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NIETZSCHE AND/OR/VERSUS
DARWIN
Babette Babich
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ences on Hitler and racial theory.3 I agree with my colleagues in the history
and philosophy of science that Darwinian theory was a powerful element in the
intellectual climate of Germany in Nietzsches day. H.G. Bronn, a paleontologist, translated Darwins 1859 study On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural
Selection into German as early as 1860.4 The assimilation of Darwins key work,
therefore, began almost as immediately in Germany as in the English-speaking
world. There is, then, little doubt that Nietzsche was as profoundly affected by
exposure to Darwinian theory as anyone else of his generation in Europe. He was
broadly interested in the whole panoply of the sciences, paying close attention to
the debate over evolutionary theory and especially to Eduard von Hartmanns
Wahrheit und Irrthum des Darwinismus of 1875.
Perhaps the best place to begin discussing the Nietzsche-Darwin nexus is
with Bronns rendering of Darwins subtitle, The Preservation of Favoured Races
in the Struggle for Life, into German as Erhaltung der vervollkommneten Rassen im
Kampfe ums Daseyn. As Sabine Maasen and Peter Weingart have pointed out, this
wording interprets Darwins Favoured Races as Perfected Races, and it does
even more damage by rendering the Struggle for Life as Kampfe ums Daseyn:
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Struggle for life could be more adequately translated into Kampf ums
Leben which would easily encompass both meanings Darwin had in
mind, namely the struggle for survival of a species in a certain environment of other species under particular ecological conditions, as well
as the individualistic struggle between members of the same species.
Kampf ums Leben or perhaps even more adequately Kampf ums berleben would suggest the unconscious, general struggle for survival in the
3. See, notably, Richard Weikart, From Darwin to Hitler:
Evolutionary Ethics, Eugenics, and Racism in Germany (New
York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), and Hitlers Ethic: The
Nazi Pursuit of Evolutionary Progress (New York: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2009). For a historical account of the association with Hitler, see Tracy Strong, Introduction to
Friedrich Nietzsche, ed. Strong (Farnham: Ashgate, 2009).
There are exceptions to such historical readings; see, in
particular, Lewis Call, Anti-D arwin, Anti-Spencer:
Friedrich Nietzsches Critique of Darwin and Darwinism, History of Science 36 (1998): 122. Gregory Moore,
Nietzsche, Biology, and Metaphor (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2002), is especially good on the German
reception of Darwin. In this context, see also Babette Babich, Nietzsches Philosophy of Science: Reflecting Science on the
Ground of Art and Life (Albany: State University of New
York Press, 1994), as well as, for an overview of evolutionary cladistics and Nietzsches philology, Babich, Towards
a Critical Philosophy of Science: Continental Beginnings
and Bugbears, Whigs and Waterbears, International
Studies in the Philosophy of Science 24, no. 4 (December
2010): 34391, especially the section entitled: Nietzsches
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Numerous scholars writing on the history of the life sciences in the later nineteenth century and, more specifically, on the genetics community in Germany
at that time have traced the fate of the expression Kampfe ums Daseyn (or Kampf
ums Dasein, as it is spelled today) in the work of scientists like Ernst Haeckel,
Wilhelm Roux (who placed Kampf in the title of his 1881 study Der Kampf der
Teile im Organismus), William Henry Rolph, and Rudolf Virchow, who are said
to have influenced Nietzsches reception of Darwinian theory.6
Nietzsches understanding of Darwin was also filtered through his reading
of Thomas Malthus and Herbert Spencer. It was to Malthuss 1798 Essay on the
Principle of Population that Darwin, in his autobiography of 1876, attributed his
own grasp of the struggle for existence in a world of severely limited resources.
And it was Spencer, not Darwin, who coined the phrase survival of the fittest
(albeit after reading On the Origin of Species) and usually is credited with the formulation of Social Darwinism. A great part of the conviction that Nietzsche
is to be associated with Darwin stems from the Social Darwinist rendering of
Nietzsches term bermensch as superman. George Bernard Shaw popularized
the term in his play Man and Superman, but in current English translations the
word either is left in German or is rendered as the overhuman, the transhuman,
or (as I have proposed) the posthuman. In any case, it is important to realize
that Nietzsches use of the term bermensch (and Untermensch) was satirical (he
referred to Thus Spoke Zarathustra as both a comedy and a parody) in a classical tradition descending from Lucians coinage in the second century AD. The
notion of the bermensch indeed was borrowed from Lucians coinage of the term
hyperanthropos in his Menippean satire Downward Journey, or The Tyrant (Kataplous
he tyrannos), which reveals how those who seem in this life to be hyperanthropoi, or
Higher Men, are clearly seen as all-too-human when they are brought down to
the underworld after death:
.7
The problem with connecting Nietzsche with Darwin is not only that to
do so neglects subtle matters of this kindliterary matters of history and context, tone, stance, and genrebut also and more so that the connection is made
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The economy of the natural world is, for Darwinians (as for Malthusians), anything but abundant: the environment cannot support unlimited population
growth in species; hence, only those individuals whose traits conduce to survival
will live to reproduce to their full potential. Individuals within species survive
8. Friedrich Nietzsche, David Strauss der Bekenner und
der Schriftsteller, 7, vol. 1 of Kritische Studienausgabe, ed.
