CIAS Articledwd

Dashdondog BAYARSAIKHAN
University of Oxford
THE ALLOCATION OF GREATER ARMENIAN LAND UNDER THE

MONGOL NOYANS (COMMANDERS) (1220-45)
Before the thirteenth century, the Mongols were hardly known to the Armenians. The
occupation of the territories in Central Asia put the Mongols in contact with the
Khwrazmians, in pursuit of whom the Mongols entered the Caucasus.1 At that time, the
western part of Greater Armenia had been under the rule of the Seljuqs / Saljuqs of Rm
since the 1220s, the northern and eastern parts had been ruled by the Georgian Bagratid
dynasty since 1089, and in the south, part of the land had been under the political
domination of the Ayyubids since 1208. Only some of the southern territories were under
the control of the Armenian ishkhans (princes). Of these, the Tornikids/Mamikonians
ruled in Sasun and the Artsrunids in the districts of Mokk and Rshtunik in
Vaspurakan.2 The Mongol invasion of Greater Armenia took place over twenty years and
was achieved through raids, diplomatic pressure and military activities.
THE EMERGENCE OF THE MONGOLS IN THE LANDS OF THE ARMENIANS
The Mongol occupation of Armenia proceeded in several phases, which were related to
each other and were well coordinated. The three phases of the Mongol conquest of
As a result of the exchange of missions, a caravan of 450 Muslim merchants with about 500 camels
loaded with gold, silver, Chinese silk, sables and other goods was sent to Khwrazmia by Chingis Khan in
1218. The massacre of the merchants and the Mongol embassy is attributed to the initiatives of nlchik,
the governor of Utrr, the border city of the Khwrazmian Empire. Chinggis Khan sent his envoys to the
Khwrazm-shh, protesting his deceitful action and demanding the surrender of nlchik, but his envoys
were killed by order of the Shh, according to Nasaw or were freed after their beards had been shaved,
according to Ibn al-Athr; Barthold, 1977, 399.
2
Ter-Gewondyan, 1955, 85-96. Contemporary Armenian sources refer to the lords as the ishkhans, the
princes. To my knowledge, there is no single reference claiming them as nakharars. There is
disagreement among scholars about the duration of the nakharar system both as a concept and as
terminology; however, it is very unlikely that the nakharar system, which had existed in Armenia from
antiquity, lasted until the Mongol invasion; Adonts, 1970, 183; Garsoan in Hovannisian, 1997, 150.
Therefore, I use the term ishkhans for princes and lords, with their individual affairs and responsibilities.
Armenia can be identified as follows: scouting expeditions, initial conquest and allotment
of Armenian land under Mongol lordship, and the final invasion.
According to Armenian sources, the first emergence of the Mongols in Armenia
occurred in 669 Arm. (1220).3 The years given in Grigor Aknertsi (1250-1335) as 663
Arm. (1214), 4 and in Mkhitar Ayrivanetsi (fl.13-14th century) as 1211, 5 must be
considered as scribal errors, for they both describe the battle of Georgio-Armenian troops
against the Mongols near the river Kotman, which took place in the winter of 1220-21.6
The most corroborated dates for this event are recorded by Vardan Areveltsi (c. 120071) and by the anonymous author from Sebastia in his Chronicle.7 The latter states that,
in the year 669 Arm. (1220), twenty thousand Tatars under Commander Sbedei came to
the land of Gugark from Albania (Aghvank).
The account given in Kirakos
Gandzaketsi (1200-71) that the Mongols came to Albania through the Derbent
(Darband) Gates, is contradicted by the Muslim sources of Ibn al-Athr (1160-1233),
Tarkh
al-Kaml and Rashd al-Dn (ca. 645/1247-718/1318), Jmi al-Tavarkh.
According to them, the Mongols came to Armenia from the direction of Tabriz through
the Mughan (Mghn) Steppe.9
Vardan Areveltsi, 1991, 142; Kirakos Gandzaketsi, 1961, 201; Stepannos Episkopos, 1951, 38.
Grigor Aknertsi, 1954, 26.
5
Mkhitar Ayrivanetsi, 1860, 65.
6
Kotman (Touz), a river near the fortress Terunakan; Manandian, 1952, 183-4. The name of the battle
place is recorded differently in the Armenian sources; it is the river Kotman in Vardan Areveltsi, the
river Kroman in Stepannos Episkopos, and the plain Kotman opposite the castle of Terunakan in Grigor
Aknertsi.
7
The Chronicle of Sebastatsi was first published by G. Manvelian and G. Abrahamian in 1940; then by
Hakobyan in 1956; and in 1962 by Galstyan, translated into Russian. According to both Hakobyan and
Galstyan, the text of the oldest of three manuscripts, attributed to Sebastatsi in the Erevan Matenadaran,
(no. 2174) goes as far as the events of 1220 and was carried on by continuator with some slips until 1309;
the other two MSS each end in different years.
8
Sebastatsi, 1956, 137. Aghvank in the Armenian sources refers to Caucasian Albania; Barkhutareants,
1902, 9.
9
Ibn al-Athr, 1940, 140; Rashd al-Dn, 1952, v.1, part 2, 227.
4
The emergence of the Mongols into the lands of the Armenians was not planned
beforehand. In general, the decision to launch a Mongol expedition was made at the
quriltai (assembly) or by the order of Chinggis Khan. From the sources, it is understood
that in the year of the Hare (1219), in pursuit of Al al-Dn Muhammad Khwrazm-shh
(r.1200-20), Chinggis Khan (r. 1206-27) sent General Jebe as a vanguard, Sbedei as
Jebes rearguard, and Toghachar (Toghuchar) as Sbedeis rearguard.10 It is, therefore,
clear that there were triple commanders. Triplication was very important in the Mongol
custom, especially in a military context, which meant co-ordination and a wise
approach.11 Three persons were designed to act as one, and so 33 or 330 and even 33000
persons, according to the decimal system was applied to the nomadic army. The Secret
History of the Mongols has several sets of triples, like this set of Jebe- SbedeiToghachar, or Chormaghan- Ogotor- Mnqet.
According to Rashd al-Dns narration of the Jmi al-Tavarkh, Chinggis Khan
ordered the generals to return through the Dasht-i Qipchak (Qpchak) and to join him in
Mongolia only after the capture of the Sultan Muhammad.12 In fact, as a result of the
Mongol siege, the Khwrazmian Empire fell, causing its rulers to flee. Since Muhammad
Khwrazm-shh had fled to a lonely island in the Caspian Sea and died there in 1220, and
his son Jall al-Dn (1220-31) had fled to India in 1221, the Mongols after passing
through Hamadan withdrew to the Mughan plain.
10
MNT, 2004, 90, 257; Rashd al-Dn, 1952, v.1, part 2, 209. Toghachar in Muslim sources is related as
Toghachar Kregen, a son-in-law of Chinggis Khan, Juvayn, 1997, 174; Nasaw, 1996, 91. Toghachar
was from the noble Qongirat consort tribe, the male representatives of which used to marry the girls of
Chinggis Khans family; Rashd al-Dn, 1852, v.1, part 1, 162.
11
On the symbolic meanings of number three, see Dulam, 1999, 45-78.
12
Rashd al-Dn, 1952, v.1, part 2, 209
It is interesting to speculate why the attention of these generals, who were sweeping
across Iran, was suddenly focused on another direction, towards Armenia and Georgia.
One of the reasons may have been the severe winter of 1220-21, which made Jebe and
Sbedei choose the Mughan plain as a winter camping ground.13 The other factor was,
probably, a reconnoitring expedition, in which Armenia was discovered by the Mongols
for the very first time. These raids paved the way for further penetration of the Mongols
into Armenian lands.
THE FIRST MONGOLS IN ARMENIA: THE SCOUTING EXPEDITIONS OF JEBE AND

