Assignment Submission Form - Individual

Assignment
Student Name:

Canovai Ludovico

Student ID
Number:

HSF15001

Module Title:

HSB354 Globalization and Change

Assessment
Title:

Globalization and post-apartheid South Africa: economic

reforms, poverty and inequality

Lecturer(s):

Santhosh R

Date
Submitted:

15/04/2015

Signed:

Date:

15/04/2015

Globalization and post-apartheid South

Africa: economic reforms, poverty and
inequality
It is always a delicate topic when it comes to judge a series of events that
are currently shaping todays international arena. The query regarding
globalization, and it being considered truly favourable or not, certainly is
one of the most controversial. For this reason, I find it very interesting to
investigate its impact on a historically difficult country as South Africa.
Globalization has certainly impacted events in different parts of the world,
surely being an inevitable, ineluctable occurrence. As aforementioned, this
essay addresses the impact of globalization on poverty and inequality.
Initially I will give an introduction to the issue of globalization as a
worldwide phenomenon, explaining why and how it is relevant to highlight
the unusual impact that globalization has on a post-colonial country. I will
analyse the consequences of the post apartheid regime, in particular
poverty and inequality. As South Africa conducts a review of the first ten
years of its new democracy, the question remains as to whether the
economic inequalities of the apartheid era are beginning to fade. Using
new, comparable consumption aggregates for 1995 and 2000, this paper
finds that real per capita household expenditures declined for those at the
bottom end of the expenditure distribution during this period of low GDP
growth. As a result, poverty, especially extreme poverty, increased.
Furthermore the inequality also increased, mainly due to a jump in
inequality among the African population. I will also consider the
contemporary nature of the current stage of global economic expansion,
considered by many critical observers to be the latest stage of capitalist
imperialism. This analysis connects many of the challenges faced by postapartheid South Africa to the international economic and political relations
that have shaped the development of the peripheral economies in the
contemporary global economic system. Finally, I will pay attention on the
economic globalization and its complex relation with the State, hence its
political and sociological influence on the country.

Globalization has been exposed to a myriad of definitions, but the most

comprehensive one is given by Mittelman. He regards globalization as a
syndrome of processes and activities, rather than a single, unified
phenomenon. The processes and activities, in general, refer to the
reduction of barriers between countries. This borderless world is typically
referred to as the global village where distance and space disappear, and
in which a single community and a common pool of resources exist. The
process of globalization has necessarily encouraged closer economic,
2

political, and social interaction. This, in turn, necessitated the activation of

multiplicity of levels of analysis in the fields of economics, politics, society,
and culture. In most basic terms, the globalization of the world economy is
the integration of economies throughout the world through trade, financial
flows, the exchange of technology and information, and the movement of
people. The extent of the trend toward integration is clearly reflected in
the rising importance of world trade and capital flows in the world
economy, in addition to the revolution in information, communication and
transportation technology. (Mapuva J. citing Mittelman, 2010: 391).
It could be easily said that globalization is characterized by the fact that
distance and national borders do not exist anymore, the ease with which
economic, social and political interaction among different countries is
made, and that the nation state is not relevant anymore for economic
purposes. This certainly presents a broad set of opportunities, bringing
huge benefits along. However, scepticism towards globalization is
continuously rising.
This economic interaction and interdependence among distant and
different members of the global community is usually defined economic
globalization and most scholars regard to it as the increasing
internationalization of the production, distribution, and marketing of goods
and services. (Harris, 1993: 26). To be more precise, another curious,
complete definition is outlined in the United Nations Development
Programs Human Development Report (HDR) of 1997, which
acknowledges that the concept of globalization has been used to both
describe as well as prescribe the existing system of economic relations in
the world today. To cite the exact words accurately:
A dominant economic theme of the 1990s, globalization encapsulates
both a description and a prescription. The description is the widening and
deepening of international flows of trade, finance, and information in a
single, integrated global market. The prescription is to liberalize national
and global markets in the belief that free flows of trade, finance, and
information will produce the best outcome for growth and human welfare.
All is prescribed with an air of inevitability and overwhelming conviction.
(UNDP, 1997: 82).
I found both definitions remarkable and clear. However, what it is not
precise in either of those is that when it comes to examine the realities of
existing system of economic relations in the world today, especially in
African countries, it is quite obvious that this system has contributed to a
growth in material wealth and human welfare of only a privileged
minority, and this is the main critics that aforementioned sceptics pose to
the issue. The latter ones give a broader explanation of what globalization
stands for, considered to be the latest stage of global expansion and
imperialism. (Harris and Lauderdale, 2002: 423)
2

