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Foreign Policy of Modi


Govt. Isolates India,
Increases Tensions

Coming of Modi led RSS-BJP dispensation to power to advance the


agenda of foreign and domestic corporate was tragic enough for the people
of India. Making foreign policy as his special niche and restructuring Indias
international relations especially with imperialist powers since coming to
power in May 2014 has been a further catastrophe.
His predecessor, Manmohan Singh, had earned accolades as an
economist from the imperialist powers, MNCs and Indian corporate and
the big media controlled by them for simply following the World Bank-IMF
prescriptions for India.
Modi is blowing his trumpet and RSS-BJP and their accomplices are
applauding imaginary foreign policy feats while all he has done is to tie
India closer to US's strategic bandwagon. He has done so at a time when
the influence of US imperialism has declined and the world is no longer
unipolar. US imperialism is seeking to pursue its hegemonic strategy through
other means and is enlisting Indian Govt. in furtherance of its strategic
interests. US Govt. in particular wishes to use India as a part of its strategy
to contain China.
Even Manmohan Singh Govt. was pursuing this agenda. Like in the
field of economic policies, Modi Govt. is brazenly, speedily and shamelessly
pursuing his predecessors policies in international relations. Immediately
after coming to power, Modi went to Japan and Australia and hosted their
Premiers in India. This was aimed at forging a closer alliance aimed against
China. A few years back, US, Japan, Australia and India had forged an
alliance called Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) ostensibly to prevent
transfer of sensitive nuclear material through sea route. The real target of
this initiative was China, whose major imports of oil and important part of
exports traverse this route. Alarmed, China adopted a counter strategy
which is termed as String of Pearls aimed at developing sea ports around
Indian Ocean to counter this offensive strategy of PSI countries.
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Modi Govt. has drawn particularly close to Israel. In fact Indian
establishment had been maintaining relations with Israel for decades and
the same have been pursued more openly since advent of unipolar world
i.e. since 1991. RSS-BJP have been close to Israel and the earlier NDA
Govt. led by Atal Bihari Vajpayee had hosted Israeli Prime Minister, butcher
of Palestinians, Ariel Sharon. Modi Govt. has drawn particularly close to
Israel and Indian Prime Minister is going to pay a state visit to Israel. Like
in other aspects, in foreign policy too, Modi represents the most reactionary
sections of Indian ruling establishment which aligns itself with the most
reactionary sections of ruling classes in US and other imperialist countries.
Modi like his predecessor is selling the dream of India emerging as a
superpower obviously with US support. Leaders of western imperialist
countries have been making appropriate noises of Indias rise to gain greater
market access and control over natural resources of India while using India
for their strategic purposes. They have been supporting Indias bid for
permanent membership of UN Security Council with veto power. However
this support was limited to Indian soil only. India has repeatedly voted
against Iran in the international fora despite close ties with that country in
economic and political fields. India scrapped Iran Pakistan India pipeline
at the behest of western powers. India voted against Syria to please US
and other western imperialist powers. Indian Govt. abstained on a resolution
supported by vast majority of countries authorizing investigation of war
crimes by Israeli Govt. Indian rulers rejected even the remnants of nonaligned foreign policy over the last decades since the advent of unipolar
world. US imperialism has egged on and Indian Govt. has followed with
greater involvement of India in Afghanistan where US led coalition had
been waging a war since October 2001. It suited US imperialism to enlist
India in development work along with security matters including training
Afghanistan Army and also use India as a scarecrow to make Pakistani
establishment fall in line. India Govt. sold it to Indian people as a measure
to deprive Pakistan of strategic depth and propping up of anti-Pakistan
Govt. in Afghanistan. Indian Govt. invested nearly 70 thousand crore rupees
in such developmental works to serve the strategic interests of US
imperialism. Indian ruling classes supported foreign aggression and
occupation of Afghanistan and squandered such a huge amount of money
to pursue imaginary gains vis a vis Pakistan.
Modi Govt. has sought to utilize its increasing proximity to US and its

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allies to intensify its aggressive rhetoric against Pakistan. During 2014


election campaign, Modi had sought to project that all problems with Pakistan
are due to weak response of the Indian Govt. which he had promised to
address. Since coming to power Modi Govt. has sought to aggravate
tensions against Pakistan. Modi and his ministers have projected that with
this tough govt. in power, all problems with Pakistan will be sorted out
with demonstration of force. Modi Govt. has sought to solve Kashmir
problem with its muscular response, refusing to accept that people of
Jammu & Kashmir have any stake in the dispute between India and Kashmir
over Kashmir on the one hand and on the other, refusing to discuss the
issue of Jammu & Kashmir with Pakistan. Ceasefire violations across LOC
have increased and both India and Pakistan Army are blaming the other for
these violations. Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharief had raised the
issue in Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in Ufa and
Pakistan has also written to UN Security Council over these violations. Big
media in both India and Pakistan are giving a lot of space to accusations
of incidents of firing across LOC and these incidents have been used in
both the countries to whip up war hysteria targeted against each other.
In the process of relentless pursuit of this foreign policy, Modi Govt.
has isolated India in the international arena. Two developments in our
neighbourhood demonstrate this vividly. Recently talks started between
Afghanistan Govt. and Talibaan (since interrupted after announcement of
the death of Talibaan leader Mullah Omar). These talks, held in Pakistan,
were mediated by the Govt. of Pakistan. What is even more important was
the presence of the representatives of America and China in these talks.
India was nowhere in this initiative. US Admn. has called an end to
participation of its troops in combat operations but retains its forces in
Afghanistan, wishes to continue its influence and military bases in
Afghanistan. To this end, US Admn. is depending on and pressurizing
Pakistan to help in hammering a deal with Talibaan and Afghanistan Govt.
This change in stance of US Admn. has unnerved Indian Govt. who was
looking for anti-Pakistan dispensation in Kabul.
The second development which has caught Indian Govt. on the wrong
foot was the deal reached between Iran and Six Powers (P5+1) on Irans
Nuclear Programme. There is an attempt by US Admn. to accomodate Iran
in the middle east power architecture under its own domination. Already
there is overt and covert cooperation between Iran and US in fighting
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advance of Islamic State in Iraq. Indian Govt. which, as noted above, had
toed US line on Iran, suddenly finds itself faced with a new situation when
sanctions against Iran are going to be lifted. Indian Govt. which had spurned
Iranian offer of gas and oil supplies at concessional rates, now faces the
prospect of having to buy them at international prices and commercial terms.
These developments are only a demonstration of the rise of multipolar
world where US, despite being economically and militarily the most powerful
imperialist country, is not able to decide the question of war and peace
around the world. These developments also demonstrate that relationship
between US Admn. and Indian Govt. is a relationship among unequals. It
is a relationship between an imperialist patron and a third world client, it is
a relationship of subservience with Indian rulers serving the interests of
US imperialism. Whatever Indian ruling leaders pretend, US Admn. tries to
use India for its strategic purposes and does not think twice about sidelining
them when their interests demand.
These developments signaled Indias isolation from its western
neighbours. More significantly it signaled Indias isolation from Central Asia
and the Caspian rim region about which much was being talked in India. It
was in this situation that Mr. Narendra Modi travelled to Ufa near Moscow
for SCO summit. Modi Govt. approached Pakistan Govt. for a meeting
between the Prime Ministers of the two countries during SCO summit. On
Indian Govt.s request such a meeting was held. In the meeting between
Narendra Modi and Nawaz Sharief, the two Prime Ministers issued a joint
statement in which, among other things, they agreed, that India and
Pakistan have a collective responsibility to ensure peace and promote
development. To do so, they are prepared to discuss all outstanding issues.
With this statement it was hoped that bilateral discussion between India
and Pakistan would be resumed since they had got stalled after Narendra
Modi Govt. cancelled Foreign Secretary level talks in 2014. However, such
expectations were short lived. Bilateral discussions between National
Security Advisors (NSAs) of the two countries was cancelled. Again the
Indian Govt. made the issue of discussion between representatives of
Pakistan Govt. and leaders of Hurriyat Conference the excuse for cancelling
the talks. Though such discussions have been routinely held for over two
decades including six years of rule of Vajpayee led NDA Govt., Modi Govt.
has made its absence a condition for holding bilateral discussions with
Pakistan. This is in line with the much propagated make believe "strong"

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Intensification of Attack
on Working Class Rights
by Comprador Rulers

approach of Modi Govt. which is going to 'solve' the Kashmir problem


according to proponents and apologists of this Govt. They totally deny any
role of the people of Jammu & Kashmir in deciding the destiny of their own
land. Moreover they feel and propagate that as India is stronger than
Pakistan, the issue should be taken as resolved and there is no need of
any further talk on this issue. They think that they are in a position to
impose their will on Pakistan on this issue. This is in essence closing the
doors on discussions to resolve Kashmir issue and generally all outstanding
issues with Pakistan. It is obvious that this approach would not decrease
tensions with Pakistan. Rather it would lead to increasing these tensions
further.
Modi Govt.'s stance of no dialogue with Pakistan except on the terms
dictated by it, has already raised eye brows regarding its belligerent postures.
Modi Govt. is coming under increasing pressure from imperialist countries
to resume dialogue with Pakistan. RSS in its recent conclave has already
voiced its support for a dialogue with Pakistan but the domestic constituency
built by Modi Govt. around its belligerence will take time to come to terms
with this.
Besides escalating tensions with Pakistan, the foreign policy being
pursued by Modi Govt. has resulted in increasing isolation of India
particularly among third world countries. Indian Govt. under Modi leadership
is openly adopting a big brotherly attitude towards neighbouring countries.
The thrust of Modi Govt.'s foreign policy however, is aimed at making India
a partner of US imperialism in its attempts at containing China and at
trying to extract US acquiescence in dominating Pakistan and the whole
region. However, the decline of US imperialism is forcing it to strike deals
with other powers. Modi Govt., having put all its eggs in one basket, is
clueless in handling this emerging situation. Even as Obama Admn. is
negotiating with several countries, Modi Govt. is increasingly aligning itself
with more reactionary sections of the US establishment. Modi Govt. is
desperate to accelerate implementation of neo-liberal economic policies
even as these policies are facing increasing opposition from the people of
advanced capitalist countries. Modi Govt. has embarked on this journey at
a time when these policies have run a full circle.

August, 2015

Aparna
Carrying forward pro-imperialist pro big business policies with a
vengeance, Modi Govt. is going all out to push through several types of
anti worker changes in the labour laws themselves. These, of course, are
part and parcel of the anti worker policies pushed through more thoroughly
in the years of globalization, starting from 1990. The theory advanced was
that labour flexibility would allow flourishing of industry which was
handcuffed by labour laws, by inspector raj and the need to bribe govt.
officials to get around all this. In reality, the labour law implementaton
machinery was servile to industry unless its hand was forced by working
class struggles of whatever nature. The real motive was and is to extract
maximum profits and super profits with minimum expenditure on wages.
The current assault on labour laws encompasses a wide variety of
attacks. Large sections of workers will be taken out from under the umbrella
of labour laws. In the name of simplification, the laws themselves are
being changed and protection to workers being removed or modified. Thirdly,
amendments are being introduced to certain labour laws to bring about anti
worker changes. It is a broad based assault of breathtaking width. In addition
are a host of other policies which are removing support systems of the
poor including working class, like dismantling of PDS, privtatization of
effective health and education facilities and the rising burden of prices.
Modis policies of make in India chiefly held out the promise of low
labour costs and open right to loot natural resources. As it is policies allow
almost full repatriation of profits. Tax on corporate has been reduced in the
Budget, the PPP mode will see Govt. play the major role and absorb risks,
enhancing private profit and social deficit. Loans advanced to big business
by state banks are written off as bad debts without serious attempts at

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recovery. The whole strategy is to get FDI in any and every sector to show
'growth' in the statistical arena while the people are impoverished.

Attacks Fail to Invigorate Industry


The talk of labour flexibility to allow flourishing of industry has been
on since 1990. There have also been a great variety of steps to enforce the
same. As will be briefly recounted below, the 2nd Labour Commission in
2002 was the effort of the first NDA to change the labour laws. When such
reforms were held at bay by workers protests, other forms emerged.
Contractualization broke out in epidemic proportions, along with casual
and temporary workers. Such is the situation that today contract and casual
workers are a significant workforce in govt. and public sector institutions,
and usually the majority in private sector. Outsourcing has created a new
unnamed category of workforce. All this workforce is bereft of working
hours, minimum wages and other statutory rights. But the second step to
allow flexibility to owners was to paralyze the labour law enforcement
machinery, depleting the numbers of the staff. Secondly, they were assigned
other tasks. The labour law inspector also became the election staff, also
counted child labour, also was deputed for census work etc.
The third were the Courts who turned a blind eye to the violation of
labour laws. In fact, it was the Judiciary which stepped in to promote the
pro-corporate policies in the period of coalition Central govts. when working
class movements managed to prevent formal changes in the labour laws.
The Judiciary simply breached them in judgements. With the cover of the
highest court the labour courts stopped ordering reinstatements where
illegal retrenchments were proved as the owner should not be forced to
employ a workman. The Contract Labour Act was given a go by as all
permanent posts even in Govt. Depts were routinely filled by contract
workers. The provisions of equal pay for equal work was diluted in the garb
of 'other factors'. The Supreme Court declined to stay FDI in telecom sector
paving the way for its entering/increasing in percentage in other sectors.
The fourth front was employment of appentices who were so maintained
for much over acceptable duration as they were actually used as cheap
workforce. And another category were voluntary workers Sulabh workers
and later Asha workers whose timings are actually 24 hours as they are
voluntary, who are wage-less with a pittance for a stipend and some
commissions which do not amount to minimum wages. Using these latter
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wageless workers, India was made polio free. This was an improvement
over anganwadis, midday meal workers etc. who were at least not termed
voluntary.
That all these steps for labour flexibility have yet not had the effect of
flourishing of industry despite the large measure of success in attacking
workers rights is somehow not highlighted at all in discussions on this
issue. Rather, if there is any talk, the portrayal is that lack of any flourishing
of industry is due to not enough having been done.
There is a severe sense of dissatisfaction in the working class in general.
In particular, there have been outbursts of anger against specific
exploitations but the major trade unions refrained from generalizing these
particulars and knitting all the separate fights into a fightback against these
policies. Actions in this regard were sporadic, sectoral. This is due to
preponderance of reformist and reactionary trade union centres and the far
weaker revolutionary and militant centres who are simply not doing enough.
It also stems partially from the gradually altering composition of working
class over the past quarter century (25 years since 1990). There has been
failure to organize the emerging sections who are potentially much more
prone to struggles as they are second class in terms of rights.
In fact over the past 25 years, working class has altered in composition
gradually over the period and now stands dramatically changed. As far as
permanency of jobs is concerned it is largely casual, contractual or
temporary or composed of continual apprentices. As far as sectors are
concerned, the service sector has expanded enormously in the private
sector. IT sector has emerged, as also other categories of professional
workers have gained in numbers like chemists in the expanding pharma
industry. Construction industry has now become a flourishing sector with
the rise of real estate and this in India has a numerically rising work force.
This is found working in large projects of both govt. and private nature
apart from a liberal number of self employed. Thus today, the regular
industrial worker who was the mainstay of trade union movements has
been squeezed by expanding sections of unorganized sector, mostly
unskilled and irregular on the one hand and by professional workers on the
other. Better mechanization has also diluted their role.
Today, the number of workers in India are estimated in 2012 at 487
million including agricultural labour (NSSO Report 2010 was 465 million).