SBEDEI
Armenian sources record the names of the first Mongols to appear in Armenia as the
generals Jebe and Sbedei.14 Jebe, also known as Jirgudai, was from the Best tribe.15 He
was the one who resisted Temjin16 in the fight in Khuiten (Kyitan) in 1202, shooting an
arrow from the mountain top and wounding the so-called yellow war-horse with the
white mouth supposedly belonging to Chinggis Khan. 17 When Jirgudai later came to
submit to the khan, and confessed that it was he who had shot the arrow from the
mountaintop, Chinggis Khan valued his courage, accepted him as a man worthy of being
13
Because of the cold winter and snow in Hamadn, the Mongols went to Azerbaijan; Ibn al-Athr, 1940,
137.
14
Japai in Mkhitar Ayrivanetsi, 1860, 65; Sabada in Kirakos Gandzaketsi, 1961, 240.
15
Yist tribe in Rashd al-Dn, 2002, 151.
16
Temjin was already honoured with the title Chinggis in 1189, after reaching agreement with Altan,
Khuchar and Sacha-beki, the chiefs of the Mongol tribes; MNT, 2004, 28, 123; SHM, 2001, 100.
17
MNT, 2004, 36, 147. SHM, 2001, 121. In fact, it was Chinggis Khan who was wounded by the arrow of
Jebe. However, the reference to yellow war-horse in MNT is more allegorical than representative, for it
was taboo to address the Khan directly, and here, the white-mouthed horse is a symbolic representation
of the Khan; MNT, 2004, 35, 145. SHM, 2001, 118. It is supposed that because of this taboo, later,
Rashd al-Dn suggests in his version that Jebe wounded the white horse, which was mounted by Burji
Noyan, not Chinggis Khan himself; Rashd al-Dn 1952, v.1, part 1, 194.
his companion and called him Jebe or arrowhead.18 In the quriltai of 1206 on the bank
of the river Onon, when Chinggis Khan was proclaimed the Great Khan of all the
Mongols, Jebe was granted the title of Miangatyn Noyan or Commander of a Thousand.19
Ninety-five commanders were appointed that day. Among them was Sbedei, known as
Sbedei-Baghatur, who was from the Urianqat tribe.20
After Toghachar was dismissed for disobeying orders, 21 Jebe with one tuman
(tmen) or ten thousand soldiers and Sbedei with another tuman marched towards
Arran. On their way, they met the Georgian and Armenian army of ten thousand [just half
of the Mongol army] and defeated them.22 There is no unanimity among Armenian and
Muslim sources about this expedition and particularly about the location of the first
Mongol battle with the Caucasians.
According to Rashd al-Dn and Ibn al-Athr, the Mongols defeated a Georgian
army of ten thousand men on a short reconnoitring expedition, returned to Tabriz and
afterwards besieged Maragha, Hamadan, Nakhichevan, Ardabil, Sarab and Bailakan in
August-September 1221. Then Jebe and Sbedei attacked the city of Ganja, from which
18
MNT, 2004, 36, 90, 145, 257; SHM, 2001, 118, 250. On types of arrowhead, see MNT [military terms],
2004, 246.
19
Jebe was a commander of the 48th thousand. In 1211 and 1214, Jebe was sent to invest China; MNT
[military terms], 2004, 266.
20
MNT, 2004, 65, 202. Sbedei was a commander of the 52nd thousand; MNT [military terms], 2004,
267. He was a brother of Jelme, a commander of 9th thousand; MNT [military terms], 2004, 254; Jelme
was a close friend of Temjin (Chinggis Khan), who saved Temjins life three times, including during
the incident in Khuiten; MNT, 2004, 35, 145; SHM, 2001, 98.
21
Toghachar disobeyed the order of Chinggis Khan to act peacefully as the rearguard of Jebe and Sbedei
in their reconnoitring expedition in 1219, and infringed on the territories of Amn Malik, (Amn al-Mulk,
a cousin of a Qangl Turk, malik of Hert); Boyle, 1968, 318; Nasaw, 1996, 215-16. Due to this,
Chinggis Khan wished to have Toghachar executed, but forgave and demoted him from his command,
MNT, 2004, 90, 257; SHM, 2001, 250. According to Rashd al-Dn, Togachar was killed in a battle by
the highlanders of Ghr soon after; Rashd al-Dn, 1952, v.1, part 2, 220. As Nasaw and Juvayn state,
he was killed in battle by an arrow near Nshpr in November (1220); Nasaw, 1996, 93; Juvayn, 1997,
175.
22
Rashd al-Dn, 1952, v.1, part 2, 227; Ibn al-Athr, 1940,137.
they went again to Georgia and crushed the Georgians.23 Armenian sources say that a
great battle took place in December 1220 and January 1221.24 Regarding this expedition,
there is also disagreement among modern scholars. Manandian suggests that there was
just one Mongol raid, and that the battle of the Khunan valley and the river Kotman
occurred in January 1221.25 In contrast, Babayan proposes that there were three different
expeditions; the first battle of the Mongols with the Georgian army was held on the bank
of the river Agstaf (Agstafa), the second one on the river Kotman, and the third in the
Khunan valley.26 It is doubtful that there were three different raids during the winter of
1220-1221. Consulting the contemporary sources it becomes clear that Kirakos
Gandzaketsi mentions only the Khunan battle, and Vardan Areveltsi only the Kotman
battle. Manandians study shows that both the Khunan valley and the river Kotman can
be found along the bank of the river Kur. 27 Tracing the course of the river Agstaf brings
us to the same river Kur. Therefore, the places mentioned by both contemporary
Armenian authors may stand for the starting and finishing points of that particular
military incident, known by either name.
It is worthwhile to mention here the ruse of Jebe and Sbedei, carrying a cross in
their front lines. This action is also referred to in western scholarship with regard to King
Davids army and Prester John.28 The Georgian queen, usudan, and the atabek, Iwan
23
Rashd al-Dn, 1952, v.1, part 2, 227-229; Ibn al-Athr, 1940, 137-142.
Vardan Areveltsi, 1991, 142; Kirakos Gandzaketsi, 1961, 201; Stepannos Episkopos, 1951, 38.
25
Manandian, 1952, 184.
26
Babayan, 1969, 91.
27
28
Morgan, 1996, 159-167; Rachewiltz, 1971, 30-40; Spuler, 1960, 29. In 1141, when the Seljuq Sultan
Sanjar was defeated by a Qara-Khitan Emperor, it was believed that a Christian king called John, who
was also an ordained priest, existed in Central Asia. The Latin world wanted to believe in this legend and
circulated within a Catholic Europe a Letter of Prester John, a summary on ideal Western polity in the
1160s, which was copied and translated into several languages during the next two-three centuries;
Jackson, 2005, 20-21. In 1221, when the Crusaders were in Egypt, another legend incorporated the
24
Zakarian, must have been confused on seeing a cross in the hands of the invaders.
According to Kirakos Gandzaketsi, the contemporary Armenian historian, false
information had preceded the Mongols that they were Christians who carried a portable
tent-church and a miracle-working cross, and who had come to avenge their fellowChristians from the tyranny of the Muslims. 29 A complaint was addressed to Pope
Honorius III (1216-27) by Iwan, and later it was left to the queen to explain why no
precautions were taken. 30 It is not clear whether the cross idea was executed
deliberately as the consequence of good intelligence gathering, with the intention of
misleading the Armenians, or whether the front line of the Mongols was composed of
representatives of Nestorian Christian tribes. However, as Jackson states, this strategy
remained one of the tactics of Mongol diplomacy and warfare.31
Thinking that the Mongols would stay in Arran until the spring, the Georgians
began gathering a new army, asking for help from the governors of Azerbaijan
(zarbjn) and Khlat (Akhlt). 32 However, Jebe and Sbedei started their expedition to
Georgia in January 1221. They also had some Turkish and Kurdish reinforcements.33 In
the plain of Khunan,34 the army of Lasha (r. 1213-23), the Georgian king, and Iwan
Zakarian, the atabek, met two tumans of the army of the Mongols.35 With five thousand
men, Jebe set up an ambush while Sbedei went forward with the rest of the army. When
the battle started, the Mongols used their old expedient of feigned retreat, and the
Mongols as an army of a mysterious David, the Christian King in India, who was on his way to aid the
Crusaders; Morgan, 1990, 178.
29
Kirakos Gandzaketsi, 1961, 202.
30
Jackson, 2005, 49.
31
Ibid, 2005, 49.
32
Ibn al-Athr, 1940, 137.
33
Ibid, 1940, 138.
34
35
According to some sources, it was a Georgian army of sixty thousand men, Stepannos Episkopos, 1951,
39; Grigor Aknertsi, 1954, 24.
Georgians chased them up to the river Kotman until Jebes sudden advance from the
ambush ended the battle.36 The king and Iwan fled, leaving Armenian Prince Vagram
Gagetsi to fight on the right flank.37 Having pursued the rest of the Georgian army, the
Mongols withdrew soon after. According to Kirakos Gandzaketsi, after this battle, Jebe
and Sbedei dwelt in a very safe place, known by the Mongols as Beghamej, which was
between the cities of Partaw (Bardaa) and Bailakan (Bailaqn) in Arran.38 This they used
as a base from which to launch attacks.
In 1222, when the Mongols returned to Armenia and Georgia, their scouts found that
the Georgians and Armenians were ready to fight; so they decided not to wage war and
went somewhere else.39 In fact, the troops of Jebe and Sbedei went to the Gates of
Derbent.40 On their way to Derbent, they besieged the city of Shamakha in Shirvan. After
many days of brave defence by the inhabitants, the city fell to the Mongols.41 In 1223,
defeating the Russian troops on the river Kalka, Jebe and Sbedei departed to the east to
join Chinggis Khan. 42 Their scouting expedition through Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia
and the Northern Caucasus to Russia was completed. The army of Jebe and Sbedei did
not stay in Armenia any longer. 43
36
Kirakos Gandzaketsi, 1961, 203; Rashd al-Dn, 1952, v.1, part 2, 228.
Vardan Areveltsi, 1991, 142.
38
Kirakos Gandzaketsi, 1961, 202-203.
39
40
41
Ibn al-Athr, 1940, 141.
42
The withdrawal from the Caucasus probably had to be sanctioned by Chinggis Khan, and approved by
the quriltai (great assembly) of January / February 1221, which was held near the river Benaket (Syr
Darya) when Chinggis Khan decided to go back to Mongolia; Rashd al-Dn, 1952, v.1, part 2, 226.
43
Afterwards, in 1223, Sbedei was sent by Chinggis Khan northwards as far as Kiev; MNT, 2004, 92,
262; SHM, 2001, 253-54; He also headed the expedition to North China in 1233; Munkuev, 1965, 66.
He marched on the Carpathia towards Hungary and Poland in 1241; Liddell Hart, 1927, 22. Sbedei died
in 1248, when he was 72/73 years old; Yan-Shih, chapter 121, 1a-5a. Jebe probably died after 1231,
when he was sent by gedei to invest Northern China; MNT, 2004, 95, 272.
37
THE ADVANCE OF CHORMAGHAN TO GREATER ARMENIA
After the withdrawal of the Mongols from the Caucasus, the political condition of the
region was very tense. In 1222, the Qipchaks, pursued by the Mongols, crossed into
Georgia, Shirvan and Arran. The Georgio-Armenian lords, after their defeat of the
Qipchaks, continued their expeditions to the city of Ganja (Gandzak) and to Azerbaijan in
1222-25. 44 However, they faced another danger from Jall al-Dn Khwrazm-shh. In
1225, after his failure to find shelter in northern India, Jall al-Dn returned to Iran and
took part of Khuzistan and then Azerbaijan (Maragha and Tabriz).45 Then he took the
cities of Dvin, Ganja, Nakhichevan, Lori, and Tiflis. 46After a short break, in 1226 he
failed to capture Ani, Kars, Akhlt and Manazkert (Manzikert/Malzgird). 47
The next Mongol general, who was sent in pursuit of Jall al-Dn Khwrazm-shh
was Chormaghan/Chormaghun (ca. 1218-42). Chormaghan came to Armenia as
conqueror after investing Turkistan and northern Iran. The lands he controlled in Iran and
Transcaucasia later paved the way for the Chinggisids to establish the Il-Khanate in the
1250s. In the Secret History of the Mongols, he was known as Chormaghan Qorchi
(quiver-bearer) of the teged tribe, 48 or of the Sunit tribe according to Rashd alDn.49According to the Secret History of the Mongols, Chinggis Khan sent Chormaghan
to complete the conquest of north-western Iran. From the same account it was apparent
44
Sebastatsi, 1956, 138; Vardan Areveltsi, 1991, 142-43.

