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Policy Brief
Indeed, if Europe could cover the South and the East,
the United States could then do what it has been longing
to do for years: focus on Asia and figure out what to do
about Chinas rise. Relieved of the burden of having to
worry about the Middle East, North Africa, and conflict
in Eastern Europe, the United States would have clear
priorities. Developing a coherent national strategy would
be much less contentious. A singular focus on Asia might
even allow for fewer tradeoffs between bread and butter,
the chance to pay for things many citizens need domestically without having to raise taxes or resort to inflationary
financing.
Of course, we all know that Europes current state of division even fragmentation over the future of the European project, immigration, economics, and even the value
of liberal democracy itself will prevent it from taking on
any such responsibility. For Europe, accomplishing these
tasks would require, at a minimum, much higher levels of
military spending in addition to more adequate means of
coordinating that spending; evolution of more power to
Brussels and especially to the European External Action
Service; far greater cooperation, collaboration, and capabilities in the intelligence field; and the underlying resources
and political will to sustain this dual front war beyond the
next decade.
Despite Asias gravitational pull, then, the United States has
no choice but to work with its European allies in devising
and implementing strategies to deal with the South and the
East. If Europe is weakened by the anti-liberal, revisionist
forces of the 21st century, the United States cannot but
grow weaker too. That is a truth at the core of the transatlantic relationship.
September 2015
Policy Brief
In Europe itself, enhanced cooperation between U.S. and
European (and within European) intelligence agencies
is needed to combat both the rising soft influence of the
Kremlin and the rising hard threat of foreign fighters.
These measures will not themselves be adequate.
Addressing security to the East and South is a necessary
but not sufficient condition for remedying these problems
over the medium term. The European Union will ultimately need to reinvigorate its own state-building efforts
on its periphery. Only with stronger states and more just
societies can the problems that have reared their heads in
the last two years reconcile with the transatlantic project,
and tranquility or something like it be restored.
About GMF
The German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMF) strengthens
transatlantic cooperation on regional, national, and global challenges
and opportunities in the spirit of the Marshall Plan. GMF does this by
supporting individuals and institutions working in the transatlantic
sphere, by convening leaders and members of the policy and business
communities, by contributing research and analysis on transatlantic
topics, and by providing exchange opportunities to foster renewed
commitment to the transatlantic relationship. In addition, GMF
supports a number of initiatives to strengthen democracies. Founded
in 1972 as a non-partisan, non-profit organization through a gift from
Germany as a permanent memorial to Marshall Plan assistance, GMF
maintains a strong presence on both sides of the Atlantic. In addition
to its headquarters in Washington, DC, GMF has offices in Berlin,
Paris, Brussels, Belgrade, Ankara, Bucharest, and Warsaw. GMF also
has smaller representations in Bratislava, Turin, and Stockholm.
Contact
Dr. Alexandra de Hoop Scheffer
Director, Paris Office
The German Marshall Fund of the United States
Tel: +33 1 47 23 47 18
Email: adehoopscheffer@gmfus.org
September 2015