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Organized workers those in licensed organizations, public rated


companies, govt. sector were 28 million, while 92% were in unorganized
sector. There is 191 million unorganized working class. The number of
construction workers is estimated at 45 million.

Brief Overview of Attacks in NEP Years.


One of the first events in the 1990s was the visit of a Japanese trade
delegation which demanded revocation of provisions enshrined in ID Act
Chapter VB (retrenchment and lockout in establishments with over 100
workers). Other events were the offering and acceptance on a large scale
of VRS (Voluntary Retirement) by govt. employees reflecting the dwindling
of fightback following ruling class consensus over the New Economic
Policies promoting LPG. Subsequently came the Second Labour
Commission with the agenda of dilution of labour laws, which was held at
bay. What eventually did happen was the pratical death of the Contract
Labour Act. The incoming of MNCs, chiefly in automobile sector and led
by Japan, led to initial high wages and facilities to beat back criticism.
Gradually, they kept a small core of permanent workers with a huge flank
of contract workers and apprentices. As mentioned, enforcement
mechanisms gradually dwindled in potency. Govts. of all types of ruling
class parties did not allow registration of TUs in MNCs unless they were
management unions and this still holds true even as registration of TUs at
any level has become an uphill task. While earlier mafia was used against
struggles, the MNCs are now employing goons and bouncers as security
guards and managers to act against workers at the behest of managements.
MNCs in India have begun having a typical scenario of prolonged struggles
of their workforce suddenly having an episode in which there are either
clashes with some managers or workers do some violent action and in
this security staff is also involved, but in which typically an Indian manager
is killed and criminal charges of murder slapped on tens or even hundreds
of workers. On the other hand in jute sector in Bengal and recently in tea
gardens in Bengal workers in prolonged struggles against being duped by
managements, have risen in anger against the mangers who have directly
engaged against them.

Current Barrage of Attacks


The current spate of attacks orchestrated by the Modi Govt. is dizzying
in its scope and width. The overall attack is to throw away as far as possible
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all protecting legal provisions from as many sections of workers as possible.


So one step stems from the 2 nd Labour Commission recommendations,
that is, that 44 labour laws in the country will be compressed into five
codes Code on Wages, Code on Industrial Relations, Code on Social
Security and Code on Industrial Safety and Code on Welfare. In the name
of compressing, as many pro worker provisions as possible will be excluded.
This will be examined in some detail later.
The second move has been to amend the Factory Act so as to remove
all units employing less than 40 workers from under it. This effectively
excludes almost 70% of the workforce. The next step is that 14 labour
laws will no longer be applicable on establishments employing less than 40
workers, and a separate law will be formulated for such institutions/units.
Such a 'Small Factories' Bill' was slated to be brought before the 2015
monsoon session of Parliament.
The Apprentice Act has been amended to remove binding on owners to
employ a minimum given percentage of the workmen post apprenticeship
and also provisions for jail for owners violating the Act have been removed.
A quarter or half the stipend for apprentices will be paid by Govts., and the
periods of apprenticeship have been prolonged so as to allow owners freer
use of this section as a grossly underpaid workforce. Alongside these
changes, Modi Govt. calls for 'Skill India'- that youth should come forward
to be apprentices i.e. provide cheap labour in the production process.
ESI provisions are going to be made optional. There is much talk of
social security cover, but it needs to be remembered that while ESI and
PFprovides cover at collective level ie through employers and
establishments, the social security envisaged works at the level of
individuals i.e. health cards which work in certain hospitals. The changes
in PF will be by 'Compehensive Amendment to EPF and Miscellaneous
Provisions Act 1952'. All units employing less than 40 workers will be
allowed to give compulsory ESI and PF the go by.
The codefying of labour laws are going to result in loss of many rights.
The Labour Code on Industrial Relations compresses the existing Trade
Union Act, the Industrial Disputes Act 1947 and the Industrial Employment
(Standing Orders) Act 1946. The Wages Code will compress the Minimum
Wages Act, the Payment of Wages Act, the Payment of Bonus Act and
the Equal Remuneration Act. The ID Act provides protection to workers

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against retrenchments and lockouts in units employing 100 or above workers
(chapter VB).Now this provision will apply only where 300 or more workers
are employed. The enforcement mechanism of Minimum Wages will be
formally over, and facilitators will replace inspectors. In deciding minimum
wage many extra items will be included like 'cost of living allowance' and
'cash value of concessions in respect of supply of essntial commodities'
(Section 7 of Code). The amount charged as 'challan' for non payment of
minimum wage has not been raised. Anyway by changes in rules, the
checking mechanism for violation of labour laws by law enforcement
machinery is virtually over. However the demand of the working class, that
minimum wages be enforced strictly for all workers, is wholly attacked,
forget about it being met. But now Modi has changed his language. All
these changes being pushed through, he said around the recent Indian
Labour Conference, are also for the workers! He said that there is a thin
line between helping industry and helping industrialists and it must be
kept in mind'. Modi Govt. has kept it in mind, but only with every intention
to breach it. The Equal Remuneration Act has been reduced to just one
sentence. The changes in Trade Union Act will restrict the number of
outsiders who can be office bearers when it is common knowledge that
working class is integrated into all India movements in this manner. It also
means that more leaders will be employees of the same management i.e.
open to being harrassed or pressurized. The Bonus Act is reduced to a
third of its original size.
These are the overt attacks. The non implementation of any pro worker
steps and laws are the series of covert assaults. The ever enlarging number
of construction workers are allowed shelters at labour chowks, residence
at place of work, safety equipment, among other provisions in the law, but
none of these are implemented. Jute workers face perennial closures
because the Jute Board which is supposed to purchase the flax does not
do so while jute farmers burn raw material due to lack of purchasers. India
is a jute producer and jute is an environment friendly product. Synthetic
fibres marketed by Ambani are not. There is no strict enforcement for
packaging of materials in Govt. departments in jute bags. In coal sector,
coal blocks are being handed over for commercial use, allowing loot of our
natural resources and attacking the wage of coal workers.
In the Electricity sector a privatization spree is on throughout the country.
On the one hand, gradually power distribution has been privatized in state
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after state. On the other private power generation projects have been allowed
to mushroom countrywide. Land acquisition for these thermal power plants
were violently fought back in Sompeta and Kakrapalli (AP) and are being
fought in Uttar Pradesh (Karchana, Meja and Bara). Already the workers of
state distribution boards have been eased out by VRS and settlements,
and the employees of the private boards are maximally contractual. Wages
and jobs are under severe sequeeze and major unions of electricity workers
have called for a days strike on the day the Electricity Bill is brought
before Parliament.
Call centres flourish on the expertize of young, educated workers who
work all sorts of hours, are given differential rates depending on the work
they do in order to extract the maximum output. They want to be called
employees and they desperately need unionization. This is also one
section where women return from work or go to work at all hours of the
night and need enforcement of laws to ensure that employees arrange
safe working conditions and safe transport from work gate to home gate.
With the lifting on the ban on night shift for women, workers in all sectors
need this security of transport, including especially also export sector.
Security sevices almost countrywide have been privatized and
contractualized. Today even nurses, journalists, teachers and doctors are
reduced to contractual employees. One figure from the Ministry of Labour
and Employment Annual Report, 601, 2009-10 shows the number of contract
labour covered by licenses in the Central sphere as:
2006-7

1001947

2008-9

1377610

With this huge rise in rights-less temporary, casual, contract workers;


with the rise of construction industry; with all establishments employing
less than 40 workers being thrown out of both Factory Act and the umbrella
of 14 labour laws besides, one urgent issue is going to be accidents at
work place. Even with factory inspectors and even with reports there still
could be Bhopal GasTragedy. With no survelliance allowed of safety
equipment and other precautions (which fall under purview of Factory Act)
what is the scenario going to be? Cases in such accidents are lodged
under 304A accidental death, though such deaths are very much crimes
of commission. The life of the workmen has no importance. Recently a

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DLC in Delhi, when confronted with the fifth death in industrial accidents in
an area, blurted out to the trade union leaders, Just dont worry. Put the
application under Workmen Compensation Act and I will clear it in one
day. So that is all that a workers life is worth! The situation demands that
all these deaths be treated as murder, and examined under appropriate
sections.

The Attack on Unionization


The multiple categories of workers- some permanent with some rights,
some temporary,some contractual but re-employed after breaks- and the
temporary nature of jobs as it is are also meant to undercut unionization
due to fears of dismissal and also due to different demands of each section.
Alongside registration of trade unions has been made virtually impossible.
The unwritten law for MNCs has already been mentioned and holds steadfast
in the face of different ruling class parties (earlier Mayawati and now
Samajwadi Party in UP, earlier Congress and now BJP in Haryana are two
examples). Thus, recordable strikes have also gone downhill. The GOIs
Labour Bureau has recorded that while in the 1970s there were about one
lakh strikes a year, in 2008 there were 240, in 2009-167 and in 2010 there
were 199. These figures do not reflect workers unrest in these years at all,
because this unrest does not take traditional trade union forms. Rather,
gradually, as the labour laws are going to afford less and less protection to
working class, this changed situation is going to have a reflection on how
disputes are tackled between workers, managements and state forces which
inevitably step in for employers. This will increase the challenge before
trade union centres to build struggles of various sections, to involve as
many sections of workers as possible around struggles of any one section
or industry and for all this to organize the newer sections. It will be a sort
of historical re-run but on an entirely different plane.

Attack On The Right To Strike


The changes in the labour laws proposed by the Modi Govt also include
extending the clause of a notice period before strike from public utility
services to all sectors.Secondly, the moment strike notice is given
conciliation process will automatically start rendering any strike illegal.
Thirdly, fines for illegal strike and on those who support, help financially or
'instigate' such strike have been placed between Rs 20,000 to 50,000. Many
forms of struggle like demonstration before employer's residence have been
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included in the definition of strike.

Consensus of Ruling Class Parties


With the consensus of all ruling class political parties on the pro
liberalization direction and on the pro imperialist, pro big business policies,
naturally the response of the major gamut of trade unions the reactionary
and reformist was muted. All India actions were staggered to act as
pressure valves to direct and let off the steam of workers anger. They also
created a myth of all India actions but were so few and far between, as
also so half hearted, as to not have any effective result and also break the
faith of workers in struggle responses. Where aggressive united action
was needed, there was sectarianism and lethargic answers dismally out of
proportion to the attack. As already mentioned the revolutionary and militant
trade union movement is weaker though now the situation is that organized
workforce is on the wane, and the new worker who is on the scene is the
temporary worker in a scenario of nearly absent labour laws.
However on 21st on 22nd Feb 2014 (two day All India strike of virtually all
trade unions), export workers in Noida on the first day and in Okhla on the
second day stood up and made their anger felt. So have the workers denied
trade union rights in MNCs, both contractual and otherwise, done so in a
spate of struggles in Graziano, Nippon, Hero Honda, Maruti, in Pudicherry
etc. So have hard pressed workers in jute industry. So have workers in
other sections fought to defend the right to organize , for minimum wages
and implementation of other labour laws. The assault on the working class
of India by Modi Govt. is broad based and to push through a host of changes
to demolish the legal shield of the workers. These labour laws were enacted
worldwide in response to workers'struggles with the The Great October
Socialist Revolution in Russia as a backdrop, and they offered reforms to
the working class. In India, big movements of the working class against
colonial British rulers forced the same and they were no one's grace to
India's working class. They need to be extended to cover all workers and to
be enriched to furthur safeguard workers rights.

Conclusion
The entire NEP period has seen a change in composition of the working
class based on irregular and insecure nature of employment. The
predominance of the reactionary and reformist unions among the organized

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working class and the despondence they instilled towards the struggle
against this change by giving only half hearted and symbolic fight against
them, ensured that no serious fight was put up against the NEP attacks on
workers in which was also the offering of VRS, an easier way to be rid of
organized workers than retrenchments. Thus denuded in numbers and
disarmed politically, the organized working class put up virtually little fight
to all the indirect attacks on jobs and rights in which primarily temporary
workers were increased and regular workers allowed to retire. Rather it
was the peasantry- the owners of land- who stalled NEP by giving a serious
challenge to land aquisitions. This phase was inagurated by Kalingnagar
and established as a method by Nandigram.As already described , in the
NEP years the composition of the working class has changed and now
irregular workers predominate. Revolutionary trade unions must rise to the
much more difficult task of organizing these workers and bringing them
into struggles.
Modi's desperate efforts to bring in FDI have got virtually no where- for
whom would there be production in the face of the world wide economic
crisis? Rajan (RBI Governor) talked about 'make for India' but where is the
purchasing power for most of India? FDI can come for looting mineral
resources or for acquiring land-the safest investment. But the peasantry
has put the feasibility of both in question. Now the Modi Govt. is resorting
to manipulating the method of calculating GDP in a bid to show
'development' but he is not going to change the model of 'development'.
The route to expanding India's market is in implementing land reforms,which
the ruling classes will not take. Thus they will move on the path of depressing
labour costs, looking for foreign investment and selling resources. For this
people also will be polarized on communal lines especially by jingoism
and also along caste lines. The working class must be organized by the
revolutionary trade union movement into broad based struggles to play its
role in this situation.

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LAND STRUGGLES IN PUNJAB


S.S. Mahil

Punjab is said to be the grain bowl of India, though some other states
like Madhya Pradesh have now emerged as grain surplus states. Still Punjab
is the main contributor to the central grain pool followed by Haryana. Punjab
is the first state where an imperialist model was put into practice in
agriculture, namely green revolution. This development has considerably
impacted the production system and structure in Punjab. It has generated
a sharp debate about the mode of production in the agricultural sector of
Punjab. A general impression is that agriculture in Punjab has been
transformed into capitalist mode of production. Consequently, the
impression is that land question is completely solved in Punjab, land has
been distributed to the actual tillers, hence there is no scope of land struggle
in this cradle of green revolution. Though they may not say this so openly
but deep in their understanding most of the revolutionary communist
organizations hold this belief. Some have even come out openly to declare
that agriculture in Punjab is capitalist and trying to find land question in
Punjab is subjective madness. In this context land struggles were missing
from the demography of struggles in Punjab. But of late some land struggles
have come up and attracted the attention of people in the state. These
struggles are sparsely spread from Gurdaspur district in northern Punjab to
the Sangrur Patiala districts in southern Punjab. How to look at these
struggles and how to evaluate them? What is their place in the profile of
peoples struggles in Punjab? But before going into these questions, let us
take a birds eye view of the historical background of this question.

Glorious Tradition of Land Struggle


In the Mughal period peasants were hard pressed. They used to abandon
land when they were unable to pay rent and the Mughal empire used harsh
methods to collect rent. In this situation, in Punjab arose the Sikh movement
which raised its voice against the repressive Mughal rule. Seeing this,
peasants started flocking around the Sikh Gurus who started the common
kitchen. This was meant for saving the starving peasants from hunger and
also to give a message of equality. Despite its religious contour, in essence
Sikhism was a peasant movement.

