FEMINIST MOVEMENT

Feminism, in the most generic of definitions, is the theory of the political, economic, and social
equality of the sexes, and organized activity on behalf of women's rights and common interests.
There are many "feminists" and many different theories. However, feminism can be broken up
into three waves; first-wave which spans from the nineteenth century to the early twentieth
century, second-wave which spans from the early 1960's through the late 1980's, and the thirdwave which started in the early 1990's, and is continuing through present time.
The first-wave of feminism began in the United Kingdom and the United States around the
nineteenth century and lasted until the early twentieth century. The main focus of this movement
at this time was on de jure inequalities, or officially mandated inequalities. There were many
people during this time who were considered to be feminists, Mary Wollstonecraft, Susan B.
Anthony, Lucy Stone, Olympia Brown, and Helen Pitts; there are countless more. Most people
consider the first-wave to have ended when the Nineteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution
was passed, granting women the right to vote. This major victory of the movement also included
reforms in education, in the workplace and professions, and in healthcare. There arose a feeling
of unfinished business left in the air, thus lead to the need for another era.
The first-wave of feminism was monumental to the movement, however, without the continuing
second-wave, there would be no hope for feminism in current times, for each wave is connected
and dependent on the other's history. The second-wave of feminism refers to the period of
feminism beginning in the early 1960's and extending through the late 1980's. Unlike the firstwave, the second-wave's focus was on the de facto inequalities, or unofficial inequalities, and
also felt that de jure and de facto inequalities were inextricably linked issues that needed to be
addressed together if there was ever going to be any hope of change. This wave encouraged
women to understand aspects of their personal lives and deeply politicized, and reflective of a
sexists structure of power. The key word of this wave was education, of women and of men.
There were several major moments during this wave, such as, The Feminine Mystique, hitting
the shelves, Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 passed, Formation of National Organization
for Women (NOW), the rise of radical feminism during the 1970's, Title IX in the Education
Amendments of 1972 passed, the Feminist Sex Wars of the late 1970's and 1980's, and the Roe
vs. Wade decision decided. There were also some key players in this wave such as Bella Abzug,
Lorraine Bethel, Charlotte Bunch, Angela Davis, Andrea Dworkin, Jo Freeman, Betty Friedan,
Michele Wallace, and Ann Simonton. During World War II, over six million women took an
active part in the work force. They filled positions in factories or working on farms. Over three
million women worked for the Red Cross and over 200,000 women served in the military. At the
end of the war, women were laid off from the positions they had during the war. Women again
were thrown into the life of being a housewife. In 1949, French author and philosopher, Simone
de Beauvoir wrote her book, The Second Sex, which first depicts women as just another body,
not an equal to men. She explained that there was a hierarchy and that through sterotyping,
women were on a lower level. It also stated that women's had a sense of "mystery" around them
and were depicted as "other". She also went on to state that this was true in other areas, such as
race, class, and religion, but was prevelant in the way men sterotyped women. It would be years
later before her work would become an inspiration for the womens liberation movement. By the
late 1950s women were becoming disgruntled with their place in society and the inability to
obtain employment and achieve equality.
The 1960s was a year of change. People became more vocal and strived for equality among all
people. The Food and Drug Administration approved the first oral contraceptive for women.