The matter of whether globalization is truly global or not goes beyond

the scope of this essay, what I can firmly say is that it does undoubtedly
have a different impact on the diverse areas of the world, and that its
distribution is surely not even. In the field, South Africa represents an
exceptional case study, as whereas most countries in Southern Africa have
experienced globalization as externally imposed, in South Africa it has
been largely internally generated by the state and the major business
groups that dominate the economy. (Carmody, 2002: 255).
When South Africa achieved its transition to non-racial government in
1994, a debate took place about the future direction of economic
restructuring. The Reconstruction and Development Programme was seen
as an integrated, coherent socioeconomic policy framework that would
carry forward the national democratic revolution. The initial impetus for
the RDP came from the Congress Of South African Trade Unions in
consultation with other popular organizations. In fact, propelled by
concerns that the apartheid was being channelled into a narrowly political
process focus on formal, instead of substantive democracy, some key
figures within COSATU proposed a reconstruction accord in 1993.
From this gave birth to a economic and political program which was
addressed to overcome the legacy of apartheid, and which has later been
revisited by the African National Congress and which consisted in the RDP
base document. This document was then implemented in the so-called
RDP White Paper, which, according to its preface, incorporated
submissions from different offices of government, agencies, multiparty
forums etc. The RDP White Paper claimed to set out a strategy for the new
Government of National Unity to further implement the text. In reality,
critics quickly pointed out that the RDP operated on a deeply contested
terrain, in crucial respects eradicating sources of contradiction replacing
its Keynesian thrust with neoliberal trickle-down, and conceptualising the
state as an unproblematic instrument of the RDP itself. The RDP was also
blamed to develop a consensual model of society which was the premise
for the accomplishments of its own goals. (Hart, 2002: 18).
Two years later the Government of South Africa changed its development
strategy by adopting an orthodox economic reform programme. The
launch of the GEAR in 1996 declared the real collapse of the consensual
model, and contrasted the former consultative process that gave rise to
the RDP. The GEAR was, indeed, the product of a team of technical
experts, and is premise was that an orthodox neoliberal package, which
included tight fiscal austerity, monetary discipline, wage restraints,
reducing corporate taxes, trade liberalization and phasing out exchange
controls. (Ibidem: 18). At that time, it was seen as necessary to adopt the
reforms included in the GEAR, and globalization appears as a clear,
existing issue that the ANC has to cope with. In fact, it was outlined that
2

economic globalization and the effect of technological progress on a world

scale imposed a certain surrender of a nation states control over many
key areas.
Nowadays, as it was beforehand, the South African economy is now
rapidly globalizing, but the nature of that globalization differs significantly
from that experienced by the rest of the region. As previously said, while
most of Southern Africa has experienced globalization as something
externally imposed and mediated through World Bank/International
Monetary Fund (IMF) structural adjustment programmes, in South Africa
globalization has been mainly internally generated.
The two sets of actors that have most promoted globalization from within
are the state and the country's major conglomerates. How this politicoeconomic project evolves has important implications for globalization
theory, the popular classes of South and Southern Africa, and their
resistance to it. The major conglomerates in question are four, and
controlled the 83% of the companies listed on the Johannesburg Stock
Exchange prior to the end of apartheid, whose scope of action is still
framed by state policies, and the context in which they, in turn, are
embedded. (Carmody, 2002: 256) Hence, the state, along with the big
economic players, is a leading actor in the situation.
Under globalization, capital is deregulated through the international
regulation of states. While the policy formulation of most developing
countries is highly circumscribed, the new post-apartheid South African
state seemed to have more freedom to pursue a good development
strategy given its relatively low level of external debt. Nonetheless, as we
have already said, the South African government adopted an orthodox
economic reform programme in 1996. What has yet to be premised is that
there has been a hardly debated discussion about the reasons behind the
rightward shift in economic policy, and the effective abandonment of the
social democratic RDP in favour of GEAR. For some scholars, the
government's conservatism was related to the externalised nature of the
liberation struggle, and the petit bourgeois nature of the African National
Congress (ANC) leadership. For others it was an outgrowth of domestically
embedded structures of economic power, 'elite pacting', the influence of
the neo-liberal discourse of the 'transnational managerial class', and the
'governmentalising' of the RDP. (Carmody, 2002, 257).
Sure it is that the apartheid was heavily based on a strongly statist
system, characterized by protectionism, which was deemed to be the
principal cause of the economic stagnation of lateapartheid. Hence, the
government must have adopted the GEAR in attempt to stem the fall of
the RAND by reassuring international investors. In fact, given that the
realities of the global and national situation were, and still are, such that
big capitals controls substantial resources without which they could carry
2