Ibn al-Athir, 1940, 153-55; Manandian, 1952, 187.
46
Melikset-bek, 1936, 52-53; Ibn al-Athir, 1940, 158-59; Kirakos Gandzaketsi, 1961, 226. Ganzak city
was plundered many times in 1225; by the Georgians with no result; Ibn al-Athr, 1940, 151; by the
Khwrazm-shh, pursued by the Mongols; and later in 1231, by Chormaghun; Vardan Areveltsi, 1991,
144.
47
48
SHM, 2001, 253. Qorchi is transcribed as ghurchi in Kirakos Gandzaketsi, 1961, 279.
49
Rashd al-Dn, 1952, v.1, part 1, 98.
45
that Chormaghan was quite sure about the wealth of that region, therefore, one can
speculate that he had already participated in the expeditions to the Middle East and knew
the terrain, and most likely, was with Jebe and Sbedei in their first reconnoitring raid to
the Caucasus.50
The fact that Chormaghan was sent to this region by Chinggis Khan is confirmed
by Grigor Aknertsi. In his narrative, he states that Chormaghan departed from Armenia
to Chinggis Khan, who approved his peaceful proposal to stay in the land of Armenia.51
Later, gedei Khan (r. 1229-41), succeeding his father as Great Khan, sent
Ogotor and Mnqet in 1229 as rearguards for Chormaghan while he was campaigning
against Jall al-Dn. 52 According to Juvayn (623/1225-681/1283), gedei dispatched
armies to all the countries of the world and sent Chormaghan with a number of amirs and
thirty thousand warriors to Khorasan (Khursn) and Iraq, where Sultan Jall-al-Dn was
still active. 53 In September-October 1229, Jall al-Dn Khwrazm-shh took Akhlt. 54
Soon after retreating from the pressure of Chormaghan, Jall al-Dn fled to Amida and
was probably killed there in 1231 by local bandits.55 The most powerful opponent of the
Mongols in this region was eliminated.56
50
The same conclusion has been shared by May, 1996, 14.