They were available to women the following year. This became the first step in the liberation
movement. This now allowed women to take a stand on their reproductive rights.
In 1961, President Kennedy established the Commission on the Status of Women to examine
issues related to women and to make proposals on such topics as employment, Social Security,
education and tax laws. At this time, there was a growing interest in womens rights. Courts were
also being faced with cases that dealt with the reproductive rights of women. The commission
did find that discriminatory actions were being taken against women.
In 1963, the Federal Government amended the Equal Rights Act. This was to ensure that sexbased wage discrimination. In 1965, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commissioners
(EEOC) was appointed to enforce the Civil Rights Act. between men and women in the same
work establishment was prohibited. The following year, President Johnson signed the Civil
Rights Act of 1964. This was to protect women from being discriminated against in the work
environment
This; however, was not the case. Women were not being treated fairly in the workplace and the
EEOC was unable to enforce the Civil Rights Act. So, in June 1966, while attending the Third
National Conference on the Commission on the Status of Women in Washington, D.C., Betty
Friedan and twenty-eight women founded the National Organization for Women (NOW). The
purpose of the organization was to take action to bring women into full participation in the
mainstream of American society now, exercising all privileges and responsibilities thereof in true
equal partnership with men.Though there were many successes during this wave, there was an
undeniable idea that the second wave had failed.
Therefore, this leads us to the third-wave of feminism which began in the early 1990's and is
continuing today. Since there was this feeling of failure left throughout, the third-wave rose as a
response to this felling, and in full force. It is also believed that this wave was in response to the
backlash against initiatives and movements that were unexpectedly created by the second-wave.
Again, with either of the two waves, there are important and Molly Yard. Celebrity women have
played a large role in informing the public, such as Sandra people we must consider, such as,
Judith Butler, Martha Davis, Betty Dodson, Miranda July, Sandra Oh, Oh, taking advantage of
the fact that people look up to her, and therefore sharing her opinion and changing the minds of
younger people.
In conclusion, feminism is not some simple thing that people can generalize, like it is just an
excuse for women to kick men in the balls, and not take care of themselves, or that men and
women must be equal at all costs. Feminism is a movement which has been incredibly important
to the success and failures of this country and has been a necessary journey for the women in our
country to travel upon so that they can discover and create their own unique place in society.

Klemens von Metternich

Statesman; born at Coblenz, 15 May, 1773; died at Vienna, 11 June, 1859; son of Count Georg,Austrian
envoy of the Court of Vienna at Coblenz, and Maria Beatrix, ne Countess von Kageneck.
He studied philosophy at the University of Strasburg, and law and diplomacy at Mainz. A journey to
England completed his education. Metternich began his public career in 1801 as Austrian ambassador to
the Court of Dresden. Though he had for several years prepared himself for a diplomatic career, he was
especially fortunate in being immediately appointed to so prominent a position. Only two years later he
was made ambassador to Berlin. The emperor considered it very important to have a ministerat Berlin
who could gain the favour of the Court and the principal Prussian statesmen, and who knew how to
combine "great powers of observation with a moderate and agreeable manner". Metternich had already