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After the death of the tenth guru, Guru Gobind Singh, Banda Bahadur
an ardent follower of the guru, took up the reins of the fight against the
Mughal rulers. At that time there were two provinces covering the present
Punjab area. One was Suba Sirhind and the second was Lahore. Wajid
Khan, the subedar of Sirhind, was most repressive and brutal. Hence he
was the prime target of Banda Bahadur. Banda Bahadur invaded Sirhind.
He established Sikh rule and distributed the lands of feudal landlords among
the peasants. Thus he became the torch bearer of democratic revolution in
this region. With the passage of time and the weakening of the Mughal
empire a strata emerged as feudal landlords from among the Sikhs and
became the enemy of Banda Bahadur apart from the Mughal feudals. Though
the rule of Banda could not sustain for long but this was the first big blow to
feudalism in southeast Punjab.
During British period the land rent was very high and method of collection
very repressive. This forced the peasantry into indebtedness. In this
situation a militant peasant movement arose under the leadership of Sardar
Ajit Singh, the uncle of Shaheed Bhagat Singh. This struggle was directed
at the abrogation of debt and against moneylenders confiscating peasant
land, against the repressive land rent and demanding reduction in land
rent.
Another important struggle fought during the British period was under
the leadership of Kisan Sabha on the question of land rent i.e. share of
produce. In Western Punjab, now part of Pakistan, in those days landlords
used to take the whole produce to their homes and give a share of it to the
peasants. This share was not fixed strictly so landlords could manipulate
the peasant share as well as the total volume of produce, leaving peasants
struggling with hunger and poverty. So, the Kisan Sabha led by ex Gaddar
party veterans organized peasants and launched a movement. The central
slogan of this movement was adho-adh vatt te meaning half-half share in
the produce and to be given in the field itself. Peasants refused to pay the
rent and took the produce. Thousands of peasants were arrested and put
behind the bars. However, important victories were achieved.
The most important anti feudal struggle in Punjab was in the eastern
states of Punjab, popularly known as the PEPSU tenants movement. The
struggle was mainly in the state of Patiala, but not confined to it. This
movement was under the leadership of the Red Communist Party, a
breakaway from the Communist Party of India and was led by veteran
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comrade Teja Singh Swatantar, a Gaddar party fighter. They had separated
from the CPI because of differences on the slogan of peoples war given
during Second World War and also on the issue of policy towards Pakistan
i.e. party declaring the demand of Pakistan as demand of national self
determination. This movement arose almost at the time when Telangana
struggle was going on. Slogan of land to the tiller was given, demanding
ownership rights. Peasants in large numbers were mobilized. They refused
to pay a share of produce to the landlords. Violent clashes took place
when peasants boldly and bravely resisted the landlords' offensive. Party
formed squads in secret, those were called tech. squads at that time. Primary
training was imparted to volunteers. State forces openly came out to
suppress the movement but people did not budge even an inch. The situation
reached such a point that military was called in. The village named Kissinger
in Bathinda district (now in Mansa district) was surrounded by the military
to arrest the leaders of the movement and guns were positioned around the
village but this whole encirclement proved futile as leaders could escape
posing as ordinary peasants. Ultimately the state government led by Gian
Singh Rarewala was forced to pass a law conferring ownership rights to the
tenant peasants. Though many loopholes were kept in the law and many
were involved in the litigation but this movement broke the backbone of
feudalism in PEPSU area.

Green Revolution and Changes


All these movements largely undermined feudalism and changed the
agrarian relations. Overwhelming majority of peasants became owner
peasants. But Dalits, who constitute one third of rural population, had no
land. According to Govt. data, in mid sixties, at the time of launching of
the imperialist model of agriculture named green revolution, 84% of the
peasantry was owner peasant, which means that 16% of peasantry and
30% dalits (dalit share of population) involved in agriculture as labourers
were landless. But, as 84% of peasantry was owner peasant, this was the
main basis for imperialists to select Punjab as their laboratory for the green
revolution model of agriculture. The owner peasant, who is dependent on
agriculture, has interest in development of agriculture and would invest
labour and money in it. Neither the feudals, who are divorced from the real
production in agriculture, nor the landless who have no entitlement to land
and produce, can make such investment. The second factor for the selection
of Punjab for implementation of this model was the assured availability of

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irrigation around the year. Though the large canal network remained in
Pakistan and a small section of it is in Indian Punjab, but it had a very
large source of underground water as it had a shallow aquifer with quite a
large amount of fresh and sweet water, which could be easily pumped out.
These factors were instrumental in making Punjab the first region of so
called green revolution. It must be very clear that the aim was not primarily
for meeting the food requirements of Indian people or to develop the
agriculture here but imperialists' need of a vast market for their chemical
industry, which was facing a demand crisis in post second world war period.
Though green Revolution was an imperialist venture and was intended
to fulfill their interests but it certainly brought some changes in the agrarian
scenario of Punjab. These are few important changes. One, irrigation with
ground water expanded sharply, tubewells energized with electricity and
diesel spurted on an unprecedented scale. Machinery was employed on a
big scale. Those who were unable to afford it started hiring from rich
peasants and landlords. Thus mechanized methods came into use in
agriculture. Secondly, production of commercial crops took the place of
traditional crops. Paddy, which was never an important crop, became the
main crop of one season. As wheat and paddy were the two crops whose
minimum support price was not only fixed but also adhered to, so mono
culture agriculture which was going to have serious consequences for biodiversity in the future began. This also led to expansion of market. Thirdly,
it resulted in the inward migration of labour from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar
creating glut in the labour market and reduction of wages and large part of
local labour taking to sundry jobs leading to proliferation of unorganized
sector.
There are changes in agriculture but the issue is how to asses these
changes? Mostly people run to the conclusion that agriculture in Punjab
has transformed into capitalist agriculture, including some of those who
consider India to be a semi feudal, semi colonial country. But these friends
fail to grasp some simple facts. Firstly in a semi colonial country
developments cannot be understood properly in isolation from imperialism
which transforms the agrarian system for its needs, not for development
of productive forces and changing of production relations, irrespective of
the objective conditions there. That is why it has led the agrarian sector
into the web of unsolvable crisis with indebted peasantry, irreparable damage
to the soil , very serious crisis of ground water, badly poisoned environment
leading to epidemic scale of cancer, hepatitis and many other diseases,
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destroyed bio-diversity by mono culture. Secondly, most basic thing in
capitalist transformation is not only the use of machinery, commodity and
market but that labour itself becomes a commodity. Even the payment in
money is not a decisive factor. In Punjab, though daily wage is the
phenomenon but tied labor too exists in the form of Sanjhi and Seeri. In
case of migrant labour, those who are engaged on contract basis are tied
for 24 hours and all the year. Money lending and casteism are other
reflections of pre capitalist system.
Many Marxists think that semi feudalism exists only if landlordtenant
relation is there. But they fail to understand that this is a relation of feudal
system and in semi feudal set up this relation will have many variations
and land question will be in very different and veiled forms. So when we
study the land question in Punjab we will have to go deep into the situation
beyond the rhetoric.

LAND STRUGGLES IN PUNJAB


The historic importance of Naxalbari was that it did not simply draw a
line of demarcation with revisionism organizationally but ideologically,
politically and strategically. Naxalbari was an agrarian struggle for political
power, so when the All India Committee of Communists Revolutionaries
gave a call to build Naxalbari type of struggles all over India" it meant
build agrarian struggle directed towards the capture of political power. In
response to this all India call, communist revolutionaries in Punjab tried to
build agrarian struggles in Punjab too. They decided to concentrate in Hajipur
area of Hoshiarpur district, a geographically strategic area situated between
river Beas on one side and Shivalik hills on the other side. Implementing
the mass line they tried to organize the tillers-generally called Abadkarswho made that govt. land cultivable. Ludhiana -Ropar committee of
communist revolutionaries decided to work in and around the Birla seed
farm. They were trying to organize labourers working in the farm and the
peasants who were dispossessed from their land in order to establish this
Birla seed farm. In Sangrur district people were mobilized to capture the
land of Balwant Singh, an ex-general of the army of Maharaja of Patiala, in
village Kila Hakima. People in large number marched to his land and captured
1500 bigha of land by putting red flags on it. Similarly, in Bathinda district
(now in Mansa district), in Bhikhi, a small town, the house of a money
lender was raided, documents of debts and documents of the mortgaged
land were burnt. But before these efforts could develop and some tangible

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results be achieved, the line of individual annihilation came and line of
land struggle was abandoned. This line of individual annihilation was rectified
and mass line was adopted but it took quite a long time to pick up the
thread of land struggle.
In the late seventies, struggle developed against the efforts by some
ex-officers and bureaucrats to dispossess the peasants who cultivated
the barren land for years together in the area of Beas river mand. Struggle
succeeded and ultimately peasants got ownership rights in Kapurthala
district. That was the only struggle.
After the All India party congress in 2004 land struggles started coming
up. One such struggle came up in Talwandi Sipahi Mal village of Amritsar
district where people fought against the land mafia which was trying to
capture the land of panchayat. Similarly,in Nrot Jaimal Singh block of
Gurdaspur district, in many villages many leaders of ruling Akali party,
including a minister, Sucha Singh Langah, were trying to dispossess the
tenants from government land which they had been tilling for more than
fifty years. People resisted these efforts, fought back and are tilling it till
date. Such struggles were fought in village Jasraoor and some other villages
of Amritsar district. Most important was the struggle in village Khanna
Chamara of Gurdaspur district. This whole village is of tenants, tilling the
land of gurdwara Teja vila under SGPC i.e. Shiromani Parbandhak
Committee. SGPC was trying to dispossess them from these 650 acres of
land as an influential Akali leader Nirmal Singh Kahlon, speaker of Vidhan
Sabha, wanted to occupy it. SGPC at the behest of Mr. Kahlon, took a
large number of its goonda force (named task force), raided the village and
started ploughing the land with tractors. When villagers in large number
came out and resisted, the task force members fired at the people. Two
peasants were killed and many were injured, but goondas of SGPC were
forced to retreat. This struggle of village Khanna Chamara brought the
land question to the fore.
Long back government gave nazul land to the co operative societies
of dalits in those villages where there was a minimum of ten acres of such
land. But in reality, in most of the villages this is under the cultivation of
landlords, rich peasants and other influential people. Struggle for recapture
of such nazul society land came up in village Sekha in Barnala district.
Inspired by the success of struggle people from more villages approached
our comrades. 16,423 acres of land in 65 villages of old Sangrur district
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were in the illegal possession of rich people. Representatives of 62 villages
gathered at village Badrukkhan and decided to form Zameen Prapti
Sangharsh Committee (ZPSC). Soon after its formation, struggle started
on the issue of Dalits share in the panchayat land. Dalits are entitled to the
one third of panchayat land legally, but in practice landlords and rich
peasants take them with benami auction in the name of some Dalits. But
with the formation ZPSC, Dalits stood up to take their share of panchayat
land. Main centres of this struggle were Bald Kalan, Baupur, Matoi, Namol
etc villages. In Bald kalan where one third share comes to 130 acres, the
struggle was intense. People were brutally lathicharged and 43 people,
including leaders were put behind bars on the charge of attempt to murder
and many more charges. After one and half months, Govt. buckled under
the pressure of struggle, released them unconditionally and gave the land
to Dalits for one season. This year,in Sangrur Dist., this struggle for Dalits
share in panchayat land spread to 31 villages, was fought in 22 villages
and won in all villages except one. This struggle was conducted in Jalandhar,
one pocket of Kapurthala district and two villages of Patiala district with
victory in some villages, partial victory in some others and was unsuccessful
in a few. Struggle under the leadership of another revolutionary organization
has come up in some villages in Patiala district against the eviction of
tillers from the panchayat land. These land struggles have attracted the
attention of the revolutionary camp.
As of now, we could visualize that land question in Punjab is in four
forms. One, ceiling surplus land. In early seventies a committee was formed
to study the impact of land reforms. It was called Harchand Singh Committee
which in its report said that its impact was negligible. Mostly land was kept
by landlords in benami in the name of even cattle and trees. We at present
do not have the data of ownership of land but the data of operational holdings
fairly reflects the concentration of land. According to the data of 2011
peasants with operational holdings of up to five acres are 32% but they
operate only 9.29% of the land, whereas farmers above ten acre holdings
operate 69.15 % of land. Lowering of ceiling limit is an imperative task.
This is one form of land. Second is the panchayat land. Land of panchayats
in Punjab is one lakh and fifty eight thousands acres and share of Dalits
comes to 52,667 acres. We are fighting for the one third lease on cheaper
rates for Dalits and the rest to be reserved for peasantry with up to five
acres. In future, it needs to be developed for the distribution of this land to
the landless (Dalits) and poor peasants. Third is the Dalit society land.

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Fourth one is the Govt. land marked as forest but being cultivated by
peasants and endowment land also being tilled by tenant peasants. This
forest land is in kandi area, along with Shivalik hills, along the international
border in Amritsar, Gurdaspur and Taran Taran districts. Apart from these
are some areas on riversides in the mand of Satluj, Beas and Ravi.
Endowment land is quite wide spread in Punjab. SGPC, the body managing
the historic Sikh Gurudwaras, controls vast tracts of land in various districts
in Punjab. Land of Mandirs is in the ownership of priests called mahants.
For example there is a temple in village Pandori Mahanta which is the
owner of land in 22 villages. Few years back the mahant tried to evict the
tenants by force. KKU and Kisan Sabha jointly led the tenants to resist the
eviction efforts. Goondas of the mahant had to beat a retreat but the matter
went into litigation and is still pending in the court. Similarly, there are
many Deras which own land and have fairly big holdings though some of
them cultivate with their followers working on it and some of them give it
on lease to tenants.
Land question is in these four forms. In the first phase we are fighting
for Dalits share of panchayat land and demanding the reservation of rest
of panchayat land for poor peasants and against the eviction of tenants.
Then we will fight for the distribution of panchayat land to the Dalits and
poor peasants and for ownership rights for the tenants on govt. land. With
the development of the movement we can move on to capturing surplus
land held by landlords and rich peasants. Though we will continually demand
the lowering of ceiling and distribution of the surplus land but will not move
on to direct action for the time being. Issue of capturing of endowment land
will come at the last and very late, though we will continue to fight against
the efforts at eviction of tenants.
The issue of land is the basic issue of new democratic revolution and is
to be taken only that way but that does not mean that this is the only
issue. There are many other important issues of agrarian struggle such as
wages, MGNREGA, social security, homestead, reduction of input cost of
agriculture and remunerative prices for the agricultural produce, cancellation
of debts and specific issues of small peasantry and many others. Only
then can we advance the agrarian movement and thus advance the
revolutionary movement.