Grigor Aknertsi, 1954, 33. On names, see Cleaves, 1954, 132-175. Ayltana (Altuna) Xatun or Eltina
Xatun (in Kirakos Gandzaketsi), was a pro-Christian wife of Chormaghan, who held authority after her
husbands deafness in 1242; Kirakos Gandzaketsi, 1961, 290.
52
MNT, 2004, 147, 270; SHM, 2001, 262. The set of triples applies in this case as well.
53
Juvayn, 1997, 190.
54
Nasaw, 1996, 240-43.
55
According to Vardan Areveltsi, Jall al-Dn fled towards mid/Amida (modern Diyarbakir/Diyrbakr)
and died there; Vardan Areveltsi, 1991, 144. According to Nasaw, Jall al-Dn was captured in the
mountains of Amida and killed by the Kurds; Nasaw, 1996, 287.
56
At that time, Chormaghan occupied most of Iran above the 32nd parallel. Chormaghan had already
controlled Khorasan, Mazandaran, Kirman, Fars as well as Ray, Qum and Hamadan. Isphahan held out
until 1237; May, 1996, 23, 31.
51
10
In 1230, three years after Chinggis Khans death, Azerbaijan was already
permanently reoccupied under Commander Chormaghan.57 He set up his camp with all
its families, goods, and herds in the fruitful and fertile plain of Mughan.58 gedei-Khan
issued the decree that Chormaghan should remain in that land as garrison commander.59
Azerbaijan was found to be a very suitable place to settle. Strategically, it was important
because of its pasturelands. Moreover, it was a crossing point connecting Iran with
Armenia and Georgia.
Mongol activity in the Caucasus, recorded in connection with Chormaghan in
1231, started with the conquest of the city of Gandzak (Ganja). There is disagreement in
Armenian sources on the date of the capture of the city of Gandzak by Chormaghan. The
most relevant year of 680 Arm. (1231) is found in the Annals by Stepannos Episkopos.60
Mkhitar Ayrivanetsi says nothing about the capture of Gandzak. The colophon of the
Gospel of the monastery in Getik gives the year 1232.61 Grigor Aknertsi states that it
happened three years after the Kotman valley battle [in 1224], which is less certain.62
Sebastatsi says it happened in 1229.63 Kirakos Gandzaketsi does not give any precise
date, stating that, after the capture of the city, the Mongols departed, and a few years after
the destruction of Gandzak, the Mongol army divided up the lands of Armenia, Georgia
57
Patton, 1991, 52.

