right kind of person not be
valued. Along with this is the implication that their underprivilege could well
stem from their inability to esteem the correct traits, such as being highly
educated, and not being a teenage mother, for example. In this compounded
hierarchy, negative appraisal, mixed with disrespect, is not only one of the
manifestations of lower status, it is used to justify that status.
T h e P r o b l e m o f I n e q u a l i t i e s o f E s t e e m f o r S o c i a l E g a l i t a r i a n i s m
105
might be particular factors often associated with these kinds of competitions, which will influence the acceptability of inequalities of esteem. These
factors are likely to make these inequalities more morally acceptable. When
hierarchies of esteem have clearly marked limits (e.g., the social status that is
conferred applies only within those bounds of a competition and not outside
of it, or where the hierarchy is of a temporary nature, or where individuals
freely choose to be judged according to these hierarchies), Ibelieve they are
more likely to be acceptable. This claim is not without its complicationsfor
example, this is then linked with complex notions such as what it might mean
to choose freelybut I think we can indeed make a distinction between
hierarchies that have such bounds and that individuals may choose to enter
or not, and those that are influential in society in general and to which one is
exposed merely by being born into such a society.
The limited bounds of a hierarchy based on esteem cannot, however,
make any kind of hierarchy morally permissible. At the least, the other factors that we consider in this sectionsuch as the pervasiveness of particular inequalities of esteem (factor iii)would also need to be taken into
account. If, for example, one of the only ways in which women are able to
achieve esteem is through physical attractiveness, then it would be more
difficult to claim that we have no social egalitarian grounds to object to
beauty contests simply because contestants choose whether or not to participate in them. Notice also here that the inequality concerned is not necessarily between men and women. Imagine a community in which one of
the few characteristics for which women are admired is attractiveness but
the opportunities for men to gain esteem are also confined, for example,
according to how much power and money they have. We might say, if the
opportunities men have for gaining esteem from power and money are similar to the opportunities women have for gaining esteem from attractiveness,
then there is indeed some form of equality between the sexes. However, we
should still be concerned about this even for egalitarian reasons because the
individuals within these social groups may reasonably be made to feel inferior in comparison to their highly esteemed peers.
106
Often, our discomfort with inequalities of esteem is due to the fact that they
become mixed up with violations of respect. However, Scanlon provides us
with reasons we could use to justify why we might still find hierarchies of
esteem in themselves morally problematic, which are that due to social circumstances (e.g., what it is society chooses to value or the way in which society is
arranged) people can be reasonably made to feel as if they are inferiorharming self-worth or civic friendship, or both. Furthermore, even those who are
better off can be harmed by a society that greatly encourages competitions for
esteem. As social egalitarians, we thus have reasons to diminish inequalities of
esteem or to arrange society in such a way as to diminish the damage they can
do. Ihave provided a noncomprehensive list of seven factors that Ibelieve are
important for social egalitarians to take into account in assessing inequalities
of esteem and in trying to create social arrangements that are most compatible
with people being genuinely treated as equals, and made to feel as such.
Acknowledgments
I am very grateful to Sebastian Muders, Fabian Schuppert, and Ivo
Wallimann-Helmer for providing me with helpful comments on drafts of this
essay. I am also grateful to participants at the research seminars in Applied
Ethics and Political Philosophy at the Ethics Research Institute of the
University of Zurich for feedback and probing questions that have helped me
to improve this essay. Iwould also like to thank Elizabeth Anderson and members of the Philosophy Department at the University of Michigan, as well as
participants at the MANCEPT workshop on equality (2011), for motivating
and challenging my nascent ideas on the relationship between social equality,
respect, and inequalities of esteem. This essay was written as part of a research
project hosted by the Ethics Research Institute of the University of Zurich and
financed by the Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF), and I am very
grateful for the support provided by both of these institutions.
Being Equals
Analyzing the Nature of Social Egalitarian Relationships
Fa bi a n Sc h u ppe rt
Within normative political theory the idea of social equality has recently gained
significant traction.1 Social equality isaccording to its proponentsprimarily
concerned with the way people relate to each other, namely as equals.2 According
to David Miller, [w]here there is social equality, people feel that each member
of the community enjoys an equal standing with all the rest that overrides their
unequal ratings along particular dimensions, such as for example ones natural endowments in talents or ones income.3 While the idea that a just society is
one in which all members of society can interact as equals is anything but new,
as exemplified by the work of Thomas Paine and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, social
egalitarians claim that their conception of equality allows us to better understand
both why and in which form we value equality, and why we object to certain
1
Th roughout this essay I will use the term social equality, even though in the literature
different theorists use different terms, including relational equality, democratic equality,
social-relational equality, social status equality and social equality. Needless to say not all these
terms in their respective uses are perfectly synonymous. However, for the purpose of this essay
Iwill treat social equality as a more or less coherent ideal, which is based on the idea that all members of society should relate to each other as free and equals.
2
Elizabeth Anderson, What Is the Point of Equality? Ethics 109, no. 2 (1999): 287
337; Samuel Scheffler, Choice, Circumstance, and the Value of Equality in Equality and
Tradition: Questions of Value in Moral and Political Theory (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
2010), 208235; Samuel Scheffler, What Is Egalitarianism? Philosophy & Public Affairs 31, no.
1 (2003):539; David Miller, Equality and Justice, Ratio 10, no. 3 (1997):222237; Thomas
Scanlon, The Diversity of Objections to Inequality, in The Ideal of Equality, ed. Matthew
Clayton and Andrew Williams (Basingstoke:Palgrave Macmillan, 2000), 4159; Carina Fourie,
What is Social Equality? An Analysis of Status Equality as a Strongly Egalitarian Ideal, Res
Publica 18, no. 2 (2012):107126.
3
M iller, Equality and Justice, 232.
107
108
inequalities and not to others.4 However, when it comes to spelling out what being
equals actually entails and what kind of social relationships we should deem
(in)compatible with the ideal of social equality, much work remains to be done.
The most common way of cashing out the idea of social equality is by contrasting it with inequalities in social status. Miller, for instance, says that social
equality is the hallmark of a society not marked by status divisions such that
one can place different people in hierarchically ranked categories.5 Similarly,
Carina Fourie argues that social equality is first and foremost an opposition
to status hierarchies, while Samuel Scheffler sees social equality realized in
relationships that are, in certain crucial respects at least, unstructured by differences of rank, power, or status.6
While these statements by Miller, Fourie, and Scheffler certainly ring true,
social egalitarians now face the question of determining criteria for distinguishing between objectionable and unobjectionable status differences. After
all, claiming that social equality is opposed to status hierarchies appears too
general a statement, since many status hierarchies seemat least in complex
modern mass societiessimply unavoidable.7 So, is it, for instance, really an
issue for social egalitarians that some people are experts and enjoy a certain
authority when it comes to questions in their area of expertise? Probably not.
In fact, it seems that not all status differences areas suchalways problematic. Thus, if we want social equality to be a convincing ideal of social relationships we need a clearer understanding of which status differences are
(in)compatible with the ideal and why.
Therefore, the aim of this essay is to analyze what kind of relationships social
egalitarians should deem (in)compatible with the ideal of social equality and
for which reasons. Thus, Iwill start by setting out the basic contours of social
equality, drawing on the work of Samuel Scheffler and Martin ONeill. As Iwill
argue social egalitarians are mainly concerned with the protection of every persons free and responsible agency and how people relate to each other. Apersons
free and responsible agency though can easily be threatened by inegalitarian
relationships.8 Therefore, in section 5.2, Iwill critically assess different forms of
4
Thomas Paine, Rights of Man (NewYork:Penguin, 1984 [1791]) and Jean-Jacques Rousseau,
A Discourse on Inequality, trans. M. Cranston (London:Penguin, 1984 [1755]).
5
M iller, Equality and Justice, 224.
6
Fourie, What Is Social Equality? 110; Scheffler, Choice, Circumstance, 225.
7
Most social egalitarians are perfectly aware of this need for further clarification, so Idont
mean to suggest here that Miller, Scheffler and Fourie are oblivious to this fact.
8
For the remainder of this essay Iwill take the term inegalitarian relationships to designate
relationships that violate one or more of the conditions of social equality, set out in section 5.1.
Social egalitarian relationships, meanwhile, refers to relationships that fulfill the conditions of
social equality.
109
social relationships and try to flesh out why certain relationships should be considered problematic from the viewpoint of social equality. While there exists an infinite number of social relationships one could consider, Iwill restrict my analysis
to three paradigmatic cases, namely, workplace relationships, richpoor relationships and gender relationships. Each of these relationships lends itself to shedding
light on particular issues that social egalitarians are particularly concerned with,
to wit, differences in power and authority (workplace relationships), differences in
wealth and esteem (richpoor relationships) and societal practices of misrecognition and sociocultural stereotyping (gender relationships).9 My analysis of these
issues and relationships will prove helpful in two ways:first, it will clarify what the
social egalitarian interpretation of being equals implies with regard to the precise
nature of social egalitarian relationships; second, it will show how far-reaching the
range of the ideal of social equality is. Iwill end with some very brief remarks on
the relationship between social equality and social justice. Overall, the essay hopes
to clarify not only the idea of social equality as such but also its normative potential
for identifying and addressing harmful social inequalities.
110
else as an equal means to recognize the other as a free and responsible agent and
to respect and value the others relevant interests adequately.
Following Scheffler, I hold that social equality is necessary for properly
protecting peoples free and responsible agency.12 The idea of being equals,
then, expresses the idea of a society in which all persons recognize each other
as reason-responsive agents with the capacity to act freely and to take responsibility for their actions. To treat another as an equal and to recognize her
agency means to recognize the other as a legitimate source of claims and
reasons. This entails that within a socially egalitarian society people should
mutually recognize each other and respect each others fundamental interests.
However, this description of social equality seems to focus almost entirely
on two agents interpersonal relationships, that is, face-to-face relationships
in which it is (comparatively) easy to establish whether both agents actually
mutually recognize each other and act accordingly. Moreover, speaking of
social equality as protecting a persons free and responsible agency might
appear overly abstract.
If social equality is supposed to act as a social ideal that governs a wide array
of relationships within a society, though, it seems that we also need a less intersubjective and less abstract account of what social equality entails. One way of
providing such a less abstract account is to ask, which kind of relationships and
structures actually threaten peoples status as social equals, that is, their status
as fully recognized free and responsible agents. In answering this question, we
derive an idea of the basic parameters that a social egalitarian society wants
to advance and which kinds of threats to agency social egalitarians should be
concerned with.
In order to arrive at these parameters, we can draw on Martin ONeills
work.13 ONeill presents us with a list of negative consequences stemming
from inequality. While ONeills list refers to distributive inequalities and
their negative consequences, Ithink it is also applicable to social inequalities.
According to ONeill, (social) inequality threatens the satisfaction of basic
needs, inequality creates stigmatizing differences in status, inequality leads
to domination, inequality undermines peoples self-respect, inequality leads to
servile behavior, and inequality erodes social trust and solidarity.14 However,
while all six of these issues might be morally problematic, Iwant to focus in
my analysis in section 5.2 on four problems, namely, stigmatizing differences
12
For a more detailed account of how free agency, mutual recognition, and social equality
are related to each other see my Freedom, Recognition & Non-Domination:ARepublican Theory of
(Global) Justice (Dordrecht:Springer, 2013).
13
Martin ONeill, What Should Egalitarians Believe? Philosophy & Public Affairs 36, no. 2
(2008):119156.
14
ONeill, What Should Egalitarians Believe? 121123.
111
112
existing between managers and workers, masters and apprentices, teachers and
students, and experts and laypeople, seem to be an almost unavoidable part
of contemporary division of labor. So how can we distinguish social egalitarian relationships from inegalitarian ones? In order to carve out the differences
between objectionable and unobjectionable social relationships, I will analyze in this section three paradigmatic cases, namely, workplace relationships,
richpoor relationships, and gender relationships. Each of these relationships
lends itself to shedding light on particular issues that social egalitarians are
especially concerned with, to wit, differences in power and authority (workplace relationships), differences in wealth and esteem (richpoor relationships), and societal practices of misrecognition and sociocultural stereotyping
(gender relationships), since differences in power and authority, differences in
wealth and esteem, and societal practices of misrecognition and sociocultural
stereotyping all can raise issues with regard to the harms identified in the last
section, namely, stigmatizing differences in status, domination, the undermining of peoples self-respect and servile behavior.
The problem with analyzing relationships such as workplace relationships,
richpoor relationships, and gender relationships is that they are very complex
and varied, which means assessing them from the viewpoint of social equality is much more difficult than assessing, for instance, masterslave relationships. The relationship between master and slave is often used as the standard
example for an inegalitarian (and also unjust) relationship.17 The master is able
to dominate the slave, the slave has no rights against the master, and the gross
imbalance in power between master and slave often leads to servile behavior.
Thus, it appears rather obvious that masterslave relationships are incompatible with the ideal of social equality. Because the slave lacks rights, lacks the
status of a full person, lacks the free agency to decide for himself/herself, lacks
freedom from domination, and lacks control over his/her life, masterslave
relationships are deemed unjustifiable by virtually all normative political
theories. This assessment even holds for cases in which a person might have
voluntarily entered into a slave contract. In fact, slave contracts are one of the
very few voluntary agreements between rational consenting agents that most
normative political philosophers deem unacceptable.
While masterslave relationships are prone to cause several of the harms
we find on ONeills list, it is also clear that further analyzing masterslave
relationships will not help us in fleshing out the contours of social equality.
However, as Ihope to show below, analyzing workplace relationships, rich
poor relationships and gender relationships will help us in this regard.
Iwill briefly come back to the distinction between inegalitarian and unjust relationships at
the end of the essay.
17
113
114
change of product, etc.).19 More often than not, these powers are not subject to
democratic constraints or other forms of legitimating procedures. Moreover
changes to ones workplace can significantly affect a persons well-being, considering that most people in so-called industrialized countries spend between 35
and 45 hours a week at their workplace and derive large parts of their self-respect,
self-confidence, and overall well-being from their work and interactions at their
workplace. Therefore, if one follows Nien-h Hsiehs argument that leaving
ones workplace in light of changes in ones working conditions is for most workers a very costly and thus rather unfeasible option, it seems fair to say that in
many workplaces managers have the power to arbitrarily interfere with workers interests.20 Following the republican understanding of domination, we can
thus say that in many workplaces workers face domination by the management.
The republican understanding of domination holds that an agent Ais dominated
by another agent B if B can arbitrarily interfere with As relevant interests and
choices, even if this interference never occurs. The mere fact that B can interfere
with As choices without tracking As relevant interests, and that Aand B know
this to be the case, makes the relationship between Aand B a case of domination.
Thus, even if the management turns out to be benevolent workers can be subject
to domination, as long as management can arbitrarily interfere with workers relevant interests.21 Domination, though, was one of the key harms on ONeills
list that social egalitarians should worry about. Thus, it seems that workplace
relationships of domination are incompatible with the idea of social equality.
However, not every difference in power and authority in the workplace
makes for a case of domination. Domination only exists in situations in which
an agent Acan arbitrarily interfere with agent B, without tracking Bs relevant
interests.22 Therefore, domination does not exist if agent As power over B is
not sufficient to interfere arbitrarily, that is, if Acannot at will interfere with
19
My argument in this section is indebted to Keith Breens excellent account of domination
and workplace democracy in Keith Breen, Freedom, Republicanism, and Workplace Democracy,
Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy (forthcoming Summer 2014).
20
Nien-h Hsieh, Workplace Democracy, Workplace Republicanism, and Economic
Democracy, Revue de Philosophie conomique 8, no. 1 (2008):5778. One interesting question
that crops up is whether strictly hierarchical managerworker relationships would be unobjectionable if every worker had an effective and affordable exit option (e.g., by providing a sufficiently high universal basic income). This is a question Icannot address here.
21
See Philip Pettit, Republicanism. A Theory of Freedom and Government (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1997); Frank Lovett, A General Theory of Domination and Justice (Oxford:Oxford
University Press, 2010).
22
The relevant interests of an agent are those fundamentally connected to an agents free
and responsible agency, such as to be recognized as a legitimate source of claims and reasons, or
being able to make meaningful choices. For further detail, see Schuppert, Freedom, Recognition &
Non-Domination, esp. Chapter3.
115
B with no regard for Bs relevant interests. So if social equality is only compatible with workplace relationships that do not present cases of domination, the
question is what kind of conditions must be fulfilled so as to protect workers
against domination. Since domination is defined as arbitrary interference and
disregard for workers relevant interests, the avoidance of domination seems
to require at least two things:on the one hand, any interference in the workplace, or any differences in power and authority that enable interference in the
first place, must be legitimized and thus made nonarbitrary; on the other hand,
workers must be able to voice and defend their relevant interests effectively,
which seems to raise the issue of control. As we will see, legitimacy and control are somewhat connected. So in light of these two conditions, what would
social egalitarian managerworker relationships look like?
The first question is how to legitimize the differences in decision-making
power, especially since differences in decision-making power in the workplace seem unavoidable. Within current work arrangements legitimacy is
often assumed to stem from the agreement of a contract between employer
and employee. However, because of the large powers managers often hold over
workers a general employment contract seems inadequate for bestowing legitimacy on decisions such as complete change of workplace location, reconceptualization of the work process and the like.23 That is to say, not only in order
to avoid domination as such, but also in order to legitimize large differences
in power and authority workers need to have a voice in decisions that significantly affect the overall structure of the work.
One way to bestow legitimacy onto managerial decisions is to have elected
worker representatives on decision-making bodies. However, such a purely representative model seems ill-suited to actually protect workers against the ills
of workplace domination. Therefore, Hsieh argues that workers should enjoy
contestatory rights to question and challenge managerial decisions.24 Through
using contestatory channels workers could protect their relevant interests and
force management to reevaluate controversial decisions. However, as Keith
Breen points out, contestation only works ex post, meaning that it only comes
into play once a potentially harmful decision has been made. 25 In the worst
A s mentioned in footnote 20, for the argument here Iassume that workers do not have an
easy and affordable exit option, which would obviously change their bargaining power significantly. If, however, the background conditions in society were such that workers could negotiate
their working conditions on fair terms, we might think that the issue of legitimacy was covered by
the contract between employer and worker. Nevertheless, though, the issue of control would still
need to be addressed and the ideal of social equality would still be incompatible with relationships of domination.
24
Hsieh, Workplace Democracy.
25
Breen, Freedom, Republicanism.
23
116
case scenario, workers would have to comply with harmful decisions until
their appeal for contestation has been heard. Moreover, and more importantly,
a right to contestation would leave the dominating structure intact, since managers still enjoy all of the mentioned decision-making powers over workers.
Since actual negative interference is not necessary for domination, it is clear
that any attempt to change inegalitarian workplace relationships must address
the structural conditions of domination. This leads us back to the issue of control and influence.
As Pettit highlights in his defense of the republican idea of freedom as
non-domination, effective protection against domination within a complex
system (which in Pettits case is the democratic state) requires both an absence
of arbitrary alien control and the presence of robust freedom and individualized popular control. 26 According to Pettit, within a complex multiagent
system, an agent cannot claim personal control and direct personal influence
over the decisions of the collective since that would amount to having an individual veto right.27 Instead, all agents must engage in a form of individualized
joint control, which for each and every agent must be unconditioned (i.e. not
dependent on somebody elses will) and efficacious (i.e. strong and discernable
enough so as to avoid that collective decisions against a particular agents will
turn into a form of alien control).28 Put differently, for Pettit domination-free
joint control requires that all agents equally share control, which entails that
all agents equally share in exercising influence on joint decisions.29 While
Pettits observations concern the make-up of a democratic state, we can use
some of Pettits ideas and apply them to workplace relationships.
Workplaces obviously differ from democratic states. However, in order to
avoid domination of workers by management and other forms of workplace
domination, we do need an account of legitimate authority, control and influence. 30 Following Pettit, I think that for managerworker relationships the
solution does indeed lie in giving each and every worker a fair share within a
system of joint control. As Pettit points out, the idea of being equals imposes
26
Philip Pettit, On the Peoples Terms: A Republican Theory and Model of Democracy
(Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 2012), 6769 and 167179.
27
Pettit, On the Peoples Terms, 168.
28
Pettit, On the Peoples Terms, 167.
29
Pettit, On the Peoples Terms, 169.
30
A s pointed out earlier, Itake it to be compatible with the ideal of social equality that managers will have a certain amount of authority and decision-making power over workers, since
Iassume that certain inequalities in power and authority are unavoidable. That is to say, Ido not
assume that within a social egalitarian society only collectivist cooperatives are legitimate and all
other forms of more hierarchical enterprises/firms illegitimate. Joint control and influence then
is about fair shares not strictly equal shares in control and influence.
117
118
While not every difference in wealth and income seems problematic, since
wealth is normally cashed out in monetary terms and since money is (almost)
an all-purpose good, which is easy to convert into other goods and benefits, differences in wealth do seem to raise a host of issues because of their far-reaching
effects. While the equation more money=better lives certainly is too crude,
many differences in wealth, coupled with certain structural and institutional
problems, do matter from the viewpoint of social equality. Let me briefly discuss two examples, one that focuses on actual inequalities in wealth and one
that shows how inequalities in wealth can in conjunction with institutional
shortcomings turn into harmful structural inequalities.