forward the national democratic transformation. In other words, the

process of reconstructing production and the economy would surely
require the participation of the state and international capital. And the
need to engage with global capital in order to realize the goals of
transformation had introduced a profound contradiction whereby the
demands of the former strongly impact and delimit the scope of the latter.
In other words, the new government at that time, as already explained,
designed the RDP as a framework for economic policies, which placed the
challenge of meeting basic needs at the center of economic growth and
programs, in order to develop human resources, rebuilding the economy
and democracy, and encouraging synergy among the different
departments. However, the RDP was indeed blamed to be a socialist
measure which was incompatible with the demands of globalization, while
the GEAR was seen as much more outward-oriented and investor-friendly.
The GEAR was designed to encourage foreign investment, it was quickly
beset by one of the principal contradictions of globalization, that
maintaining stable capital inflows often has contradictory effects on
domestic growth. Financial investors had negative effects on growth
because of speculative and short-term investors dominated the globalized
world economy. Hence the GEAR manifestly failed to provide a credible
framework for productive, rather than speculative, investors, and the
hopes for increasing the foreign direct investment was not realized, and
the currency value dropped.
Thus, that said, it should be outlined that developing countries require a
proactive development state whose interventions should be targeted,
planned, and highly coordinated.
The states role is to ensure equitable and efficient revenue collection,
initiate capital investment projects, broaden the base of the economy to
include the vulnerable, and ensure a wide spread network of social
services. However, given that in South Africa the reconstruction and
development program remains the cornerstone of the countrys growth
and development strategy, the implementation is unfortunately poorly
coordinated, and even the countrys states attitude towards globalization
seems to be self-contradictory. On one hand it has been extremely liberal
pursuing a tight fiscal policy, even exceeding that proposed in GEAR, and
cutting tariffs more deeply than required by the World Trade Organisation
(WTO). On the other hand, it initially introduced stricter labour market
regulation in the form of the Labour Relations Act. As a result of South
Africa's crisis of over accumulation, the ANC inherited a state that was
shedding employment in the manufacturing sectors, and the majority of
Africans were unemployed or underemployed. Affordable housing was
virtually non-existent, while overbuilding and speculative construction of
commercial property generated artificially high land prices in central
business districts. At the same time, basic needs goods at affordable
2