59
As tamghachi, in MNT, 2004, 243. The Great Khan, knowing that the land was said to be good and its
possessions fine, ordered that Chormaghan should each year make the people send him yellow gold, gilt,
naqut (gold brocade), brocades, damask, small pearls, large pearls, sleek Arab horses with long necks and
legs, dull brown work-horses, camels, smallhumped camels, pack-mules and riding mules; MNT, 2004,
96, 274; SHM, 2001, 267. When Khorasan was subjugated, gedei-Khan was told about the wrestlers
of Khorasan and Iraq, so he sent a messenger to Chormaghan and ordered him to send one of them;
Juvayn, 1997, 227.
60
Stepannos Episkopos, 1951, 40.
61
Matevosyan, 1984, 183.
62
63
Sebastatsi, 1956, 139.
58
11
and Albania by lots. He continues that the city remained desolate for four years, and then
the Mongols ordered the citizens to rebuild it.64 Manandian suggests that Gandzak was
plundered by Chormaghan in 1231.65
Indeed, the capture of Gandzak happened after
Chormaghan had disposed of the remnants of the Khwrazm-shh and, in 1231, the great
camp of Chormaghan was transferred to the city of Gandzak, which had previously been
devastated and afterwards restored.66
Armenian sources provide only scarce information about Chormaghans activities
in the Caucasus from 1231 until 1236. One of the Armenian colophons, dated 1231,
states that the Mongols reached into the Mediterranean lands as far as Edessa and
Samosat, slaughtering many Turks, Kurds, and Christians.67 Stepannos Episkopos states
that, in 680 Arm. (1232), the Mongols entered Akhlt and destroyed much.68 Kirakos
Gandzaketsi mentions only that the disorder in Armenia increased because Commander
Chormaghan had become deaf from his wounds. His disability may explain why
Chormaghan did not complete his task of subduing the people of Baghdad and the
caliph, which was stated in the Secret History of the Mongols.69 As one remembers, this
was a main reason for him to be sent to Western Asia by the order of Chinggis Khan.70
However, until 1242, Chormaghan was in charge of all affairs in the region, because his
wife and children, together with officials, held authority.71
64

66
67
Matevosyan, 1984, 175.
68
69
MNT, 2004, 91, 260; SHM, 2001, 252.
70
MNT, 2004, 91, 260; 94, 270.
71
65
12
THE MONGOL NOYANS IN THE LAND OF THE ARMENIANS
As stated earlier, according to Juvayn, Chormaghan came to the region with an army of
three tumans or thirty thousand men.72 The number of this detachment assumes that there
were about thirty commanders in charge of each thousand soldiers, although it is not clear
how many of them Chormaghan placed in Armenia. However, it is fortunate that
Armenian historians provide some names of the Mongol noyans (commanders) to whom
the Armenian land was allotted in 1236. These noyans in a short, one-year period
conquered the northern and eastern parts of Armenia, which were under the Georgian
crown. According to contemporary Armenian sources, Georgian and Armenian lords did
not resist the Mongols. Queen usudan (r. 1223-47), the ruler of Georgia, was a witness
to Chormaghans presence in the region. She and many lords of Georgia and Armenia
fled to their fortresses in fear of the Mongols.73 This desolation gave the Mongols a
chance to chase the fugitives using their own famous tactics: dividing the districts up
among themselves and conquering them one by one.
Grigor Aknertsi records that 110 chieftains with winter residences in Mughan
divided the country and that thirteen chieftains divided the countries of the Georgians
and the Albanians, highland and lowland, among themselves.
74
According to
contemporary Armenian sources, Commander Chormaghan sent out his military

detachments under various noyans to capture the key fortresses of the Armenian lords.
72
Juvayn, 1997, 190.