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Greece : Surrender by
Syriza Leadership

Supported by the Opposition parties in Parliament, the Syriza Govt. of


Greece has pushed through measures demanded by the International
creditors, particularly Germany. While the harsh terms imposed by European
powers on Greece have once again exposed the rapacious nature of the
imperialist countries, the abject surrender by dominant leadership of ruling
Syriza has once again demonstrated that revisionists of different hues fear
people more; has once again demonstrated that revisionists are the
representatives of the capitalists within working class movement. Syriza
leadership joined forces with the main conservative party New Democratia,
old socialists and some smaller parties to push through the measures which
spell doom for the Greek economy and will bring untold misery and sufferings
to the people of Greece.
While people of Greece were preparing for the rejection of the terms
imposed by the European Commission, European Central Bank (ECB) and
International Monetary Fund (IMF), the troika, in the referendum called by
Govt. of Greece, the dominant leadership of ruling Syriza was preparing for
surrender, reducing the whole exercise of referendum to a farce. Syriza
leadership was probably expecting acceptance of the terms of the troika or
its narrow rejection in the referendum whereby it could hide behind lack of
peoples support for its acceptance of the terms. However, with overwhelming
rejection by the people of Greece with 61.31% of electorate rejecting the
terms of the troika, the Syriza leadership came out in its true colours. It
declared that the will of the people expressed in the referendum was a
mandate for further negotiations, removed Finance Minister, Yanis
Varoufakis, for having offended the bosses of the troika and the Finance
Ministers of creditor countries. No sooner were the votes of the referendum
counted, the dominant leadership of Syriza started painting a harrowing
picture of the financial catastrophe for Greece in case the creditors terms
were not accepted. They started parroting the propaganda of the older parties
of the ruling classes about the need to accept the creditors terms. It was
clear from the stance of the Syriza leadership that not only European powers
and the troika but even the Syriza leadership had no intention of honouring

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the will of the people.
For the European powers, particularly Germany, holding a referendum
on creditors terms was an effrontery which could not go unpunished. The
imperialist rulers of Europe aborted the first attempt at holding a referendum
on creditors terms by the then ruling PASOK Prime Minister in 2011 forcing
him to resign and rescind the decision. They ensured that the second
attempt at holding the referendum by Syriza Govt. on July 5, 2015 was a
still birth and the result of the referendum was declared to be of no
consequence. According to the bosses of the troika, people of Greece had
no right to decide their economic policies. As the German Finance Minister
had famously remarked on the coming to power of Syriza in Greece,
elections changed nothing. The debtor had to follow the dictates of the
creditors. He was also of the opinion that there was no point in holding
elections in indebted countries, except that not doing so was not feasible.
European powers punished Greece for the effrontery of a no vote. They
imposed on Greece terms which were even harsher than those rejected by
the people of Greece in the referendum. The terms include increase in
rates of VAT, reduction in pensions and plans that ensure immediate
spending cuts in the event of breaching creditor-mandated budget cuts.
Specifically Greece would have to increase VAT rates- the top rate of 23%
is to extend to processed food, restaurants etc., 13% to cover fresh food,
energy bills, water and hotel stays, 6% for medicines and books. Further,
VAT discount of 30% is to be abolished on islands. Corporation tax is to be
raised from 26 to 29% for small companies. Farmers tax is to be raised
from 13 to 26%. Greece would have to cut expenditure on pensions. Further
early retirement is to end and retirement age be raised to 67yrs. Not only
these measures, Greece has agreed to sell off state assets worth Euro 50
billion, with the proceeds earmarked for a trust fund supervised by its
creditors. Half the fund will be used to recapitalize Greek banks, while the
remaining Euro 25 billion will pay down the debts.
Obviously these terms are harsher than the ones rejected by Greeks in
July 5 referendum. These have been described as harsher than the terms
of Versailles treaty and going beyond harshness into pure vindictiveness,
(leading to the) complete destruction of national sovereignty (with) no sign
of relief. These have exposed the true nature of European Union as a
project of big capital of Europe. They have also exposed the rapacious

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nature of imperialist powers who, like vultures, eat out the vitals of the
economy of even their own member if it were to fall on bad times. They
lecture on the virtue of having to pay ones debts though all of them in the
past had defaulted on their debts and most of them could maintain their
solvency and attain high standards of life in their countries thanks to colonial
loot and plunder.
A noteworthy aspect has been the near total absence of any noise in
the international media about violation of democracy in Greece. How the
will of a sovereign people was trampled underfoot by the European powers,
of course aided by their servitors in Greece- conservatives, socialists and
revisionists dominating Syriza leadership. Big international media controlled
by the corporate of USA and Europe did not even utter a word about this
gross subversion of democracy in Greece. These media outlets who preach
virtues of democracy 24X7, did not find anything wrong in this blatant
exercise in deception.
But the most important aspect particularly in the context of rising
struggles of workers and toiling people of European countries is the betrayal
by Syriza leadership which had committed itself to ending austerity policies
which have created havoc with the economy of Greece and which had
been voted to power in January 2015 to end these humiliating policies. The
dominant Syiza leadership consisting of Euro-communists and reformists,
were however, even while promising to end austerity, vehement on remaining
in Eurozone at all costs. These contradictory positions of the dominant
Syriza leadership had the seed of betrayal in them. Their insistence on
remaining in Eurozone was the umbilical cord that connected them to
European big capital. So long as they were not in power, they could pretend
to be opponents of cuts in Govt. expenditure but once in power, they had
to choose between siding with the people of Greece and siding with European
big capital. They made their choice according to their class character. In
the process they have insulted the glorious struggle of people of Greece,
particularly over the last five years, against policies of austerity. They
have once again proved that revisionists are representatives of bourgeoisie
within working class movement. Whatever their pretensions, they would
never decisively go against the interests of bourgeoisie, the ruling class of
their country. Whenever the movement is in low ebb, they make the excuse
of lack of preparedness of the people for their tailing the ruling classes.
But when people come forward in struggles, they openly side with ruling

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classes chastising the workers and struggling people for daring to wage
struggle, terming all such struggles as adventurist and anarchist. In fact
it is possible to have some joint action with revisionists only when the
struggle is in low ebb for when the struggles advance the revisionists side
openly with ruling classes thereby finishing off all possibilities of joint
struggles. After all, one does not embrace revisionism to make revolution.
In fact signs of impending betrayal could be discerned even during Syriza
rule. No measures were planned for the case that troika may not accept
the demands of the people of Greece. Over 40 billion Euros were allowed
to flow out of Greece from April to June 2015, playing havoc with the
financial system of Greece. These were pointers that Syriza leadership
was planning to ultimately surrender before the troika after putting up some
'fight' to hoodwink the people of Greece.
For some time, it has been clear that people of Greece face a stark
choice of either submitting to the European powers or taking steps towards
reorganizing their economy. It was a choice long ago articulated by Rosa
Luxembourg as barbarism or socialism. It is not enough to reject austerity
but to embark on the path of reorganizing the economy on socialist lines.
For this working class has to clearly comprehend the nature of impending
struggle and be prepared for this struggle. It is not enough to score electoral
victory, but to prepare the working class and toiling masses to be ready to
combat and subdue the resistance of exploiting classes. Different struggles
should prepare the working class for this decisive battle. Despite wide
support of the working class and toiling masses, it is this aspect which is
lacking in Greece. Only revolutionary communists could prepare the working
class for this decisive battle and they were weak. However, this widespread
struggle would have offered them ample opportunities to prepare the working
class and toiling masses for this battle. Night long street battles in capital
Athens and other cities, and total strike by the employees, were a reminder
that people of Greece have not acquiesced in this betrayal by Syriza
leadership. Nor would the recent bail out (of Euro 86 billion) help recovery
of Greek economy.
The capitulation by dominant Syriza leadership has split Syriza, with
44 MPS either voting against or abstaining in the bailout vote in the
Parliament of Greece. A majority of them have set up a new party. Tsipras
Govt. has been reduced to a minority Govt. Syriza has become third

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important party of Memorandum besides New Democratia and PASOK i.e.
committed to implement the terms agreed in the memorandum. The
opposing group in Syriza is campaigning against the bailout terms agreed
to by Tsipras Govt. However, the strength of revolutionary communists
would be a decisive factor in taking this movement forward. Communist
Organization of Greece (KOE) has left Syriza and has not joined the new
party set up by the forces belonging to the Left Platform inside Syriza.
While people in different countries of Europe are protesting against cuts
in Govt. expenditure particularly on social security and in Govt. services,
the corporate are determined to carry their offensive through. They are
branding all opposition to austerity as radical left or hard left while this
opposition is well within the parameters of this system. However, this
opposition is refusing to die down, betrayal by Syriza leadership
notwithstanding. Rather it is gaining strength in a number of developed
capitalist countries. While ruling class parties and revisionists would like
to keep this opposition within the framework of the present system i.e.
capitalism, the repeated eruption of these mobilizations and struggles prove
that people are rising against the neo-liberal policies. In these struggles lie
the prospects of developing the movement beyond the framework of this
system. And in this political preparation of the working class to take the
plunge for their own rule, for the socialist system, is going to be a decisive
factor in taking this struggle ahead in European countries.

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August, 2015

NEW DEMOCRACY

Convention on Release of
Political Prisoners
In West Bengal, after the sentencing for life of six leaders of Lalgarh
movement, the movement for unconditional release of all political prisoners
has intensified. Out of the six, Com. Chhatradhar Mahato, Com. Sagen
Murmu, Com. Sukhshanti Baske and Com. Shambhu Soren were convicted
under UAPA while Com Raja Sorkhel and Com. Prasun Chatterjee were
convicted on charge of waging war against the State. All of them were
arrested during Left' Front rule and were convicted on 12th May this year
by Midnapore district judge Kaberi Biswas. The conviction and sentence
have been condemned by progressive, democratic and revolutionary
organizations and by struggling masses.
West Bengal State Committee of CPI(ML)-New Democracy took
initiative to conduct joint campaign with different communist revolutionary
and other organizations for release of political prisoners including Lalgarh
leaders. A day long dharna was held on 27th May in front of renowned
Coffee House at College Street in Kolkata. Three main demands were raised
- immediate unconditional release of all political leaders including Lalgarh
leaders Chhatradhar Mahato and others, repeal of UAPA and other black
laws and stopping attack on democracy in West Bengal. Those who
addressed the dharna were Ashish Das Gupta of CPI(ML)- New Democracy,
Manab Biswas of Shramik Sangram Committee, Tapan Banerjee of CPI(ML)Kanu Sanyal, Partha Ghosh of CPI(ML)-Liberation, Santosh Rana of PCC,
CPI(ML), Pradeep Singh Thakur of CPI(ML)- Red Star and Ajay Bakshi of
MKP.
On the same issue a convention was organized on 15th July by six
organizations at Bharat Sabha Hall Kolkata. Nearly 300 people participated
in this programme. Representatives of six organizations, Sushanta Jha
from CPI(ML) -New Democracy, Avas Munsi from MKP, Sarmistha
Chowdhuri from CPI(ML)-Red Star, Sumit Sinha from PCC CPI(ML), Sailen
Misra from CPI(ML)-SOC and Ashish Majumdar from CPI(ML)-Kanu Sanyal
were in the Presidium. In the beginning a draft resolution by the organizers
of the convention was placed before the house by Com. Sushanta Jha.
The resolution said that six well known leaders of Lalgarh movement have
August, 2015

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


been sentenced to life
impris onment by the
court under UAPA and
on charge of sedition.
This is the first
sent encing in W est
Bengal under UAPA.
T he
conv ict ed
revolutionaries were
associated with a mass
movement which was
built on the democratic
aspirations of the people
and in which thousands
of people joined. CPI(M)
was in power at that time and it launched severe repression on the
movement, deployed joint forces of centre and state against the movement,
tortured and imprisoned many revolutionaries and common villagers and
killed many revolutionaries in the name of encounter. The Resolution went
on to say that Trinamul Congress (TMC), in power now, came to power with
the promise of release of political prisoners. They even promised withdrawal
of joint forces. But after coming to power, the same TMC under Ms. Mamata
Banerjee has done a volte-face, carrying on the same policy as their
predessesor govt. Rather than freeing them, it is imprisoning and convicting
political prisoners, keeping joint force stationed at Jungalmahal and has
even killed Com. Koteswar Rao alias Kishanji in a fake encounter, the
resolution said. It further said that attack by Mamata Govt. is not limited to
revolutionaries only, it is carrying on persistent attacks against the people
by curbing their democratic rights. It has denied the right of imprisoned
political workers to be treated as political prisoners, amended jail code to
that end, even not allowing visitors other than close blood relatives to meet
convicted political prisoners. The Resolution called upon the people to
condemn the double faced and hypocritic behaviour of TMC under Mamata
Banerjee and oppose tooth and nail all round attack on democratic rights
by TMC Govt. It hoped that peoples movement cannot be crushed by
unleasing state terror. In the end the Resolution demanded immediate
unconditional release of all the political prisoners including Lalgarh
movement leader Com. Chhatradhar Mahato and others, repeal of UAPA
August, 2015

NEW DEMOCRACY
and stoppage of attack on democratic rights in West Bengal.
Different speakers supported the Resolution enriching it. Com. Alok
Mukherjee of CPI(ML) (Kanu Sanyal) narrated the background of Lalgarh
movement and mentioned how Left front Govt. under CPI(M) and their
Harmad forces had unleased a reign of terror on the movement. At that
time police, under the guise of a newspaper correspondent, arrested Com.
Chhatradhar Mahato. Those who stood by Lalgarh movement i.e. Coms.
Sukhshanti Baske, Raja Sorkhel, Prasun Chatterjee and others were also
arrested. On the charge of association with Maoists thousands of people
are facing severe repression. Com. Amrit Paira of MKP said that during
Lalgarh struggle he took an interview of Com. Chhatradhar Mahato and
participated with him in different programmes. He sensed how the sentiment
and emotions of the people were embodied in him and he was a popular
capable leader. Beside UAPA, notorious 124A which was created by colonial
British Govt. was slapped on him. Today it is being noticed that those who
deserted to TMC from the same movement are patriots and who did not
do that are anti-national! In Jhargram area no opposition meeting is being
permitted and protest posters are being torn by the police. Except TMC
nobody is allowed to speak. Com. Pradeep Singh Thakur of CPI(ML) -Red
Star, supporting the Resolution said that the TMC election manifesto did
not promise release of political prisoners but spoke of setting up of a review
committee for identifying those who are lodged in jail only for political
vengeance and not for committing any offence or crime. He also asked to
include withdrawal of joint forces in the demand.
Com. Chandan Pramanik of CPI(ML)-New Democracy said that even
while this Convention is on, the Govt. of Mamata Banerjee is conducting
100th administrative sabha with much fanfare. When TMC leader Mukul
Roy and others, inspite of gobbling money of the people, are freely moving,
Com Chhatradhar Mahato and others are convicted for life as anti national!
About the question raised regarding TMC's election promise on release of
political prisoners he said that in different election meetings and elsewhere,
TMC promised so and an impression was created that if TMC comes to
power it will release political prisoners. The Resolution, for exposure, has
highlighted the hypocrisy and doublefacedness of TMC on the question of
release of political prisoners, he said. He further said that today in West
Bengal TMC terror is there on democratic movements. Even when our
comrades observed Hul Day (day of Santhal rebellion) at Sarenga they
August, 2015

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


faced threats from TMC. Our AIKMS comrades faced interrogation by them
about the poster of AIKMS on 'Hul Day. Whether in educational field, in
trade union field, every where Bengal Govt is trying to impose the control
of TMC. From this convention we should prepare for bigger struggles on
these issues he concluded. Com. Sailen Misra of CPI(ML)-SOC said that
Mamata Banerjee has undertaken the responsibility of fulfilling the
unfinished task of CPI(M) Govt. CPI(M) arrested Chhatradhar and others
and Trinamul completed the task of convicting them. TMC is following the
same anti people policy as its predecessor and hence we should build up
intense joint struggle against them, he said. Com Tushar Bhattacharya of
Shramik Sangram Committee said that TMC utilized the movement of
Jungalmahal only for their electoral gains. After coming to power they
unleased a reign of terror on the movement because it did not surrender to
ruling classes. It is not only in Jungalmahal or Lalgarh but in all spheres,
including on working class, that a planned attack has been unleashed by
the ruling party. Sumit Sinha of PCC CPI(ML) said that in Jungalmahal
there is a single party autocratic rule of TMC. In Jhargram, Lodhashuli,
revolutionary workers are being attacked by TMC or police. They are being
painted as dacoits or criminals. Revolutionary workers are being summoned
to police stations and threatened that CPI(ML) activity will not be allowed.
For pasting posters against conviction of Chhatradhar Mahato and others,
police picked up Com. Niranjan Bera and others from their house, took
them to a Govt. rest house and carried on interrogation and torture the
whole night. A strong call to buid widespread movement against attack on
democratic rights should be raised from this Convention, he appealed.
Com Ashish Dasgupta sang a revolutionary song.
In the end, on behalf of the Presidium, Com. Sarmistha Chowdhuri said
that this convention indicates larger movements in future. The demand for
withdrawal of joint forces would be included in the Resolution. Reference
to promises made in the election propaganda meetings of that time by the
present ruling party leaders and Mamata Banerjee to release political
prisoners will also be included. With these additions she appealed to the
Convention to approve the Resolution. The Convention concluded with
slogan shouting on the demands approved by it.