First, income inequality and differences in wealth often lead to relative
deprivation. Relative deprivation simply means that while a person P has
enough income and wealth so as to meet his/her basic needs, in relevant comparison to others this person P suffers from deprivation, since Ps income and
wealth is insufficient to engage in a range of socially established and valuable
practices. Failing to engage in these practices will block relevant opportunities, lead to stigmatization and undermine Ps status as an equal member of
society. Thus, what counts as relative deprivation very much depends on the
effects of not engaging in particular activities and the value that is generally
attached to being able to engage in these particular activities. While there are
many activities that wealthy person W can afford that P cannot afford, this
does not necessarilyin itselfmean that P suffers from morally relevant
Itake differences in wealth to include differences in income, since income forms part of a
persons wealth.
34
I n this section, Iwill ignore issues of absolute deprivation, as they fall in the realm of basic
need satisfaction, which Ialready mentioned in section 5.1.
33
119
120
skill levels, fair and equal opportunity to succeed, already early childhood differences can have significant effects. 35 In fact, the educational system plays a
key role since schools supposedly filter pupils according to natural inequalities (i.e. differences in intellect and ambition) not social inequalities. If, however, early differences in school-readiness, which often are directly connected
to background inequalities in the parents wealth, fail to be addressed and
mitigated social inequalities will become naturalized.
From the viewpoint of social equality this means that the background institutions of society must indeed be designed in such a way so as to treat all members of society as equals. Doing so implies giving special attention to those
who are less well-off (in whichever respect) in order to make sure that trivial
inequalities do not become institutionally transformed into relevant social disadvantages. Of course, this does not only hold for the educational system but
also for other institutions. If a legal system that relies on expensive legal representation puts people with lower financial means at risk of losing everything,
simply because they want to bring a dispute before the court, rich and poor
members of society cannot be considered equals. Similarly, if an economic and
tax system makes it easy for already well-off people to get richer, while making
it difficult for less well-off people to improve their lot and that of their children,
the institutions of the state and the economy do not seem to treat all people as
equals. This is particularly true in cases in which money more or less translates
directly into social and political influence. In such a system, policy-making is
unduly and overproportionally influenced by the wealthy and their particular
interests, thus undermining the idea of social equality. Thus, as social egalitarians we should be sensitive to both inequalities in wealth with direct negative
effects and the institutional requirements of what could be called the political
economy of social justice, that is, the nexus between wealth differences and
so-called structural inequalities.
B. Inequalities in Esteem
Apart from the issues Imentioned above, richpoor relationships also raise the
issue of differences in esteem, since inequalities in wealth and their associated
Heike Solga and Rosine Dombrowski, Soziale Ungleichheiten in schulischer und auerschulischer Bildung, Hans Bckler Stiftung Arbeitspapier 171 (2009); Wendy Johnson, Caroline
Brett and Ian Deary, The Pivotal Role of Education in the Association between Ability and
Social Class Attainment:ALook across Three Generations, Intelligence 38, no. 1 (2010):5565;
Ian Deary etal, Intergenerational Social Mobility and Mid-Life Status Attainment:Influences
of Childhood Intelligence, Childhood Social Factors, and Education, Intelligence 33, no.
5 (2005): 455472; Christopher Ruhm and Jane Waldfogel, Long-Term Effects of Early
Childhood Care and Education, Nordic Economic Policy Review 1, no. 1 (2012):2351.
35
121
36
See Carina Fouries essay in this book for a detailed account of how social egalitarians
might want to respond to inequalities in esteem.
37
For a discussion of how social recognition and esteem often go the wrong way, see Cillian
McBride, Recognition (London:Polity, 2013), especially Chapter3.
38
For a journalistic account of these dynamics see Polly Toynbee and David Walker, Unjust
Rewards (London:Granta, 2008).
122
123
Iwill focus here on gender relationships. However, the points Imake also apply to cases of
racial, ethnic, religious, and other biases.
41
There are, of course, cases in which gendered relationships might not be a violation of social
equality. However, in many cases, social structures of gendering lead to deeply inegalitarian
outcomes.
42
Miranda Fricker, Epistemic Injustice: Power and the Ethics of Knowing (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2007). While the debate is referred to as the epistemic injustice debate, Ido
not want to claim here that all cases of epistemic injustice should indeed be seen as injustices. My
discussion here is concerned with social inequality not social injustice.
43
I n fact, nowadays there even is a word for everyday instances of male discursive misrecognition of a womans knowledge, capacity, authority:mansplaining. The term mansplaining has
become somewhat synonymous for male arrogance in conversation.
40
124
say, such practices are problematic from the viewpoint of social equality and
even though the cause of such behavior might lie in socially established gendered relationships this behavior is wrong and objectionable from the viewpoint of social equality.
However, gendered relationships are not only an issue for the interaction
between males and females, as Sharon Krause points out. Moreover, another
difficulty with socially established practices of gender stereotyping is that a
person Q who actually misrecognizes person P because of his/her gender will
often not even be aware of not treating P equally to other members of society:
Norms of femininity continue to emphasize deference, compliancy
and other qualities that are antithetical to our understanding of
authority. As a result, what counts as a confidence-inspiring authoritative demeanor in a man makes a woman seem strident, overly
demanding, nastyeven to other women. Public aversion to this
demeanor impedes womens efforts to exercise authority effectively
and thereby undercuts the exercise of their agency. Of course, most
people do not intend to obstruct womens freedom; their aversion to
what appears to them as unfeminine behavior is not exactly a choice.44
As both these examples show, socially operating gender norms can both
undercut a persons agency as a free and equal member of society and lead to
self-respect undermining adaptive behavior. Whenever such instances occur,
sociocultural practices of stereotyping become clearly problematic from the
viewpoint of social equality. Considering that existing societies are ripe with
gendered relationships of this kind, social equality seems to be a powerful
idea for criticizing such practices. Moreover, our analysis of gender relationships has shown that social egalitarians should not only be concerned with
large inequalities in power, wealth, and esteem but also with the cumulative
effects of seemingly independent sociocultural practices, since issues like gender stereotyping are not caused by one intentional agent but through an often
uncoordinated and complex set of somewhat unrelated actions and attitudes.
If my analysis throughout this essay is correct, social equality is a demanding normative ideal that offers us relatively clear guidelines for determining
what kind of social relationships are compatible with it. For instance, social
equality seems incompatible with states of domination, status differences
based on privilege or gender stereotypes, as well as with stigmatizing differences in esteem. Moreover, social egalitarians have good reason to be sensitive
Sharon Krause, Beyond Non-Domination: Agency, Inequality, and the Meaning of
Freedom, Philosophy & Social Criticism 39, no. 2 (2013):187208, at 193.
44
125
to the background conditions for social equality and how seemingly unobjectionable differences in wealth and esteem can become structural inequalities
that undermine social equality.
This account of the nature of social egalitarian relationships, though, also
tells us a lot about the range of social equality. That is to say, social equality
is a demanding normative ideal that challenges us to critically reassess many
social relationships we stand in. What we will learn from such a reassessment
will in large part depend on how we conceive of the value of social equality,
especially in relation to other values, such as individual freedom, or the ideal
of social justice. After all, thus far I have focused on the question of which
relationships should be deemed inegalitarian and which should not. However,
whether inegalitarian relationships are necessarily unjust is another question.
Due to space constraints, unfortunately Icannot delve deeper into the issue of
balancing concerns for social equality with other important concerns, especially those of justice. However, it seems clear that if social equality is part
of our conception of justice, we need institutions that on the one hand can
address the harms identified in section 5.1, while on the other hand protecting
each and every citizens free and responsible agency. In other words, it should
be clear that if social equality were to require a large apparatus of paternalist
interference mechanisms, the ideal of social equality would lose much of its
initial appeal (or possibly even contradict itself). However, while Iam certain
that social egalitarian considerations have an important role to play when discussing issues of social justice, this is an argument Icannot defend here. All
Iwanted to argue today is that social equality is a powerful normative ideal
and that it identifies certain forms of relationships as inegalitarian.
5.3Conclusion
As stated at the beginning, my aim in this essay was to flesh out what social
equality entails by looking at a range of different relationships and why these
could be considered incompatible with the ideal of social equality. By choosing
a variety of examples, Ihoped to show that social equality is actually a quite
demanding and complex ideal and to clarify what social egalitarian relationships look like. Social equality is important because it protects our agency as
free and equal members of society. However, as Martin ONeills list of possible social inequality induced harms shows, our agency is in many different
areas under threat. Therefore, in the interest of social equality we should be
concerned with a wide range of social relationships and their effects on peoples
status as free and equals. The ideal of social equality provides us with a tool to
critically challenge different forms of social inequality, no matter whether in
126
the workplace, in terms of inequalities in esteem, or in the form of gender stereotypes. While plenty of work on social equality as a normative ideal remains
to be done, Ihope that my discussion here provided some clarification as to
what social equality demands and what kind of relationships can be considered (in)compatible with the ideal.
Acknowledgments
Previous versions of this essay were presented at the University of Zurichs
Centre for Ethics, at the University of Warwicks Centre for Ethics, Law and
Public Affairs and at the Political Theory Reading Group at Queens University
Belfast. I am grateful for useful and much needed feedback from the audiences on all three occasions. Further Iwould like to thank Franics Cheneval,
Matthew Clayton, Carina Fourie, Cillian McBride, Martin ONeill, Ed Page,
Sam Scheffler, Christian Seidel, and Ivo Wallimann-Helmer for extremely
helpful comments on earlier drafts of the essay.
PA R T I I
Some believe that the ideal of social equality provides us with a very different
way of thinking about justice to approaches that start from the question of how
goods should be distributed among people.1 But insofar as this ideal offers a
vision of a society of equalsa society whose members have equal standing
because they are treated as equals, that is, as having equal inherent worth, not
only within its institutions and practices but also by each other in their ordinary interactionswe might wonder whether it takes us beyond what justice
alone requires of us in our treatment of one another, encompassing a broader
ideal of civic friendship or respectful behavior. In response, it might be said
that any failure to treat a person as an equal is an injustice, so there is no reason
to think that this conception of a society of equals takes us beyond justice. In
the present essay Ichallenge this response, arguing that social equality, when
it is understood in the way described, involves but extends further than what
justice requires of us.2
See especially Elizabeth Anderson, What is the Point of Equality? Ethics 109, no. 2
(1999): 287337; Samuel Scheffler, What is Egalitarianism? Philosophy &Public Affairs 31,
no. 1 (2003): 539. For relevant discussion, see also Christian Schemmel, Why Relational
Egalitarians Should Care About Distribution, Social Theory and Practice 37, no. 3 (2011):365
390; Carina Fourie, What is Social Equality? An Analysis of Status Equality as a Strongly
Egalitarian Ideal, Res Publica 18, no. 2 (2012):107126; Elizabeth Anderson, The Fundamental
Disagreement Between Luck Egalitarians and Relational Egalitarians, Canadian Journal of
Philosophy Supplementary vol. 36 (2012):123.
2
The view that social equality goes beyond what justice requires is also defended by David
Miller:see his Equality and Justice, in Ideals of Equality ed. Andrew Mason (Oxford:Blackwell,
1998). See also Martin ONeill, What Should Egalitarians Believe? Philosophy & Public Affairs
36, no. 2 (2008):119156, especially 133ff.
1
129
130
J u s t i c e , R e s p e c t , a n d Tr e a t i n g Pe o p l e a s E q u a l s
131
of encouraging confusion between justice and other values? G.A. Cohen has
argued that the principles that Rawls defends, such as the difference principle,
masquerade as principles of justice but smuggle in a commitment to values
such as Pareto efficiency and publicity that are conceptually distinct from
justice. 5 This accusation ultimately rests on an appeal to ordinary language
considerations:Cohen thinks it is intelligible to make claims such as, These
arrangements are just but unstable, or This distribution is just but it is not
Pareto efficient, or The application of this principle is not publicly checkable
but it is nevertheless a principle of justice. (And we might add to this that it
makes sense to say, This person is not being treated as an equal, but she is
nevertheless being treated justly.) Ishare this view and think that ordinary
language considerations do have some authority hereenough authority to
justify the idea that we should treat justice as one weighty value among several. 6
Critics will, however, demand an account of what justice is and what distinguishes it from these other values.7 Like Cohen, Ido not try to give a fully
satisfying answer to this question. But I suggest that a persons behavior
comes within the purview of justice only if it advantages or disadvantages
another or, at least, is intended to do so. Here disadvantage and advantage are to be understood broadly. A person is disadvantaged (or advantaged) if she is made worse off (or better off) when judged according to some
appropriate standard, whether in absolute or relative terms; or if she suffers
psychological harm (or receives psychological benefits); or if she is subjected to behavior that is part of a dominating relationship. This condition is
enough to prepare the ground for my argument that failing to treat people as
equals is not always intrinsically unjust. 8
Isaiah Berlin and others have argued are part of the human condition will become less visible in
the context of designing institutions or devising policy. But in the end, it is not clear that it would
lead to any necessary failure to appreciate the tragic political choices we have to make:see Tomlin,
Internal Doubts about Cohens Rescue of Justice, 243245.
5
G.A. Cohen, Rescuing Justice and Equality (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,
2008), Ch. 7.
6
The basic thought here is that in theoretical reflection there is a reason to respect the distinctions that are made in ordinary language unless they are confused in some way. This, of course,
allows us to develop new concepts and make further distinctions when our theorising would benefit from doing so.
7
Indeed a failure to do so is one of the charges that Andrew Williams levels against Cohen:see
Andrew Williams, Justice, Incentives and Constructivism, Ratio 21, no. 4 (2008):476493, at
p.491.
8
For those who are resistant to thinking of justice as one weighty value among several, what
follows should be understood as drawing attention to an important but neglected dimension of
what justice requires in our interactions with one another once the requirements of social equality
are worked out fully. If Iam wrong about the nature of justice, my argument is not merely semantic.
132
J u s t i c e , R e s p e c t , a n d Tr e a t i n g Pe o p l e a s E q u a l s
133
10
See Donald Davidson, Actions, Reasons and Causes, Journal of Philosophy 60, no. 23
(1963):685700. Reprinted in his Essays on Actions and Events, second edition (Oxford:Oxford
University Press, 2001).
134
second) differ in such a way that arguably in the second case that failure is
intrinsically unjust whereas in the first it is not.
Do the intuitive judgments Iam relying on involve assuming that the victims in each case are unaware of the fact that they have not been treated as
equals? If the victims were assumed to be aware of the way in which they were
being treated, would we still be inclined to say that the behavior to which they
were subject was not intrinsically unjust? We should not suppose that a person
can be treated in a way that denies her equal moral worth only if she is aware
of that happening. My argument gets off the ground so long as it is possible
for there to be cases of the sort Ibelieve Ihave described, in which a person
is unaware that she is not being treated as an equal but no intrinsic injustice
is involved. Even when the victim is aware that she is not being treated as an
equal, unless the failure to do so disadvantages her in some way, or at least is
intended to do so, it is unclear that the concept of justice has any purchase. Of
course, if she feels humiliated, or suffers from damage to her self-respect as a
result of being aware that she is at the receiving end of this kind of behavior,
then the concept of justice gets a foothold. But if that happens, any injustice
involved is extrinsic rather than intrinsic to the failure to treat her as an equal
since it relies on these psychological effects, yet these effects are not required
in order for it to be true that she has not been treated as an equal.
Might it be argued that failing to treat people as equals is always intrinsically unjust, but only pro tanto unjust, and that we have a right of free association that in some cases permits us to act unjustly in this way? Perhaps we are
tempted to err in thinking that failing to treat people as equals is not always
intrinsically unjust because in these cases we focus on the fact that this right is
being exercised legitimately and neglect the element of injustice that is nevertheless involved in its exercise.
This is not the place to provide a full analysis of the right of freedom of
association, its grounding, and its scope. But it does not seem to me that this
diagnosis illuminates the cases Ihave described since it is difficult to see them
as exercises of a right of free association at all. With the possible exception of
School Choice, the interactions that are being avoided hardly count as refusing
association and the interests that are protected by such a right do not seem
to be at stake in them. Furthermore, any plausible analysis of the right of free
association will acknowledge that it has limits, and that it does not give one the
right to exclude others whenever one wants or on whatever basis one chooses.
It is therefore questionable whether such a right ever permits people to exclude
in a way that involves an injustice. For example, when access to important
goods or networks is at stake, the exclusion of women or members of ethnic
minority groups from an association generally involves an injustice. In these
cases, the opportunity-interests of those excluded are damaged in such a way
J u s t i c e , R e s p e c t , a n d Tr e a t i n g Pe o p l e a s E q u a l s
135
that they are being discriminated against unjustly and there is good reason to
think that the right of free association does not license such exclusions.11 Given
the limited scope of the right to free association, it is unclear whether there is
any space for the idea of an exercise of that right that is unjust because it fails to
treat some as equals but that is nevertheless morally permissible.
In a further response to my claim that the forms of behavior described earlier do not involve any intrinsic injustice, it might be argued that this claim
rests on an implicit assumption that is open to question, namely, that principles of justice apply only to the basic structure of society, and to the behavior
of individuals only in so far as they are acting as occupants of particular roles
that are part of this structure, not to behavior that merely takes place within
it. According to this view, when people act as public officials, their behavior is
governed by principles of justice, but not when they act merely as consumers,
house-buyers, or parents. But the idea that principles of justice apply only to
the basic structure of society has been challenged,12 so if my interpretation of
the cases Ihave described rests on that idea, then it is on shaky ground.
Let me simply assume for the sake of argument that the restriction of principles of justice to the basic structure in this way is indefensible. If we remove this
restriction, would this then give us reason to mistrust our intuitions, depriving
us of any further reason to resist the idea that failing to treat people as equals
is always intrinsically unjust? Would it mean that we lacked any basis for not
regarding the forms of behavior Ihave described as intrinsically unjust? It might
be argued that when we act as occupants of roles that are part of the basic structure, principles of justice require us to treat those who are also subject to this
structure as equals, so if these principles apply not only to the basic structure
but also to personal behavior that takes place within it or in its shadow, then they
will require us to treat others as equals in that behaviorincluding the cases
Ihave described.
But even if we cannot justify restricting principles of justice to the basic
structure, there is still the question of precisely what principles should govern
personal behavior. We should not simply assume that the same principles of
justice that apply to the basic structure, and to those acting as occupants of
particular roles that are part of this structure, should also apply to personal
See Stuart White, Freedom of Association and the Right to Exclude, Journal of Political
Philosophy 5, no. 4 (1997):373391, especially pp. 382385.
12
For relevant discussion, see Cohen, Rescuing Justice and Equality, Part I; Liam Murphy,
Institutions and the Demands of Justice, Philosophy & Public Affairs 27, no. 4 (1998):251291;
Thomas Pogge, On the Site of Distributive Justice:Reflections on Cohen and Murphy, Philosophy
& Public Affairs 29, no. 2 (2000):137169; Andrew Williams, Incentives, Inequality, and Publicity,
Philosophy & Public Affairs 27, no. 3 (1998): 225247; David Estlund, Liberalism, Equality, and
Fraternity in Cohens Critique of Rawls, The Journal of Political Philosophy 6, no. 1 (1998):99112.
11
136
behavior or to roles that are not part of this structure.13 We might be monists
and suppose that the same principles apply to both, but we do not have to be.
We might instead be dualists and suppose that at least partly different sets
of principles apply to each. Even if justice requires us to treat people as equals
when we act as public officials or perform other roles defined by the basic structure, it does not follow that justice itself requires us to do so outside of these
roles. Indeed my interpretation of the cases described earlier can be viewed in
part as an attempt to defend a dualist perspective of this kind.
It would be a mistake to think that what is doing the work in my argument is
an appeal to some priorand as yet untheorizeddistinction between public and private spheres of action. Iam not supposing that the behavior Iam
describing is private, in the sense that it should not be of concern from the
point of view of public policy. For reasons that Igive later in this essay, Ithink
we should have moral concerns about these forms of behavior, and nothing
Isay rules out the possibility that these concerns may be sufficient to justify
some sort of response from the state, such as public condemnation. My claim is
simply about whether the behavior in the cases described earlier can properly
be regarded as intrinsically unjust. If it cannot be regarded in this way, then
failing to treat people as equals is not always intrinsically unjust and the vision
Ihave outlined of a society of equals appears to include but go beyond what
justice itself requires.
J u s t i c e , R e s p e c t , a n d Tr e a t i n g Pe o p l e a s E q u a l s
137
means that the opportunities of members of a group are systematically diminished.14 (This might even make us start to wonder whether there are any cases
of failing to treat others as equals that involve an intrinsic injustice).
It is also clear that in some of the cases sketched earlier, the victims of the
behavior described are made somewhat worse off than they would otherwise have
been. In Local Shop, the shopkeeper loses some custom that he would otherwise
have had; in School Choice, the pupils at the school may be losing the opportunity
to interact with a fellow pupil in a way that would enhance their educational experience (and indeed the daughter might be deprived of the opportunity of being
educated in a multicultural environment). Although these particular effects may
not by themselves seem to raise any significant issue of justice, they appear to do
so when they are part of a wider pattern of behavior. In Local Shop, if others follow
suit, the shopkeeper may end up considerably worse off than she would otherwise
have been because of the custom that she loses, and she may even be driven out
of business, especially when others are encouraged to behave in a similar fashion.