prices were not produced, while luxury goods were overproduced. The
economy desperately needed productive investment to create jobs, but
capital was flowing out of the country into speculative foreign investment.
Moreover, in regards to the industrial sector, the emphasis was on export
orientation and competitiveness, which underscored the importance of the
domestic market and domestic demand. The trade was liberalized and
even more machinery and intermediate goods were imported, further
exacerbating existing tendencies toward an underdeveloped capital-goods
sector and a bias against the production of affordable consumer durables
for the domestic market. No attention was paid to the possibility that
growth could be driven by an increase in domestic consumption demand,
rather than by exports. No attention was given to the possibility that the
redistribution of income and the promotion of higher wages (both
components of an inward investment strategy) could provide the engine
for economic growth, development, and redistribution. (Magubane, 2002:
101)
The GEAR and the proposed industrial policies were meant to be the key
instruments, by which the government hoped to grow the economy, in
order to create jobs, redistribute income and provide funds for social
expenditure and welfare programs. But these policies were and are in
turn, strongly influenced by the states incapability of implementing them
properly and by the challenges of globalization as a whole. More
particularly, in recent years, the international economic regime, and
especially the IMF and World Bank have become more and more
aggressive in their efforts to transform African states into what Robinson
called "transmission belts and filtering devices for the imposition of the
transnational agenda". (Robinson 1996:19).
What has just been outlined is a problem that South African, and its
leading political figures, had already clear in mind in the 1990s, when the
loss of sovereignty became an increasing concern in a country that was
considered to be a hot emerging market. In this regard, even Mandela
expressed his worries quite clearly saying that South African decision
makers were deeply concerned about what they perceived as a significant
loss of sovereignty, identifying in the financial markets and the institutions
of international governance the main beneficiaries of this struggle for
sovereignty. (Magubane, 2002: 95). And here we get to the core of the
question: the great challenge faced by the ANC therefore was, and still is,
how to maintain the momentum of socioeconomic transformation in the
era of capitalist globalization wherein the state is rapidly losing its room
for maneuver, due to the so-called time space compression, wherein
the time horizons of private and public decision making have shrunk, and
decisions are made within a more variegated space. (Magubane, 2002:
92).
2

In South Africa, progress towards equality is a thorny project. The world is

beset by the demands of global capitalism whose strict financial rules
often put countries under intense economic pressure, leaving little room
for reforms at a more local level. The basic profitrelated programs of
global expansionists with varied social consciousness remain
fundamentally different from those of governments. Third World
governments often just do not have the financial and political wherewithal
to support both the social and political reforms needed in their countries
and the economic programs required by globalization to link fully to the
global economy. It has therefore been an unfortunate age for the country
in question to have to embark upon reforms with a view to righting the
racially based wrongs of the old apartheid state and of its colonial history.
Hence, as previously affirmed, the demands of global capitalism are
widely felt, considering the demise of the nation-state and the
powerlessness of the nation-state in the world today, which is of an
essential, systematic consequence of the global phenomenon.
Thus, this conjectural analysis is also suggestive of how the fiscal and
political crisis of the local state in the neoliberal post-apartheid order is
intimately linked with memories, meaning of racialized dispossession, and
ways in which they have both shaped the conditions of labour, and carried
over into the constitution of the local state. (Hart, 2002: 47) Globalization
does have a strong impact also on the stance that the ANC has taken
toward state sponsored social welfare initiatives. Most of the new
government's policies of nonintervention from tariff liberalization to freemarket reforms and the privatization of state assets-were actually forms of
active intervention that shifted market forces in such a way as to further
entrench historical patterns of inequality. As a consequence, one of the
most relevant, yet negative, effects that globalization had on the country
is the impact it has had on elite conceptions of what states can and
cannot do in the name of social welfare expenditure. It gave to the people
an idea of injustice, institutionalizing the ideas that the state is a
consumer of wealth, instead of a producer and that the states
unsustainable economic policies caused poverty, which is lived as a
fundamental obstacle to the exercise of civil and political rights.
(Magubane, 2002: 106).
In 1995 at least 58% of all South Africans, and 68% of the African
population was in poverty, while poverty was virtually non-existent for
Whites (Income Expenditure Survey, 1995). The country also inherited
vast inequalities in education, health, and basic infrastructure, such as
access to safe water, sanitation, and housing. For instance, while only a
quarter of Africans had access to piped water in their houses, Asians and
Whites had universal access. Many other aspects of the South African
economy are equally challenging. Crime is so prevalent that it leads to
emigration of South African professionals of all ethnic groups (Dodson,
2