August, 2015

NEW DEMOCRACY

WINDOW DRESSING IN
STATE MANAGEMENT

lost their jobs and are unemployed for over six months and living without
any form of insurance benefits are handing over children to orphanages
only for food and shelter!
II

Dr. N. BHATTACHARYA
Since 1991, the vast majority of Indian citizens are being used as
guinea pigs by multinational corporations to satisfy their ever expanding
greed plus hunger to accumulate more and more wealth. Almost all the
Govts., both at the Centre and in the states are repeatedly blamed for
helping criminals in organizing scams in every sphere of social and
economic activities since liberalisation, privatisation and globalization' or
LPG policies were initiated on orders from World Bank and International
Monetary Fund (IMF).
Indian Govt. welcomed World Bank and IMF to dictate its economic
policies. India has the second largest human resources in the world and
huge natural resources in hills,ocean, land and air. Europeans came and
exploited, or rather looted, our resources and became rich countries. After
Second World War most of these countries lost their position. People of
Greece are openly blaming particularly one partner in European Union
Germany- for not following the rules of the Union of Sovereign States. It
should have strictly followed the rules of trust in business ethics among
union partners. Germany exploited people of Greece and followed one sided
disastrous favourable balance of payment policies. To keep its own
industries running and earning surpluses, Germany as big brother virtually
destroyed not only the economy of Greece but also economies of Italy,
Ireland, Spain and Portugal (IISP). Thus entire Europe including Russia is
in deep water since 2008 depression. It is surprising that though IMF is
headed by a person from France, a member country of European Union,
yet the organization refused to help the people of Greece in this hour of
crisis and rather sided with Germany to crush people of Greece. We in
underdeveloped countries should be careful about these dangerous antipeople organizations that exclusively help the rich and destroy the poor
people. The number of poor and unemployed youth in Europe are increasing
every day and are facing extreme hardship just to survive. Senior citizens
in that part of the developed world are just cursing their luck! Families who
August, 2015

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

33

The UPA II Government was defeated in the general elections of 2014


as big business houses changed their horse and installed their new
representatives at the Centre. Someone called this new Govt. a suit boot
ki sarkar (a Govt. to please only rich and powerful sections in the country
-Mr. Rahul Gandhis speech in Parliament)! Mr. Modis Government feels
that people of India have no alternative other than to support them. Previous
Congress Govt. was neck deep in various types of scams. However, people
of the capital of this country refused to support Mr. Modis party. Ruling
NDA Govt. is gradually sinking deeper and deeper into the muddy waters
of scams within a short span of 13/14 months after 2014 election. Chief
Ministers of MP and Rajasthan and even people in Mr. Modis cabinet have
been exposed as involved in unconstitutional criminal activities and
opposition parties are demanding their immediate resignations. Press is
busy condemning these scams and BJP has no place to hide its face.
Parliament in Indian democracy is made once again totally irrelevant to its
citizens!
Since NDA Govt. took over power, certain new methods have been
adopted to project its performance through statistical informations. Some
of them are (1) Gross Domestic Product (GDP), (2) Consumer Price Index
(CPI) and Whole Sale Price Index (WPI), (3) Socio Economic Caste Census
(SECC) Report and (4) Farmers Deaths and so on. How are they related to
Govt.s policy initiatives on Prime Ministers development' programmes
and many other issues affecting lives of vast majority of workers of India?
Niti Aayog (new name for old Planning Commission and well known for
spending a fabulous amount on repair of two toilets in their New Delhi
office) claimed that GDP growth rate in India will not be linked as was
previously done to cost of production of goods. Physical production of
goods may not grow, rather it may fall, but income generated from such
production may grow at a higher rate due to double digit inflation in this
underdeveloped country, now called an emerging economy. New GDP
figures will include income from service sector also and if double digit
inflation is encouraged by the state, GDP growth rate will be much higher

34

August, 2015

NEW DEMOCRACY
than previous "Hindu Rate of Growth" of sixties and seventies. This is
explained by figures of growth in Industrial Production in 2014 and 2015 in
Table I and Wholesale and Retail Prices of 2014 and 2015 in Table II.
TABLE I
GROWTH RATE OF INDUSTRIAL PRODUCTION
INDUSTRIAL GROWTH

SECTORAL GROWTH

(PERCENTAGES)

(PERCENTAGES)
APRIL 2014

APRIL 2015

APRIL 2014 3.7

JAN. 2015 2.8

MINING

1.7

0.6

MAY

5.6

FEB

5.0

MANUFACTURING 3.0

5.1

JUNE

4.3

MAR

2.1

ELECTRICITY

JULY

0.9 APRIL

AUG

0.5

SEPT

2.6

OCT

-2.7

NOV

5.2

DEC

3.2

11.9

-0.5

4.1

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


Simultaneously by changing labour laws to favour both Indian and foreign
investors to accumulate more and more profit a new kind of slave labour
market is gradually being created after around six and half decades of
'independence'. Thus in 'independent' India our physical resources including
labour can be fully looted by MNCs.
It is often claimed by Govt. that prices of goods and services are going
down and this is the achievement of Mr. Modis Govt. During previous
Govt. prices were moving up and up and Govt. refused to control it both by
fiscal and monetary policies. As soon as NDA Govt. took over, Wholesale
Price Index started coming down and the new Govt. started issuing full
page advertisements that prices are falling. However, Consumer Price Index
was moving up and prices of essential commodities were going sky high.
This is explained in TABLE II. There is no one to regulate the unethical
practices of brokers and middlemen in vegetables, fruits and in other mandis
in the country. They are well versed in hoarding and black marketing of
essential commodities including drugs in India. Public memory is
proverbially very short. During previous NDA Govt. in Delhi, prices of onions
reached Rs 60 a kg and that created mass dissatisfaction and it influenced,
partly,the result of general election of 2004. The gap between WPI and CPI
is widening further, the sufferers are consumers and producers. While GDP
is being calculated Govt. must mention at which price structure- CPI or
WPI- the GDP is valued.
TABLE II

Source : Times of India 12.06.2015


Table I clearly shows reduced performances in industrial production
due to the fact of unutilized capacity and lower export orders. So if we
followed old method of GDP calculations, definitely latest figures look
irrelevant. However, service sector accounting for around 60 percent of
GDP is now adjusted in GDP calculations and the change is before us.
Moreover, at what price is this GDP valued-- WPI or CPI; if latter, valuation
of GDP will be really attractive. So production of goods is declining, there
is huge shortage, prices are beyond reach of an average citizen, but we
must celebrate because Govt. announces higher and higher GDP growth,
our figures are even higher than China. That is the reason why higher
growth rate of GDP is artificially projected to attract more investments by
Multinational Corporations (MNCs). Stock exchanges also celebrate such
manipulated growth figures projected for specific purposes by the Govt.
August, 2015

35

DIVERGING CPI, WPI (PERCENTAGES)


2014

2015

CPI

WPI

CPI

WPI

JAN

8.79

5.11

5.11

-0.95

Feb.

8.1

5.03

5.37

-2.17

March

8.31

6.0

5.17

-2.33

April

8.39

5.5

4.87

-2.43

May

8.28

6.18

5.01

-2.36

June

7.31

5.66

5.4

-2.4

(Indian Express dated 21.07.15)

36

August, 2015

NEW DEMOCRACY
III

SOCIO ECONOMIC AND CASTE CENSUS (SECC)


This Report was prepared by the Govt. of India based on country wide
survey undertaken by Centre between 2011 and 2013. Part of the Report
based on caste information has been withheld from the public and what is
given to the public is not entirely new. Govt. organization NSSO has all
these informations. However, we are using some of the informations which
may be useful to understand what is happening in Rural India.
The SECC Report says 73 percent of total households (HHs) in India
are in rural India and 74.5 percent of these HHs have to live on a monthly
income of less than Rs 5000. 30 percent of these HHs had declared
cultivation as their main occupation and around 51 percent of HHs are
bracketed as casual and manual workers. However, HHs with no land or
property of their own were a staggering 56 percent of total HHs. It varies
widely throughout the country. TABLE III gives some details of it.
TABLE III
RURAL HHs WITHOUT ANY OWN LAND (%)
AP

73

TAMIL NADU

73

J&K

22

KERALA

72

ODISHA

54

HIMACHAL

22

W.BENGAL

70

MAHARASTRA

53

PUNJAB

65

CHHATISGARH

47

BIHAR

65

KARNATAKA

47

MP

55

UP

45

GUJARAT

55

RAJASTHAN

38

ALL INDIA

56

any land of their own and if they have to cultivate, land is taken on lease
and in most cases these leases are renewable only at the mercy of land
owners. Another feature of land holding is that most of the land holders are
small and marginal and unless they take land on lease, cultivation is not
viable. How is it expected that our peasants will produce more and more
at economical prices from uneconomical holdings? Therefore, Indian
Agriculture demands more research and innovations and at the same time
more per capita investments have to be made so that purchasing power of
our farmers increases substantially.
The Report of SECC clearly invites the attention of the state to the fact
that the country is playing a disastrous game of continued neglect and
contempt for agricultural sector of 1.2 billion population. 51 percent of rural
HHs are just unorganized labour. Lakhs of men, women and children leave
their homes every year for far away places as soon as sowing season
starts and when they return to their villages after harvesting crops their
only saving per family is either a goat or some chicken. Cash is mostly
taken away by contractors. Rate of wage is very low and middle men exploit
them till today. It means they are not looked on as human beings. We have
all the rules and laws for the benefit of these workers but no one dares to
ask for their implementation.

Farmers Suicide
Poverty stricken Indian peasants are still compelled to commit suicide.
This has reached a humiliating level despite so many reports since 1947
on rural poverty and the latest one is by SECC.

(Indian Express dated 4.07.2015)


In Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, W. Bengal, Punjab, Bihar, MP, Gujarat,
Tamil Nadu, Odisha and Maharastra more than half of the HHs dont have
August, 2015

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

37

Despite so many checks and balances, Non Performing Assets of our


banks have reached a level which is dangerous for the viability of the
banking system but nobody bothers about these 'small' things in India.
May be defaulters and our politicians are friends and since 1947 not one
big businessman who cheated banks ever thought of committing suicide.
Look at what is happening to one particular business man- he cheated so
many investors but prefers to enjoy prison comforts rather than arrange
bail money demanded by the Supreme Court. Companies are shown
bankrupt by doctoring accounts but there is no one to protect the creditors
of those organizations. When peasants take loan from unorganized village
money lenders at a vulgar rate of interest, we blame the peasants who
take such loans. In such cases every year large number of peasants are

38

August, 2015

NEW DEMOCRACY
left with no other remedy than to commit suicide as humiliation for non
payment of loans becomes unbearable.
In a recent answer to a question on farmers suicide, the honourable
Agriculture Minister at the Centre was avoiding the issue of the ugly state
of affairs in the villages. They are interested that more peasants should
commit suicide and fertile agricultural land should go to selected families
of this country. It is a well organized racket in which powerful merchants
are involved. One may ask Honourable Minister why incidence of death of
peasants are more in richer states than in poorer states. Maharashtra wants
Mumbai to be made Shanghai of India, but no attempt is made to improve
the lot of peasants in Vidarbha. In the same manner Tamilnadu must be
ashamed of peasants deaths due to suicide.
To conclude, Mr. Modi has utterly failed to frame policies to provide
roti, kapra aur makan (food,clothing and shelter) to three-fourth of Indians
who are waiting for all these years since 1947. Blame game looks beautiful
in Media but the patience of the vast majority of our people is not endless.
It is a fact that we have a very strong military establishment, it can be
used in North-East, J&K or in Chhattisgarh even, but the families of our
jawans are living in their states with their relatives and friends and they are
suffering from the wilful implementation of anti people policies by both
states and Centre. Policy makers dont bother to read the writing on the
wall. It is high time in a democratic country that the increasing number of
unemployed youth should demand from the state their fundamental right to
live as normal human beings in 21st century!