The way in which individual actions may be repeated across a society also
explains how they may have a variety of bad effects, some of which are not simply
material. Taken together these individual actions may create what Ishall call
an accumulative harm, and this accumulative harm may be either expressive or
nonexpressive.15 Let me stipulate that an accumulative harm occurs when none
of the individual actions involved are harmful, but taken together, they cause
harm. One paradigm case is perhaps that of environmental emissions. Although
each car pollutes the environment, no individual car causes any harm to it. (Here
Iam assuming that its emissions could be absorbed without any negative effect
at all on the environment). It is only when the emissions of different cars are
combined together that they can properly be said to harm the environment and
other people in virtue of doing so. This is an example of a nonexpressive accumulative harm. The effects created by Moving House and School Choice, when
they are reproduced across a society, can be similar:they may result in the informal segregation of groups, and they may mean that some lack access to social
networks and other kinds of social capital, which result in them suffering from
14
I n fact Iwould resist the idea that the wrongness involved when a belief in the moral inferiority of a candidate influences an appointment to an advantaged social position derives solely
from its place in a wider pattern, such as the way in which a pattern of discrimination systematically diminishes the opportunities of members of a group. In cases in which a failure to
treat a person as an equal involves depriving her of an important good, such as a job, my view
is that it is also intrinsically unjust as a result. For a critique of this view, however, see Kasper
Lippert-Rasmussen, Born Free and Equal? APhilosophical Inquiry into the Nature of Discrimination
(Oxford:Oxford University Press, 2014), especially Chs. 4 and 6.
15
See Andrew Kernohan, Liberalism, Equality, and Cultural Oppression (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1998), 7175.
138
material disadvantage.16 These patterns of behavior may also be part of dominating relationships in which some exercise arbitrary power over others.
There are also expressive accumulative harms. As a result of being subject
to a pattern of behavior involving a variety of different individuals failing to
treat them as equals, the victims receive the message that they are regarded as
inferior; they may then feel humiliated and internalize a sense of their own inferiority, that is, suffer damage to their self-respect and self-esteem. This can be
a consequence not only in cases such as Moving House and School Choice, but
also Cashier and Local Shop. Once a pattern of this kind has been established,
even individual acts tend to have harmful effects as a result of being seen as part
of this pattern. Indeed it might plausibly be claimed that, when such a pattern
has developed, the individual acts concerned can be unjust independently of
their effects because of the meanings they express. This would not entitle us to
say that they were intrinsically unjust, since their injustice depends in part on
extrinsic properties, namely, their place in a pattern of behavior that has a particular significance. But might it, together with an appeal to the unjust effects
of these actions, fully explain why we are morally uneasy about failures to treat
people as equals even when they are not intrinsically unjust? If it were a sufficient explanation of why these acts are morally problematic, we would not need
to appeal to any account of social equality that takes us beyond justice. There
remains a suspicion, however, that there is something objectionable about the
individual acts involved independently of their role in generating harms or
expressing objectionable meanings. These acts would seem to be morally problematicperhaps even morally wrongeven if they did not play such a role.
6.3Disrespect
What reason might be given for holding that the acts Ihave described, considered individually and independently of any harmful effects or objectionable
meanings they may have, are morally objectionable? In claiming that not treating people as equals is morally wrong even when it is not intrinsically unjust,
and even when it does not produce or contribute to harmful or unjust effects
or express objectionable meanings, have we simply reached bedrock? One possibility would be that it is always morally objectionable to fail to treat a person
as an equal because it is always disrespectful to do so, even when there is no
16
Elizabeth Anderson has also argued forcefully that the segregation of African Americans is
the underlying cause of many of the injustices from which they suffer, including lack of fair access
to jobs, public goods, consumer goods and services, and various forms of capital (see Elizabeth
Anderson, The Imperative of Integration (Princeton, NJ:Princeton University Press, 2010), especially Chs. 14.
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intrinsic injustice involved and even when the context is such that no objectionable meaning is expressed. Ido not think that the principle that we should
treat people with respect gives us independent grounds for thinking that we
should treat them as equals, but it may provide an explanation of what it means
to treat people as equals that deepens our understanding of why the failure to
do so is always morally objectionable.
Someone who holds that we have an obligation always to treat others with
respect need not believe that it is the foundational principle of the whole of
our morality, as Kant arguably did.17 Our obligation to respect persons might
simply be regarded as one important component of an adequate moral outlook. This is not an uncontroversial position, however; it competes with the
view that the idea of respect for persons is purely formal, and that we respect
persons whenever we act in accordance with the duties that we owe to them.
So understood, the idea of respecting persons would not be an independent
source of moral duties.18 What then might be said in favor of the opposing view,
that it is such a source?
In a well-known paper, Stephen Darwall distinguishes between appraisal
respect and recognition respect.19 Recognition respect in relation to persons
requires giving appropriate weight in ones practical deliberations to facts about
persons, and regulating ones conduct in a way that gives due consideration to
those facts. In contrast, appraisal respect involves a positive appraisal of a person in virtue of their qualities, that is, features of them that manifest excellence
of one kind or another.20 Giving recognition respect to other people, we might
say, involves giving appropriate acknowledgement of their intrinsic value in
ones thoughts and actions, which at the very least means acting in ways that are
consistent with their intrinsic value. Of the two notions of respect that Darwall
distinguishes, it is this one that offers us the best hope of explaining what is
wrong with the failure to treat others as equals, but two questions need addressing. First, what is the intrinsic value of persons? Second, what kinds of thoughts
and actions, if any, are ruled out if one is to give appropriate acknowledgement
of their intrinsic value? Iam going to put aside the second question and simply assume that the forms of behavior described in the cases in section 6.1 do
involve a failure to give appropriate acknowledgement of the intrinsic value of
For a critique of this idea, see William K.Frankena, The Ethics of Respect for Persons,
Philosophical Topics 14, no. 2 (1986):149167, at p.149.
18
See Joseph Raz, Value, Respect, and Attachment (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,
2001), 126.
19
Stephen Darwall, Two Kinds of Respect, Ethics 88, no. 1 (1977):3649.
20
Ishare Joseph Razs view that this is not so much a distinction between two types of respect
as a distinction between two types of objects of respect that place different demands on us:see
Raz, Value, Respect, and Attachment, 137, n.17.
17
140
the ethnic minority members who are subject to this behavior. Indeed the failure to treat them as equals seems to amount to nothing other than the failure
to give them equal recognition respect. But this makes the first question, concerning the intrinsic value of persons, more pressing and indeed invites a third
question:why are persons entitled to equal recognition respect?
What then is the intrinsic value of persons? Here it is worth distinguishing between the notion of intrinsic value and the notion of noninstrumental
value.21 Let me stipulate that intrinsic value is the value that something has
in virtue of its intrinsic properties, that is, properties that do not depend even
in part on the existence or nature of anything else. 22 In contrast, extrinsic
value is the value that something has in virtue of its extrinsic properties, that
is, properties that depend at least in part on the existence or nature of something else. If something has merely instrumental value, then its value is purely
extrinsic. But something may have extrinsic but noninstrumental value, for
example, something may have noninstrumental value partly in virtue of its
rarity or unusualness. Armed with these distinctions, we can identify two
types of noninstrumental value, one of which makes its possessor intrinsically
valuable, whereas the other makes its possessor extrinsically valuable. (Here
Iam following Joseph Raz, though using different terminology since he treats
intrinsic value as a synonym for noninstrumental value). 23 Awork of art
can have noninstrumental aesthetic value, but that value seems to be extrinsic
because it is dependent on the existence of those who are capable of appreciating aesthetic value. In contrast, valuersthat is, those who are both capable of
giving recognition respect to what is of value, and capable of engaging with it,
so coming to appreciate that value and potentially enriching themselves in the
processhave noninstrumental value that is intrinsic since their value rests
on a capacity the existence of which (logically at least) does not depend on the
existence or nature of anything else, even there being anything else of noninstrumental value.
Even if we bracket the difficulties introduced by those who were valuers but
now lack the capacity to be so, and those who have the potential to become
valuers but have not yet realized that potential, we still have the question of
For the importance of keeping these notions apart, see Christine Korsgaard, Two
Distinctions in Goodness, in her Creating the Kingdom of Ends (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1996), 249274.
22
See Jonathan Dancy, Ethics Without Principles (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004),
p.170. There are different ways of understanding what it means to say that something is intrinsically valuable. Following G.E. Moore, it might be said that something has intrinsic value if and
only if it would have value were it alone in the universe. This is not how Ishall understand the
notion, however. For relevant discussion, see Dancy, Ethics Without Principles, Ch. 9.
23
See Raz, Value, Respect, and Attachment, 145158.
21
J u s t i c e , R e s p e c t , a n d Tr e a t i n g Pe o p l e a s E q u a l s
141
why valuers are entitled to equal respect in virtue of their capacity to be valuers, given that they may differ in terms of the depth and extent of their capacity
to give appropriate weight to what is of value and to engage with it. If people
possess this capacity to different degrees, why does not this affect the degree
of recognition respect to which they are entitled? In accordance with one
common pattern of response to this type of question, it might be argued that
each person is entitled to equal recognition respect in virtue of possessing this
capacity above some minimum threshold, and possessing this capacity to different degrees above that threshold does not affect their entitlement to equal
recognition respect.24 But it is one thing to state that position, quite another to
justify it:why should such differences have no impact on peoples entitlement
to equal respect? There is a difficult challenge and indeed there is now a sizeable literature that addresses it;25 Ishall merely gesture toward that literature
rather than attempt to carve out a position within it.
Failing to treat others as equals involves a failure to give them the equal recognition respect to which they are morally entitled. But why isnt this failure
always intrinsically unjust? It seems clear that some failures to treat people as
equals are morally worse than others. We might think that it is only particularly egregious violations of our moral obligation to treat people as equals that
are intrinsically unjust (as opposed to merely morally wrong) and that these
violations are intrinsically unjust because they involve a more serious form of
disrespect. We might hold that when people are treated with contempt in virtue
of (say) their race or sex, this is a particularly serious violation of the obligation
to treat others as equals because (we might stipulate) it involves treating them
as if they have no intrinsic value and may even involve treating them as if they
had disvalue. On other occasions someone might fail to treat others as equals
because they are operating with a demeaning stereotype, without necessarily treating them with contempt in this sense; she may, for example, suppose
that members of an ethnic minority tend to be dirty or less honest and as a
result fail to give due acknowledgment of their equal intrinsic value in various
aspects of their thought and action, without necessarily supposing that they
have no such value. In the first type of case, we might think that the disrespect involved is so serious that it is intrinsically unjust, whereas in the second
John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Cambridge, MA:Harvard University Press, 1971), 443.
For relevant recent discussion, see Ian Carter, Respect and the Basis of Equality, Ethics 121,
no. 3 (2011):538571, esp. 538560. See also Geoffrey Cupit, The Basis of Equality, Philosophy
75, no. 1 (2000):105125; Jeremy Waldron, God, Locke and Equality (Cambridge:Cambridge
University Press, 2002), Chs 12; Louis Pojman, On Equal Human Worth: A Critique of
Contemporary Egalitarianism, in Equality: Selected Readings, ed. Louis Pojman and Robert
Westmoreland (NewYork:Oxford University Press, 1997), 282299.
24
25
142
type of case the disrespect is less serious, so there is no intrinsic injustice even
though it is morally wrong.
It is not obvious, however, that it is the seriousness of the disrespect
involved in a failure to treat others as equals that alone determines whether
the concept of justice is appropriately deployed or not. Why should we suppose that displaying or expressing contempt toward a person because of her
race or sex (for example) is to show a kind of disrespect that is intrinsically
unjust, whereas the disrespect that is expressed in treating her merely as
having less value on grounds of race or sex is not intrinsically unjust even
though it violates a pro tanto moral obligation? If we want to understand why
the disrespect involved in failing to treat a person as an equal is intrinsically
unjust in some cases but not others, it seems to me that we would do better
to focus on whether or not by its nature it disadvantages her, for example,
by depriving her of some other important good. Independently of whether
a failure to treat others as equals involves contempt or some less serious
negative attitude, disrespectful behavior may by its nature deprive people
of an important good, for example, a job or a higher education place. It may
also have wider effects, perhaps in virtue of contributing to an accumulative
harm. In both kinds of case, the concept of justice is surely triggered. But is
it triggered even in casesperhaps merely hypotheticalwhen the behavior does not have these wider effects and no one suffers disadvantage as a
result of being treated with contempt or merely as inferior? My inclination
here is to say no. As Isuggested earlier, unless someone suffers from disadvantage as a result of this kind of behavior, either because she suffers psychological damage, or is deprived of, or receives less of, some good in a way
that makes a difference to how well her life goes, or the behavior is a constitutive part of a dominating relationship in which she is being subjected
to the arbitrary exercise of power, then it does not come within the purview of justice. Of course, the kinds of behavior Idescribed in section6.1
are likely to have wider effects, especially when they involve contempt; but
then the injustice is a consequence of these effects and is not intrinsic to the
behavior itself.
J u s t i c e , R e s p e c t , a n d Tr e a t i n g Pe o p l e a s E q u a l s
143
treat others as equals can also involve failing to be a good citizen or indeed may
violate ones duty as a citizen to treat ones fellow citizens as equals.26
Citizenship, it might be thought, is a relationship between equals. Part of what it
is to be a citizen, at least when citizenship is understood as an ideal, is to be a member of a collective body that makes decisions that importantly affect ones conditions of existence, and in which one has equal standing because one has equal
opportunity to participate on equal terms not only in the political sphere but also
in civil society and public spaces, and because one is treated as an equal in these
contexts. Citizenship, so understood, might be regarded as noninstrumentally
valuable, as realizing what Icall the good of equal membership.27 According to
this account of citizenship, the rights and entitlements of citizenship are grounded
in the conditions required to secure the complex good of equal membership. The
duty to treat fellow citizens as ones social and political equalsthat is, to treat
them as equals in the political process, and in civil society and beyondmight
also be regarded as partially constitutive of the good of equal membership, rather
than simply a means to its promotion. Indeed, doing so helps to explain why it is
an obligation that is owed to fellow citizens in particular. For if the obligation to
treat ones fellow citizens as equals were grounded simply in the idea that this best
promotes the good of equal membership, then it is unclear why it should be owed
to ones fellow citizens rather than to humanity in general.
The obligation of citizenship to treat ones fellow citizens as equals might
be thought to govern public debate between citizens, particularly over matters of basic justice. Some might argue that it entails an obligation to restrict
oneself to public reasons in that debate, that is, to reasons it would be reasonable to expect to be shared by any citizen who held a reasonable moral view
or doctrine, that is, a moral view or doctrine compatible with the equal moral
standing of fellow citizens. Ihave argued against that idea elsewhere, 28 but it
is nevertheless plausible to suppose that our duty to treat fellow citizens as equals
places some constraints on what reasons we may permissibly offer in public
debate. Racist and sexist reasons, for example, surely violate that duty because of
the way in which they dishonor the good of equal membership.
The duty of citizenship to treat ones fellow citizens as equals might also be
thought to extend beyond the so-called public sphere and to govern interactions in civil society and beyond. But although appealing to the good of equal
membership and the constitutive duty to treat ones fellow citizens as equals
can help to explain what is morally objectionable about failing to treat others
26
See Andrew Mason, Living Together as Equals:The Demands of Citizenship (Oxford:Oxford
University Press, 2012).
27
See Mason, Living Together as Equals, for a more developed account of what is valuable
about the good of equal membership.
28
Ibid., Ch. 6.
144
as equals in the various cases described in section 6.1 when they are conceived
as interactions between fellow citizens, by its nature it cannot explain why it
is morally problematic to behave in these ways toward visiting non-nationals
or toward those who are not yet ones fellow citizens, such as resident aliens
who have not yet naturalized. (Indeed grounding the obligation to treat ones
fellow citizens as equals in this way in the good of equal membership would
not by itself entail that the failure to treat others as equals was ever intrinsically wrong: its wrongness would be conditional on the relationship of
citizenship obtaining, even though when that relationship obtained its wrongness would not depend on its effects.) Might this be regarded as a flaw in a
citizenship-based account of the wrongness of failing to treat others as equals?
The best that could be said in response is that there is a duty to treat resident
aliens as if they were citizens if they intend to naturalize, since this will aid
their induction. But what of visitors and residents who have no intention of
remaining for long or becoming citizens? Here it seems we would need to fall
back, at least in part, on the idea that there is a failure of respect that does not
necessarily amount to an injustice, or indeed to a violation of a duty of citizenship, when they are not treated as equals.
It is tempting to think that the citizenship-based reason Iclaim to have
identified is redundant:if we have a strong moral reason to treat others as
equals because not doing so involves failing to give them the equal recognition respect to which they are entitled, then why do we need to appeal to
the way in which it represents a violation of citizenly duties? Shouldnt we
make use of Ockhams razor here? But Ithink that would be a mistake. The
wrongness of failing to treat a person as an equal may be overdetermined
there may be a number of reasons that speak in favor of its wrongnessbut
if we want a full and complete understanding of its wrongness, then we need
to appeal to these other reasons as well. Furthermore, we should not assume
that the force of each of these reasons can be understood in isolation, independently of their relationship to each other. The reasons involved may
be holistic in character, interacting with each other in various ways:29the
fact that a failure to treat another as an equal represents a failure to comply
with ones citizenly duties seems to intensify or accentuate the wrong that
is involved in failing to treat them with the recognition respect to which
they are entitled;30 so too, the fact that a failure to treat a person as an equal
contributes to an accumulative or other form of collective harm may also
intensify the wrong involved.
29
30
J u s t i c e , R e s p e c t , a n d Tr e a t i n g Pe o p l e a s E q u a l s
145
6.5Conclusion
A failure to treat others as equals is not always intrinsically unjust, but it is
always morally problematic. My contention is that what makes such a failure
morally problematic is the fact that it involves withholding or denying the
equal recognition respect to which they are morally entitled, and that when it
occurs in the context of the relationship of citizenship, it also involves a failure
to fulfill a duty of citizenship. If Iam right, social equality, when it expresses
an ideal of a society the members of which are treated as equals within its basic
institutions and practices and by each other in their ordinary interactions, has
value that is partially independent of justice. The value of social equality is
partly a consequence of the importance of treating others with respect, but in
order to understand fully its distinctive value we need to place it in the context
of the relationship of citizenship and, in particular, the good of citizenship,
that is, the value of living together as equals as part of a collective that makes
decisions that significantly affect its members conditions of existence.
Acknowledgments
I would like to thank Chris Armstrong, Kim Brownlee, Carina Fourie, Tom
Parr, Mike Saward, Fabian Schuppert, and Ivo Wallimann-Helmer for their
helpful comments and suggestions.
7.1Introduction
This essay examines the relationship between the value, or good, of relationships of social equality, and justice. It analyzes what is at stake in the disagreement between views that conceive of the two as distinct social and political
values, and views that subordinate concern for social equality to concern for
justice, understood along liberal egalitarian lines, and seek to account for it
entirely in terms of the latter. In doing so, it devotes particular attention to
inegalitarian norms of social status. Social status is a phenomenon opposition
to which is central to the value of social equality, whereas liberal justice-based
accounts seem to have a much harder time with it:it seems unclear whether
they are capable of accounting properly for its importance, and objectionableness. Accordingly, the essay examines which resources the latter views possess
to deal with the problem, and how this might bear on the questions of which
of the two approaches to social equality ought to be regarded as preferable on
the whole.
The essay is structured as follows:section 7.2 lays out in more detail the
central distinction between pluralist views that regard social equality and
social justice as two distinct values, and views that seek to account for egalitarian relationships within the terms of a liberal conception of social justice
views that can be called justice-based relational egalitarian views.1 It gives
an account of the most important general theoretical challenges and difficulties that both views face. To illustrate the distinction, the following sections
zoom in on the case of norms of social status as a central test case:section 7.3
lays out what Imean by social status and discusses why it is a phenomenon
Iuse the adjectives social and relational, following the prevalent usage, and self-labeling,
of adherents of both views, but nothing of substance hinges on this difference of terms.
1
146
S o c i a l E q u a l i t y O r J u s t J u s t i c e?
147
Th is is how David Miller calls his conception of social equality, see his Complex Equality,
in Pluralism, Justice, and Equality, eds. David Miller and Michael Walzer, (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1995), 197225, and Equality and Justice, in Ideals of Equality, ed. Andrew
Mason, (Oxford:Blackwell, 1998), 2136.
3
John Rawls, A Theory of Justice, rev. ed. (Oxford:Oxford University Press, 1999). This is not
to claim that Rawlss view focuses exclusively on distributive equality, but only that the debate
that followed it did; see footnote 5.
4
For some of the most important contributions to this debate, see Amartya Sen, Equality
of What? The Tanner Lecture on Human Values 1979, available at http://www.tannerlectures.
utah.edu/lectures/documents/sen80.pdf; Ronald Dworkin, Sovereign Virtue (Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press, 2000), chs. 1 and 2; Richard Arneson, Equality and Equal
Opportunity for Welfare, Philosophical Studies 56, no. 1 (1989): 7793; G.A. Cohen On the
Currency of Egalitarian Justice, Ethics 99, no. 4 (1989):906944.
