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The text displays that the experience of time available for the human species cannot be compared with the activity of animals on the earth. But actually the sense
of existence itself is completely heterogeneous for each of them. As the Menschenkunde lecture ironically states, if a horse could grasp the thought I, I
should dismount and consider it as my company3. In contrast to animals, human
beings bring forth a pragmatic behavior. Therefore, they require prudence in
order to have success in society and not to ruin the most basic rules of human
coexistence. I share with others the view that we should approach these materials
* This paper is part of a research programme undertaken with the support of the research project Poetics of Selfhood: memory, imagination and narrativity (PTDC/MHC-FIL/4203/2012), granted by the FCT of the Government of Portugal, and also supported by the research projects Naturaleza humana y comunidad (III). Actualidad del humanismo e inactualidad del hombre?
(FFI201346815-P) and Reto
ricas del Clasicismo. Los puntos de vista (contextos, premisas, mentalidades) (FFI201341410-P), granted by the MINECO of the Government of Spain.
1 V-Anth/Busolt, AA 25.2: 1435.
2 V-Anth/Pillau, AA 25.2: 839.
3 V-Anth/Mensch, AA 25.2: 859.
4 See Louden 2001, 67: Kants lecture notes are important documents, but they should be used
conservatively as added support for claims made in his published works not as stand-alone
indications of his position. Cf. Stark 2003, 19 f.: Historically noteworthy, however, is the fact
that [Kant] never composed and published his own textbook for use in any of his courses. Presumably, one explanation for this noteworthy fact is Kants deep pedagogical conviction that his
students should not learn philosophy, but rather ought to learn how to philosophize. Thus, in
terms of form, the oral doctrine of Kants lectures stands in a special tension with his published
works. It is only in the case of the Anthropology that Kant would later resolve this tension, that
is, with the publication of his textbook in 1798. See also Stark 1992.
5 Wood 2003, 41.
which can only be used among human beings, and only insofar as we cannot have these in
common with other people, are we unable to bear all miserable circumstances in regard to
comfortableness and maintenance. We do not complain about nature itself in regard to our
meager circumstances, but because other people are better off than we are. [...] The human
being thus interests us more than nature, for nature exists for the sake of the human, the
human being is the purpose of the nature.6
Beyond its social genealogy, the Anthropology lectures shed light on essential
issues regarding the human capacity to fulfill what the moral law commands,
helping to grant access [Eingang] to moral laws and efficacy for fulfillment of them
[Nachdruck zur Ausbung]7 as they are applied to human nature. Admittedly,
Kants practical philosophy often emphasizes that morals do not require any anthropological feedback in order to see its imperative fulfilled, but this thesis is
compatible with the fact that moral anthropology displays the subjective conditions in human nature that hinder people or help them in carrying out the laws
of a metaphysics of morals8. To put it in a nutshell, anthropology supplies
awareness of the empirical features of human behavior relevant to moral law, a
behavior which inevitably occurs in a social context and is influenced by psychological reasons. Some Kant scholars have drawn attention to the strong declaration regarding these two subjects contained in the following introductory passage of Collins Moral Philosophy lecture:
The science of the rules concerning how a human being ought to behave is practical philosophy, and the science of the rules concerning his actual behavior is anthropology; these
two sciences [morality and practical anthropology] are closely connected, and moral philosophy cannot endure without anthropology, for one must first know of the agent, whether
he is also in a position to accomplish what is required of him that he should do. It is naturally possible to consider anthropology without the knowledge of the subject, but this is
only a speculative [anthropology] or an idea. [. . .] People are always preaching about what
ought to be done, and nobody thinks about whether it can be done, so that even the admonitions, which are tautological repetitions of rules that everyone knows already, strike us as
very tedious, in that nothing is said beyond what is already known, and the pulpit orations
on the subject are very empty, if the preacher does not simultaneously attend to humanity.9
any aspect of pragmatic anthropology into moral anthropology is the decision to apply it to
moral rather than nonmoral ends. Louden, 2011, 82: If peoples chosen ends are moral ones,
then they can apply anthropology as a means towards this goal. But if their ends are nonmoral,
anthropological knowledge of human beings can also be of service.