proved that he possessed these qualities. Napoleon was then emperor with the new empire at the zenith
of its power. The Emperor Francis needed his ablest ambassador at Napoleon's Court, and in May, 1806,
he sent Metternich to Paris. Metternich found himself in the difficult position of representing Austria in the
face of the overweening threats and ambitious plans of Napoleon at the height of his power. He did so
with dignity and firmness, as his report of his important audience with Napoleon on 15 August, 1808,
shows. The year 1809 is marked by the great war between Austria and France. The German States were
called upon to join her, but only the Tyrol responded. On 13 May Vienna was besieged by the French, but
eight days later Napoleon was defeated by the Archduke Charles at Aspern. Metternich, treated as a
prisoner of state by Napoleon, was finally released in July in exchange for members of the French
embassy. After the battle of Wagram Austria's position was hopeless. Its army was cut off from Hungary
and compelled to retreat to Moravia and Bohemia. A great statesman was needed to save the situation.
On 4 August the Emperor Francis appointed Metternich as minister of state to confer with Napoleon, and
on 8 October, minister of the imperial house and of foreign affairs. By the treaty of Schnbrunn (14
October), Austria was greatly reduced in size, and reached the greatest depths of its humiliation. But the
moment of its degradation saw the beginning of its rise. The two-headed eagle soared to the loftiest
heights, and it was Metternich who gave it the strength for its flight. For nearly forty years he directed
Austria's policy. His first concern was to establish tolerable relations with the French Emperor. Napoleon
desired by means of a new marriage to ally himself with one of the old European dynasties in the hope to
raise himself and to provide an heir for the imperial throne. He obtained a divorce from Josephine
Beauharnais, and through the mediation of Metternich married Maria Louise, daughter of the Emperor
Frances of Austria. Though at present it seems to become more and more probable that Napoleon's union
with Josephine was a valid marriage, nevertheless it is certain that when Napoleon wedded Maria Louise
(11 March, 1810) the Court of Vienna and the Papal Curia were absolutely convinced of the unlawfulness
of Napoleon's first alliance.
Napoleon's connexion with the imperial family of Austria had no influence on politics. Fate led the French
Emperor, after ruining so many others, to ruin himself. At Schnbrunn he pronounced the temporal
sovereignty of the Roman See to be at an end, and in reply to the pope's excommunication he remarked:
"This will not cause the arms to drop from the hands of my grenadiers." Although he imprisoned the pope,
in the Russian campaign on the Beresina the arms did drop from the frozen hands of his grenadiers. As
the crisis approached the decision lay with Austria. From a quarter past eleven in the morning until half
past eight in the evening Metternich was closeted with Napoleon (Dresden, 26 June, 1813). "Our
conference consisted of the strangest farrago of heterogeneous subjects, characterized now by extreme
friendliness, now by the most violent outbursts of fury". Napoleon raged, threatened, and leaped up like a
chafed lion. Metternich remained calm. Napoleon let his hat, which he was holding under his arm, drop to
the floor. Metternich did not stoop to pick it up. The emperor also tried persuasion. "Your sovereigns", he
said, "who were born to their thrones cannot comprehend the feelings that move me. To them it is nothing
to return to their capitals defeated. But I am a soldier. I need honour and glory. I cannot reappear among
my people devoid of prestige. I must remain great, admired, covered with glory." For that reason, he said,
he could not accept the proposed conditions of peace. Metternich replied, "But when will this condition of
things cease, in which defeat and victory are alike reasons for continuing these dismal wars? If victorious,
you insist upon the fruits of your victory; if defeated, you are determined to rise again." Napoleon made
various offers for Austria's neutrality, but Metternich declined all bargaining, and Napoleon's oft-repeated
threat, "We shall meet in Vienna", was his farewell to Metternich. Metternich gave the signal for war, and
Schwarzenberg led the decisive battle of Leipzig. The Emperor Francis raised his "beloved Count
Metternich" to the rank of Austrian prince. "Your able efforts in conducting the department with which I
entrusted you in difficult times are now, at a moment highly decisive in the world's destiny, happily
crowned with success."
Metternich reached the height of his power and renown at the Congress of Vienna (1814-1815). No idea
can be had of the difficulty of the problems that were to be solved. The very first conference of the
representatives of the powers previously allied against France (Austria, Prussia, Russia, and England),
held on 19 September, 1814, at Metternich's villa on the Rennweg, ended in a discord over the Polish
question. It constantly required all of Metternich's most brilliant qualities to preserve harmony. One of his
favourite means was to provide festivities of all sorts. They have often been criticized as if they had been
the object of the congress, and not a means to attain its ends. Metternich succeeded finally in bridging
over every difficulty. The Emperor Francis expressed his satisfaction with Metternich's services in
securing peace and order in Europe, and especially in restoring to Austria its ancient pre-eminence. The