2
148
S o c i a l E q u a l i t y O r J u s t J u s t i c e?
149
150
personal choiceson the grounds that, if sufficiently large, they may damage
the quality of your relations to your fellow citizens.10
Other members of the PSE family put less stress on possible conflicts
between justice and social equality, and more stress on the idea that the latter
may give rise to requirements that go beyond those of justice, even though
there need not be conflict, and even though justice may not be exclusively
distributivefor example, requirements of equality in everyday interactions
which justice may not necessitate. This is the case for Andrew Masons account
of the good of citizenship, conceived of as the good of equal membership of a
social and political community.11 However, the important point for our purposesof bringing the contours of PSE as a broad family of positions clearly
into viewis that both community and citizenship denote concerns that
are central to social egalitarianism, but outside of justice.
Another example of a social egalitarian view that falls within the PSE camp
is Martin ONeills account of nonintrinsic egalitarianism. Inspired by works
of Scanlon12 and the later Rawls,13 ONeill identifies several social egalitarian
rationales and points out that distributive (in)equality is nonintrinsically
mostly instrumentallyrelated to these. According to this analysis, distributive inequality
[...] creates stigmatizing differences in status, whereby the badly-off
feel like, and are treated as, inferiors [...]; [...] creates objectionable
relations of power and domination; [...] weakens self-respect (especially of the worst-off); [...] creates servility and deferential behavior;
and [...] undermines healthy fraternal social relations.14
ONeill is not wedded to the idea that justice is exclusively or primarily
distributive, or cannot account satisfactorily for any of these concerns. His
view qualifies as PSE because he holds that nonintrinsic egalitarianism is
Ibid., 74.
Andrew Mason, Living Together as EqualsThe Demands of Citizenship (Oxford:Oxford
University Press, 2012), 2.See also his contribution to this volume. To be sure Mason also discusses possible conflicts, which become sharp, once more, if justice is conceived of as stressing
individual responsibility along luck egalitarian lines; ibid., ch. 3.
12
Thomas M.Scanlon, The Diversity of Objections to Inequality, in The Ideal of Equality,
2nd edition, eds. Matthew Clayton and Andrew Williams (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan,
2002), 4159. Iam not sure that Scanlon qualifies as a pluralist social egalitarian, but unfortunately lack the space to discuss his view in detail here.
13
Rawls, Justice as Fairness, 130132.
14
Martin ONeill, What Should Egalitarians Believe? Philosophy & Public Affairs 36, no. 2
(2008):119156, 126.
10
11
S o c i a l E q u a l i t y O r J u s t J u s t i c e?
151
152
their negative effects, or at least hold that their views are capable of elucidating what is objectionable about social inequality, drawing especially on
the interconnections between different forms of itsuch as the ones mentioned in the quote by ONeill abovein a more nuanced and thorough
manner than can be done by insisting on a strong intrinsic-instrumental
distinction. In this sense, social equality is to be regarded as an ultimate
social ideal.
Different adherents of PSE may hence differ about the underlying motivation of their view, about the exact nature and number of social egalitarian
rationales, about the extent to which they deem reliance on a value of social
equality as distinct from justice necessary, and about the extent to which it
may come into conflict with the latteras long as some such reliance is deemed
necessary.19 Differences with justice-based views may accordingly be more or
less sharp, depending on the views in question, and could sometimes even turn
out to be largely terminological. The particular kind of justice-based relational
egalitarian approach that this essay focuses on, does, however, contrast clearly
with PSE, and does so because of its different structurebecause it relies on
a distinctively liberal understanding of justice, which constrains what kind of
social egalitarian considerations can be made to count within it (and how), while
at the same time insisting that social justice enjoys priority over other values.
S o c i a l E q u a l i t y O r J u s t J u s t i c e?
153
154
before tackling questions of distribution, as a basis for the latter. Which more
particular relations do justice-based relational egalitarians identify as the primary requirements of social justice? In positive terms, they demand democratic equality, according to which all individuals have to be rendered capable
of participating on equal terms in societys most important activities, such as
relations of production, and collective decision-making. 24 In negative terms,
they seek to identify a distinctive set of inegalitarian relationships as primary
injustices, seizing especially on domination as the core unjust relation to
be ruled out, 25 and drawing inspiration from, inter alia, Iris Marion Youngs
analysis of the five faces of oppression:exploitation, marginalization, powerlessness, cultural imperialism, and subjection.26 Domination, on this view,
consists of being exposed to the arbitrary power of others, that is, roughly,
to others capacity to arbitrarily interfere with ones significant choices and
actions.27 There is hence also an important overlap with neorepublican work
inquiring into the connection between non-domination and justice. 28 On this
view, distributive principles are then evaluated according to how well they
express, and contribute to bringing about, the relations required by justice.
7.2.4Challenges
This sketch of the contours of the two different approaches to egalitarian social
and political relations enables us to see which main challenges both face.
PSE faces one such main challenge. It has to be able to give an account of
just how objectionable the various social inequalities it focuses on are:given
its value pluralism, an account of how social equality as just one value behaves
in relation to other values is needed.29 Following the above discussion, this
includes the question of how it is to be balanced with justice. Even if fixing
A nderson, What is the Point of Equality? 313, 316.
A nderson, ibid., 316. Iargue for a right of all individuals to be equally and adequately protected by basic social and political institutions against domination as the core requirement of
social justice in Justice and Egalitarian Relations.
26
Iris Marion Young, Justice and the Politics of Difference (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1990), 4863.
27
Philipp Pettit, RepublicanismA Theory of Freedom and Government (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1999), 52.
28
Philipp Pettit, On the Peoples TermsA Republican Theory and Model of Democracy
(Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 2012), c hapter2; Frank Lovett, A General Theory of
Justice and Domination (Oxford:Oxford University Press, 2010). See also the contributions to
this volume by Fabian Schuppert, and by Marie Garrau and Ccile Laborde. For Pettit democratic institutions are, however, not requirements of justice, but of a freestanding conception of
legitimacy, ibid.
29
See Hausman/Waldren, Egalitarianism Reconsidered, 571.
24
25
S o c i a l E q u a l i t y O r J u s t J u s t i c e?
155
156
S o c i a l E q u a l i t y O r J u s t J u s t i c e?
157
and thus express mere prejudice. The more interesting cases for our purposes
hence lie elsewhere, in the domain of status norms that attach to important
socioeconomic markers, such as level of education, professional activity, and
command of economic resources. 31 Status norms of this kind roughly correspond to distinctions of social class, on accounts which regard class as necessarily linked to the possession, and continuous enactment, of a set of norms
expressing esteem for some ways of life over others. 32
Now, what exactly is objectionable about status norms? Consider the following scenario, taken from de Tocquevilles Democracy in America:
If two Englishmen chance to meet at the Antipodes, where they are
surrounded by strangers whose language and manners are almost
unknown to them, they will first stare at each other with much curiosity and a kind of secret uneasiness; they will then turn away, or,
if one accosts the other, they will take care only to converse with a
constrained and absent air upon very unimportant subjects. Yet there
is no enmity between these men; they have never seen each other
before, and each believes the other to be a respectable person. Why
then should they stand so cautiously apart? 33
The answeris:
[E]verybody lives in constant dread lest advantage should be taken of
his familiarity. Unable to judge at once the social position of those he
meets, an Englishman prudently avoids all contact with them. Men
are afraid lest some slight service rendered should draw them into an
unsuitable acquaintance; they dread civilities, and they avoid the obtrusive gratitude of a stranger quite as much as his hatred.34
It is easy to see how pluralist social egalitarians evaluate such a scenario
(whose continuing relevance many who are familiar with contemporary
31
One should not object that according esteem based on riches must be equally expressive of
mere prejudice, of irrational adoration of wealth for its own sake:economic resources give their
owners abilities and capacities to do and become things that others lack, and it is not self-evidently
irrational to accord esteem to such an expanded range of abilities.
32
One well-known such account, to which Iam largely sympathetic, is the account of habitus
developed in Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction:ASocial Critique of the Judgement of Taste, transl. by
Richard Nice (Cambridge, MA:Harvard University Press, 1984), but for the present purposes it
is not necessary to commit to any such particular view.
33
De Tocqueville, Alexis de, Democracy in America (NewYork:Random House, Everymans
Library, 1994 [1835/1840]) Volume 2, Book III, ch. 2.
34
Ibid.
158
S o c i a l E q u a l i t y O r J u s t J u s t i c e?
159
160
S o c i a l E q u a l i t y O r J u s t J u s t i c e?
161
status norms decreeing certain levels of material resources, and certain requirements on appearance in public as the appropriate standards individuals have
to meet to count as generally respectable members of society. This will be so
especially where a majority of individuals is capable of fulfilling such norms,
as it is in circumstances where societies are divided into a larger middle class
and a smaller underclass. Those who cannot meet the standards set by these
norms will accordingly be, to that extent, marginalized, and will have their
effective opportunities to participate in important societal activities diminishednot least because their failure to fulfill these norms makes it very
difficult not to feel shame and resentment vis--vis those better placed, and
to avoid a general sense of discouragement. This, then, is a further, and distinctively relational egalitarian, reason to equalize material resources, and
access to education, on top of other inequality-reducing rationales (such as
effective political equality):more equal distributions both make it less likely
that inegalitarian norms of status emerge, and help to make sure that everybody can fulfill the demands of those that remain in place. In this way, the
focus of liberal justice-based views on domination can hence be extended
to cover also the problem of status-induced marginalization. Furthermore,
relational egalitarians can, and should, pay attention to the question of how
arrangements of political economy encourage, or inhibit, the formation of
society-wide inegalitarian status norms when considering the question of
which such arrangements would implement their conception of social justice
best, such as universal welfare state policies and institutions, unconditional
basic income policies, or policies according everybody a basic stock of capital
(such as a stakeholder grant). For example, the latter may stabilize, or even
intensify, social esteem linked to the possession of capital, while the former
two will likely not. 38
Such more indirect distributive and institutional strategies to counter social
status norms are, from the point of view of liberal social justice, preferable to
attempts to directly tackle individual dispositions to form, and follow, them.
While existing inegalitarian norms should certainly be challenged and put
into question (for example, in school), it seems questionable that social and
political institutions could fully eradicate such dispositions without engaging
in attempts at changing peoples mindsets that unacceptably interfere with
their private lives and conceptions of the good. Recall that status norms do not
need to aim at social discrimination, but can merely be the reflections of what
most people regard as acceptable abilities and pursuits.
It is important to note that such policies can interact with status dispositions differently
even if they should generate similar distributive outcomes.
38
162
39
S o c i a l E q u a l i t y O r J u s t J u s t i c e?
163
by those around them,40 and lose the opportunity for easy-going exchange
with those below (recall de Tocquevilles scenario). Second, they argue that
egalitarian relations also have impersonal value that is not reducible to their
impact on the welfare of those engaged in them:41 they exemplify a vision
of how [human agents] might best live together.42 Individuals should hence
strive for themto some extent (see what follows below)even if it is not
personally good for them in any way.
At the same time, however, we have seen that pluralist social egalitarians, qua pluralists, leave open, on the level of principle, how much their ideal
matters in relation to other, competing values, and considerations (whereas
justice-based relational egalitarians insist on the priority of justice). This gave
rise to the challenge for PSE raised in subsection 7.2.4, to give indications how
its weight vis--vis such other values is to be determined, and to ensure that
social equality matters much. Putting these two features of the view together,
a natural way to interpret PSE is that it answers this challenge by emphasizing
the attractiveness of such a positive ideal, in order to account for a suitably
elevated status in the balance of competing values. This, then, is a different
strategy to account for the weight of social equality than that pursued by the
justice-based account.
However, this combination of features of PSE precisely troubles liberal
relational egalitarians, since it involves making perfectionist claims about the
social good (conceived of as both an ingredient of each individuals good and
an impersonal good instantiated in the community as a whole). Liberal egalitarians seek to abstain from such claims, as they stress respect for individual
autonomy, and accordingly seek to secure for individuals equal opportunity to
pursue the widest possible array of different conceptions of the good:inegalitarian dispositions are, on that view, problematic for justice only if they lead
to domination and marginalization in the ways just explained. If they do not,
people remain free to pursue them in their personal lives (for example, in their
personal conceptions of friendship, or even of marriageif the institutional
background is cleared from any structural gender disadvantages).
This worry about illiberality is not based on the belief that social arrangements favoring community and general friendship would, in reality, require
intolerable amounts of coercion of individuals by the state in order to be
maintained. It strikes deeper and, as seen, latches on to the reasons that PSE
offers for demanding such arrangements. While we might, for example, be
sympathetic to the idea that even the privileged lose out on something due
Fourie, What Is Social Equality? 119ff.
I bid., 123ff; ONeill, What Should Egalitarians Believe? 146f.
42
Ibid., 147.
40
41
164
to social inequality, basing part of ones case for arrangements instantiating social equality on the claim that the privileged ought to accept a loss
of status (and/or power) also for their own good is nevertheless a problematic further step:the privileged will have to be presented with an argument
that not only shows that social equality has some unique goods in store also
for themwhich might be possiblebut also that they should accord more
importance to these for their lives than to the goods of power and status
that they now possess.43 This kind of argument becomes more promising,
from the liberal point of view, if sufficient evidence can be found that social
egalitarian arrangements perform clearly better in terms of goods that all
reasonable people would presumably want present to a great extent in their
lives (such as clearly enhanced health, or a far lower risk of falling victim
to crime). However, insofar as it then relies on the instrumental benefits of
social equality, it does not rely on PSE as a distinct and ultimate ideal (see
the end of subsection 7.2.2).
The antiperfectionist worry becomes clearer still when considering the supposed impersonal value of social equality. Requiring people to support and
maintain social forms and arrangements that are not even aimed at sustaining
and enhancing their personal good (to the extent that justice deems permissible, in conjunction with the good of everybody else), but require them to perhaps sacrifice part of it for some impersonal value is a case of oppression, from
a neutralist liberal point of view.
Adherents of PSE might answer that emphasizing these features of their
view mischaracterizes what they would really say about the weight of social
equality. More naturally, they will hold that this weight increases with increasing social inequality, because of the plight of the dominated and marginalized under such inegalitarian relations. On this, however, PSE and the justice
account do not differ. The above remarks are precisely meant to illustrate
the difference in justificatory strategy. The justice account seeks to attain an
equivalent resultpriority of its demands, which center on the viewpoint of
those who would be less privileged under inegalitarian arrangements (I leave
quibbles about the difference between great weight in the balance and priority aside here) based on thinner moral premises, by spelling out egalitarian
requirements as constraints of justice on the pursuit of the good:a society of
free and equals must not treat any of its members in a way that exposes them
to a heightened risk of domination and status-induced marginalization, as
Furthermore, stressing the importance of positive egalitarian relations as components of
the good social life also carries a danger of interfering unduly with the lives of those who might
not be keen on social inequality, but also not on much friendly interchange, and community with,
otherscall this the liberal neutralist argument on behalf of the unsociable type.
43
S o c i a l E q u a l i t y O r J u s t J u s t i c e?
165
explained above. It hence seeks to get to this result without relying on claims
about the particular goodness of positive egalitarian relations.44
To conclude this discussion, one final point ought to be mentioned: it
seems that supporters of PSE could accept that the weight of social equality
in cases not focusing on the worse off is indeed rather small, but stress that the
view is still capable of accounting for its value, while the liberal justice-based
view is not. However, the point of the liberal view is not to deny that social
equality on top of the demands of justice can be seen as both a personal and
impersonal good. Its point is that it is not the kind of good we should rely on
in justifying basic institutional arrangements. For example, value may also be
attached to personal and collective greatness and achievements. These are perhaps best fostered in conditions of social inequality.45 By focusing on the constraints of justice, the liberal seeks to avoid having to balance such different
considerations. Once these are fixed, the liberal will favor leaving it to people
themselves, through democratic self-determination, to decide which social
egalitarian projects, if any, they want to pursue on top of justice, for personal
or impersonal reasons, in fair competition with those with a less egalitarian
outlook.
7.5Conclusion
This essay has outlined the contours of two different approaches to egalitarian relations, pluralist social egalitarianism and liberal justice-based relational
egalitarianism, and investigated how both views approach the issue of social
status norms. It has sought to show that the liberal justice-based view is capable of properly accounting for the objectionableness of inegalitarian norms of
social status, as the core requirement of equal protection against domination
covers the connection between power and status, and should be interpreted
so as to cover society-wide status norms latching on to material possession, as
44
Afurther objection on the part of PSE could be to insist that the principle of social equality is, in fact, tempered from the outset by a personal prerogative, which makes sure that it does
not encroach unduly on individuals opportunity to develop and pursue their own conception of
the good. Liberal egalitarians will welcome this; but they will want to know more about how the
precise extent of such a prerogative is to be determined. Seeking to justify relational egalitarian
constraints within a neutralist framework is precisely meant to deliver a principled method for
delineating the space for permissible personal projects (including collective projects):this is the
task of justice, on a liberal approach.
45
De Tocqueville famously held that, under conditions of social equality, the nation, taken
as a whole, will be less brilliant, less glorious, and perhaps less strong. Democracy in America, Vol.
1, Authors Introduction.
166
well. It has also suggested that this approach has important advantages over
pluralist social egalitarianism in terms of the general justificatory strategy
underlying the view, which seeks to do without balancing social equality with
different considerations and abstains from appeals to it as an ideal, or vision,
of the good social life.
However, this is only a preliminary result. For once, it needs to be shown in
greater detail that liberal neutralist relational egalitarianism can indeed yield
institutional and policy recommendations that are both adequately precise
and capable of satisfying egalitarians pretheoretical judgments about which
such measures are required to a sufficient degree.46 Furthermore, justice-based
relational egalitarians continue to have to engage directlymore directly
than pluralist egalitarianswith those who conceive of social justice in less
egalitarian terms. Finally, it cannot be ruled out in advance that social egalitarians can come up with arguments which demonstrate the intrinsic goodness
of social equality clearly enough to defeat liberal antiperfectionist worries.
Ihope, then, that this essay has at least shown that the liberal justice-based
approach to relational equality is worth pursuing further.
Acknowledgments
I am grateful to the editors of this volume for an extensive set of comments on
the first draft of this essay, which greatly contributed to its improvement.
In Justice and Egalitarian Relations, Iseek to undertake this task with respect to four different institutional and policy fields:institutions of democratic decision-making, the distributive
implications of relational egalitarianism, welfare state arrangements and their desirable reform,
and public health.
46
A methodically well-grounded procedure is required if one wishes to proceed from basic moral premises to a theory of rights and justice. Iwish to
advocate the presumption of equality as a possible candidate for such a procedure. The presumption of equality is a prima facie principle of equal distribution for all goods that many scholars of political theory as well as public
decision-makers/public opinion deem politically suitable for the process of
public distribution. Applied to this domain, the presumption of equality
requires that everyone, regardless of individual differences, should have an
equal share in the distribution unless certain types of relevant differences
justify, on universally acceptable grounds, unequal distribution. A strict
principle of equal distribution is not required, but it is morally necessary to
justify impartially any unequal distribution. Although this procedural principle is upheld by many scholars, albeit in different terms, one only rarely
finds an explicit justification for it.
The aim of this paper is to offer such a justification in four steps. In section
8.1, the relation between the abstract concepts of justice and three well-known
principles of equalitynamely, (a)formal equality, (b)proportional equality,
and (c)moral equalityand the relation between moral equality and social
equality will be elaborated on. Section 8.2 introduces the presumption of
equality as a necessary feature of any concrete conception of just treatment
and distribution. Section 8.3 discusses and rejects different attempts to justify
the presumption of equality. In section 8.4, finally, a substantive justification
of the presumption of equality will be given that links the presumption back to
the basic notions of justice and morals.
167
168
169
debates over the proper conception of justice, i.e., over who is due what, can
be understood as controversies over the question of which cases are equal and
which are unequal. 5 For this reason, equality theorists are correct in stressing
that the claim that persons are owed equality becomes informative only when
one is told what kind of equality they are owed.6
What is at stake here is a moral principle of justice, and with it the impartial
and universalizable nature of moral judgments in general:for if the postulate
of formal equality is morally acceptable, then more is required than simple
consistency of the principle with ones subjective preferences. What is more
important is its possible justification vis--vis others that are the potential subjects of the equal or unequal treatment in questionand this solely on the
basis of the situations objective features. That is, in order for the formal principle of equality to become a morally binding standard, one has to proceed
from it to a more substantial, well-grounded principle of equality that can be
justified to all persons concerned. One such substantialization of the principle
of formal equality is the principle of proportional equality.
(b) Proportional Equality: according to Aristotle, there are two kinds of
equality, numerical and proportional.7 A form of treatment of others or, as
a result of it, a distribution is numerically equal when it treats all persons as
indistinguishable, thus granting them the same quantity of a good, per capita.
That is not always just. In contrast, a form of treatment of others or a distribution is proportional or relatively equal when it treats all relevant persons in
relation to their due. Just numerical equality is, according to Aristotle, a special case of proportional equality:numerical equality is only just under special
circumstances, viz. if persons are equal in distributionally relevant respects,
then the corresponding proportions of the distributed goods must be equal
too. Proportional equality specifies formal equality further; it is the more precise and detailed, hence, actually the more comprehensive formulation of what
formal equality must entail in order to be morally acceptable. It indicates what
produces an adequate equality:if factors speak for unequal treatment or distribution because the persons concerned are unequal in relevant respects, the
treatment or distribution proportional to these factors is just. Unequal claims
to treatment or distribution must be considered proportionally:this is the prerequisite for persons being considered equally in a just sense.