2002), possibly also discouraging investment and stifling growth. The

broad unemployment rate is estimated to be between 30-40% and has
been steadily increasing since 1995, making South Africas unemployment
rate one of the highest in the world. Many communities in the former
homelands have little economic activity to speak of mean
unemployment rates in these communities approach 75%. The share of
the workforce in the informal sector is no more than approximately 15% in
South Africa, a figure that is remarkably small when compared with, say,
Latin American countries (Rama, 2001; Kingdon and Knight, 2004).
According to UNAIDS, HIV prevalence increased from 10.5% in 1995 to
22.8% in 19981 Human Sciences Research Council projected that more
than 375,000 South Africans would die from HIV/AIDS in 2003, a 30%
increase from the estimated number of deaths in 2000.5
Besides under the program (GEAR), the average annual GDP growth rate
was to increase from a base projection of 2.8% to 4.2% between 19962000 and the deficit to be reduced to a target rate of 3% of GDP
(Government of South Africa, 1996). The main goals of the RDP were
reiterated in GEAR, including reforms to make the labor markets more
flexible, to improve productivity, and to increase training and employment
of the unskilled.
The failure of the economy to grow and create enough jobs gave way to
an ...interrogation of the compatibility between GEAR and the labour
legislation and a growing concern with rising unemployment and poverty.
(Leibbrandt, van der Berg, and Bhorat, 2001) The government stated its
commitment to GEAR again at the Presidential Jobs Summit in 1998, which
brought together government, organized labour and the business sector.
Despite consensus on the need for occupational training and job creations
schemes, significant changes in labour market legislation did not follow.
Nor did any significant land reform materialize, although it was identified
as a source of improvement for long-term employment and rural income
growth. Narrow unemployment rate increased from 17% to 24% between
1995 and 1999, while the broad unemployment rate, which includes the
so-called discouraged workers increased from 29% to 38% during the
same period (Klasen and Woolard, 2000). During the same time period,
the demand for high-skilled labor increased, while it declined for lowskilled labor, a trend that Rama (2001) relates, to some extent, to trade
liberalization. Rama (2001) also reports a tendency towards outsourcing in
the manufacturing sector, which led to an increase of worker who are in
the informal sector between 1995 and 2000. Bhorat (2003) reports that
the expansion of the informal sector accounted for 84% of the 1.1 million
jobs created between 1996-1999. However, the labor force expanded by
1 Available:
http://www.unaids.org/hivaidsinfo/statistics/fact_sheets/pdfs/Southafrica_en.pdf
2

3.1 million over the same period, causing the increase in the rate of
unemployment. Employers in manufacturing perceived labor market
regulations as a major hindrance to hiring workers (Rama, 2001;
Economist, Jan. 15, 2004). The result is a segmented labor market, the
high-skill tier of which is characterized by excess demand (Rama, 2001),
while the low-skill tier displays large excess supply.
Unemployment is very high in rural areas, highlighting not only the lack of
economic activity in former homelands, but also the fact that unemployed
individuals stay in or move back to rural areas to attach themselves to
households with adequate public or private support (Klasen, Woolard,
2000). Under these circumstances, one would expect an increase in
inequality due to rising incomes for a small group of educated and skilled
South Africans and stagnant or declining incomes for a much larger group
of low-skilled individuals.
They also report that inequality within racial groups increased
substantially while between group inequality declined only slightly, as a
result of which total inequality increased in South Africa between 1995
and 2000. Echoing Lam and Leibbrandt (2003), we find a deterioration of
expenditures at the bottom end of the distribution, as a result of which
poverty, especially extreme poverty, increased significantly. There were
approximately 1.8 million (2.3 million) more South Africans in 2000 living
with less than $1/day ($2/day) than there were in 1995. However, these
losses were not uniform: Colour eds made significant gains against
poverty over this period, so did several provinces, such as Western Cape,
Northern Cape, and Free State. Inequality also increased, main ly due to a
sharp increase among the African population. The fact that the growth
rate was low and that the materialized growth was not pro-poor were the
main reasons for the lack of progress against poverty in this period.
(Johannes G. Hoogeveen and Berk zler, 2005; 3).
The wide-spreading poverty has changed the positive attitude that people
assumed in the immediate post-apartheid era, changing their ideology
about the crucial role of the state and markets in fostering developmental
goals through social policies. However, the state is not always capable to
cope with the struggles posed by globalization. In fact, it should also be
noticed that, according to what has been aforementioned, in the current
situation of diminishing state power, attempts to (re)construct national
identities and a national culture also thanks to the Truth and Reconciliation
Commission, after a long history of institutionalized racism , are weakened
by globalization.
Cultural and identity production is based on the aspirations to see socioeconomic growth, nation building, and the development of social and
moral stability as complementary, simultaneous projects. This shift in
cultural policy to celebrate Africanness may be as harmless as suggesting
2