Giorgio Colli and Mazzino Montinari (Berlin: Walter de
Gruyter, 1980), 194.
9. Friedrich Nietzsche, Nachgelassene Fragmente,
18841885, vol. 11 of Kritische Studienausgabe, ed. Giorgio
Colli and Mazzino Montinari (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter,
1980), 131.
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In isolation from the rest of Homo sapiens, these barbarians had come to live
like the lower animals, who, in their remote archipelago, were their only competitors for survival. Where Nietzsche stresses natures abundance, there is by
contrast in Darwins writing no delight in the discovery of evidence that, as Paul
Feyerabend put it, the world we inhabit is abundant beyond our wildest imagination.15 Darwins focus was on the process of competition, selection, and elimination that Feyerabend dubbed the conquest of abundance. It was precisely this
abstemious process of selectionthis restrictive competition for survival among
life forms that were abundant, as Nietzsche wrote, to the point of senseless13. See also Diane B. Paul, Darwin, Social Darwinism,
and Eugenics, in The Cambridge Companion to Darwin, ed.
Jonathan Hodge and Gregory Radick (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 21439; Steve Jones, Darwins Island: The Galapagos in the Garden of England (London: Little, Brown, 2009); Adrian Desmond and James
Moore, Darwins Sacred Cause: Race, Slavery, and the Quest
for Human Origins (London: Allen Lane, 2008); and Donald Worster, Natures Economy: A History of Ecological Ideas,
2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994).
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nesst hat Nietzsche rejected in Darwinian theory. For Nietzsche, the aim of
life is expression, not survival, and he thinks that this aim may be served in any
number of ways. (Only the Englishman, he writes, rather unkindly, strives for
life at all costs.)16
Those who do not acknowledge this distinction or recognize its importance fail to do so because it conflicts with Nietzsches image as an enthusiast for
all things bloody and warlike. Is not the struggle for life (Kampf ums Dasein)
the very meaning of the will to power? Yes and no. Yes, if a contest or agon in
the classical sense is what is meant. Decidedly not, if the result of that contest
is selection in Darwins sense. Darwin writes of preserving the favoured
races, which Bronn renders as Vervollkommnung (a progressive perfecting tendency), whereas Nietzsche emphasizes that the will to power tends to be most
strikingly evident in the least perfect. Hear, then, my word, you who are wisest,
Zarathustra says:
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Where I found a living creature, there I found will to power; and even
in the will of the servant I found the will to be master.... And where
sacrifice and service and loving glances are, there too is will to be master. There the weaker steals by secret paths into the castle and even
into the heart of the more powerfuland steals the power.... He who
shot the doctrine of will to existence at truth certainly did not hit the
truth: this willdoes not exist!.... The living creature values many
things higher than life itself.17
The stress here falls on Zarathustras claim that the weak and mediocre
slavesalways accede to mastery. The theme is Hegels, but Nietzsche differs
radically from Hegel in that he sees the weak and mediocre as continuing to be
weak and mediocre even after achieving mastery. Nietzsche also claims that it is
only by including the weak and mediocre that humanity has come to be as rich
and interesting as it is.
When it comes to dominance and perdurance, Nietzsche argues, there is
only one type that does and can manage to survive in the face of all odds: the
incurably mediocre (die unheilbar Mittelmssigen).18 This last pronouncement
appears in Beyond Good and Evil, where, in the section titled What Is Noble,
Nietzsche addresses typically Darwinian concerns about species, breeding,
variations, and the conditions that favor them. Going by vocabulary alone,
it is not difficult to see how Nietzsche could be misread as an ultra-Darwinist,
but it is also in the same section, What Is Noble, that he reaches his ultimately
16. If we possess our why of life we can put up with
almost any howMan does not strive for happiness; only
the Englishman does that. Friedrich Nietzsche, Twilight
of the Idols, trans. R.J. Hollingdale (Harmondsworth, UK:
Penguin, 1968), Maxims and Arrows, 12, 33.
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