Mkhitar Ayrivanetsi, 1860, 66.
74
73
13
Kirakos Gandzaketsi gives extended accounts of the Mongol noyans siege of the cities
and fortresses, one by one, and the technique they used to do so.75
The lands of Vahram Gagetsi, a nephew of Iwan Zakarian, consisting of the
city of Shamkor, the fortresses of Tavush, Katsaret, Terunakan, Ergavank, and the
impregnable forts of Gavazin and Gag76 fell into the lot of Molar Noyan, or probably
Molghor Noyan, who was from the Sunit tribe.77 The Mongols main tactics in taking
cities were to surround the location or block the entrance to the city, as Molar Noyan did
with the city of Shamkor. The city was under the authority of Vahram and his son
Aghbugha, who were in Gardman at the time of the Mongol siege and who refused to
help the residents of Shamkor upon their appeal. Moreover, Vahram ordered them not to
resist. Molar Noyan ordered his men to fill the trench that surrounded the city walls with
wood and branches so that they might easily climb onto the walls. However, the citizens
of Shamkor hurled down fire by night and burned the brushwood. Seeing this, Molar
ordered each soldier to bring a load of soil and to throw it into the trench until it reached
the level of the wall.78 After the capture of Shamkor, Molar Noyan attacked the Kiurikian
Prince Vasaks fortress of Matsnaberd and Nor Berd. 79
The Zakarid city of Lori fell into the hands of Chaghatai Noyan of the Arulat
tribe.80 It is recorded in the sources that Chaghatai had heard about the fortifications of
Lori because Prince Shahnshah Zakarian had kept his treasury there. 81 Prince Shahnshah
himself fled westward to Adjaria with his family, leaving the city under the supervision
75
Kirakos Gandzaketsi, 1961, 241-43, 253-55, 258-61.

Ibid, 1961, 241.
77
Rashd al-Dn, 1952, v.1, 100.
78
79
Ibid, 1961, 243; Vardan Areveltsi, 1991, 144.
80
Rashd al-Dn, 1952, v.1, 100.
81
Vardan Areveltsi, 1991, 144; Kirakos Gandzaketsi, 1961, 253.
76
14
of his father-in-law.82 After all his preparations, Chaghatai Noyan ordered his men to dig
at the base of the walls of the city until they collapsed. This was another effective tactic
of the Mongols for besieging cities and fortresses. Chaghatai Noyan took the city and the
Shahnshahs treasures, and he did the same to the cities of Dumanis, Shamshulde and
Tiflis.83
In the same way, the city of the Surb Mari (Holy/Blessed Mary) fell under Qara
Noyan or Ghara Baghatur from the Baarin /Sukanut tribe.84 The city had been taken from
the Persians by Shahnshah [and Awag] a year earlier.85
The cities of Ani and Kars, the centres of Zakarid authority, were looted and
captured by the great Commander Chormaghan, who was a master at erecting numerous
catapults on all sides of a fortress.86
The same applied to the territories of Utik: Gardman, Charek (the northern part of
Artsakh), Getabak and Vardanashat (southern Utik) 87 fell into the hands of Ghatagha
Noyan, who was perhaps Ghadaqan Qorchi or Qatagan, a relative of Jebe, from the Best
tribe.88
The lands of Awag Zakarian, the son of Iwan, were taken by Itughata Noyan
from the Jalayir tribe, whose name is also given as Tulata (Dolata) .89 Awag Zakarian
fled to his fortress Kayen along with the people of the district. Itughata Noyan and his
men blocked access from the fortress to water and commanded the people to come down
82
Melikset-bek, 1936, 54.

84
Rashd al-Dn, 1952, v.1, 189; Kirakos Gandzaketsi, 1961, 260-61.
85
86
87
88
Rashd al-Dn, 1952, v.1, 195; Ghadaghan Qorchi in Juvayn, 1997, 590.
89
Rashd al-Dn, 1952, v.1, part 1, 98; Dolata Noyan in Vardan Areveltsi, 1991, 144.
83
15
and live among them, which was another technique applied by the Mongols to force
castles and their inhabitants to surrender.90 Kirakos Gandzaketsi describes the way the
inhabitants and animals, cut off from their water supply, began to suffer from thirst and
how the Mongol noyan gradually took their horses and all their livestock, which were
valuable to the Mongols.91
The lands of Khachen, namely the fortress of Khokhanaberd fell to Jukh-Bugha
Noyan.92 He waged war against fortified places filled with fugitives and the people of
Prince Hasan Jalal, a nephew of Zakare and Iwan, using a massive army with many
siege machines and weapons, and enslaving or killing those he defeated.93
In almost all cases in which the Mongols undertook a siege, this was followed by
negotiations with the Armenian lords, requiring them to submit in exchange for sparing
their possessions, including their lands and people. However, it was not always true that,
after a voluntary submission, the Mongols kept their promises, as happened with the city
of Kars. After learning what the Mongols had done to Ani, the inhabitants of the city of
Kars hastened to give the keys of the city to them in the hope that they might be spared.
Nevertheless, the destiny of Kars was similar to Ani, though not because of the booty that
attracted the Mongols. Perhaps in order to discourage densely populated cities from
confronting and resisting in future, the Mongols slaughtered most of the inhabitants, took
some residents into captivity, and then ravaged and ruined the city. However, after the
Mongols had left the cities, the troops of the sultan of Rm, Ghiyth al-Dn Kay Khusraw
90