rearrangement of German and Italian affairs gave but little satisfaction to either side, but henceforth
Metternich was the leading statesman of Europe. For the settlement of questions still pending and other
difficulties that arose, the following congresses were held: Aix-la-Chapelle, 1818; Karlsbad (a conference
of ministers), 1819; Vienna, 1820; Troppau, 1820; Laibach, 1821; and Verona, 1822. The Congress of
Aix-la-Chapelle, at which the monarchs of Austria, Prussia, and Russia were personally present, devoted
its attention to the adjustment of the relations of the powers to France, though Metternich also
emphasized the dangers arising from demagogic agitation, and expressed his suspicions that its focus
was in Germany. When, not long after, the Russian councillor, Kotzebue, was assassinated by the
student, Sand, Metternich in twenty-four conferences of German ministers at Karlsbad took measures to
put an end to the political troubles in Germany. All publications of less than twenty folios were to be
subject to censorship; government officers were to be placed at the universities to supervise them; in the
several states the constitutions providing for diets in accordance with ancient usage were to be retained;
representative constitutions were to be suppressed. Despite England's and Russia's resistance,
Metternich at the two succeeding congresses successfully carried his proposition to intervene in behalf of
the Italian states, which were threatened and hard pressed by the revolution. This measure brought upon
Austria thehatred of the Italian people. Finally Austria and Russia split on the question of freeing Greece
from the Turkish yoke, Austria showing herself to be a decided friend of the Turks. The result was a blow
to Metternich's policy. He had dropped from the high-water mark of his influence. Thereafter Russia's
influence increased.
Since the death of Prince Kaunitz (1794) the position of house, court, and state chancellor had been
vacant, but in 1821 Metternich was invested with that office. "Your deserts have been increased by the
uninterrupted zeal, the ability and fearlessness with which, especially in the last two years, you devoted
yourself to the preservation of general order and the triumph of law over the disorderly doings of
disturbers of the peace in the states at home and abroad." Under the Emperor Ferdinand I after 1835, the
direction of affairs, after the emperor himself, was in the hands of a council consisting of the Archduke
Ludwig (uncle of the emperor), the state chancellor Metternich, and the court chancellor Kolowrat.
Metternich's influence over Austria's internal affairs was less than is generally supposed. Count Hartig,
who was well informed, declares (Geschichte der Revolution, p. 19): "In matters of internal administration
the prince was seldom heard, and was purposely kept away from them." In this department after 1826, it
was the minister Count Kolowrat whose influence was decisive. Many envied Metternich his preeminence. The aristocracy always saw the foreigner in him, and others looked with resentment upon the
preference shown foreigners in the state chancery(Friedrich Gentz, Adam Mller, Friedrich Schlegel,
Jarke). Grillparzer, director of archives in the Hofkammer, expressed himself very harshly on that point in
1839, though it must be noted that Grillparzer had been highly incensed. In all these matters Kolowrat had
the advantage of Metternich. He was even considered capable of granting, or, at least, of preparing a
constitution, and was thought to be inclined to do so.
As time passed "the Metternich system" came to be held more and more responsible for everything
unpleasant, and its author to be hated and attacked. His own acts show the injustice done the prince in
this regard. To quote from his "Political Testament": "To me the word freedom has not the value of a
starting-point, but of an actual goal to be striven for. The word order designates the starting-point. It is
only on order that freedom can be based. Without order as a foundation the cry for freedom is nothing
more than the endeavour of some party or other for an end it has in view. When actually carried out in
practice, that cry for freedom will inevitably express itself in tyranny. At all times and in all situations I was
a man of order, yet my endeavour was always for true and not for pretended liberty." These words are the
key to the understanding and appreciation of Metternich's actions.
Two more passages characteristic of the great statesman's temper of mind may be cited: "Admirers of the
press honour it with the title, 'representative of public opinion', though everything written in the papers is
nothing but the expression of those who write. Will the value of being the expression of public opinion
ever be attributed to the publications of a Government, even of a Republican Government? Surely not!
Yet every obscure journalist claims this value for his own products. What a confusion of ideas!" No less
just and important a remark is the following on state religion: "The downfall of empires always directly
depends upon the spread of unbelief. For this very reason religious belief, the first of virtues, is the
strongest power. It alone curbs attack and makes resistance irresistible. Religion cannot decline in a
nation without causing that nation's strength also to decline, and the fall of states does not proceed in
arithmetical progression according to the law of falling bodies, but rapidly leads to destruction." When on
13 March, 1848, the storm of the revolution raged in Vienna, the state chancellor, who preferred to

sacrifice himself rather than others, immediately resigned his position. He went to England, Brussels, and
Schloss Johannisberg. From the last place he returned to Vienna in 1851, and eight years later died in his
palace on the Rennweg at the age of eighty-six.
In Europe Napoleon, Metternich, and Bismarck set their stamp upon the nineteenth century. All three of
them lived to see their own fall. Metternich remained the longest in the leading position of "coachman of
Europe". Nothing better characterizes the great statesman than what he repeatedly said, proud and
aristocratic as always, to Baron A. von Hbner a few weeks before his death: "I was a rock of order" (un
rocher d'ordre). Metternich married three times: in 1795 Maria Eleonora, granddaughter of Princess
Kaunitz, by whom he had seven children; in 1827 Maria Antonia, Baroness von Leykam, by whom he had
a son, Richard Klemens; and in 1831 Countess Melanie Zichy, by whom he had three children.