Aristotle, Politics, 1282b 22.
See Thomas Nagel, Equality, in Mortal Questions (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1979), 106127; Douglas W.Rae, Equalities (Cambridge:Harvard University Press, 1981);
Amartya Sen, Inequality Reexamined (Oxford:Clarendon Press; Cambridge:Harvard University
Press, 1992), 13.
7
See Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, 1130b1132b; Plato, Laws, in Complete Works, ed. John
M.Cooper and D.S. Hutchinson (Indianapolis:Hackett, 1997), VI.757b757c.
5
6
170
(c) Moral Equality and Social Equality:even though the principle of proportional equality is a widely accepted standard of distributional justice nowadays, there is a minimal overlapping consensus among all leading schools of
modern Western political and moral culture that some fundamental features
of people may not be used to justify their unequal treatment and must thus
be excluded from considerations of proportional distribution. 8 More specifically, in spite of descriptive differences in certain relevant respects, all persons
should be regarded and treated as moral equals, so that they are essentially entitled to the same basic moral rights and duties. The principle of treatment as an
equal is not the same as equal treatment; it does not imply being entitled to an
equal share, but being treated as a free and equal person.9 Following this assertion of the fundamental moral equality of all persons, different persons should
be equal in their social status. This is the morally and politically fundamental
principle of basic moral equality. As a moral ideal, it asserts that all people are
of equal moral worth (or in other words:equal dignity) and that there are some
claims that people are entitled to make on one another simply by virtue of their
status as persons.10
Since treatment as an equal is an almost universally shared moral standard in contemporary theory, present-day philosophical debates are concerned with the kind of equal treatment that is normatively required when
we mutually consider ourselves persons with equal dignity. The principle of
moral equality is too abstract and needs to be made concrete if we are to arrive
at a clear moral standard. Nevertheless, no conception of just equality can be
deduced from the notion of moral equality. Rather, we find competing philosophical conceptions of equal treatment serving as interpretations of moral
equality. These need to be assessed according to their degree of fidelity to the
deeper ideal of moral equality.11
From moral equality, one can derive a prohibition on arbitrary unequal
treatment; that is, a prohibition on discrimination. Even if justice already
implies that nobody should be arbitrarily put at a disadvantage, this
8
See Gregory Vlastos, Justice and Equality, in Social Justice, ed. Richard Brandt (Englewood
Cliffs:Prentice-Hall, 1962), 3172. This does not mean that this demand for the basic equality
of all humans is in fact universally recognized; on the contrary, there are serious anti-egalitarian
critics who argue against equality for different reasons. For a recent discussion see Uwe Steinhoff,
ed., Basic Equality (Oxford University Press, forthcoming).
9
See John Rawls, Justice as Fairness. ARestatement (Cambridge:Harvard University Press,
2001), section 7, who prefers to speak of the idea of free and equal persons.
10
See Ronald Dworkin, Taking Rights Seriously (Cambridge: Harvard University Press,
1977), 179183; esp.277 and his well-known formulations treating as equals and equal concern and respect which, however, require further interpretation and elaboration.
11
Will Kymlicka, Contemporary Political Philosophy (Oxford:Clarendon Press, 1990), 44.
171
explication still leaves open which differences between persons are morally
irrelevant and therefore should not be considered and which differences are
to be considered. Moral equality does not completely fill in this variable, but it
restricts it in an important respect. Different treatments of concerned parties
based on differences in gender, race, social background, ethnicity, language,
culture, religion or due to social hierarchies, etc., are morally arbitrary. This
is because differences in natural endowments are differences for which the
respective people are not themselves responsible, and therefore cannot justify
different treatment. Otherwise the principle of moral equality would be violated. Thus primary discrimination (as one might call it) is excluded. Primary
discrimination is to be understood as unequal treatment on the assumption
of given differences of value between people that justifies allegedly different
(often proportional) claims, whereas secondary discrimination is a differential treatment of persons who are regarded as morally equivalent.12 The purest
form of the principle of primary discrimination is the norm that attributed
character differences determine the value of a person and that the treatment
or distribution has to follow this different value.13 In this sense, the principle
of primary discrimination represents the opposite of the principle of moral
equality. As such, primary discrimination includes all forms of oppression,
whether people are subjected to exploitation, marginalization, powerlessness,
cultural imperialism or violence.14 Characteristic of the modern understanding of morality is that one can no longer believe in the possibility of a nonarbitrary, impartial justification of primary discrimination. This could refer
only to metaphysical truths, which one can contest without being unreasonable. Moral equality follows negatively from the reasonable insight into the
failure of all attempts at a nonarbitrary justification of primary discrimination. The struggle against primary discrimination of all kinds is and remains
thus a classic egalitarian concern. It represents the heart of egalitarianism,
which, despite general philosophical acceptance, has lost nothing of its political relevance.15
Through the prohibition and struggle against every form of primary
discrimination, the claim of each person to be treated as morally equal
should secure their fundamental, equal social and political status as equally
See Ernst Tugendhat, Vorlesungen ber Ethik (Frankfurt a.M.:Suhrkamp, 1993), 375378.
Ibid., chap.3, esp.4751.
14
See Iris Marion Young, Justice and the Politics of Difference (Princeton:Princeton University
Press, 1990), ch. 2.
15
Those critics who criticize the more extensive distributive principles of modern egalitarianism also stress this, because egalitarianism no longer corresponds to its central concern, e.g., Iris
Marion Young in Justice and the Politics of Difference (Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1990)
and Elizabeth Anderson, What Is the Point of Equality? Ethics 109, no. 2 (1999):287337.
12
13
172
legitimate members of society. These claims to social and political equality are
thus also based on the acknowledgement of universal moral equality. They
also exclude all unequal, hierarchical forms of social relationships by which
some people dominate, exploit, marginalize, demean, and inflict violence on
others:As a social ideal, it holds that a human society must be conceived of
as a cooperative arrangement among equals, each of whom enjoys the same
social standing. As a political ideal, it highlights the claims that citizens are
entitled to make on one another by virtue of their status as citizens, without any need for a moralized accounting of the details of their particular
circumstances.16
These aspects of political and social equality therefore fall under the
principle of moral equality, but they do not exhaust it. Forms of secondary discrimination or differentiation are not excluded from moral, and in
this respect, social equality, if they are compatible with the recognition of
equal social status of concerned parties, as for example, differences according to merit, need, but also, if appropriate, according to race, gender, and
background, as in cases of affirmative action or fair punishment. Where
there is social equality, people feel that each member of the community
enjoys an equal standing with all the rest that overrides their unequal ratings
along particular dimensions.17 The upshot is that moral equality requires
social and political equality but leaves open the question whether other
dimensions such as e.g., a persons natural talents, creativity, intelligence,
innovative skills or entrepreneurial ability can be the basis for legitimate
inequalities.18 This fact should make it already clear that claims to social and
political equality, as justified as they are, can never exhaust all justified entitlement to justice and equality in the social and political sphere. Thus, even
16
Samuel Scheffler, What is Egalitarianism? Philosophy & Public Affairs 31, no. 1 (2003):22
and Samuel Scheffler, Choice, Circumstances and the Value of Equality, Politics, Philosophy &
Economics 4, no. 1 (2005):528.
17
David Miller, Equality and Justice, Ratio 10, no. 3 (1997): 232. Miller regards social
equality as a value distinct from justice, as does Jonathan Wolff, Fairness, Respect, and the
Egalitarian Ethos, Philosophy & Public Affairs 27, no. 2 (1998):97122. For examples of views
that draw both on justice and on a value of social equality distinct from justice, see Thomas
Scanlon, The Diversity of Objections to Inequality, in The Lindley Lecture, Lawrence:University
of Kansas (1996) and Martin ONeill, What Should Egalitarians Believe? Philosophy & Public
Affairs 36, no. 2 (2008):119156.
18
Th at these are forms of illegitimate inequalities is the claim of so-called luck-egalitarians
e.g., Ronald Dworkin, What Is Equality? Part2:Equality of Resources, Philosophy & Public
Affairs 10, no. 4 (1981): 283345; Richard Arneson, Equality and Equality of Opportunity
for Welfare, in Equality: Selected Readings, ed. Louis Pojman and Robert Westmoreland
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 229241 and G. A. Cohen, On the Currency of
Egalitarian Justice, Ethics 99, no. 4 (1989):906944.
173
For such views, see Immanuel Kant, Groundwork on the Metaphysics of Morals
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, [1785] 1997); John Rawls, A Theory of Justice, 2nd
ed. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, [1971] 1999); Thomas Scanlon, What We Owe to
Each Other (Cambridge:Harvard University Press, 1998), esp. ch. 5; Jrgen Habermas, Moral
Consciousness and Communicative Action (Cambridge, MA:MIT Press, 1990); Bruce Ackerman,
Social Justice in the Liberal State (New Haven:Yale University Press, 1980), esp. ch. I.; Rainer
Forst, The Right to Justification:Elements of a Constructivist Theory of Justice (NewYork:Columbia
University Press, 2011).
19
20
174
respect, which we reciprocally owe to one another, thus requires respect for
the autonomous decisions of each noninterchangeable individual. The core
of the value of equality is a normative conception of human relations. This
normative conception sees the autonomy of each individual as the standard
of justification for general rules, norms, rights, etc. To treat persons as equals
and to grant them social and political equality amounts to granting them a
right to justification.
With these clarifications and specifications of moral equality, it should be
clear that equal or equal measure in the context of moral equality is in no
way purely formal or empty or redundantas alleged by critics. 21 Here,
rather, it refers to the independence of moral justification from all power relations and primary discriminations. This principle excludes certain differences,
such as first- and second-class citizens, as morally unjustified. It allows only
those differences that are determined by means of justification procedures to
be in principle acceptable by all. Equal and equal measure have therefore
an essential function in this principle.
175
At first sight, the answer to the question, i.e., which kind of distribution is normatively required under the premise of moral equality, seems
clear. Insofar as one can generally and reciprocally justify certain differences among individualsbeyond their equal dignityas being relevant
in terms of treatment and distribution, it is imperative that they be treated
proportionally to those differences. Proportional equality is thus the principle of formal equality.
To give an example, children and adults should, according to this principle, normally partake of different amounts of calories in order to satisfy their
equal claim to adequate and sufficient nutrition. The adequate allocation of
calories then is a case of proportional equality. Adults and children are treated
unequally in terms of what they receive (namely, unequal amounts of calories)
but are treated equally in terms of their claim to adequate nutrition. Reasons
for an unequal distribution are proportionally accounted for; this is the precondition for the consideration of everyone as equal. Therefore, consideration
and a fortiori treatment as equals means equal treatment in proportion but not
in result.
If we assume that there is no persuasive alternative to proportional
equality, because the known alternativessuch as market-based liberal
theories of property, needs-based theories, aggregate theories that are
egalitarian only in an instrumental sense (such as utilitarianism), or a
theory of complete, strict, numerical equal treatmentseem implausible
and unjust for a number of reasons, then we must determine those criteria
that are capable of justifying equality or inequality of people in terms of
treatment and distribution. 22 Once we know which (descriptive) features
are morally relevant, it is neither necessary nor even possible to stipulate
a primacy of (quantitatively or numerically) equal distribution anymore,
for it is those criteria that then determine the mode of distribution in the
first place.
However, the question of how we shall proceed in those cases where we do
not have relevant criteria at our disposal or where no relevant differences can
be found remains to be answered. Thus, we are looking for a secondary principle that is the default option if the primary principle of distributive justice,
i.e., proportional equality, is not applicable.
22
Th is is actually a core debate among social egalitarians. However, the criteria for a justified unequal distribution need not be discussed here. The following arguments still work independently of which relevant criteria will turn out to be justified. More on the justification of
these criteria can be found in Stefan Gosepath, Gleiche Gerechtigkeit. Grundlagen eines liberalen
Egalitarismus (Frankfurt a.M.:Suhrkamp, 2004), ch. V.
176
This approach is not uncommon. To name the most prominent proponents:Henry Sidgwick
speaks in The Methods of Ethics (London: Macmillan, 1874), 380 of onus probandi (burden of
proof). Hugo Bedau (in Egalitarianism and the Idea of Equality, in Equality (Nomos IX), ed.
J.Roland Pennock and John Chapman (NewYork:Atherton Press, 1967), 327 and Gosepath
(in Gleiche Gerechtigkeit, ch. II.8) call this postulate of equality the presumption for equality.
Stanley Benn and Richard Peters speak in their influential discussion in Social Principles and the
Democratic State (London: Allen & Unwin, 1959), 111 of a presumption against inequality.
Bernard Williams calls it in The Idea of Equality, in Problems of the Self (Cambridge:Cambridge
University Press, 1973), 230249 the relevant reasons approach; Richard Hare in Freedom and
Reason (Oxford:Clarendon Press, 1963), 118 the corollary of the requirement of universality;
Ernst Tugendhat in Dialog in Leticia (Frankfurt a.M.:Suhrkamp, 1997), ch. III the postulate
of symmetry (Symmetriesatz); Wilfried Hinsch in Gerechtfertigte Ungleichheiten. Grundstze
sozialer Gerechtigkeit (Berlin/NewYork:de Gruyter, 2002) the default option. See also Derek
E. Browne, The Presumption of Equality, The Australasian Journal of Philosophy 53, no. 1
(1975):4653; Peter Westen, Speaking of Equality (Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1990),
230 ff.
24
Here, it is resources construed as all-purpose goods that constitute the object of distribution. Resources (or goods) is a general term that encompasses material goods (money, jobs,
property), social goods (chances, privileges, prestige), and political goods (rights, authority,
liberties). The term chosen is deliberately broad because it can then subsume everything that a
society deems valuable, attributable, and a potential object of a just distribution. Rights, liberties, chances, self-respect, and human dignity are goods in a broader sense, goods that we value
and would like to possess. Of course they are a special type of goods and differ from goods of
consumption. Rights, liberties, and chances do not simply exist as natural goods. Rather, they
are created through the organization of our social existence. They are created when a society
regulates the distribution of other goods. This means that both in the case of material goods and
when it comes to rights and opportunities, we regulate moral entitlements; that is, entitlements
detailing which goods, rights, and opportunities one can legitimately expect and how one may
use them. Also, the question of which rights and duties ought to be accorded to whom is resolved
in the same way as the question of the distribution of goods. The principles of distributive justice
that determine who is entitled to what, when, and according to which principle determine the
claims that citizens ought to mutually accord one another from a moral point of view. In this way,
they establish moral rights and the corresponding duties. Providing a justification for (specific)
rights is nothing other than intersubjectively justifying a distribution of certain types of goods as
something that one must mutually accord to one another as a consequence of a mutual recognition as equals.
23
177
The example of the distribution of a cake is frequently used in this context and
shows how obvious this principle is:25 a parent wishes to share a cake among
his or her childrenhow should he or she do this if we assume that all children
would like their slice to be as large as possible? If no child can advance a convincing reason why his or her slice should be larger than everyone elses, then
the cake must be divided into equally large pieces. Orto use an often cited
example in the discussion on the equality of distribution 26 how should the
crew of a ship that has landed on a desert island distribute the local resources?
Relevant reasons for an unequal distribution would be, for example: needs,
acquired rights, merit, and maximizing utility.
The presumption accords a primacy to equal distribution only in terms of
formal reasoning. Unequal distribution requires justification; equal distribution
does not. In principle, this is compatible with every form of inequality insofar as
it can be justified. However, it allocates the burden of proof in a way that makes
it more difficult to justify inequalities. We find a similar presumption effective in
criminal proceedings:as long as doubts about the relevant facts persist, i.e., as
long as a case has not been proven to the judge, a criminal sentence may not be
imposed (in dubio pro reo).27 Here, too, the burden of proof lies with the one who
seeks to justify an unequal treatment (in this case, a specific judicial sentence):it
is not that the accused must prove his innocence, but that the state or prosecutor
must prove his guilt. This principle is analogous to the presumption of equality.
178
formal equality postulate that stipulates that like cases be treated alike.29 From
this, they argue, it should follow that all individuals must be treated equally as
long as no reasons for an unequal treatment can be found. But the presumption
of equality can in fact not be immediately deduced from the formal equality
postulate:the mere absence of specific reasons for unequal distribution cannot
ipso facto ground a claim to universalization. Otherwise, this would imply that
the relevant situations in question have already been identified as being equal
in a normatively relevant sense. But what is it that should be treated equally in
the first place? There are situations in which we do not even know which cases
can count as being equal. Iventure that the presumption of equality ought to be
applied even when it has not yet been determined whether all cases to be considered for distribution are equal in a prescriptive sense. Therefore, the formal
equality postulate does not contain the presumption of equality. Similarly, the
presumption cannot be deduced from proportional equality, for this contains
a prescription only for cases that are nonequal. The presumption of equality,
by contrast, applies to cases where no relevant reasons either for equality or
inequality in treatment can be identified.
More frequently, it is argued that we know the presumption to be valid by
intuition. Often the above mentioned example of the cake is then used as a kind
of circumstantial evidenceequal distribution should evidently follow simply
because there is no specific reason that justifies unequal distribution. But if we
rely on our intuitions to confirm a normative principle, we must ask ourselves
where, in turn, this intuition stems from, and whether there are any other plausible explanations at hand. For example, with reference to the cake-case, it is
not clear (to say it again) why equal distribution should follow simply from the
fact that reasons for unequal distribution are absentone might also argue,
for instance, that it is the childrens positive claim to their parents equal care
and respect that grounds an imperative of numerically equal distribution.
Moreover, the appeal to the presumptions intuitive plausibility often seems
to operate by way of exclusion:if there are (ex hypothesi) no reasons for one
particular kind of unequal distribution, then what, many people argue, would
be left but the option of equal distribution? It seems, then, that for them, equal
distribution is the default setting, as it were, unless a case can be made for
(Paderborn: Mentis, 2003), 260271. According to Tugendhat, justifying morals, generally speaking, means justifying it to all. The concept of justification is, to him, thus more basic
than moral principles and already contains a reference to equality. For a critique of Tugendhats
argument, see the essays in Markus Willaschek (ed.), Ernst Tugendhat. Moralbegrndung und
Gerechtigkeit (Mnster:Lit, 1997).
29
For a review of the relevant literature and critique see Westen, Speaking of Equality, 233,
esp. fn. 8.
179
30
Such a position, which to my knowledge nobody has ever put forward, must fail for the same
reasons as a position that ascribes equality an intrinsic value. Intrinsic egalitarians regard equality
as desirable even if the equalization would be of no use to any of the affected partiese.g., when
equality can only be produced through depressing the level of everyones life. But something can
only have an intrinsic value when it is good for at least one person, i.e., makes one life better in
some way or another. The well-known leveling-down objection indicates that doing away with
inequality in fact ought to produce better circumstancesit would otherwise be unclear why
equality should be desired. For such an objection see Robert Nozick, Anarchy, State, and Utopia
(New York: Basic Books, 1974), 229; Joseph Raz, The Morality of Freedom (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1986), ch. 9, 227, 235; Larry Temkin, Inequality (Oxford:Oxford University
Press, 1993), 247248.
31
W hether merit constitutes a justified reason is subject to debate and may, at this stage of
our argument, remain undecided because this question cannot help us to arbitrate between the
presumption and possible alternatives. Many contemporary theories of justice consider merit,
however, a morally arbitrary criterion for distribution (cf. John Rawls, A Theory of Justice, 2nd
ed. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press [1971], 1999), 64 f., 87 f.; cf. Gosepath, Gleiche
Gerechtigkeit, ch. V.I. 2.f).
180
32
The protection of possession is, in my experience, one of the most commonly used criteria
of distribution.
33
This inequality cannot ex hypothesi be defended on the grounds of individual attributes
(such as merit or need), but at most on the grounds that the natural or social processes which have
resulted in the distributional pattern in question canfor identifiable reasonsbe considered as
justified. See Nozick, Anarchy, State, and Utopia. If Nozicks argumentation were successful, the
justified, historically evolved patterns of distributions could be regarded as well-founded exceptions from the presumption of equality. However, Iagree with many critiques of Nozick. See, for
example, Will Kymlicka, Contemporary Political Philosophy, 2nd ed. (Oxford:Oxford University
Press, 2001), ch. 4.
181
arguments for that distribution do exist), then again we would end up with a
historically contingent allocation.
All in all, it thus seems that the different variants of the idea to randomize distribution present a serious alternative to the presumption of equality. If,
however, historical evolution of distribution or simple randomization are seen
as substantial acceptable reasons for unequal distributione.g., when they are
considered as Gods willthen they are no longer alternatives to the presumption but must be examined as possible candidates for justified inequalities within the presumptions framework:they would then apply for as long as
it is possible to identify a certain pattern of distribution as truly random or
truly historically evolved; in cases where it is impossible to decide which distribution fulfills this requirement, however, the presumption of equality could
still be used as a standard of action or decision. 34 An argument in favor of the
presumption, such as Inow wish to present, must thus exclude random distribution as an alternative principle of distributionbut it need not do more (e.g.,
refute random distribution per se as a form of justified inequality).