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

On exchange of Enclaves
Sushanto Jha
At long last, on 6th June 2015, the India-Bangladesh Land border treaty
was formally approved in the presence of the Prime Ministers of the two
countries. With this the issue of exchange of enclaves between the two
countries was formally settled. The long delay in reaching this settlement
is a matter of severe criticism but on the other hand there is great relief
that it has finally been done. That after so many years Indias ruling class
politicians have come to their senses is a good thing for the people
particularly for the people residing in the enclaves, though how much good
intention and how much political calculation and compulsion of ruling class
parties is there behind this change in attitude will be clear only in the
future. The record of these parties on this score is not very clean and that
is the reason for the problem having lingered for so many years.
The enclaves have been in existence for a long time but the problem
with them became acute only after so called independence of India,
particularly after partition of India and with the princely states joining either
India or Pakistan. Before the 6th June treaty, what were being called
enclaves were areas within one country which were actually part of the
other country and vice versa; like some areas inside India which were
owned by Bangladesh (earlier East Pakistan) and vice-versa. After the
treaty the enclaves were exchanged by which India-owned enclaves inside
Bangladesh went to Bangladesh and Bangladesh-owned enclaves inside
India went to India.
During the British period these areas were not under direct British rule
but were under the princely states of Cooch Behar and Rangpur which had
relationships of special dependence with the British Govt. For years, the
King of Cooch Behar owned some areas inside the boundary of Rangpur
and similarly the Rangpur Maharaja owned some areas inside boundary of
Cooch Behar. In those days being in the area of one king within the area of
another king created almost no additional problem for the residents of these
areas if the kings were not mutually hostile. There was no complexity of
passport, visa, voting rights, receiving of benefit of govt. projects as citizens

August, 2015

39

40

August, 2015

NEW DEMOCRACY
of that country etc. and people were more or less content in the self
sufficient village life. But the problem began after Independence with
partition of the country between India and Pakistan. Princely states were
left to choose. Maharaja of Rangpur joined Pakistan along with the enclaves
under his possession while the King of Cooch Behar joined India along
with the enclaves under his possession. Thus Pakistan had enclaves
situated mainly in the present Cooch Behar district of West Bengal and
India had enclaves in different districts of present Bangladesh which was
at that time Pakistan. After the formation of Bangladesh from the eastern
part of Pakistan, Pakistani enclaves became enclaves of Bangladesh. In
this manner the enclave problem is related to Partition where people had
no rights and politicians and some kings had the say in partitioning of the
country and in deciding which country to belong to.
Due to this the situation for people in the enclaves became such that
their area was surrounded by another country whose citizens they were
not and which was not liable to arrange basic amenities for them like drinking
water, food, shelter, road and communications, electricity, education,
health, employment etc. Their children could not get admitted to the schools
and colleges or be treated in the hospitals of the other country. Their own
country did not provide any facilities to them. They had no citizen
certificate, no ration card, no voter card or voting rights. Even census was
not carried out in their areas. Thus they were nowhere people with no formal
legal rights and no basic amenities as citizens. They would not get any
help from surrounding police or administrative centres even for protection
of their personal property, right or security. Even if they succeeded in
registering their complaint at the distant administrative centre of their own
country they would get practically no response from them on the pretext of
distance, diplomatic complexity etc. In this situation they spent horrible
lives with the fear that neighbouring anti socials or powerful persons would
attack, beat or kill them on any pretext, grab their properties and molest
their women folk. Many were forced to leave their enclave. But due to the
absence of legal papers they faced uncertainties everywhere.
It is expected that with the treaty on exchange of enclaves the
uncertainty prevailing over the lives of enclave dwellers will be ended. The
treaty on exchange of enclaves is not a separate treaty but part of a greater
treaty on land boundary between India and Bangladesh. Within the treaty
there are mainly three components - agreement on enclaves, agreement
on the areas of adverse possession and agreement on demarcation of
August, 2015

41

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


boundaries between the two countries. This time 22 agreements on different
issues were signed between India and Bangladesh during the visit of Indian
Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Bangladesh. Out of these agreements
the agreement of 6th June on land boundary which includes exchange of
enclaves is not a new agreement but the formal ratification of 1974
agreement between Indira & Mujib and the ratification of signed protocol
on 1974 agreement during the visit of Indian Prime minister Manmohan
Singh to Bangladesh in 2011. It means it took 41 years to formally ratify
the land boundary agreement of 1974. In this matter the responsibility for
so much delay rests mainly on Indian leaders. Bangladesh Parliament
approved the 1974 agreement the same year, whereas Indian leaders,
knowing full well that the Indian constitution does not permit such type of
change of territory without an amendment in the constitution by a two third
majority, which was already proved during Berubari dispute, took so many
years to approve land boundary agreement. It was passed on 6th May in
Rajya Sabha and 7th May in Lok Sabha and gave the agreement legal
sanctity just before visit of Modi.
King of Cooch Behar joined India in 1949 whereas Rangpur Maharaja
had joined Pakistan much before. In 1958 Nehru-Noon agreement was
signed between Prime Ministers of India and Pakistan. In that agreement
the desire for de-enclavation of enclaves was expressed but no concrete
steps were suggested. After that concrete agreement on this matter was
done only after formation of Bangladesh when Sheikh Mujib became Prime
Minister of Bangladesh. During his tenure Indira-Mujib accord of 1974 was
signed. After killing of Mujib and regime change in Bangladesh the issue
was dumped. It again surfaced after the visit of Sheikh Hasina (daughter
of deceased Mujibur Rehman), Bangladesh Prime Minister to India in 2010.
As a follow up, in 2011 during Manmohan Singh's visit, Govt protocol
regarding 1974 land border agreement was signed between India and
Bangladesh Govt.
Till recently BJP was dead against Indira- Mujib Land border agreement
of 1974 and 2011 protocol on the same agreement. Now whatever may be
the reason they have changed their attitude hence there was no hurdle in
approving the matter in Indian parliament unanimously.
According to the present treaty Bangladesh would get 111 enclaves
owned by India inside Bangladesh territories while India would get 51
enclaves owned by Bangladesh inside Indian territories. Area wise, out of

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enclave areas Bangladesh would get 17,160 acres i.e. 6,940 hectares
(nearly 70 sq km) and India would get 7,110 acres i.e. 2880 hectares (nearly
28 sq km). According to the joint census of 14-17th July 2011 by India and
Bangladesh the total population of all the enclaves was 51,549. Out of
these in Indian enclaves inside Bangladesh population was 37,334 and
population in Bangladeshi enclaves inside India was 14,215. So it is
expected that with the realization of 6th June treaty more than 50 thousand
people will get some respite from their horrible enclave life. It was agreed
that they can retain their land by taking citizenship of the country where
the enclave is being transferred. They can also choose to go to their earlier
country. In this case they will be rehabilitated by that country and will be
entitled to get some time for sale or transfer of their land and property in
the earlier enclave.
According to the treaty the materialization of exchange of enclaves
was to be done on 31st July 2015 midnight. Before that it was agreed to
jointly carry out head counts in the enclaves and explain to the enclave
people the contents of the treaty, giving them the option of remaining on
their land or going to their earlier country as per the treaty. Some time
frame was to be fixed for completing this process. Those who will stay in
their earlier places will face the immediate problems of obtaining ration
card, voter identity card, citizen card and of legally recording their land
and properties, admitting their children to educational institutions, getting
employment, obtaining basic necessities like drinking water, electricity,
road and communication etc. In these they will have to face same difficulties
that the rest of the citizens are already facing. Others who would leave
their land and go to their own country as refugees will face the difficulties
of being properly rehabilitated and obtaining necessary citizens' rights,
selling or transferring their land and properties of earlier places etc. In both
the cases touts, bureaucrats, contractors etc. will fill their pockets with
illegitimate money. So residents of earlier enclaves will face new tasks of
fighting against inhuman extractions, bribery and exploitation and for their
just demands and realization of the promises given to them by the Govt.
Other people should help these enclave people in their fight against
injustice and protect them.

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Intensify Struggles against Imperialism and Feudalism

Red salute to first martyrs of


Srikakulam Tribal Armed Struggle
Anil
On 31st October 1967, the tribals in old Srikakulam Dist. of Andhra
Pradesh (now mostly in Vizainagram) were to conduct a conference under
the leadership of Girijan Sangam at Mondekhal. Tribals began gathering in
large numbers. The landlords of the area, led by landlord Medida Satyam,
hid in nearby Levidi intending to murder the top leadership of the Sangam.
They also tried to restrain the tribals from Gumma from proceeding to the
Conference. When they learnt of this, the tribals already gathered at the
Conference site got agitated and marched to Levidi. The feudals hidden
there fired on them, in which Coms. Korrana and Maganna were killed.
They were the first martyrs of the Srikakulam tribal armed struggle.
These killings marked a turn in the Srikakulam movement. The anger
of the tribals knew no bounds, especially since they realized that the
feudals were intending to kill their leaders. They were already used to
false cases being foisted on them and to coming from and going to the
Central Jail. They responded fearlessly saying that while the local feudals
had only tiled houses, the big feudals living in Vishakapatnam in multi
storeyed houses should also be targeted. Inspired by the martyrdoms,
they participated in huge antifeudal struggles with a strong sense of
commitment. They moved forward to capture land and the crops of the
feudals. They refused to pay debts and tore up the documents purporting
to show massive dues to feudals. They refused to do bonded labour and
they retaliated with traditional weapons against the landlords and the police
which supported them. Despite a police camp at Neelkantapuram, the native
village of Maganna, a memorial meeting for the martyrs was held there.
The then Congress Govt. in the state came out openly in favour of the
landlords. The SAP (Special armed Police) launched attacks on 3rd and 4th
March 1968. Police looted the Sunday markets and filed false cases against
tribals alleging that the Sangam was exploiting and cheating the people.
Attacks and arrests were rampant as the Govt. exposed its cruel class
nature when the people came into struggle. Hundreds were arrested and

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imprisoned, tribal villages were burnt and women brutally molested. Leaders
and activists were encountered if they were caught. More than 350 such
were killed, including the first two martyrs and Coms. Vempatapu Satyam,
Adibatla Kailasam, Panchadi Krishnamurthy, Nirmala Krishnamurthy,
Ankamma and others upto Arika Somula. Despite this, the struggle (the
Naxalite struggle as it was termed) spread, bringing the land issue onto the
agenda and stressing the importance of agrarian revolution. At the same
time, in the Godavari valley area the tribals and non tribal poor came forward
in struggles under the leadership of communist revolutionaries like Com.
CP, Com. Ramanarasaiah and Com. Neelam Ramchandraiah. The
comprador rulers suppressed the struggles cruelly and severely. They also
tried to distract and divert people by bringing some reforms and welfare
plans and also made a show of implementing some steps.
One reform that the then Congress Govt. of AP brought was the 1/70
Act, which made amendments in the 1917 Act of the British colonial Govt.
and in the 1959 Prevention of Land Transfer Act in the agency areas (i.e.
the forest areas or the scheduled areas). According to this, non tribals
could not purchase land of tribals in such areas. If non tribals in this area
possessed land they had to prove ownership prior to 1970. If non tribals
wished to sell their land in these areas they could only sell to the Govt.
The feudal forces used this provision by manipulating the records to show
they held land prior to 1970. Thus the tribals had only 6,99,000 acres of
land while non tribals held 8,70,000 acres. It is surprising that despite their
fierce struggle, 60% of the land was not with the tribals. The second problem
arose in demarcation of agency area. Villages where a large number of
tribals lived were excluded. The then AP Assembly resolved in 1978 to
include 805 tribal villages and sent the list to the President of India, who in
turn sent it to the Cabinet. Nothing resulted. 456 villages of North AP
districts, mostly of Srikakulam and Vizianagram, were included. In the
new state of AP also, hundreds of tribal villages are not covered under the
agency area.
The ruling class parties have always been ready to weaken the 1/70
Act which affords at least some protection to the tribals. In 1989, the NTR
Govt. tried to amend it against the verdict of the Supreme Court, but this
was bitterly opposed by tribals and by democratic and revolutionary forces.
Later TDP and Congress Govts. which came to power in the state, were
ready to set aside this Act to hand over land, bauxite reserves and other
mineral resources lying under forest land for loot to MNCs. In the scheduled
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


areas village committees should have the power over land issues, protection
of forest produce and of other natural resources and over their utilization. If
any merchant or nontribal, rich or poor, has any land in agency areas it
means that the land initially belonged to tribals and must have been grabbed.
Tribals who forfeit land become coolies or bonded labour. Tribals are far
away from the civilized world and their lives are linked to the land and the
forests. The movement in old Srikakulam Dist. gave the solution to the
land problem which is by armed struggles by peasants for land, food and
deliverance.
As the movement heightened in the Agency areas of old Srikakulam
Dist., the ruling classes, ignoring the main issue of land, announced welfare
plans for tribals. They introduced and extended these through ITDA and
Girijan Cooperatives. Actually, no benefits reached the tribals despite the
Govt.s media propaganda. The landlords, moneylenders and merchants in
the sub plan areas grabbed the fruits. Now bureaucrats, political brokers
and contractors are included. Thus struggles of tribals are breaking out, in
which dalits and other poor are participating.
As a result of movements, Govt. propagated that banjar lands and
excess lands of landlords would be distributed to tribals, dalits and other
poor. Under pressure of Telengana Armed Struggle such a resolution was
earlier passed in 1953 by the AP State Assembly. Nothing happened. After
Srikakulam, Land Reform Act 1973 was passed. Very little was distributed
and even less reached the people. In the decades of 1980s and '90s land
struggles broke out in old Srikakulam in Kaspa gadabavalasa in Kurupam
area. In 1990, when they captured land earlier grabbed from them, feudals
with the help of Govt. attacked them and killed 5 tribals. Tribals in Duggeru
area struggled for land and Janni Tirupathi, a tribal youth, was killed. Dalits
of Gopannavalasa in Merakamudidan mandal were given pattas in a tank
bund, but when they went to cultivate them, feudal killed 5 of them. Recently,
when dalits of Laximpeta in Vangara mandal (Srikakulam Dist.) cultivated
the unsubmerged lands of Madduvalasa reservoir, the intolerant feudals
killed 5 dalits. In Piridi, Alajangi, Ravivalasa, China Kollivalasa villages
feudal attacked dalits, injured them and looted their properties. People have
been opposing these attacks under the leadership of various revolutionary
organizations and dalit and democratic forces.
In Naxalbari, Godavari Valley and Srikakulam tribals, peasants and
agricultural labourers struggled against feudals but now big business houses

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and MNCs are also present. Under policies of Globalization, tribal areas
and coastal belts are being handed over to them. Tribals, fisherfolk,
peasants and agricultural labourers have been struggling to protect forests,
land, fishing and natural resources.
The earlier UPA Govt. and the present NDA Govt. at the Centre have
been trying to hand over mineral resources in eastern and central parts of
India to corporate under the veil of development. Operation Greenhunt was
launched against Naxalites with the purpose of grabbing natural resources.
Intellectuals, democrats and progressive forces who questioned these
policies were harassed and even put behind bars.
Different state Govts. are implementing the same policies. In Odisha,
the BJD Govt. killed 14 tribals in Kalingnagar, in Bengal the CPM led Left
Front Govt. killed 18 peasants in Nandigram as they refused to surrender
their land. In AP, fisherman Nukuraju was killed when fisherfolk protested
against Gangavaram port and six peasants were shot dead in Sompeta
and Kakrapalli in Srikakulam Dist. for fighting to save their land.
RSS backed Govt. of Modi is carrying forward the pro imperialist policies,
inviting them to Make in India, promising to amend labour laws. Modi
Govt. is carrying the American palanquin but is also ready to carry the
boots of China and Japan. Only communist revolutionaries are working for
any real change. In the agency areas, when the feudals were cornered by
movements, the state moved in to support them, showing its true class
face. To protect their achievements and themselves people readied
themselves to resist. This was the experience in Godavari Valley, Sirsilla
and Jagtiyal.
In order to face the attacks of comprador capitalists, landlords and
their imperialist masters, we should build a united front of revolutionary
forces and work with revolutionary understanding. We have to develop
peoples initiative in action and build up areas of resistance. We should
follow the revolutionary path. Comrade Mao taught that strengthening the
united front of revolutionary forces, building a strong secret party and a
strong peoples army alone can stop the exploiting classes. We should
recall the sacrifices of the martyrs, take inspiration and walk the path of
struggle. This is the real tribute to them.