a vision for the healing of the whole of Africa; a moral and ethical desire
for a continent forgotten by the Western/Northern; now remembered by
its healthier appendage. (Mistry, 2001:18).
I also strongly believe that in addressing the issues of the country global
expansion must confront its own prejudices, escalating xenophobia,
immigration, and the newfound superiority emergent from its liberation
and democracy. And this will be possible in a condition of political and
economic security and stableness. While high expectations regarding the
alleviation of poverty, the emancipation of women, a successful confront
to the scourge of HIV disease, to the lack of technology and to the
poorness of information and intellectual property, accompanied the
advent of the new political dispensation in South Africa since 1994, little
progress appears to have been made in this regard. (Mistry, 2001: 13).

As this essay highlights, the pursuit of neoliberal policies that encourage

foreign investments and the opening up through deregulation of the
national economy constrains the governments of the country from
implementing policies aimed at combating the more obvious inequalities
and disparities suffered by the impoverished majority of the population in
South Africa.
Over time, the failure to adequately address these inequalities and
disparities undermines the governments popular support, political
stability, and democratization in these societies. The urgency of
addressing the growing inequality and social injustices in most parts of the
contemporary global economic system has given rise to increasing calls
for replacing this system at the global level, as well as the structures at
the national and sub-national levels that provide the foundations for,
reinforce, and/or are dependent upon the system. My hope is that the
international community as a whole will address socially driven and
sustainable policies in order to uniform the currently existing inequalities
spared by a strongly liberal attitude, and an unskilled and precipitous
state.
As the essays in this special issue indicate, the role of the state and the
relationship of the domestic economy to the global economy constitute
the essential elements that determine the development of the land,
resources, and general welfare of the population of peripheral societies
such as South Africa. Considering the situation in South Africa in the postapartheid period, I am convinced that globalization has had a negative
impact on the countrys economy, and consequently on the social aspects
of itself. The usual challenges brought by globalization have not been
treated and dominated in a good manner by the state, which
demonstrated to be almost powerless in properly addressing the issue.
2

While substantial progress was made in other areas, such as access to

safe water and sanitation, or coverage for social transfers like the old-age
pension program, the governments macroeconomic strategy failed to
generate the projected growth and create enough jobs to bring down the
high rate of unemployment. Even if the projected growth rates were
achieved, it should not be assumed that substantial reductions in poverty
would follow. Without a progressive shift in the expenditure distribution,
even if South Africa grew at a remarkable annual rate of 8% per capita
similar to Chinas growth rate in the 1990s it would take approximately
10 years for the average poor household to escape poverty. Hence, it is
unlikely that growth alone without explicit poverty reduction strategies
could have lifted many South Africans out of poverty. South Africa needs
to grow in a way that also improves the distribution of incomes if it is to
make significant progress against poverty in the short to medium run.
Some puzzles remain.
There are a myriad of challenges, as well as opportunities, associated with
integration into the global economy, which was, in the case of South
Africa, mostly driven by trade. Putting the economic policies in place that
would make economies sufficiently flexible to accelerate their growth
rates further and to strengthen their ability to respond to shocks is one of
the challenges confronting the global economy today. Others include the
need to adapt the multilateral framework, established in 1945, in a way
that reflects the changing structure of the world economy; and the need
to ensure that the benefits of globalization will accrue while being spread
even more widely than has been the case hitherto.
Of course it should be said that these challenges also represents
opportunities, like the one to consolidate what was achieved in the second
half of the last century as we look ahead to further economic progress in
the present one. Making the most of these opportunities requires, first and
fore most, the pursuit of macroeconomic stability linked with pro-growth
policies by national policymakers, which is something that they did not
succeed in doing in the post-apartheid era in South Africa.

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