182
183
184
185
Which social goods comprise the object of distributive justice? What are the
spheres (of justice) into which these resources have to be grouped? Who are
the recipients of distribution? Who has a prima facie claim to a fair share? What
are the commonly cited, yet in reality unjustified, exceptions to equal distribution? Which inequalities are justified? Which approach, conception or theory
of egalitarian distributive justice is therefore the best? How such a theory of
justice will look is another matter.40
40
9.1Introduction
In a globally interdependent world, the lives of individuals who belong to different states are connected in many ways. Bangladeshi workers in the garment
industry sew clothes sold by an American company to Australian consumers.
The Canadian agricultural sector depends on seasonal migrant workers from
Jamaica and Mexico. Fishermen from Southeast Asia may unexpectedly find
that they no longer have a market for their catch because their nets fail to meet
the latest environmental standards set by the European Union. Indian manufacturers of generic drugs are forced to close down operations due to international intellectual property rights regulations, and as a result many Malaysians
lose access to affordable medicines.
The terms of interaction between foreigners are largely skewed to favor
those in wealthier nations.1 Rich and powerful nations disproportionately
influence the terms of global interaction. The economic gains of global arrangements are not evenly spread. To be sure, many sweatshop workers and migrant
laborers have access to better opportunities than they would in the absence of
cross-border arrangements. But their gains are miniscule when compared to
the huge profits reaped by their well-off employers. Further, poor immigrants
often find themselves socially and culturally marginalized in the countries
where they take up residence.
See, for instance, Thomas Pogge, Politics as Usual:What Lies Behind the Pro-poor Rhetoric?
(Cambridge:Polity Press, 2010). Iuse foreigners to refer to individuals who are not citizens of
the same state, even if they happen to reside in the same state.
1
186
187
Are the unequal terms that characterize the political, social, and economic
interaction between foreigners morally problematic? The unequal character of
these relations may be criticized to the extent that it contributes to the perpetuation of severe deprivation on a global scale. That effect would provide a
reason for taking those unequal relations to be objectionable. However, the
issue Iam interested in exploring in this essay is whether there is a distinctively
egalitarian reason for taking issue with such relations even in cases in which no
individuals involved live in conditions of severe deprivationthat is, a reason
that fundamentally concerns the unequal character of these relations.
To answer this question, we might turn to the literature on social equality.
On social equality, relationships ought to be structured on egalitarian terms.2
But most discussions of social equality do not appear to furnish an answer.
The recent literature has largely focused on the task of illustrating the relative
merits of this ideal in capturing what is fundamentally valuable about equality as compared to rival accounts of egalitarianism. 3 The issue of the scope of
social equalitythat is, between whom, or in the context of which relationships, demands of social equality arisehas received little significant discussion.4 The scope of the ideal in turn depends on a further issue, the grounds of
the idealthat is, the basis on which demands of social equality arise between
particular parties. This issue has received even less attention. My aim in this
essay is to explore these relatively neglected issues.
I will argue that if demands of social equality can arise in the context of the
state, then they can arise outside of that context. The basis for that conditional
Social equality is discussed by Elizabeth Anderson, What Is the Point of Equality?
Ethics 109, no. 2 (1999):287333; David Miller, Equality and Justice, in Ideals of Equality, ed.
Andrew Mason (Oxford:Blackwell, 1998), 2136; Martin ONeill, What Should Egalitarians
Believe? Philosophy & Public Affairs 36, no. 2 (2008):119156; T. M.Scanlon, The Diversity
of Objections to Inequality, in The Ideal of Equality, ed. Matthew Clayton and Andrew
Williams (Basingstoke:Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 4159; and Samuel Scheffler, Equality and
Tradition: Questions of Value in Moral and Political Theory (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
2010).
3
See, for instance, Scheffler, Equality and Tradition, chs. 7 What Is Egalitarianism? and
8Choice, Circumstance, and the Value of Equality, especially 229 n.26.
4
For some discussion of the scope issue, see Charles Beitz, Does Global Inequality
Matter? in Global Justice, ed. Thomas W. Pogge (Oxford: Blackwell, 2001), 106122; Miller,
National Responsibility and Global Justice. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 7779;
Rekha Nath, Equal Standing in the Global Community, The Monist 94, no. 4 (2011): 593
614; Richard Norman, The Social Basis of Equality, in Ideals of Equality, ed. Andrew Mason
(Oxford:Blackwell, 1998), 3751; and ONeill, What Should Egalitarians Believe? Miller is
skeptical about social egalitarian concerns arising outside of the state, whereas the other authors
advance considerations in favor of the application of social equality beyond state borders.
Anderson and Scheffler bracket the issue. See Anderson, What Is the Point of Equality? 321
and Scheffler, Equality and Tradition, 192 n.42.
2
188
189
Anderson puts it, to replace social hierarchies with relations of social equality. 7 Relations are construed broadly to include face-to-face interpersonal
relationships as well as relationships that are mediated by institutional rules or
by social norms and practices. Articulating the intuition that is foundational
to social equality, Samuel Scheffler writes, we believe that there is something
valuable about human relationships that are, in certain crucial respects at least,
unstructured by differences of rank, power, or status.8
Social egalitarians take issue with a wide range of unequal relations. Some
of these relations are politicalfor example, as in cases in which members
of some social groups are denied equal political rights or lack an effective
voice in the political process compared to their fellow citizens.9 Social egalitarians also take issue with certain unequal social relations. Examples include
race-based residential segregation and lack of accommodation of disabled citizens in public spaces. These practices are considered objectionable insofar as
they compromise individuals capacity to enjoy equal standing in social settings.10 Social egalitarians also take issue with certain unequal economic relations. For instance, they oppose significant gaps in the distribution of income
and wealth that stand in the way of individuals from different socioeconomic
classes relating on terms of equality.11
Although they manifest themselves in diverse ways, the unequal relations
that social egalitarians oppose all exhibit a hierarchical character. As Scheffler
observes, hierarchically structured relationships are a pervasive, and perhaps
even an inescapable, feature of social life.12 The problem, for social egalitarians, is not hierarchy itself. And, accordingly, social egalitarians do not take
issue with all hierarchical relationships. So, on what basis are certain hierarchical relationships objectionable while others are not, according to defenders of
social equality?
On social equality, certain hierarchical relations are objectionable because
they express the inferiority of some persons and thereby fail to treat those persons as equals. In part, the objectionable nature of practices that do this concerns the wrong of making some persons feel inferior to others, causing those
parties to endure negative psychological effects. Take a society that treats
gay and lesbian individuals with contempt based on their sexual orientation,
Anderson, Equality, 40.
Scheffler, Equality and Tradition, 225.
9
M iller, Equality and Justice, 30 and 3435; Scanlon, The Diversity of Objections to
Inequality, 52.
10
Anderson, The Imperative of Integration (Princeton, NJ:Princeton University Press, 2010)
and What Is the Point of Equality? 320 and 331.
11
Miller, Equality and Justice, 3435; Scanlon, The Diversity of Objections to Inequal
ity, 52.
12
Scheffler, Equality and Tradition, 225226.
7
8
190
denying them the same formal rights enjoyed by others. This practice may
cause gay and lesbian individuals to experience feelings of shame, humiliation, and a compromised sense of self-respect. But such psychological considerations are not the only ones that bear on whether a hierarchical relation
is objectionable for social egalitarians. Consider Andersons contention that
even if the practice of racial segregation in American public schools had not
made black students feel a sense of inferiority to white students, [i]t would
still have been wrong to brand them as inferiors, as the system of racial segregation did.... on account of the principles of contempt or inferiority that it
expresses, whether or not it has a negative impact on others welfare.13 This
statement suggests that on social equality it is wrong to treat some persons as
inferior to others not only because of the negative psychological effects experienced by those treated that way.
But if we set aside how the participants of hierarchically structured relationships feel, on what further basis can we conclude that certain hierarchical
relationships problematically treat some as inferior while other hierarchical
relationships do not? For social egalitarians, particular hierarchical relations
are problematic in particular social contexts because, in those contexts, those
relations express inferiority. In explaining how this can happen, most authors
focus on relations in the state.14 These authors maintain that all fellow citizens
should enjoy equal standing.15 It is on this basis that social egalitarians take
issue with the unequal relations mentioned abovean unequal assignment
of political rights, segregation in public spaces, exclusion from participation
in civil society, and rigid socioeconomic class divisions. In their view, such
practices express the idea that some members of society are inferior to others,
thereby failing to treat them as equals vis--vis their fellow citizens.
These considerations suggest that the status of citizenship provides a baseline with reference to which members of a society are entitled to being treated
as equals. But why is citizenship key to this entitlement? That is, why should fellow citizens enjoy equal standing in relation to each other? The mere fact that
certain individuals happen to be formally accorded the status of citizenship
13
A nderson, Anderson replies to Arneson, Christiano, and Sobel, in Brown Electronic
Article Review Service, ed. Jamie Dreier and David Estlund (1999), http://www.brown.edu/
Departments/Philosophy/bears/9912ande.html. See also ONeill, What Should Egalitarians
Believe? 130 and Scheffler, Equality and Tradition, 228.
14
For instance, see Anderson, What Is the Point of Equality?; Miller, Equality and Justice;
Scanlon, The Diversity of Objections to Inequality; and Scheffler, Equality and Tradition.
15
See Miller, Equality and Justice, 33 and Scheffler, Equality and Tradition, 191 and 226.
Anderson too focuses mostly on the claims to equal standing of fellow citizens, although she
thinks that persons who are not fellow citizens may have such claims in relation to one another
as well. See What Is the Point of Equality? 316326.
191
seems irrelevant. For instance, even before 1868, when the American government first legally recognized African Americans as citizens, defenders of social
equality would have taken relations between blacks and whites in the United
States to qualify as objectionably inegalitarian. It appears, then, that the formal status of citizenship must be a placeholder for something more fundamental that characterizes the relationship between members of a society.
Part of what seems relevant here is that fellow citizens lives are characterized by dense interconnections with one another. Such interconnections
are the inevitable result of living under common institutional arrangements.
Within the context of the state, individuals are subject to the rules of background institutions that define the character of their political, social, and
economic interaction. Societys institutions pervasively shape the lives of
citizens by regulating their distributive entitlements, upholding their basic
rights, and defining their formal political and social standing. Subjection
to institutional terms that accounts for such interconnectedness is, for the
most part, unavoidable and nonvoluntary. It is not as though members of a
society choose for their lives to be intertwined or to participate in the aforementioned institutions.
It is because fellow citizens are deeply interconnected through institutions
and social practices that hierarchical relations between them have the potential to convey inferiority.16 This might explain why most authors who discuss
social equality take the ideal to concern the design of institutional rules and
social practices. That is, they take the call for treating individuals as equals
to primarily concern the relations in which individuals stand as participants
of structural practices.17 Moreover, since fellow citizens cannot help but partake in the structural practices that pervasively influence their lives, they
cannot avoid defining themselves in relation to one another. Between those
whose lives are bound together in this way, shared social meanings, attitudes,
M iller, Equality and Justice, 33; Scheffler, Equality and Tradition, 226228.
A nderson takes demands of social equality, in the first instance, to concern the design of
structural norms and practices in which individuals are enmeshed. In her view, how individuals
treat each other when taken in abstraction from the backdrop rules and norms that structure
their relationships is not of direct concern, on social equality. However, the demands of social
equality are borne indirectly by individuals in their capacities as participants of structural relations. And in this capacity, Anderson takes individuals to have obligations to justify the character of the rules and norms that they jointly partake in upholding and imposing on one another.
See Anderson, Equality, 42; What Is the Point of Equality? 313, 332, and 336; and The
Fundamental Disagreement between Luck Egalitarians and Relational Egalitarians, Canadian
Journal of Philosophy 36, sup. 1 (2012): 123. Miller, Scanlon, and Scheffler also focus on the
design of institutional rules and social norms in their discussions of social equality. But these
authors do not explicitly endorse the view that social egalitarianism concerns only individuals
structurally mediated relations.
16
17
192
and perceptions can play an important role in informing what it means for
them to enjoy equal standing vis--vis one another.18
Consider a few illustrations in support of this last claim. Anderson notes
that for an individual to enjoy equal standing in American society requires
literacy... it does not require literacy in any language other than English, nor
the ability to interpret obscure works on literary theory. In other countries,
multilingual literacy might be required for equal standing.19 In a similar vein,
Thomas Scanlon discusses the objectionable nature of significant economic
disparities as a result of which, some people experience shame and humiliation because they must live in a way that is far below what most people in the
society regard as minimally acceptable. 20 These examples suggest that social
egalitarian concerns arise in the state in part because individuals come to
define themselves vis--vis one another through shared norms in that context.
These reflections get us closer to what, for social egalitarians, is relevant
about citizenship. Demands of social equality arise in the state, it seems,
because of the dense and mostly unavoidable interconnections between fellow citizens. These considerations suggest an account of the grounds of social
equality (that is, of the basis on which the call for relations of equality arises
where it does):demands of social equality arise between individuals whose
lives are unavoidably interconnected by structural practices that pervasively
shape their interaction. This account provides an explanation of why individuals who share a state ought to relate as equals. Individuals so situated
owe one another justification for the terms that profoundly and unavoidably
characterize their interaction. Thus, it seems reasonably clear that, according to social egalitarians, it is (at least in part) facts about dense and largely
inescapable interconnectedness that explain why demands of social equality
arise in the state.
193
that such demands can arise between foreigners, might seem implausible.21 In
this section, Iwill explain why. That is, Iwill articulate reasons that might be
given for the view Ireject, that the call to structure relations on egalitarian
terms can arise only in the context of the state. 22
The relationship between fellow citizens differs markedly from the relationship between foreigners. There is no global equivalent of the state. To
begin with, there is no global society in which all individuals worldwide are
formally recognized as members. Moreover, there is no global association
in the context of which individuals from different states partake in a multitude of shared political, social, and economic practices that significantly
shape their day-to-day lives. Interaction between foreigners has a more fragmented character than interaction between fellow citizens. For example, a
Bangladeshi sweatshop worker may have no connections with her American
employers beyond the fact that she works for them. Likewise, the lives of seasonal migrant workers, fishermen affected by trade relations, and the manufacturers and consumers of generically produced drugs may not be densely
interconnected with those of foreigners. And while the states rules influence
most aspects of the lives of all of its citizens, the lives of some individuals
worldwide remain relatively unaffected by transnational rules and norms
despite increasing globalization.
Furthermore, although many foreigners interact and influence one another
in numerous ways, they might not see themselves as sharing in a common
life. More likely, they tend to feel a greater sense of belonging in their respective political societies, each with its distinctive cultural traditions, norms, and
practices. Foreigners often speak different languages, and social interaction
between them is typically minimal when compared to that between fellow citizens. For these reasons, foreigners might not feel a sense of mutual identification
21
Earlier (in footnote 1)Inoted that my use of the term foreigners includes two different
groups:first, individuals who reside in the same state but are not fellow citizens, and, second, individuals who are not fellow citizens and reside in different states. One might think that demands of
social equality arise between those in the first group but not between those in the second. In what
follows, however, Iargue that demands of social equality can arise in both cases. So, my argument about the scope of this ideal takes as its target those who maintain that social egalitarian
demands cannot arise between foreigners at all as well as those who take such demands to arise
only between foreigners who reside in the same state.
22
The reasons Iraise in this section for skepticism about social egalitarian demands arising
between foreigners are discussed by Miller, National Responsibility and Global Justice, 7779
and Satz, What Is the Point of International Equality? Comments of Darrel Moellendorf s
Cosmopolitan Justice, International Journal of Politics and Ethics 3, no. 2 (2003): 224239, at
229231 and 234235. See also Freeman, Justice and the Social Contract (New York: Oxford
University Press, 2007), 267273 and 294 on the distinctive nature of the relationship between
fellow citizens.
194
M ichael Blake appeals to this sort of reasoning in his Distributive Justice, State Coercion,
and Autonomy, Philosophy & Public Affairs 30, no. 3 (2002):257296, at 292.
23
195
of those parties. Thus, the idea that demands of social equality can arise between
foreigners appears to face significant challenges.
196
members of each have long been unaware of the others existence. The Bordurians
enjoy a much higher standard of living than the Syldavians, which is partly due
to the comparative abundance of valuable natural resources in the Bordurian territory. One day, a few Syldavians traverse the mountain and find themselves in
Borduria. These Syldavians, the first to make their way into Borduria, marvel at
how much better things are on this side of the mountain. Wandering into a vast
orchard, they stake a claim to a few small plots, which look rather neglected. After
the Syldavians have been tending to their newly acquired land for a few months,
some Bordurians inform them that they are trespassing and that if they do not
leave immediately the authorities will be called.
I am going to argue that social egalitarian demands arise between the
Bordurians and Syldavians. The first thing to notice is that the case is one in
which members of each society make competing claims to the use and ownership of the same material holdings. And this is significant. Whenever parties
are positioned to make such competing claims, addressing the given conflict
is, in a sense, unavoidable. It might seem otherwise. After all, such parties
could elect to leave each other alone, thereby retreating from their conflict.
For example, the Syldavians could abandon the orchards and return to their
home country. However, retreating is not neutral:it affects how the competing claims are resolved. The Syldavians taking that course of action settles
the conflict in the Bordurians favor. Effectively, then, retreating is a way of
addressing the competing claims. So, the question then arises of how individuals positioned to make such competing claims ought to address those claims. 25
This seems to be a case in which demands of social equality arise between
foreigners, given the reasoning sketched above that provides a basis for these
demands arising in the state. In the state, structural practices can undermine
the equal standing that ought to be enjoyed by fellow citizens by treating
some as inferior to others. So, for instance, on social equality, the practice of
race-based segregation in American schools is objectionable because it treats
Iam not claiming that in such cases parties who are positioned to make competing claims
cannot, as a practical matter, avoid the adoption of formal, publicly known, or settled institutional terms in order to resolve the conflict. Rather, Iclaim that in the face of competing claims,
at any given moment these claims will, as a matter of fact, be addressed in some way or another
whether by actions or omissions on the part of some or all of the involved parties. I take this
claim to hold in cases of ongoing disputes, in which at different points in time, different parties
might exercise de facto control over the material holdings at issue. This claim holds also in cases
in which there is no actual risk of conflict arising and consequently no apparent practical need
for parties to establish terms adjudicating between competing claims. Across these different scenarios, my basic point is that a subject matter of moral assessment necessarily obtains. That is,
the way in which competing claims are addressed stands in need of justification to the parties
involved in the conflict.
25
197
some citizens as inferior to others based on their skin color. But unequal relations can convey inferiority between parties who are not fellow citizens. This
can manifest itself in different ways.
Suppose that after the initial Syldavian explorers make their way into
Borduria, the Bordurians adopt strict border control policies that prevent
Syldavians from entering their society unless they are granted visas. Over the
following decades, the Bordurians and Syldavians forge various cross-border
economic ties. Sweatshop factories are established in Syldavia. These factories
draw on the cheap and abundant local labor force of Syldavia to manufacture
goods produced by Bordurian companies for Bordurian consumers. Further,
some Syldavians take up the lowest paying jobs in Borduria, as seasonal agricultural workers. These immigrants reside in slums populated only by other
Syldavians. Due to language barriers and their different customs, the Syldavian
immigrants are not integrated into the broader civil society of Borduria. They
feel a sense of isolation. Although they reside and work in Borduria for many
years, they are offered no path to citizenship and their children are not admitted to Bordurian public schools. The Bordurians look down on the Syldavian
immigrants and prefer to minimize interaction with them. They make no
effort to work toward greater social inclusion of these foreigners.
Suppose that the various cross-society economic practices, though mutually beneficial, disproportionately serve the Bordurians interests. Owing to
those practices, the average Bordurian consumer now has access to a wider
range of cheap manufactured goods, and the standard of living is improving
across the board for Bordurian citizens. By contrast, Syldavian citizens are
only slightly materially better off as a result of the cross-society arrangements.
As the lives of the Bordurians and Syldavians become more integrated over
the years, individuals from either society come to cultivate a stronger sense
of a shared identity. Prior to establishing these arrangements, the Syldavians
accepted their way of life, knowing no other possibility. Now they strive for
what the Bordurians have. But opportunities for social and economic advancement are lacking. As their interdependence grows over generations, the
increasing material disparity between members of either society results in the
Syldavians feeling as though they belong to a virtually inescapable underclass.
So, in this scenario, the Bordurians and Syldavians eventually develop
significant interconnections. And some of the unequal relations that emerge
between them may seem to objectionably convey inferiority to the Syldavians.
These inegalitarian relations may strike us as regrettable. But do these relations also violate constraints that social equality places on how these parties
may permissibly treat one another? That is, are the Syldavians owed that which
would enable them to relate on more egalitarian terms to the Bordurians? They
are. The case is similar in all morally relevant respects to the case of American
198
199
200
201
Iam grateful to the editors of this volume for raising this objection.
202
how distributive entitlements are determined does not arise simply because
some people happen to be positioned to make competing claims to some good.
Instead, what may seem to matter is whether people have legitimate standing
to make competing claims in the first place.