11 See Stark 2003, 23 f.
12 V-Anth/Mensch, AA 25.2: 855.
13 V-Anth/Mensch, AA 25.2: 856.
14 See V-Anth/Busolt, AA 25.2: 1436.
15 V-Anth/Fried, AA 25.1: 471.
16 Paton 1971, 32 and Gregor 1963, 8. Both argue that anthropological concepts could not belong
to practical philosophy insofar as they are empirical, so that they would not be entirely
[grounded] on the concept of freedom (KU, AA 05: 173).
17 Louden 2011, 77. Alix A. Cohen shares basically this point of view, see 2008, 513: The moral
guidance of anthropology thus consists in recommending what helps the realization of duty (for
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167
One of the two editors of volume 25 of the Academy Edition, W. Stark, has also
argued that Kants anthropology is
an integral part of his philosophy (including his critical philosophy), and [. ..] it is not to be
reckoned as a mere appendage to the system.18
Another Kant scholar who has written about the Anthropology lectures, Alix A.
Cohen, compares anthropology with a GPS device that shows the subject which
path leads to her moral destination.19 For this purpose, she uses the analogy with
the metaphor of the compass that Kant shaped in order to clarify how common
human reason knows a priori what is good and what is evil without drawing this
evidence from experience20.
The fact that anthropology shall always remain an unfinished and imperfect
matter has misled some readings of this part of Kants philosophical legacy that
tend to reduce it to a mere prudential appendix. Yet Kant holds that this subject is
of great utility for its influence on morality and religion21, since it facilitates
performance of the duties which stem from moral laws. Independently of its supplementary outcomes, empirical knowledge of the human being ought to help in
the application of practical philosophy, which at least allows us to regard anthropology as an important part of philosophia moralis applicata, which Kant
distinguishes from metaphysica pura, for instance in the Moral Mrongovius II22.
The following passage from the Menschenkunde, one of the most articulated lectures of Kants Anthropology, focuses decidedly on this link:
All morals require knowledge of the human being, so that we do not chatter empty exhortations to people but know how to lead them, in order that they begin to hold moral laws in
high regard and turn to their principles. I must know which avenues of human dispositions
I can have in order to bring forth resolutions; knowledge of the human being can give us the
opportunity for this, so that the educator and preacher do not produce mere sobs and tears
but are in a condition to produce true resolutions. Knowledge of the human being is just as
indispensable for politics, for in order to be able to rule human beings one must know
human beings. Without knowledge of the human being the sovereign cannot lead such a
instance, politeness and sympathy) and warning against what hinders it (for instance, passions). Of course, these helps and hindrances are by no means a guarantee of virtue. For being
sympathetic and polite is not sufficient to be genuinely moral: but it certainly helps.
18 Stark 2003, 21.
19 Cohen 2008, 513.
20 GMS, AA 04: 404.
21 V-Anth/Busolt, AA 25.2: 1437.
22 V-Mo/Mron II, AA 29: 599.
The text points out that to know how to reach purposes in general facilitates the
identification of the most convenient means for accomplishing our own moral
destination. The famous claim of Kant, according to which the highest interest of
reason is always practical24, also confirms this subordination of anthropology to
morals.25 Since, in Kants eyes, [t]he sciences are principia for the improvement
of morality26, a sketch of science as anthropology should not be excluded from
this commitment. Kants distinction between skillfulness [Geschicklichkeit] and
prudence [Klugheit] is also connected with this point, as the Menschenkunde lecture reports:
Skillfulness is directed toward things; prudence, toward human beings. The watchmaker is
skilled if he makes a perfect watch; but if he knows how to bring it to the customer quickly
because he repairs it according to fashion, then he is prudent. Only when we are able to
acquire influence on human beings do we also have an influence on things, because
human hands produce everything out of raw nature. Prudence is therefore based merely on
the knowledge of the human being, by virtue of which we are in a position to direct others
according to our purpose.27
Skillfulness concerns only things, so that it does not entail a real feedback before
other human beings. A skilled person in the manufacture of clocks Kants example does not need to bear in mind the foresights and strategies aimed at increasing his influence on others. Yet prudence cannot be understood as an allembracing skillfulness, but as a knowledge of the stage upon which we can
apply all skill which is constantly in progress28. Put differently, pragmatic knowledge will be very useful for civilizing the human being and for educating him as
a Weltmann.