Ibid, 1961, 255.
92
The origin of Jukh-Bugha is uncertain.
93
Chamchean, 1789, 210.
91
16
II (1236-45), arrived and mercilessly led into slavery those who had escaped the
Mongols.94
On the whole, the Mongols took fortresses and cities without having to engage in
large battles. The main organiser of this conquest remained Chormaghan, who, at that
time, had established himself on the shores of Lake Gegharkunik (Sevan). 95 The
conquest of the Armenian lands in general did not last long. The Armenian lords were
clever enough to show loyalty to the conquerors and to get back their lands, as was the
case with the Orbelians, who retained Siwnik Province, which had fallen into the hands
of Aslan (Arslan) Noyan.96 This happened in the following manner: in 1236, Elikum, the
eldest son of Liparit, one of the Siwnik princes, fortified the impregnable fortress of
Hrashkaberd. Having found that it was impossible to capture this fort, Aslan Noyan sent
messengers to negotiate with Elikum, saying that, as he would not leave this land, given
him by God, the sooner you and your family come out to us the better and you will be
rewarded. Elikum agreed with this proposal and, asking for his safety to be assured,
went with many gifts to Aslan Noyan. Seeing this, the Mongol commander received
Elikum with honour and, moreover, appointed him as a leader of his troops. Aslan Noyan
and Elikum subjugated all lands up to the city of Ani: Vayots Dzor, Egegis up to Ereron,
a village situated opposite Garni. However, all these lands Aslan Noyan returned to
Elikum saying that both those taken by sword and those purchased by gold are equally a
dominion of people, now whatever place may be taken by my sword will be your
94

Ibid, 1961, 255.
96
According to Armenian and Muslim sources, the origin of Arslan is impossible to identify.
95
17
patrimony.97 Since that day, those lands came under the dominion of the house of the
Orbelians.
Single or individual submissions of Armenian lords and their direct negotiations with
local Mongol governors brought about an exclusive situation where the land was formally
under Mongol overlordship but was actually ruled by the local Armenian lords.
During the course of 1236, the Mongol commanders conquered the Georgian
territories of the Zakarids, along with the regions of Gegharkunik (Sevan), Artsakh,
Siwnik, Khachen, and Utik; the cities of Ani, Kars, and Kayen; Shirvan with the city of
Shamakha; Arran with the cities of Gandzak (Ganja) and Shamkor; Mughan and
Azerbaijan. Thus, the Mongols conquest of eastern and northern Armenia progressed
either by the sword or by negotiation and met with almost no opposition.
THE FINAL MONGOL CONQUEST OF ARMENIA BY BAIJU AND HIS MOVE TO ASIA
MAJOR
From 1242 to 1245, the Mongols advanced further to the west and south of Armenia. At
the beginning of 691 Arm. (1242), because of his deafness, Chormaghan was replaced by
Baiju Noyan from the Yist/Best tribe. 98 As soon as Baiju assumed authority, he
immediately mustered troops from all of the peoples under his dominion and went to the
97
98
Stepannos Orbelian, 1910, 404.

It is Bachu in Grigor Aknertsi, 1974, 26; Bachu-ghurchi in Kirakos Gandzaketsi, 1961, 279; and
Bachaw nuin in Vardan Areveltsi, 1991, 147. Western travellers depicted his name as Baachu;
Rubruck in Komroff, 1928, 200-01. Baiju was a relative of Jebe; he was appointed as commander by
gedei Khan and participated in the capture of Baghdad with Hleg; Rashd al-Dn, 1952, v.1, part 1,
99. Baiju is one of the Mongol Noyans with extensive references in Arabic, Seljuq, Persian and
Armenian sources which are studied by Korobeinikov, 2002, 126-29. In 1254, one of Baijus residences
was in the city of Kars; Kirakos Gandzaketsi, 1961, 367. Baiju stayed as chief commander in Armenia
until 1257; Kirakos Gandzaketsi, 1961, 374.
18
western part of Greater Armenia, which at that time was under the dominion of the Sultan
of Rm, Ghiyth al-Dn Kay Khusraw II (r.1236-46).99 In 1242/43, Baiju first besieged
Teodupolis (Karin/Erzurum), erecting numerous catapults and ordering his men to
demolish the city wall.100 According to Kirakos Gandzaketsi, he destroyed the city wall
and mercilessly put everyone to the sword. Baijus army wrecked goods and property and
set fire to the city in revenge for the perceived insult to the Mongol ambassadors sent to
demand a peaceful submission. At that time, the city was densely populated by multinational contingents from entire districts, including Christians and Muslims.101 It is said
that in the city there were many valuable Gospels written in gold.102 The Mongols took
the valuable ones and sold them cheaply to the Christians amongst their troops, who then
distributed them to their own districts churches and monasteries. The Armenian Princes
Awag, Shahnshah, Vahrams son Aghbugha, and Dopis son Grigor Khachenetsi,
released as many men, women, children, bishops, priests and deacons from captivity as
was possible for a ransom.103
After the two month siege of Erzurum, by which he held the key to Asia Minor,
Baiju destroyed many other districts under the rule of the Sultan of Rm and returned to
Mughan with much booty.104 He spent the winter at his base in Azerbaijan, but in the
springtime of 1243, he returned to crush the forces of the Seljuq Sultan of Rm, Ghiyth
al-Dn Kay Khusraw at Kse Dagh, near Erznka (Erzinjan/Erzincan).105
99
Kirakos Gandzaketsi, 1961, 279; Manandian, 1952, 219.