I agree that if my account of grounds (combined with claims about the value
of reducing the inequality in this case, which can be granted for the sake of
argument) leads to the conclusion that my neighbor is the rightful owner of my
bicycle, then the account should probably be rejected. Fortunately, my account
does not have that consequence. My account does imply that my neighbor is
owed justification for how the dispute over the bicycle is settled. But that justification does not in the first instance concern our competing claims over the
bicycle taken in isolation from the design of the background institutions of our
society. Rather, the justification directly concerns the design of background
institutions that regulate property rights. Consequently, if the rules of my
societys property rights system are justified, then they provide a basis for the
justification that my neighbor is owed. And on those terms (assuming they are
justified), she does not have a legitimate claim to take my bicycle because Iam
recognized as its rightful owner.
A different objection is that my argument focuses too much on individuals and fails to give sufficient attention to the rights of political societies.
For example, much of my discussion centers on the competing claims that
Syldavian citizens are positioned to make to the distributive holdings claimed
by Bordurian citizens. In focusing on the property rights of Bordurian citizens
that are enforced against Syldavian citizens, the objection runs, Ihave ignored
a more fundamental right that is enforced against those Syldavian citizens:the
territorial right of the Bordurian society at large. Unlike property rights of
individuals, which are a matter of the ownership and use of material holdings,
territorial rights claimed by states have a broader scope.28 Territorial rights are
generally taken to consist of three main components that apply within specified boundaries:a jurisdictional right to impose laws, a right to use and control
territory and natural resources, and a right to exclude outsiders from entry.29
Shifting the focus from individuals property rights to states territorial
rights potentially introduces morally relevant considerations that have thus far
been absent from my discussion. Some authors argue that the exercise of territorial rights enables states to provide morally valuable goods for their members. Different accounts of the morally valuable goods that states provide their
members have been defendedincluding, for instance, self-determination,
See, for instance, Freeman, Justice and the Social Contract, 286 and 307308.
My characterization of territorial rights is based on David Millers in Territorial
Rights:Concept and Justification, Political Studies 60, no. 2 (2012):252268, at 252253.
28
29
203
the protection of autonomy and basic rights, and the realization of distributive
justice. 30 The defense of territorial rights grounded in these sorts of considerations takes the following general form. 31 Call the given morally valuable good
or set of goods that a state secures, or is positioned to secure, x. Astates ability
to realize x for its members depends on its ability to exercise a territorial right,
which entails the imposition of some claims on outsiders. Thus, to the extent
that a state does, or is positioned to, secure x for members, it is justified in exercising a territorial right against outsiders. And if a state is justified in exercising
a territorial right against outsiders, then it seems to follow that the state would
not owe justification to those outsiders for the character of cross-society relations that may emerge based on its legitimate exercise of that right.
But this objection is no more convincing than the first. The first point to
note about this sort of defense is that the territorial rights of states that it delivers are prima facie rights. And this is just what we would expect. For defenders
of territorial rights, that a state secures x for its members does not imply that
it enjoys an unconditional territorial rightfor instance, permitting a state to
claim as much territory as it pleases regardless of the implications this would
have for outsiders. 32 Rather, how far-reaching a states territorial right is must
be sensitive to concerns about how those against whom it is enforced would
be affected. So, taking states territorial rights rather than individuals property rights as a starting point does not undermine my claim that foreigners are
owed a justification for how they are affected by the claims imposed on them.
Moreover, it is instructive to note that, from the perspective of parties
like the Syldavians, it will likely make little difference whether we focus on
the claims imposed on them by the Bordurian states territorial right or by
Bordurian citizens property rights. In either case, the Syldavians may be prevented from using or taking any material goods in Borduria and from entering
the Bordurian territory except as permitted by Bordurian immigration laws.
Since in shifting focus to territorial rights a demand for justification to foreigners still arises, what we must assess is the basis for concluding that considerations of social equality would not be a part of that justification. Isee no
good reason to draw that conclusion. If one believes otherwise, then perhaps
Some authors take a states territorial right to derive from the rights of individual members
of that state, while others focus on the rights of collective units, such as nations.
31
Ifocus only on the general form of the argument and do not engage with particular details
of different versions of it. See the following defenses of states territorial rights:Miller, National
Responsibility and Global Justice; Cara Nine, Global Justice and Territory (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2012); A.J. Simmons, On the Territorial Rights of States, Philosophical
Issues 11, no. 1 (2001): 300326; and Anna Stilz, Why Do States Have Territorial Rights?
International Theory 1, no. 2 (2009):185213.
32
See, for instance, Miller, National Responsibility and Global Justice, 221.
30
204
one is reasoning as follows. Making a states exercise of its territorial right conditional on its satisfying cross-society demands of social equality could undermine that states capacity to secure x for its members. For instance, suppose
that on social equality the Bordurians must adopt measures enabling much
greater social integration of Syldavian immigrants in their society. And the
adoption of such measures could place a significant strain on the Bordurians
capacity to preserve culturally distinctive traditions that are important to
their community. In this sort of case, it appears that satisfying social egalitarian demands could infringe on their self-determination. 33
My reply to this move is two-fold. First, this concern about social egalitarian demands applying between foreigners is a conditional one. It applies
only in scenarios in which striving for egalitarian relations between foreigners
would actually conflict with a states ability to secure x. But, conceivably, there
are cases in which the pursuit of more egalitarian relations between foreigners
would not clash with those other values. For instance, it seems possible that
the social inclusion of Syldavians could be promoted without infringing on the
Bordurians exercise of self-determination. For the objection to threaten my
argument, it would have to be shown that demands of social equality necessar
ily conflict with the realization of x. And that seems doubtful.
Second, even in cases in which the pursuit of social equality between foreigners would come into conflict with the realization of x, it is not clear that
this would provide a basis for concluding that the demands of social equality do not arise in that context. Ido not suggest that the call for egalitarian
relations categorically trumps other moral considerations. Itake the value of
egalitarian relations to play a constitutive role, alongside other values, in justifying terms that regulate interaction across (and within) societies. 34 In this
regard, my defense of social egalitarian demands arising between foreigners (if they arise between fellow citizens) is modest. Accordingly, in cases of
conflict, Ithink we must consider what is at stake in promoting one value at
the expense of another. It seems that social egalitarian considerations should
count for something. Plausibly, if terms to which individuals are unavoidably
subject perpetuate deeply inegalitarian relationships between them, then
those terms are in that respect unjustified to those who are treated as inferior,
Christopher Heath Wellman defends this sort of line in his Immigration and Freedom
of Association, Ethics 119, no. 1 (2008): 109141. Based on the value of self-determination,
Wellman argues that legitimate states have a right to close their borders and thereby exclude
foreigners with whom their members do not wish to interact.
34
Other social egalitarians endorse the view that values besides that of seeking egalitarian relations are relevant to working out what individuals owe one another. See, for instance,
Anderson, Expanding the Egalitarian Toolbox:Equality and Bureaucracy, Aristotelian Society
Supplementary Volume 82, no. 1 (2008):139160, at 144 n.4.
33
205
and perhaps also to the others. So, the onus seems to fall on my opponent to
explain why considerations of social equality should be given no weight at all
in justifying such terms.
Consider a different challenge to the claim that demands of social equality can arise between foreigners. One might hold that these demands arise in
the state, but not beyond it, based on the distinctive nature of cooperation
in the state. 35 This challenge begins with the observation that cooperation in
the state makes possible the secure enjoyment of significant economic and
social gains for citizens. Since such cooperation is sustained by fellow citizens,
it seems plausible that those citizens are jointly entitled to the gains thereof.
So, each individual ought to be positioned to participate on equal footing with
her fellow citizens in sharing in those gains in virtue of such cooperative relations, rather than relations of interconnectedness more generally.
However, foreigners who are positioned to make competing claims do not
appear to cooperate in an analogous way:theres no cross-society cooperation
that produces social and economic gains on a par with those made possible by
domestic cooperation. Consequently, cross-society demands of social equality might be rejected as there seem to be no cooperative gains with respect to
which foreigners have claims to being treated as equals. Even if the inegalitarian relations that arise between foreigners are unfortunate, requiring those in
better-off societies to remedy those relations would problematically infringe
on their entitlements to the gains of domestic cooperation.
One response to this objection is to reject the premise that the social
and economic gains enjoyed by members of one society do not rely on the
cooperation of foreigners. As Iargued in section 9.4, once individuals from
Borduria and Syldavian are positioned to make competing claims, it seems
that the Bordurians secure enjoyment of their property as defined by the
Bordurian government depends on Syldavians compliance with that property rights scheme. From that point forward, the Bordurians ongoing enjoyment of their material holdings is made possible partly by the Syldavians
compliance with the arrangement that defines and upholds Bordurians
property rights. So, it seems that the Bordurians owe the Syldavians justification for the terms for which their compliance is demanded. Thus, even if
domestic factors, such as the efforts of Bordurian citizens and the design of
their societys institutions, play an important role in explaining their enjoyment of certain benefits, the cooperation of foreigners seems to be an additional relevant factor that enables their enjoyment of the same.
For defense of this sort of reasoning, see John Rawls, The Law of Peoples (Cambridge
M.A: Harvard University Press, 1999), 113119 and Freeman, Justice and the Social Contract,
305307.
35
206
Even so, the proponent of this objection may respond, it still seems that less is
owed to foreigners than to ones fellow citizens since cross-society cooperation
is much less robust than domestic cooperation. This is because the background
institutions of the state profoundly and pervasively affect citizens lives, while
cross-society rules and norms do not. In a characteristic articulation of this
view, Samuel Freeman writes of the state context, [i]t is not just fiscal policies,
taxation, public goods, and welfare policies... more basically, it is political decisions about the multiplicity of property rules and economic norms and institutions that make possible these policies, and economic and social cooperation as
well.36 He continues, noting that global norms pale in comparison.37 Thus, it
follows that significantly less weighty obligations arise between foreigners than
between fellow citizens. Indeed, those who point to the disanalogous nature of
cross-society cooperation generally argue that foreigners are owed consideration
only for their absolute levels of well-being and not more.38
The reasoning here seems to be that the comparatively laissez-faire nature of
cross-society cooperation justifies less demanding obligations arising between
foreigners than between fellow citizens. But that reasoning is suspicious.
Consider how analogous reasoning could be invoked to justify less demanding
obligations arising in the libertarians favored nightwatchman statethat is, a
state that carries out the sole function of enforcing a libertarian property rights
schemethan in a social welfare state. In the libertarian state, imagine that a
social policy is proposed that would raise income taxes for wealthy citizens for
the purpose of bringing about greater social mobility for societys poorest members. Arich citizen might protest this policy by pointing to the apparently minimal level of cooperation between her and the poor:I earned my wealth through
my own hard work. All that my poor fellow citizens did was comply with the
states property rights laws. In return, it seems absurd that they should have a
claim to a hefty proportion of my earnings to enable their participation as equals
in society. Instead, all they are owed by me is what they already enjoy:that I, in
turn, respect their property rights.
I will not rehearse here familiar considerations advanced against such libertarian reasoning when appealed to in the state context. For present purposes, it
Freeman, Justice and the Social Contract, 306.
Ibid.
38
Variants of this claim are defended in the literature. Blake, Sangiovanni, and Nagel maintain that badly-off individuals have claims on outsiders only to that which they need to avoid
threats to the fulfillment of their basic needs. See Blake, Distributive justice, State Coercion,
and Autonomy; Andrea Sangiovanni, Global Justice, Reciprocity, and the State, Philosophy
& Public Affairs 35, no. 1 (2007): 329; and Thomas Nagel, The Problem of Global Justice,
Philosophy & Public Affairs 36, no. 2 (2008):113147. In a similar vein, in The Law of Peoples,
Rawls argues that worse-off states are owed assistance only up to the level at which they are able
to establish minimally decent social institutions.
36
37
207
is enough to note that those who would reject demands of social equality arising between foreigners based on this reasoning reject the application of such
reasoning when applied within the state. Thus, if they wish to apply parallel
reasoning in cross-society cases, they should explain why it does not fall prey
to parallel objections.
It may be argued that in the cross-society context less weighty demands
than those that arise in the state would be embraced not only by members of
better-off states but also by members of worse-off states. Perhaps this claim
would be defended on the grounds that all individuals would favor the greater
scope for political autonomy afforded to states by such a system. But if we give
serious consideration to the perspective of those, like the Syldavians, whose
interaction with foreigners potentially would be predicated on deeply unequal
terms, the plausibility of that claim seems questionable. Granting the, perhaps
dubious, claim that those in worse-off states would actually enjoy the posited
benefit of a laissez-faire cross-society system, would that benefit be worth the
cost of such unequal relationships for them? Again, why the value of egalitarian relations ought to be given no weight against these other considerations in
the cross-society context would need to be explained.
9.7Conclusion
Social egalitarians take issue with a wide range of hierarchical practices that
treat some people as inferior to others. On the ideal of social equality, the
call for realizing egalitarian relations concerns how individuals ought to live
together with respect to the design of the structural practices that characterize their interaction. Typically, this ideal is discussed as it applies in the context of the state to the relations between fellow citizens. In this essay, Ihave
argued that the considerations that social egalitarians advance in support of
demands of social equality arising between fellow citizens provide a basis for
those demands also arising between individuals who do not share a state. 39
39
Other discussions of how social egalitarian concerns may arise outside of the state do not,
for the most part, address the issue of grounds that Iexplore in this essay. For instance, see Beitz,
Does Global Inequality Matter? ONeill, What Should Egalitarians Believe? and my Equal
Standing in the Global Community. On these views, inegalitarian relations between foreigners
may be regarded as morally bad, but they do not further provide a basis for those relations being
wrong or for holding particular agents responsible for addressing them. One important exception
to this general tendency is Norman, The Social Basis of Equality. Norman takes demands of
social equality to have application beyond state borders based on facts about global cooperation.
On this basis, he takes unequal cooperative relations to reflect wrongdoing that implicates the
participants of those relationships. My view is similar to his, though Idevote greater attention
than he does to sketching this sort of account in detail.
208
Acknowledgments
I am very grateful to Torin Alter for numerous useful discussions and for providing extensive feedback on several drafts of this essay. Ialso benefitted from
helpful conversations with Cory Aragon and Max Cherem.
10
10.1Introduction
My task in this essay is to attempt to clarify the theory of social equality. In
section 10.2, Ishow how defenders of social equality distinguish their position
from that of distributive equality. However, although defenders of social equality are clear, at least in outline, about what they oppose, it is less clear how the
ideal of social equality should be articulated, as I explain in section 10.3. In
section 10.4, Iintroduce an idea from Amartya Sen:that the task for political
philosophers is not to articulate an ideal of justice, but rather to identify manifest injustices and, if possible help to derive solutions to remedy such injustices.1 Iattempt to apply this insight to the topic of social inequality, for if Sen is
right then what appeared to be a defect turns out to be a strength. Section 10.5
explores whether such an idea can be defended in philosophical terms, presenting the thesis that social equality is variably or multiply realizable, while section 10.6 identifies what Iclaim to be a manifest injustice, and also a manifest
social inequality, in contemporary society:the case of benefit cheats, many of
whom, on my account, suffer from severe disadvantage. Section 10.7 concludes.
Amartya Sen, The Idea of Justice (Cambridge, MA:Harvard University Press, 2009).
209
210
from Marx is that the proceeds of labour belong undiminished with equal
right to all members of society.
After some nitpicking about the word undiminished Marx writes,
But one man is superior to another physically, or mentally, and supplies more labour in the same time, or can labour for a longer time;
and labour, to serve as a measure, must be defined by its duration or
intensity, otherwise it ceases to be a standard of measurement. This
equal right is an unequal right for unequal labour... Right, by its very
nature, can consist only in the application of an equal standard; but
unequal individuals (and they would not be different individuals if
they were not unequal) are measurable only by an equal standard
insofar as they are brought under an equal point of view, are taken
from one definite side only... Further, one worker is married, another
not; one has more children than another, and so on and so forth. Thus,
with an equal performance of labour, and hence an equal share in the
social consumption fund, one will in fact receive more than another,
one will be richer than another, and so on. To avoid all these defects,
right, instead of being equal, would have to be unequal.2
On the basis of the argument that if we are to make people equal in one respect
we are very likely to make them unequal in another Marx apparently concludes
that, therefore, it is a mistake to try to build a social program on the notion
of equality. Around a hundred years later both Amartya Sen3 and Ronald
Dworkin4 rediscovered Marxs central observation. However, rather than taking it as a reason to abandon the idea of equality, they took it as the start of a
research program to capture the true nature of egalitarianism. In laying down
the challenge of discovering what Cohen was later to call The Currency of
Egalitarian Justice,5 they set the agenda for analytic thinking about equality,
following typical patterns of analytical philosophy in which theorists provide
counterexamples to alternative theories and defend their own against such
examples by introducing distinctions, refinements and complications.
K arl Marx, Critique of the Gotha Programme, in The Marx/Engels Reader, ed. Robert
C.Tucker, second edition (NewYork:Norton, 1978), 525542, at 530531.
3
A martya Sen, Equality of What? in Tanner Lectures on Human Values, Vol. I., ed. S.M.
McMurrin (Salt Lake City:University of Utah Press; and Cambridge, UK:Cambridge University
Press, 1980), 195220.
4
R onald Dworkin, What Is Equality? Part 1: Equality of Welfare, Philosophy & Public
Affairs, 10, no. 3 (1981):228240, and Ronald Dworkin What Is Equality? Part2:Equality of
Resources, Philosophy & Public Affairs, 10, no. 4 (1981):283345.
5
G .A. Cohen, On the Currency of Egalitarian Justice, Ethics 99, no. 4 (1989):906944.
2
S o c i a l E q u a l i t y a n d S o c i a l I n e q u a l i t y
211
6Ibid., 906.
7R.H. Tawney, Equality (London:George Allen and Unwin, 1931).
8Ibid., 198.
9Tawney, Equality, 193. For contemporary discussion of the issues see Michael Marmot
and Richard Wilkinson, ed., The Social Determinants of Health:The Solid Facts (Oxford:Oxford
University Press, 2005).
10
Tawney, Equality, 300301.
11
Ibid., 92
12
Ibid., 24.
13
Ibid., 41.
14
Ibid., 291.
212
are not like this; where it is possible to increase the stockor indeed diminish
itsimply by the way we act towards each other and the attitudes we take to
one another. Friendship is one such example; a feeling of security and belonging is another. Hence, from this point of view, it seems bizarre that we spend
so much effort working out how to divide scarce goods when, if we get things
right, we can make more for everyone. But how? Ill come back to this shortly.
Tawney was particularly impressed with and influenced by the work of
Matthew Arnold, who, in the late nineteenth century, had written about the
religion of inequality that Tawney in the 1930s, felt still afflicted British society.15 Of course maldistribution of resources was a problem, but both Arnold
and Tawney felt that class divisions in their contemporary societies (albeit
decades apart) were so extreme that one could hardly talk about a single society. The privileged lived apart from the poor, shopped in different streets, sent
their children to different schools, and had no leisure interests in common.
Even as children the ruling classes did not meet and mix with the people that
they would eventually govern. It is this notion of social inequality that they
find so offensive, and contrasts, at least in Arnolds mind, with a rather romanticized view of French society where aristocrat and peasant can converse happily with each other and make the same sort of demands on life.16
Even those who seek social equality cannot ignore material issues. Tawney,
as we have seen, writes extensively about material deprivation. But to a certain
socialist tradition the idea of achieving a desirable form of society by insisting on something like equality of resources is deeply mistaken. For there is an
egalitarian tradition that questions the value of material resources, and especially the culture of consumption. A good life is one of friendship, creation
and appreciation of art and literature, development of creativity, and mutual
support. Of course resources are prerequisites of these activities, but those
Matthew Arnold, Mixed Essays (Toronto:Bastian Books, [1879] 2008).
Arnold, Mixed Essays, 72. Interestingly, George Orwell wrote in the early 1940s that British
life was becoming less class divided:
I maintain that the class distinctions in a country like England are now so unreal that they
cannot last much longer. Fifty years ago or even twenty years ago, a factory worker and a small
professional man, for instance, were very different kinds of creature. Nowadays they are very
much alike, though they may not realize it. They see the same films and listen to the same radio
programmes, and they wear very similar clothes and live in very similar houses. What used to be
called a proletarian what Marx would have meant by a proletarian only exists now in the heavy
industries and on the land. George Orwell, The Proletarian Writer, in Collected Essays Volume
2: My Country Right or Left, 194043 (London: Penguin, 1970), 56. See also the very similar
remarks in The Lion and Unicorn, Collected Essays Volume 2, 97.
Note that Orwell was writing during the second world war, at a time when the only domestic
radio service available was the BBC Home Service, broadcasting just one channel. There was,
therefore, no option but to listen to the same programs.
15
16
S o c i a l E q u a l i t y a n d S o c i a l I n e q u a l i t y
213
who think that we must equalize resources are missing the point and falling
into a form of fetishism. This view, associated with William Morris17 and John
Ruskin,18 is that material resources are a snare and a distraction; the distributive view, by contrast, seems to be that they are so important that they need to
be shared out equally.
214
discuss these issues at length, setting out a view she calls democratic equality
offering equality in the space of capabilities.26 However, Anderson is clear
that, in order not to be overly intrusive, governments have reason to concern
themselves only with a limited range of capabilities that fall into two groups.