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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

100 Smart City Projects

Handing over City Building and


Civic Services to MNCs and
Corporate
Ashish
Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced at the Madison Square, New
York last year that Ajmer, Allahabad and Vishakhapatnam will be rebuilt
into three new Smart Cities. His explicit purpose was to attract foreign
investments in India for city building and civic services. Barely a few
months into power, he was selling a dream for the moneyed middle class
of a living in Americanized cities on Indian soil. It was a dream for living
smart, with all necessary amenities and facilities for entertainment and
luxuries.
Construction of these cities are part of Mr. Modis development plan
for India. He has announced 100 new smart cities since then and allocated
Rs 48,000 crores for them @ Rs 100 crores per city per year. States have
been asked to identify these and stake their claim. Since the announcement
there have been protest movements in several cities, especially by a section
of lawyers and some other bodies demanding inclusion of their city in the
list. For prospective stakeholders 100 crores is an attraction.
Several problems plague city life in India today. The declaration of smart
cities itself is an admission of the pathetic condition of civic facilities and
the anti people attitude of the care takers, the municipal bodies and
development authorities. The electricity supply is erratic and irregular, the
voltage varies at will, the billing is arbitrary; the water supply is limited and
at odd hours; there is severe paucity of sewage, rain water drainage and
waste disposal infrastructure; it is normal for waste dumps to rot in the
open and supply flies, mosquitoes and disease; there is overcrowding and
shortage of housing with the houses being severely dilapidated; the roads
are packed to capacity with huge sized unruly vehicles pushing their way
through pedestrians, cyclists, rickshaws and crowded wayside kiosks; most
roads are broken with innumerable potholes, the side paths being laden

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with rain water and filth; there is poor organized infrastructure for small
traders who outnumber big shops by hundreds; there are parking space
problems, public transport shortage; the govt. provided facilities of health
and education are in shambles with unscrupulous private sector sharks
profiting even by cheating; the trees have been cut, the ponds filled up, the
atmosphere is sultry and the air often stinks; the civic authorities are
omnipresent only in extracting bribes for correcting the deliberately
overinflated bills; hardly ever is a fault repaired efficiently; to make a
complaint is often to invite more trouble; etc.
The govt. has propagated this dream of smart city without giving exact
details, which is where actually the devil resides. Those who can afford to
aspire for better facilities, even if it is at higher cost, are charmed, while
the rest are confused. It has not been explicitly stated who will provide the
better facilities and at what cost. But the govt. will not do so, that is certain.
The govt. knows for whom it is building these smart cities and in what
manner it will execute it. Finance Minister Arun Jaitley outlined this in his
budget speech last year. He stated as the fruits of development reach an
increasingly large number of people the pace of migration from the rural
areas to the cities is increasing. A neo middle class is emerging which has
the aspiration of better living standards. Unless new cities are developed
to accommodate the burgeoning number of people, the existing cities would
soon become unlivable. The Prime minister has talked of developing one
hundred Smart Cities as satellite towns of larger cities and by modernizing
the existing mid-sized cities. So basically these cities are for emerging
neo middle class, which of course, is expected to be able to pay since the
fruits of development have already reached it.

Who is to develop them? The MOU on Allahabad Smart City


outlines this.
Under central guidance the UP govt. has entered into a MOU with the
USTDA (US Trade and Development Agency) on the 25th January, 2015.
The MOU recognizes that Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi and
President of USA, Barack Obama agreed to find new areas of collaboration
and mutual benefit. The govt. of United States welcomed Indias offer for
US industry to be the lead partner in developing smart cities in Ajmer
(Rajasthan), Vishakhapatnam (Andhra Pradesh) and Allahabad (Uttar
Pradesh). The USTDA supports infrastructure development in emerging
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


markets and links US businesses to global infrastructure opportunities
while the Govt. of UP is committed to the development of smart cities
within the state of UP.
Therefore the parties understood that USTDA intends to contribute
funding for feasibility studies/ pilots, study tours, workshops/ trainings,
and it intends to invite Smart solutions for Smart Cities Reverse Trade
Mission delegation to the United States . It will also contribute funding
towards advisory services to support the development of smart city in
Allahabad.
USTDA will collaborate with US govt. agencies like Dept. of Commerce,
the US Export Import Bank and trade and economic agencies and will call
upon US industry organizations to mobilize private sector expertise and
resources to address important aviation and energy related infrastructure
connected to developing smart cities. Its support shall be subject to the
availability of funds and subsequent written agreements with the relevant
parties.
On the other hand the Govt. of UP will provide resources to include but
not be limited to: a. Technical information and data related to smart cities
planning; b. Staff, logistical and travel support; and c. State budgetary
resources.
Acting on this, this MOU outlines the following basic aspects:
1. For the smart city the funds, technical information and data and staff
and logistics will be provided by UP govt.
2. Contracts for such development will be given to US companies which
will be mobilized by the USTDA. Important aspects will be of building airports
and power plants. There will be no bidding, or at best it will only be between
US companies.
3. Purpose of this project is to provide business opportunities to US
companies and to develop smart Allahabad. For this the USTDA will fund
the pilot studies, seminars, study tours, workshops, training to Indian
bureaucrats, political and social activists.
The Draft Concept Note on Smart City Scheme along with this note
and subsequently the Smart City Mission document issued by the Urban
Development Ministry explain the logic and objectives of this scheme.

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1. Th e co ncept advanced i s d evel opment n ecessi tates
urbanization. Cities are referred to as the engines of economic growth,
the documents say, expecting rapid increase in urban population from 31%
at present to 60 to 65%, because people migrate to cities primarily in
search of livelihood and economic activities. A rapid growth of urban
population will only be at the cost of either erosion of village life or it being
forcefully uprooted. Indias development needs lie in safeguarding and
developing livelihood of the vast peasantry constituting 70% of the
population. This is only possible by giving them land to farm on, making
agriculture a profitable venture, ensuring infrastructure to develop farming
and village life. That is a huge task and it entails several times more
manpower and investment than required for 100 smart cities. It will also
increase peoples income and purchasing capacity and shift the focus of
modernization from few islands called smart cities to an entire countryside
bubbling with advancement and demanding more.
2. What is a smart city? After referring to various international cities
considered smart, it is stated to be one which will offer economic activities
and employment opportunities. For this it needs to develop institutional,
physical and social and economic infrastructures and for that it should
attract investors and professionals to take up such activities. It should
also provide a very high quality of life (comparable with any developed
European City), i.e. good quality but affordable housing, cost efficient
physical infrastructure such as 24x7 water supply, sanitation, 24x7 electric
supply, clean air, quality education, health care, security, entertainment,
sports, robust and high speed interconnectivity, fast and efficient urban
mobility, etc. For this it should be an investor friendly smart city without
bureaucratic hassles and with adequate labour force. Investors
themselves look for decent living.
3. Its Supervisory Structure: Consulting firms will prepare the Smart
City Plan for competing in the Smart City challenge, after consulting citizens,
Residents Welfare Associations, Tax Payers Associations, Senior Citizens
and Slum Dwellers Associations. The claims of these cities to qualify will
be evaluated by a panel of national and international experts, organizations
and institutions. Incidentally the Madison square announcement was made
by Mr. Modi after consulting Barack Obama, not the peoples associations.
Each Smart City will have a Special Purpose Vehicle, SPV, for its
implementation. This will be headed by a full time CEO and have nominees
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


of Central Government, State Government and ULB (Urban Local Body) on
its Board.
Each potential smart city is to be assisted by a consultant and one of
the following handholding agency - World Bank, ADB, JICA, USTDA,
AFD, KfW, DFID, UN Habitat, UNIDO, etc.
4. Funding Increased taxes on people : For the project it is expected
that most of the infrastructure will be taken up either as complete private
investment or though PPPs. The contributions from the GOI and States
will be largely by way of Viability Gap Support (VAS). One may keep in
mind that such viability gap support is not granted to Indian farmers who
are committing suicides in large numbers.
The GOI funds and the matching contribution by the States/ULB will
meet only a part of the project cost. Balance funds are expected to be
mobilized from:
i. States/ ULBs own resources from collection of user fees, beneficiary
charges and impact fees, land monetization, debt, loans, etc.
ii. Additional resources transferred due to acceptance of the
recommendations of the Fourteenth Finance Commission (FFC).
iii. Innovative finance mechanisms such as municipal bonds with credit
rating of ULBs, Pooled Finance Mechanism, Tax Increment Financing (TIF).
iv. Other Central Government schemes like Swachh Bharat Mission,
AMRUT, National Heritage City Development and Augmentation Yojana
(HRIDAY).
v. Leverage borrowings from financial institutions, including bilateral
and multilateral institutions, both domestic and external sources.
vi. States/UTs may also access the National Investment and
Infrastructure Fund (NIIF), which was announced by the Finance Minister
in his 2015 Budget Speech, and is likely to be set up this year.
vii. Private sector through PPPs.
Paras i and iii mean more urban taxes, more registry charges, more
diversion of ULB funds, more loans on ULBs, all leading to costlier city
life. Para iv shows that regular funds for govt schemes meant for urban
poor will get diverted to building smart cities and from paras ii and vi that
central funds will be provided for them. Para v highlights more direct

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NEW DEMOCRACY
domestic and external borrowings and dependence thereof and vii shows
that profit making facilities and responsibilities will be handed over to the
private sector, the MNCs and Indian corporate.
It has been stated that the tariffs are to be such that they are affordable
for the poor and yet recovers costs at higher levels of use. Clearly the
plan is to recover the profits from the middle class and give a short shrift
to the poor.
The documents state clearly that innovative methods of raising revenues
will have to be developed by the States and Cities .. The principle of
justifying high tariffs by private service providers is already in place even
now with the concept of independent regulators. As in Delhi the regulator
for electricity tariff was promoting higher profits while the company was
claiming excessive costs and the people were as it is groaning under fast
running metres. It is proposed to have independent regulators for smart
cities also. It is important that in this regulation there is no provision of
peoples participation.
5. It will be a fully Privatized City: So in short we are looking at a
totally privatized city, with no municipal or govt. facility. Samples of this
are available in colonies developed by builders or developers as they are
called now. They already have issues with floor area/ carpet area as per
advertisement, maintenance and overcharging as well as insecurity due to
over domination of established private security structures themselves.
Who will provide all the above good quality services and facilities to
those who cant afford them? There is stress on low cost housing being
especially for the poor. Slums are to be better planned, obviously by the
MNCs, not the govt. The central govt. has stipulated that at least 15% of
the housing should be of the affordable category. Surely these would be
just like the charitable patient care clause being implemented by big
corporate hospitals.
6. Labour Force: There is some emphasis on adequate availability of
required skills in the labour force as a necessary requirement to make it
easy to establish an enterprise and run it efficiently without any
bureaucratic hassles. This is an essential feature of an investment friendly
smart city. In that sense these cities will be even smarter than those in
Europe and USA where even domestic labour has to be paid for at a minimum
rate and will be without hassles of labour laws! A heaven for the rich, and
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


possible hell for the poor, that too without any bureaucratic hassles!
7. Growth and Development Cycle: It is claimed that these smart
cities will set in motion a virtuous cycle of growth and development. How
they will do that is not answered. While it is true that the development of
economic infrastructure, institutions, etc for certain services will set in
motion some economic development, but still agriculture, manufacturing
involve more than 80% of Indias population. The documents advocate
giving an identity to the city based on its main economic activity, such
as local cuisine, health, education, arts and craft, culture, sports goods,
furniture, hosiery, textile, dairy, etc. No mention is there of any
manufacturing or big industry. How will the service sectors of city life by
themselves set in motion a virtuous cycle of growth with both the primary
and secondary sectors being in a quandary is impossible to comprehend.
This is being deliberately pushed to misguide the people. One should
consider that construction of institutions of this type in large numbers in
rural areas has only left empty buildings standing on agricultural fields in
large numbers. There are upto 20 to 40 engineering colleges in several
cities, several of which have no or very few students. Several cities have
ghost colonies of flats which have been purchased but not occupied as the
owners live on their other properties. A recent report in the Economic Times
said more than 1.7 lakh flats are lying unsold in NCR, Delhi.
8. Health and Education: On provision of education and health care
the documents are obviously silent on govt. institutions providing any of
these facilities. But a separate note circulated for the Allahabad Smart
City advocates that the administration needs to set up a single window
system for examination and approving the proposals from private sector in
setting up educational facilities. As far as quality of education is concerned,
it states the market is the best way to judge as students and parents
prefer quality institutions in taking admissions. For health services the
plan is to develop a medi city in every smart city in 50 to 100 acres land
and develop PPP models and promote private sector participation in PHC
services, community insurance schemes, etc. So private companies will
penetrate even ongoing social health schemes like ICDS, Mid Day Meals
and use services of Anganwadi, ASHA and primary school staff.
9. Water Supply and other provisions: The plan to supply water is an
example of their plan to provide all 24x7 facilities. It talks of smart water
metres for measuring water consumption providing customers with data

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NEW DEMOCRACY
to help them monitor their water usage and reduce costs. It says water
supply also requires a proper revenue model based on metering of
connections and volumetric water supply tariff. Already in these services
a smart trend of charging the people through prepaid services has begun.
It is there in tele communication with prepaid SIM cards, in water supply
with promotion of bottled water and now water ATMs and is being promoted
in electricity supply with installation of individual transformers. All are based
on volumetric supply concept. So smart meters in water, electricity and
other services is a system of prepaid charges, fixed charges, fixed timed
charges even if one is unable to use, etc. This smart solution will apply to
telephones, internet, drainage, waste management services.

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


and it will provide for training, live and work, retraining and the likes to
people, at a cost. It is a fancy creation to cover up the responsibility of the
govt. to do enough to satisfy the needs of employment generation.
12. Accountability: There is much emphasis on provision of smart
solutions to every problem and participatory systems of governance.
What happens if the facilities provided are short of those promised, i.e. in
cases of cheating, overcharging, poor supply, etc. This is often the
experience with private builders, mobile phone service providers, several
fancy so called professional courses, overbilling and unwarranted treatment
by private hospitals, fast running electricity metres and several others.
These are not off the shelf provisions. Once you are stuck with them, you
stay with them for long. And having won the contract, the company/
developer holds a monopoly. Well, one could go to court and seek justice
in years. But there is no government to answer for this. So where is the
participatory governance? Probably this is the smart solution they are
offering.

10. City Structure and Environment: It is claimed the aim is to provide


clean and sustainable environment, freer road movement, public transport
at different levels. There are comparisons with Barcelona, Singapore,
Yokohama, Seoul. Even with their plan to make smart cities with luxurious
use of land, it is unlikely to be environment friendly because their main
emphasis is on concrete structures. The plan is to change the existing
middle level cities and develop satellite townships as new cities. For this
they will uproot villages and evict the peasantry on a large scale. Their
figures disclose that they wish to urbanize about 40% of the existing rural
population and possibly take over that much land. This plan has already
been a disaster in several Latin American countries where large section of
population lives in big cities. Such a direction has been afloat in govt.
circles since UPA rule when then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh often
stated that people should not expect that agriculture will be able to provide
livelihood. Such a plan is certainly not sustainable for a huge population of
1.25 billion living with a population density of 368 per square km as compared
to Germany with 229, USA with 33, Brazil with 24 and Argentina with 14
persons per sq.km. Nor can Indias development model be compared with
Singapore which is a trading city country with a population density of 7148
per sq.km.

13. People's Participation: The documents state that new technology


has provided a new dimension to this system making it efficient, accountable
and transparent. It is a funny logic which people are expected to swallow
that technology will provide for all this even against the wish of the company
or contractor. And this is noted as a Pillar of a Smart City. It stresses on
involvement of people in decision making process. But the whole idea of
smart cities has been thrust from above, even being declared on foreign
land, without asking any section of people. Public participation is to be
through social media with municipal offices being made fully automated.

11. Job Creation: The document claims that each smart city will create
10,000 new jobs per year. Each of these cities will be established after
displacing hundreds of villages where they will destroy thousands of
livelihood in each village. To promote this as 'development', the concept of
a job incubator to be built in each smart city has been introduced. It is
claimed this will be given several incentives and support from the govt.