The remark that anthropology should stop being considered as a part of
metaphysics in order to emerge as a coherent science [zusammenhngende
Wissenschaft29]30 does not first and foremost affirm its identity with the empirical
psychology, to which the Critique of Pure Reason assigned the status of a refugee
until it [could] establish its own domicile in a complete anthropology (the pen-
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
169
dant to the empirical doctrine of nature)31. On the contrary, this approach opens
a new enquiry that the ancients praised only nominally:
It is to be wondered why the ancients did not occupy themselves more with human cognition, even though they declared this endeavor to be the most useful one. But there is nothing more usual than the fact that one believes himself to know what he is accustomed to
deal with and holds it not to be worthy of this investigation. This opinion, which is implanted in us, has done uncommon harm to the sciences, and deprived us of the cognition of
many things. At the same time, it is to be remarked that because the sciences are expounded in academies in a certain order and separated from other sciences, they have grown
and expanded greatly. It is precisely so with empirical psychology, for as long as it was dependent on metaphysics, and was not expounded especially, it had only a very small range.
It even deserves a special set of lectures, in part because it does not at all belong to metaphysics, in part because it can be learned by everyone without requiring any prerequisite
sciences.32
The passage states clearly that those who believe that anthropology does not require any discipline, because its contents are so naturally learned and easy to
grasp that the mere civil intercourse would yield all the expected materials,
repeat a terrible mistake which morals traditionally committed, i. e. the idea that
to put the knowledge of the human being under a systematical articulation
would be superficial. Certainly the matters which anthropology considers should
not be confused with the conceptus puri (sic) that stem from reason33, since the
first are practical qualities [praktische Eigenschaften34]35 that concern the phenomena of human intercourse, without regard to problems such as the mindbody union in human beings, studied by scientists such as Charles Bonnet. Within the boundaries of this phenomenal enquiry, anthropology attempts to
discover what is natural in the human being and what proceeds from culture and
civilization, providing to morals the empirical space of its application, as the
Mrongovius lecture illustrates by a puzzling analogy:
Anthropology is pragmatic, but it is of service for the moral knowledge of the human being,
since one must create the motives for morals from it, and without Anthropology morals
would be scholastic, not at all applicable to the world, and not agreeable to the world. Anthropology stands to morals as spatial geometry stands to geodesy.36
The knowledge about how world rules prevent an excessive abstraction in the
moral realm and facilitate the implementation of the moral law in a space shaped
by human beliefs and expectations brings forth a pragmatic normativity.
31
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35
36
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171
many other considerations will enter in44. This might emphasize the impression of a patchwork, as the following passage of Friedlnder lecture suggests:
To observe human beings and their conduct, to bring their phenomena under rules, is the
purpose of anthropology. All anthropologies that we still have at this time, have not yet had
the idea which we have here before us. Everything that bears no relation to the prudent
conduct of human beings does not belong to anthropology.45
One paradoxical feature which goes across Kants Anthropology lectures is the
contrast between the empirical contents and the cosmopolitan vocation of their
observations and commentaries. Everything seems disposed to fulfill Kants idea
of setting up knowledge of the human being as a citizen of the world46. But this
cosmopolitan purpose derives from a moral emphasis that internally concerns
this anthropological project. Several passages of the lectures uphold the subordination of anthropological observation to a general guiding conception of human
nature, as the distinction between a general and a local anthropology proves:
anthropology is not however a local but rather a general anthropology. In it one comes to
know not the state of human beings but rather the nature of humanity, for the local properties of human beings always change, but the nature of humanity does not. Anthropology
is thus a pragmatic knowledge of what results from our nature, but it is not a physical or
geographical knowledge, for that is tied to time and place, and is not constant [. . .] Anthropology is not a description of human beings, but of human nature.47
44
45
46
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49
The text casts light on the limitations of local knowledge of the world, too tied to
a concrete space and time, so that it could train merchants, but not the man of the
world [Weltmann]. This kind of knowledge of the human being grasps only contingent and changing features of human behavior and situations, whereas general knowledge teaches the student to reflect about human nature through social
intercourse51. Kant mentions three main benefits that a general knowledge of the
human being yields52. First, to consider with an attentive eye the human beings
around us can take the place of frequent travels around the world, inasmuch as
this strong reflection guides the observer to the anthropological sources of actions. Secondly, civil intercourse gets the subject acquainted with basic human
motivations, no matter how plural their expressions may be. Third, plays, novels,
history and biography provide a rich collection of remarks from which every
reader can benefit.