First, those capabilities that enable people to escape oppressive relations; and
second, those that are necessary to allow people to function as equal citizens,
as exclusion from the political life of a community reduces people to the status
of second-class citizens.27 Andersons positive account, then, is suffused with
conditions that are to be avoidedoppression, second-class statusrather
than an independent characterization of the content of equal social relations. 28
And indeed my own attempt to come to a view of social equality is clearer in its
opposition to clustering of disadvantage than it is in its positive view, which
is little more than the negation of the negation. 29
The abiding problem, therefore, for social egalitarians has been to provide
an account of what egalitarian social relations are. Distributive egalitarians
have been able to say what is to be distributed and to what patternequality
of resources, or equal opportunity for welfare, for exampleand to develop
their theories in detail, analyzing key concepts, and providing examples of
what their theories prescribe in practical dilemmas. Social equality has not
provided an equivalent. 30 And here the great theorists of social equality are
little help. Tawney wears his Christian Socialism fairly lightly, yet the tendency of his view would see a society of equals as one as extending Christian
notions of universal love to all. This is a paradigm of a good where to divide is
not to take away. Yet it is a demanding goal with limited appeal or relevance
in large-scale secular society. Morris and Ruskin, so it seems, would like to
return to something like feudal production with guilds of art workers, which
again hardly seems appropriate for large-scale, multicultural, industrial, or
indeed postindustrial society. Notions of civic friendship could be helpful to
I bid., What Is the Point of Equality? 316.
Ibid., 317.
28
To be fair to Anderson, the notion of a community in which people can justify their actions
to each other is also central to her picture. My point is not that her vision is entirely one of avoiding negatives but only that it is very difficult to say very much more about the positive content of
social equality and it is natural for social egalitarians to fall into talk of what they wish to avoid.
29
Jonathan Wolff and Avner de-Shalit, Disadvantage (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
2007).
30
For similar observations, see Carina Fourie, What Is Social Equality? An Analysis of Status
Equality as a Strongly Egalitarian Ideal, Res Publica 18, no. 2 (2012):107126. Another theorist who has characterized equality in largely negative terms is T.M. Scanlon, The Diversity of
Objections to Equality, in The Difficulty of Tolerance (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,
2003). For discussion of Scanlons views, see my Scanlon on Social and Material Inequality,
Journal of Moral Philosophy 10, no. 4 (2013) 406425.
26
27
S o c i a l E q u a l i t y a n d S o c i a l I n e q u a l i t y
215
elucidate the idea of egalitarian social relations, but still seem fairly weak as an
ideal. Perhaps the idea of solidarity could be useful for further development,
yet on its own offers little illumination. 31
216
S o c i a l E q u a l i t y a n d S o c i a l I n e q u a l i t y
217
36
For identification of the thesis of the priority of justice over injustice as a possible fallacy see
Judith Shklar, The Faces of Injustice (New Haven:Yale University Press, 1990), 15. Her point is
that philosophers have tended to ignore injustice, perhaps wrongly thinking that once we know
what justice is, we know all we need to know. Shklar asks, however, whether we should not think
of experiences of injustice as independent phenomena in their own right (p.16). Philosophy,
says Shklar, ignores injustice while history and literature deal with little else. See also Stuart
Hampshire, Justice as Conflict (London:Duckworth, 1999).
37
Amartya Sen, Poverty and Famines (Oxford:Oxford University Press, 1981).
38
A martya Sen, More than 100 Million Women are Missing, New York Review of Books,
37, December 20, 1990. Note that the demographics were distorted well before the widespread
adoption of ultrasound, which has made selective abortion an option.
218
that these previously hidden or masked situations, when exposed and brought to
full attention, will immediately elicit a judgment of clear injustice.
Consider how one makes such judgments. It does not seem to be the case
that one consciously recalls a theory of justice as a template and then considers
the examples against the template. Rather it just seems obvious that something
has gone seriously wrong in a world in which such things take place, and steps
should be taken, if only that were possible, to remedy the situation. Now, the
phenomenology of making the judgment, it has to be conceded, is not a decisive
argument that no theory of justice is being utilized in making the judgment. It
may well be that ones account of justice is so well ingrained that it can be applied
without recalling it in thought, especially in easy cases. Atheory of unconscious
recall could be used. By analogy, think of the intuitive grasp of grammar people
typically have over their mother tongue. An ability to identify and correct errors
typically far outstrips the ability to articulate the correct grammatical rule, but
few would doubt that the rule is being used at some subconscious or preconscious level. Or, perhaps more plausibly, rather than using a theory of unconscious recall in the case of justice, it may just be we realize that we do not need to
appeal to any particular theory of justice as pretty much any reasonable theory
would condemn the situation. In either case there is priority to the notion of justice over the idea of injustice, although it does not have to be expressed. Yet it
would be dogmatic to insist that there must be a positive theory, or numerous
theories, in play without considering further possibilities, and this is what Iwant
to do next, in fact by drawing on other areas of philosophy.
Why would we want to insist that in order to make a judgment of injustice it
is necessary to have a theory of justice, however implicit or inchoate? It appears
that such insistence rests on two assumptions:first, that we can make a clear distinction between positive and negative concepts and, second, that the positive has logical, conceptual, or epistemological priority over the negative. In fact
it is the epistemological thesis that is most clearly under consideration here:that
one can only know the negative by knowing the positive, although the epistemological thesis itself is likely to be based on a claim of conceptual or logical priority,
which is the more fundamental issue. But is it true that there is a clear distinction
between negative and positive concepts, and that the positive has epistemological
(or conceptual) priority? Both premises, in fact, can be challenged.
First, is there a genuine distinction between positive and negative concepts?39 Where two terms are exclusive, there may be pragmatic reasons why
it is easier to treat one of the two terms as dominant in the relation, but, at
least at the level of language, it could equally be an accident of usage. We
define injustice as not justice, but could we have not used different words
39
For related discussion see A.J. Ayer, Negation, Journal of Philosophy 49, no. 26 (1952):797815.
S o c i a l E q u a l i t y a n d S o c i a l I n e q u a l i t y
219
that would have had the effect that justice meant not injustice?40 In reply,
however, it will be said that while it is not obvious that justice must have
logical priority over injustice, surely equality has logical priority over
inequality? But this, in turn, implies that sameness has logical priority
over difference, which could be contested. For one thing, it could plausibly be said that we do not recognize sameness until we are confronted with
difference. For another, we could replace the term socially unequal with
the term divided and socially equal with undivided. Does divided
then become the dominant term in the relationship, expressing the positive
concept?
Presumably, however, surface grammar does not settle anything, and
Iwill not press this objection further. Instead, for the purposes of the argument, Iwill accept that there is a distinction between positive and negative
terms. However, Ido want to contest the claim that the positive always has
epistemological and conceptual priority over the negative. And to obtain
support for my position, I want to turn to a somewhat unlikely place: J.L.
Austins Sense and Sensibilia.41 In this work of painstaking ordinary language
philosophy, Austin, in Chapter VII, turns, grandly, to a discussion of the
nature of reality, which, predictably, turns into an investigation of the word
real. Taking as an example real colour Austin suggests that a straightforward definition could be the colour that [an object] looks to a normal
observer in conditions of normal or standard illumination.42 Yet he immediately points out that when someone remarks that isnt the real colour of her
hair, the question is not about how it appears, but rather whether it is dyed.43
In this case, real contrasts not with a generic unreal but with a very specific way of not being real. Out hunting one hunter might ask another is that
a real duck? not knowing where the decoys had been set.44 Back at high table
in the 1950s one fellow might ask another is this real cream?,45 resigned to
the dismal fact that once again the college has only been able to obtain the
artificial variety. But artificial cream, decoy ducks and dyed hair are still real
objects. And illusions, hallucinations, and afterimages are only each unreal
in a very specific sense, different to each other.
40
Th is is, of course, an oversimplification. not justice can also mean not an appropriate
subject for discourse about justice:a point that turns out to be important in the debate about
Marxs views of capitalism, communism and injustice. See Steven Lukes, Marxism, Morality
and Justice, in Marx and Marxisms, ed. G.H.R. Parkinson (Cambridge:Cambridge University
Press, 1982).
41
J.L. Austin, Sense and Sensibilia (Oxford:Oxford University Press, 1962).
42
Ibid., 65.
43
Ibid., 65.
44
Ibid., 67, 69.
45
Ibid., 64.
220
46
S o c i a l E q u a l i t y a n d S o c i a l I n e q u a l i t y
221
48
222
For brief elaboration, see Jonathan Wolff and Avner de-Shalit, On Fertile
Functionings:AResponse to Martha Nussbaum, Journal of Human Development and Capabilities
14, no. 1 (2013):161165.
S o c i a l E q u a l i t y a n d S o c i a l I n e q u a l i t y
223
A similar point has been made in the development literature. One of the
problems for people in poverty is that the options they may have even to sustain a very low level of well-being have narrow margins of error and irreversible
consequences. 52 It is like trying to overcome poverty by walking a tightrope
over a ravine. For example, one of the more surprising statistics in world
health is that one of the most common causes of death for young men in the
developing world is drowning (this does not include drowning in floods). 53
Presumably a significant proportion of these deaths are fishing accidents of
various kinds:risky paths with low margins of error and the most irreversible
of consequences. Conversely, part of what it is to be comfortable is for ones
risk taking to be underwritten by a safety net. The children of the affluent middle classes can try their hands as poets, film makers, minor entrepreneurs and
so on, but if it all goes wrong little is lost except face. To be comfortable is to be
able to bounce back from lifes reversals. To be severely disadvantaged is to be
in the opposite situation:one that is very fragile.
The case of benefit cheats, I would contend is a situation of manifest
injustice. As noted it is not as striking as Sens examples of famines or missing
women, but then examples of injustice in the developed world are likely to be
less striking than those on a global scale. Nevertheless, Ithink it is hard for
anyone to consider the case just made and conclude it is perfectly reasonable
that those who cannot find a job must choose between crushing and humiliating poverty or breaking the law. I can imagine someone trying to argue
that Ihave the proportions wrong, and most benefit cheats are not as Ihave
described. Or someone arguing that any attempt to reform the situation will
make things worse in some way. But Ifind it hard to think of people who could
accept the description and think there is not even reason to consider reform of
the welfare state.
Notice, as with Sens examples, one does not come to the conclusion that
this is a situation of injustice by applying a template of justice. Rather the judgment is fairly instinctive. However, Iam offering the case not only as an example of manifest injustice but of one of manifest social inequality. Is that also
so apparent? Again Ifeel there is little difficulty. Agroup of people face a very
difficult situation, which is broadly ignored, or even made worse, by the ruling powers. In a generally affluent society a considerable group of people have
been unable to find work, or at least have not found work that offers decent
pay and conditions. Luckily they do not have to starve or beg, for there is a
52
M . Bertrand, S. Mullainathan, and E. Shafir, A Behavioral-Economics View of Poverty,
American Economic Review, 94, no. 2 (2004):419v423.
53
World Health Organization, Drowning, Fact Sheet no.237 (2012). http://www.who.int/
mediacentre/factsheets/fs347/en/.
224
social safety net. The safety net, though, provides a bare minimum, and anyone
who has a normal set of interests, desires and social commitments will find it
very difficult to do more than pay for the bare necessities of providing basic
food, housing and clothing. Anything morean occasional night out, gifts for
friends and family members, provision for emergenciesis very difficult or
perhaps even ruled out completely, at least by legal means.
It is not surprising, therefore, that anyone in this positionwhoever they
are and whatever background they come fromwill consider resorting to illegal means, such as working for cash in cleaning jobs or on a market stall, buying goods suspected to be stolen, shoplifting from a supermarket, fiddling an
electricity meter, or driving without insurance. Although no one is literally
forced to do any of these things, the alternative, if no work can be found, is to
live a barely human existence. It is reasonable, therefore, to talk of people who
are socially excluded, albeit unwittingly. No deliberate effort is made to shun
people who have to try to live on welfare benefits; they are not like an ethnic
group who suffer from discrimination. Yet the way society is structured means
they are unable to conform to its norms of behavior. If they want to meet one
norm of normal life they need more money and to get that they need to break
another norm of law-abiding behavior.
I should add the further point, however, that Iam not here arguing that we
should allow things to continue as they are, but show mercy when benefit cheats
are caught. Rather we need to rethink laws and structures. Perhaps we can allow
those claiming benefits to earn a certain level of income before they lose any
benefits at all. (This is known as a disregard and in current welfare systems
are typically trivial. My argument would be for a substantial disregard, which
would decriminalize a large number of people.) Or perhaps other creative
schemes could be devised. My point is that we live in a society of significant
social inequality for as long as we tolerate the current situation. And, consistent
with the general picture provided in this essay, Iwould be happy to concede that
there are many different ways in which the problem could be solved.
10.7Conclusion
My main concern in this essay has been to try to understand what it is to live
in a society of social equality. It has seemed an embarrassment to theorists
of social equality that it has proven much easier to say what we are against
than what we are for. We oppose snobbery, servility, discrimination, hierarchy,
oppression, exploitation, and exclusion. It has been hard to come up with a convincing account of what, positively, we want. My argument, however, is that
this is just how it should be:a society of social equality avoids social inequality,
S o c i a l E q u a l i t y a n d S o c i a l I n e q u a l i t y
225
and there are many different ways of doing that. The project of seeking a positive model of social equality can certainly be pursued, and attractive visions
may be achievable. Isuggest, however, that it is unlikely that any detailed positive account will command wide assent among those who favor social equality.
Acknowledgments
This essay has developed over a number of years in response to many comments received at presentations of earlier drafts at Harvard, Bristol, Leiden,
Paris, Durham, Oxford, Brighton, Istanbul, Dublin, UCL, Cambridge and
elsewhere. Im very grateful to the many people who may recognize responses
to their criticisms, ideas, and suggestions in this resulting version. Im particularly grateful to Adina Preda for discussions leading to the final version and for
the editors of this volume for their very helpful comments.
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B i b l i o g ra p h y
235
IN DEX
Canada, 186
care, 11, 66, 7380, 85
237
2 38 I n d e x
democracy, 217
contestatory, 57
justice-based relational egalitarianism on, 154
radical egalitarianism on, 8283, 84, 85
in the workplace, 11617
Democracy in America (Tocqueville), 157
democratic equality, 214
dependency, 54. See also interdependence
difference principle, 49, 66, 76, 81, 131
Dillon, Robin S., 69
disabled citizens, 189
disadvantage
clustering of, 214
distributive views of, 46
as injustice, 131, 133, 134, 138, 142
severe, 22124
disaffiliation, 61, 6263
discourse-friendly relationships, 54
discrimination, 17071, 172, 173
discursive control, 54
disregards (welfare system), 224
distributive equality/justice, 1, 2, 511, 13, 214.
See also luck egalitarianism; numerical
equality; proportional equality
care and, 74, 7778
criticisms of, 22
distributive patterns and, 8
in egalitarian personal relationships, 3135
external questions about, 3132, 38
inequalities of esteem and, 100
internal questions about, 31, 3233, 38
justice-based relational egalitarianism and, 152
love and, 74, 79
pluralist social egalitarianism and, 149, 150, 151
power and, 80
presumption of equality on, 15, 167, 168,
17485
respect and recognition and, 68
richpoor relationships and, 117
social (relational) equality compared with,
510, 2124, 35, 4144, 4550, 65, 20913
in a society of equals, 3741
solidarity and, 74
territorial rights and, 203
divided world, 7
dominant agent, 5556
dominated agent, 5556, 59
domination, 81, 110, 111, 112, 173. See also
non-domination
gender(ed) relationships and, 124
justice-based relational egalitarianism on,
154, 155, 159, 161, 165
vulnerability and, 5556, 5864
in the workplace, 11417
drowning deaths, 223
Dworkin, Ronald, 45, 210
educational system
racial segregation in, 190, 19698, 199, 201
I n d e x
Gheaus, Anca, 79
Goffman, Erving, 122n39
good of equal membership, 130, 143, 144, 150, 162
Gosepath, Stefan, 15
Hampshire, Stuart, 22021
Haugaard, Mark, 82n34
Heaney, Seamus, 83n37
Honneth, Axel, 48, 54, 91
Hsieh, Nien-h, 114, 115
Idea of Justice, The (Sen), 215
immigrants, 186, 197, 198, 204.
See also foreigners
impersonal value of social equality, 163, 164
India, 186
inequalities of esteem, 12, 87106. See also esteem
bounds of, 1045
broad-brush responses to, 87, 8990
compounded, 1034
factors influencing the assessment of, 96105
the harms of, 9596
institutionally backed, 12, 1012
pervasiveness of, 99101
the problem of, 8890
radical egalitarianism on, 6973
richpoor relationships and, 13, 118, 12023
inferiority, feelings of
in foreigners, 194, 197, 201
inequalities of esteem and, 12, 87, 92, 94,
9596, 97, 100, 101, 106
racial segregation and, 190
institutions. See also state
distributive equality/justice and, 21
entitlements shaped by, 191
expressive nature of, 4849
inequalities of esteem and, 12, 1012
justice-based relational egalitarianism on, 153
wealth inequalities and, 118, 119, 120
instrumental value, 140, 150, 152, 162
interconnectedness, 15, 194, 195, 19899, 201
interdependence, 11, 45, 5258
intrinsic value, 140, 141, 152, 162
intuition
on justice, 13236
on presumption of equality, 178
Jamaica, 186
joint satisfaction (strategy), 2526
Joseph Rowntree Foundation, 222
justice, 3, 5, 1315
distributive (see distributive equality/justice)
luck egalitarianism and, 46
manifest injustice thesis on (see manifest
injustice thesis)
moral equality and, 173
presumption of equality and, 18185
principles of equality and, 168, 169
respect not intrinsic to, 14142
239
2 4 0 I n d e x
I n d e x
school segregation based on, 190, 19698,
199, 201
unequal vs. unjust treatment and, 13233,
13637
radical egalitarianism, 12, 65, 66, 86
on love, care, and solidarity, 7780
on power, 8185
on respect and recognition, 6973, 76
randomization, 180, 181, 183, 184
Rawls, John, 6, 38, 42, 46, 47n8, 48, 49, 50, 66, 76,
8081, 131, 147, 148n5, 150, 153
Raz, Joseph, 140
reality, 21920
reciprocity, 24, 25, 31, 3536, 37, 40, 182
generalized vs. balanced, 78
moral equality and, 173, 174, 175
recognition, 3, 5, 6, 11, 12, 48, 51, 56, 66, 6773,
85, 102
gender(ed) relationships and, 123, 124
legal, 9091
liberal egalitarianism on, 69, 76
radical egalitarianism on, 6973, 76
richpoor relationships and, 112, 121, 122
recognition respect, 9091, 130, 13942, 145
relational (social) equality, defined, 1
relationships
affective, 74, 76, 77, 79
asymmetrical, 3, 53, 220, 221
discourse-friendly, 54
egalitarian personal (see egalitarian personal
relationships)
gender(ed), 12, 109, 112, 12324
personal, 34, 16
richpoor, 12, 13, 109, 112, 11723
same-sex, 36, 70, 76, 18990
social egalitarian
(see social egalitarian relationships)
workplace (see workplace relationships)
relative deprivation, 13, 11819
religion of inequality, 211, 212
republicanism, 11, 4564, 81, 114. See also
non-domination; vulnerability
limits of, 5864
recommendations of, 5758
as a social (relational) theory of equality,
4552
Republicanism (Pettit), 53
residential segregation, 189
respect, 3, 5, 11, 12, 24, 66, 6773, 77, 81, 85, 97,
1056
appraisal, 69, 70, 72, 90, 139
basic, 69, 70, 71, 73
democracy and, 82
esteem distinguished from, 87, 9095, 103
fairness at the expense of, 4849
liberal egalitarianism and, 69, 76
luck egalitarianism and, 149
moral equality and, 174
radical egalitarianism and, 6973, 76
recognition, 9091, 130, 13942, 145
2 41
2 42 I n d e x
Tronto, Joan, 54
trust. See social trust
Tugendhat, Ernst, 178n28
unconscious recall, theory of, 218
unemployment, 11, 61, 63
United Kingdom, 104, 119, 222. See also benefit
cheats
United States, 186, 191
universal and reciprocal justification, 173
universal caregiver model, 7778
upward contempt, 99
utilitarianism, 4041, 77, 151, 175
values
egalitarian deliberative constraint and, 2627,
2829, 36
in social vs. distributive equality, 41
virtue, 51
vulnerability, 11, 45, 5264
beyond domination, 5864
disaffiliation and, 61, 6263
fundamental, 5356, 64
general definition of, 5253
long-term structural, 5861
to non-domination from, 5657
problematic, 53, 5556, 58, 59, 64
responding to, 5758
social disqualification and, 6162
vulnerability classes, 53
wealth inequalities, 11820
welfare recipients, 4849, 6162, 63.
See also benefit cheats
welfare state, 51, 62, 206, 223
Wellman, Christopher Heath, 204n33
Wolf, Naomi, 100n31
Wolff, Jonathan, 1516, 46, 50, 109n10, 149
Wollstonecraft, Mary, 2
women. See also feminism; gender(ed)
relationships
domination impact on, 5961
inequalities of esteem and, 93, 100, 1023, 105
missing, 217, 222
unjust treatment of, 13334
workplace relationships
managerworker, 12, 13, 109, 112, 11317
republicanism on, 58
Young, Iris Marion, 59, 61, 62n51,
68n7, 154, 216