14. SMART: Smart used as an adjective means to be clever, crafty and


one can complement the govt. for having used this word in a smart way.
Smart does not mean that it will be a good city, with facilities at affordable
costs, or security of livelihood, or of environment and ecology. It is a full
developmental program, where entire structures and establishments will
change, economy will change, life of the people will change and the changed

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Further there is discussion on ensuring that there is no civic indiscipline


through installation of CCTV cameras and infusion of technology and very
strong Service Level Agreements so that human intervention is a bare
minimum. Who will ensure the agreement for the hapless consumer against
a big company is not answered. May be the cameras will!

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new circumstance will become a compulsion.
The project will actually allow urban and rural rich to outsmart the urban
and village poor and peasantry as a whole; the service provider companies
and developers will outsmart their customers and the big companies,
particularly US MNCs and their allies outsmart Indians by erecting white
elephants on our farmlands and rivers, our major sources of livelihood.

CC Statement

Against Yaqub Memons Hanging


The judicial hanging of Yaqub Memon, an accused of Mumbai blasts of
1993, and the undue haste with which this was carried out on July 30, 2015
has once again highlighted the discrimination practiced by the different
wings of the Indian state towards sections of Indian citizens. It has raised
many questions and large sections of people have protested against this.
A large attendance at the funeral of Yaqub Memon which has been dubbed
as anti-national by BJP and Shiv Sena, testifies to the growing unease
among large sections of people against the brazenness of such exercise.
Besides, the debate on desirability and efficacy of capital punishment,
which has been going on for a long time and which gets particularly sharp
whenever any capital punishment is going to carried out, the hanging of
Yaqub Memon has raised two important sets of questions. The first of
these relates to whether Yaqub Memons culpability in the blasts has been
correctly assessed, whether mitigating factors like his cooperation with
investigative agencies have been given due weightage and whether Indian
agencies had promised him lenient treatment in exchange for his
cooperation; in all, whether it qualified to be the rarest of rare case
deserving capital punishment as repeatedly enunciated by the Supreme
Court. Yaqub Memons culpability is based on a single witness; moreover
his role has been ascribed to be only supportive. It is not only the gravity
of the crime but the alleged culpability of the accused in that which has to
be the basis of such assessment. The Supreme Court has sought to
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57

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


overcome this in Afzal Guru case by resorting to conscience of society,
a new addition to the principles of jurisprudence. Based on the hard evidence,
neither Afzal Guru nor Yaqub Memon deserved capital punishment even
under the existing law.
Equally relevant is the total disregard of his cooperation with law
enforcement agencies and the commitments made to him by the intelligence
agencies which were instrumental in arranging for the Memon family to
come back to the country. This aspect so disturbed the former AntiTerrorism Division chief of R&AW, B. Raman, who supervised the whole
operation and which apparently had drawn appreciation from the then Prime
Minister Mr. P. Narasimha Rao, to pen his opposition to the death sentence
to Yaqub Memon. It is strange that Indian authorities who were in full
knowledge of this, chose not to mention it before the Court.
The second and the even more disturbing question, relates to the
communal bias in disposal of such cases by the judiciary and authorities
dealing with disposal of mercy petitions of death row convicts. Courts have
adopted different yardsticks in disposal of different cases. Uniformity is
an essential quality of law where even differentiation also aims to serve
the equality before law. Maya Kodnani convicted in Gujarat riots case and
Amit Shah accused in cold blooded murder of a number of Muslims by
Gujarat police have been dealt differently and shown leniency. Conscience
of the nation is not stirred when perpetrators of anti-Sikh genocide of 1984
and culprits of anti-Muslim killings and mayhem in Gujarat in 2002 go scot
free, when Govts. conspire to defeat justice in such cases. Intervention of
higher judiciary in these cases has not ensured punishment to the culprits
of such heinous crimes. Judicial interpretation of conscience of the nation
has been quite pliable to say the least.
This aspect also stands out when one considers how Justice Srikrishna
Commission Report into Mumbai anti-Muslim violence in January 1993
was consigned to the dustbin. Justice Srikrishna had held Bal Thakrey
responsible for orchestrating killings of Muslims. Not only no action was
taken against him, he was given a state funeral. Reports into Bhagalpur
violence against Muslims too were also thrown aside and culprits were not
brought to book. Recently, all the accused PAC personnel in Hashimpura
killings were acquitted by the Court.
The undue haste with which Courts have disposed off Yaqub Memons

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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

Homage to Com. Chalasani Prasad

appeals and executed the capital punishment has also been subject of
peoples disquiet and anger. His mercy petitions were dismissed by
Maharashtra Governor and President of India on the same day. Supreme
Court sat the whole night ostensibly to clear the way for his hanging at 7
AM the same day. Even the customary reprieve of 14 days after the disposal
of his last legal recourse before the hanging was not granted to him. It
showed that the Govt. was in a tearing hurry to hang him lest some new
facts may come out to put a spanner in its works. While in Afzal Gurus
case many of these legal rights were given a go-by, in Yaqub Memons
case the motions were gone through reducing them to a farce in the process.

Revolutionary poet, writer and erstwhile Secretary of Revolutionary


Writers Association (VIRASAM), Com. Chalasani Prasad passed away on
July 25th 2015 morning at his house in Vishakhapatnam. He was 84 years
old.

The hanging of Yaqub Memon is a pointer to the direction in which


RSS-BJP dispensation wishes to lead the country. It wants to drive home
to minorities that they should not expect equal treatment at the hands of
organs of the state. They are cynically deepening communal division in
the country in order to intensify attacks against the people and disrupt the
unity of the people against these attacks. RSS-BJP are helped in this by
deep communalization of the state agencies particularly those constituting
the deep state. BJP-RSS is also helped in this by the role of most of the
parliamentary opposition parties, particularly main opposition party
Congress, who have never confronted majority communalism, who
recognize its utility in dividing the people and consolidating their votes
among different sections of the people. Response to Yaqub Memons
hanging has brought this out clearly.

Com. Chalasani Pr asad was a lect urer in A VN College at


Vishakhapatnam. He was inspired by Naxalbari and Srikakulam armed
peasant struggles. He was very close to Mahakavi Sri Sri. He was the key
person in Sri Sri celebration and in the release of a pamphlet Writers,
Artists, Where are You? Whom do you support? Are you with the common
people or the ruling classes? He played a great role in establishing
Revolutionary Writers Association. From there Com. Chalasani campaigned
for the politics of Armed Struggle of Naxalbari and Srikakulam.

It is the people of the country who should rise against this blatant
discrimination practiced against the minorities, who should recognize and
fight against this ploy to disrupt their unity against attacks on their lives,
land and livelihood, who should realize that these attacks are part and
parcel of the attacks against the Indian people who are groaning under
poverty, destitution, backwardness and reeling under the heavy burden of
price-rise, unemployment and corruption, who are denied even basic human
existence by the ruling dispensation and who should refuse to facilitate
the rulers to annihilate their meagre rights.

Chalasani Prasad was born in Bathapenumaru village of Kuchipudi


mandal of Krishna district. His family had a long history of participation in
the revolutionary movement from days of Telengana Armed Struggle (194651). One of his brothers, Chalasani Vasudevarao was martyred in the
Telengana Armed Struggle.

He was imprisoned several times including during Emergency. He hailed


all peoples struggles including our struggles in Vishakha. Where-ever fake
encounter killings took place, he went and exposed the brutalities of the
Govt. Com. Chalasani also stood with people and peoples struggles as a
revolutionary poet.
CPI(ML)-New Democracy pays its homage to this notable contributor to
revolutionary cultural movement, Com. Chalasani Prasad.
Andhra Pradesh Provincial Committee,
CPI(ML)-New Democracy
July 25, 2015

August 1, 2015

August, 2015

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Report of Delhi IFTU Team to


Khajuri Khas

The Delhi IFTU Committee sent a team to the Khajuri Khas area of
North East Delhi to investigate alleged communal clashes there after they
received reports of the same from several workers who reside in the area.
In Delhi in the months since Modi Govt came to power, there have been
several such incidents in all of which investigations found that the actual
situation was that Hindutva elements abetted by the local police had
attempted to, or at times actually succeeded in provoking anti muslim
violence. In addition, there have been attacks on churches usually in the
early hours of the morning.
On 1st August 2015 newspapers were full of reports that there were
clashes between two groups in Khajuri Khas area of north east Delhi and
that the Delhi police had acted to restore law and order. IFTU leaders were
also contacted by several workers residing in the kuccha colony of Khajuri
Khas, a poor and working class colony, that the area was communally
disturbed. As this is an area where both Hindus and Muslims reside and
also because of the memory of incidents in Trilokpuri and Seelampur in the
past few months, the Delhi Committee of Indian Federation of Trade Unions
sent a team to investigate the incident. Com Rajesh, Secretary of the
Committee, Com. Jai Prakash Joint Sec. and Com. Raja of West Delhi
IFTU Committee accordingly visited the area on 2nd August 2015. Their
report, released on 3rd August, is reproduced below.

Location and Background


The team found that the area comprised of Khajuri chowk, less than
half a kilometre away from which is a traffic light termed the kuchchapucca colony red light. To the left is the kuchcha Khajuri Khas colony and
to the right is the main or pucca colony. The kuchcha colony comprises of
five blocks. Muslim families predominate here who earn their living by selling
fruits, vegetables and other items from redis or by plyng rickshaws. Workers
from other states like UP, mostly from majority community, have also
purchased land here and live in houses they have built. There is one govt.
primary school and one private school (upto 8th) in the area. The pucca
colony houses mostly Gujjar families who are govt. employees, traders or
do their own businesses. Here there are two big govt. schools where children
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


from the kuchcha colony also come to study. These schools have a morning
shift for girls and an evening shift for boys and are overpopulated. According
to residents of the kuchcha colony, there are regular disputes regarding
eve teasing of girl students by the youth of the colony. There is also a
private school here where few students of the kuchcha colony also study.
Overall, there is a significant class difference between the two colonies.
At the Khajuri Khas chowk there is a PCR heading point where a PCR
vehicle is stationed and just a small distance away, a police beat box
which remains manned. Local people said there are normally upto four
policemen there. The chowk is chock full of redi patri sellers, there is a bus
stand, a regular market, a small mandir and autos and jeeps stand around
the chowk. Thus it is a very busy and crowded square. Around 500 yards
away from the kuchcha pucca colony traffic light is situated the thana of
the area.

Events on 31st July 2015


On 31st July, at around 2:30 AM (i.e. pre dawn), near the Khajuri Khas
Thana, police stopped a tempo carrying animal skin. This skin has
subsequently apparently been sent for testing while the driver and helper
have been detained though it is reported that they have appropriate licenses.
The same morning, at about 11 AM, at the kuchcha-pucca khajuri traffic
lights, some vehicle slightly injured a cow which probably also fell down
but later got up and limped away. This created a jam for some time as the
light was not working. Around 40 youth of the majority community came
from the side of the pucca colony and started shouting that the Muslims
have cut up a cow. In a group, and blocking the road, they walked the less
than half a kilometre distance to the Khajuri Chowk, which at that time of
the day is specially crowded. The crowd, on seeing them, got confused
and while some started gathering, other started trying to go away. The
youth reached the chowk, stopped a Muslim youth coming on a bike and
began beating him. An old Muslim (reportedly 65 years of age) tried to
intervene and was also beaten up. The youth set fire to the bike. Another
bike also belonging to a Muslim was also set on fire a little distance away.
All this occurred in the proximity of the police beat box and the PCR point
where eyewitnesses who have redis in the area and maintain that they
were present on that day, maintain that the PCR van and police were
standing. In the middle of this, word spread that Hindus had killed four

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butchers in the kuchcha colony and also a child. This further added to the
ferment in the crowd. It later turned out that no one was killed and one
child sustained accidental burns in a shop in the kuchcha colony that
morning.
It is only after the burning of the bikes and by when the crowd had
swelled further in number that the police appeared on the scene. The police
then tried to force the crowd to disperse but made no attempt to arrest the
youth who had tried to provoke a communal situation and who melted
away into the crowd, despite there being two burning bikes, and at least
two people having been assaulted. Police also resorted to caning- the
crowd was apparently argumentative and agitated but mostly not organized
and after a while drifted away. Thus it was mostly the good sense of the
people there that prevented the situation from aggravating. Though people
got agitated for a while due to the severe provocation, yet they did not
succumb. People went and calmly picked up their children from school.
However the market shut down and redis closed shop and returned to their
homes. Police then maintained a heavy presence at the chowk.
Police has registered an FIR against unknown persons. The youth
who tried to incite communal violence can be easily identified and are
untouched. Both the burnt bikes were still standing a little away from the
police beat box at the chowk, on the day the IFTU team visited the area.
The rest of the area was normally going about its work; in fact due to the
Sunday bazaar there was more crowd than usual and consisted of all
communities.

Comments
It is absolutely clear that there was an attempt here to use a totally
unrelated incident to provoke communal violence and at least communal
polarization. The pattern resembles the Trilokpuri incident a few months
earlier, wherein a group of youth from majority community marched into
the area unchecked by police, indulging in violence and inciting others.
However here, despite the youth burning bikes of Muslims, the crowd did
not lose its good sense and that is why the situation did not result in mad
violence like it did in Trilokpuri. However this is not for want of trying by
Hindu communal forces. It is known that RSS is active in the pucca Khajuri
colony. Yet such incidents do create communal polarization. The Muslim
families and the Hindu workers have been living peacefully in the kuchcha
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


colony. The workers had left in the morning for their work place that day
and returned only at night. However they told the IFTU team that some
incident had occurred because people protested as the Muslims had cut
up a cow. When asked if they had met anyone who had seen this, or
whether this routinely happened etc., they retracted.
The police is fully hand in glove with those Hindutva elements who
attempted to provoke communal violence. With a police beat box and a
PCR van present in the area, a crowd cannot un-noticed block a road and
march up to the chowk, beat up two Muslims and set two bikes on fire. The
police chose not to intervene. Similarly, none of the youth has been detained
for deliberately trying to incite communal violence by several provocative
acts. Rather the police has put out a story that the incident happened
because a tempo carrying animal skin was detained by the police on
information given by a member of the public, in the day time. This tempo
was stopped by the police several hours earlier, in the middle of the night.
The police must have passed on this information to elements in the pucca
colony. There is no connection at all in time between the two events. Rather,
now to go along with their story, the police have kept the driver and the
cleaner of the tempo in their custody. The team could not ascertain their
identity. The majority communal nature of the police is once again clear in
this incident, as it was earlier in Trilokpuri, Seelampur, and other such
incidents in Delhi in the past few months. Such incidents have also taken
place in areas surrounding Delhi in Gurgaon and in other parts of Haryana
and in Uttar Pradesh.
The AAP Govt. of Delhi has made no comment on the incident. Always
ready to take on the police and the Central Govt. when AAP legislators or
their appointees are involved, this Govt. has not demanded that the Central
Govt. enquire into the police being hand in glove with the Hindu communal
elements in this incident. It has not even questioned the veracity of the
police story, let alone condemning the role of the Delhi police. This is in
keeping with the role of this party in earlier such incidents in Delhi especially
in Trilokpuri, where there was an AAP MLA. They did not say a word against
the police or the Central Govt. in the earlier such incidents.
The team demands that an enquiry be conducted by a sitting High Court
Judge into the role of the police. For that the local police officers and
police personnel be shifted. The guilty youth should be arrested.

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