To pay attention to the historical sources of Kants Anthropology could be to
a large extent useful in order to go further in the understanding of the incompleteness of these courses, compared to other scientific disciplines. I shall argue
that his Anthropology lectures display an approach to knowledge of the human
being that reveals at least an indirect influence from the experiential Enlightenment53 cultivated by Christian Thomasiuss Court philosophy on the development of this pragmatic enquiry. The main content that Kant draws from this tradition, completely opposed to the scholastic point of view of the Wolffians, was
prudence as a guide for orientating human beings in ordinary public life. I follow
other Kant scholars especially Stark and Louden as I attempt to reassess anew
what Baumgartens empirical psychology supplies to the basic framework for
Kants Anthropology. Scholars interested in Kants Anthropology should not
undervalue the fact that the tradition of Court Philosophy contributes significantly to this new academic discipline. The reception of Thomasiuss distinction between Gelahrtheit, i. e. knowledge yielded by experience, and Gelehrtheit, i. e.
50 V-Anth/Pillau, AA 25.2: 734. See Louden 2011, 73: It can be put to pragmatic, nonmoral uses
as well as to moral ones. A businessman who uses his Weltkenntnis to expand his companys
market share is using it for pragmatic purposes, but people who use Weltkenntnis in order more
effectively and intelligently to apply pure moral principles to the human situation are using it for
moral purposes.
51 V-Anth/Fried, AA 25.1: 471.
52 V-Anth/Pillau, AA 25.2: 734.
53 I borrow this expression from Wilson 2001, 180.
As formerly the magister pedaneus, the pedant lives in his study room, deprived of any social intercourse and apart from any interest in the world and its
practical features, so that the knowledge that he conveys will be completely useless for the interests of human beings. In conclusion, a general knowledge of
human nature and culture must be presupposed when conveying the scientific
potential of anthropology. Without this background every teacher loses her pedagogical capacity.
3 Conclusion
Kants Anthropology lectures could be read as a decided tribute to the phenomenal existence of human beings, which yields up a surprising cooperative dimension in regard to their moral destination. The Announcement of the academic
Kants portrayal of social behavior assumes the framework of three faculties according to Baumgartens empirical psychology, so that the study of the empirical
character becomes the core topic of the anthropology, while the intelligible character remains the subject of morals.60 Yet to tackle empirical issues does not exclude the reconstruction of a certain purpose, decidedly useful for the moral development of the human species. As the Anthropology Parow lecture notes,
every trait of humanity should be connected with its source, and the character
of human beings that one presently finds scattered in sciences, literature and
moral essays, should be systematically unified61. Despite the multiplicity of customs, temperaments, and practices in different nations and cultures, Kant argues
that there is more regularity in this complex map of human nature than there
seems to be. The Menschenkunde lecture claims that anthropology discovers
rules that will entertain even women at the dressing-table, because [e]very
human being is delighted over a rule62, and all cultures contribute to the pragmatic normativity, which allows to better comprehend the world, suggesting a
guiding thread where there is apparent disorder63. A similar remark appears in
the Mrongovius lecture
[A] solid knowledge of the human being interests everyone and provides material for conversation, even for a woman; as Chremes in Terence says: I am a human being, what relates
to human beings concerns me, too, for here every human being can examine it; all that is
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60
61
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63
175
abstract, namely, what one must for the most part examine [only] with great effort, thus
does not belong here, yet it must not be completely commonplace either.64
The order that anthropology brings to light in human discourses and uses has a
high interest for human beings, inasmuch as this matter increases our self-knowledge and teaches us how to arrange our actions in order to enhance the sociability with others and to prevail over their intentions65. Kant states that the subjective principles of all sciences66 belong also to this anthropological scope,
insofar as they are means through which teachers and preachers gain influence
over the public. Moreover, although the point of view of anthropological analysis
is empirical, the evolution of the lectures leads to character, a perspective which
suggests taking a wider perspective regarding the materials gathered by the three
preceding faculties, and which supports once more the dependence of these lectures from morals:
Characters are nothing other than that which is peculiar to the higher capacities. Indeed, in
each human being there lie the greatest incentives and preparations for every kind of activity, but there also lies a higher principle in him to make use of all the capacities and incentives, to sacrifice and to restrain sensations, etc. The constitution of these higher powers
makes up the character. Thus one also says nothing, if one says the word character to refer
to a human beings capacities. [What matters is] how he makes use of them, and what he
wills to do.67
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