Grigor Aknertsi wrongly dates the siege of Karin by Baiju to 688 (1239).
101
102
103
104
Ibid, 1961, 280. Stepannos Episkopos states that, after the capture of Karin, the Mongols took with
them many of the writings [manuscripts] and church ornaments; Stepannos Episkopos, 1951, 41.
105
Cahen, 1968, 138.
100
19
The cause of this battle that occurred in June 1243, according to Kirakos
Gandzaketsi, was caused by the boastful and threatening words of Ghiyth al-Dn who
said that next summer the sultan would come over the Mughan plain to winter there with
his women and soldiers.106 When the Mongols heard this, they gradually gathered their
troops after grazing their horses and approached the camp of the sultan, which was near
the village named Chmankatuk or Kse Dagh.107 The sultan was there with a countless
multitude, with women and concubines, gold and silver and all his valuable
possessions.108 He had appealed for reinforcements to his vassals and allies, the rulers of
Aleppo, Trebizond, Nicaea, Cilician Armenia, and the Frankish warriors and knights
from the Crusader states. According to Hetum (Hayton), the historian, the sultan
promised gifts to all.109 However, the Cilician Armenian reinforcements delayed joining
him; and the sultan went without waiting for them.110 The size of the sultans army was
160,000 men according to Grigor Aknetsi.111 Friar William of Rubruck gives a different
number. In his journey to Mongolia in 1245-47, he passed by the valley in which he says
200,000 men of the sultan were defeated by the Tatar army of 10,000.112 Hetum the
historian has 30,000 for the Tatar army for this incident.113
To avoid treachery, Baiju dispersed the troops, which were made up of various
nationalities. Then, selecting the most valiant and brave ones, he organized a vanguard,
106

According to Armenian sources, the battle took place on a plain situated between Karin/Erzurum and
Erznkayn/Erzinjan; Grigor Aknertsi, 1974, 29. Kirakos Gandzaketsi names the place Chman-katuk,
which Manandian believes is the present village of Chimin, east of Erznka; Manandian, 1952, 215. The
place is called Bald Mountain or Kse Dagh by Rashd al-Dn, 1946, 33.
108
109
Hetum Patmich, 1842, 38.
110
Cahen, 1968, 137.
111
Grigor Aknetsi, 1974, 29.
112
Rubruck in Komroff, 1928, 205.
113
Hetum Patmich, 1842, 38.
107
20
which went and battled with the Sultans troops, causing the sultan to flee.114 If Kirakos
attributes the success in Kse Dagh to Baijus profound knowledge of warfare, Grigor
Aknertsi attributes the victory to the Georgio-Armenian army.115 According to Muslim
sources, the cause of Seljuqs failure in Kse Dagh was disunity within the Sultanate.116
The defeat of the Seljuqs at Kse Dagh had an important political consequence in
the history of Asia Minor.117 It was a turning point, which led to the submission of the
Seljuq Sultanate of Rm to the Mongols.
118
Baiju established himself as the
representative of the Great Khan in the lands of Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Syria,
Rm and Western Iran. He was also a representative of Batu, the Khan of the Golden
Horde. 119
By the middle of the thirteenth century, all of Armenia had fallen under the rule of
the Mongol Noyans. Further names of Mongol noyans who were allotted Armenian lands
are given by Grigor Aknertsi, namely Khul/Xul, (who called himself a brother of God),
Balakh, Tutar, Tagughar, Ghataghan, Bawraghan, Asutu (who was the companion of
the khan), Chaghatai (who was surnamed khan), Sanitay, little Chaghatai, Asar, Xuttu,
Tuttu, Awgawtai, Xojay, Xurumchi, Xunan, Tenal, and Angurag.120 Many on this list
are not found in other contemporary Armenian sources. Still another name, that of
Ghada-khan who raided the city of Khamakh in 705 Arm. (1256) is found in
114
The Sultan escaped to Ankara seeking further resistance, while his mother, wife and daughter sought
refuge in Cilicia. Kay-Khusraw died in the winter of 1245-46; Cahen, 1968, 138, 271.
115
Kirakos Gandzaketsi, 1961, 281-83; Grigor Aknetsi, 1974, 29.
116
Melville, 2006, 158.
117
Cahen, 1968, 138.
118
In 642/1244, the Seljuqs issued a new coinage in Rm to pay the tribute to the Mongols; Kolbas, 2006,
123.
119
120
Grigor Aknertsi, 1974, 26, 38.
21
Sebastatsi.121 Stepannos Episkopos mentions the same Ghada-khan who destroyed the
city of Erznka in 706 (1257).122 In his Chronicles, the seventeenth-century author David
Baghishetsi gives the names of Iskrar Noyan and Ghutun Noyan, together with
Chormaghan.123 Eljigidei (Eljigidai) is mentioned by Kirakos Gandzaketsi only once as
Elchi-Gada, whilst he talks about the revolt against Mngke Khan by the Mongol
princes.124 It implies that the Mongol commander Eljigidei (Eljigidai) of the Jalair tribe,
was not known to the Armenians well, although he played a crucial role in the MongolLatin relationship. 125 This Mongol prince, Eljigidei of the Jalair tribe, 126 a Mongol
commander who had previously participated with Chinggis Khan in his conquest to
Tangqut and China, was ordered by Gyk Khan (1246-48) to replace Baiju. He was
dispatched to Iran to head the reinforcements for the Mongol armies already stationed
there.127 However, while he was on the road to Iran, Eljigidei received news of the death
of Gyk Khan and stayed where he was, to see who would take the throne of the
kingdom. Batu Khan, learning that Eljigidei was among the rebel princes, ordered that
Eljigidei be sent to him. Eljigidei was seized and killed. Among the rebel noyans were
two sons of Eljigidei.128
121
Sebastatsi, 1956, 142.

123
Baghishetsi, 1956, 346.
124
Mngke Khan (1251-59) was enthroned with the assistance of Batu Khan (d.1255), the son of Jochi
(d.1227).
125
Jackson, 1998, 336; 1999, 713-14. The envoys of Eljigidei claimed that Eljigidei and Gyk Khan were
Christians. The letter was forwarded to Louis mother, Queen Blanche in France, who in her turn
forwarded it to the English King Henry III (1216-72); Jackson, 2005, 98-99.
126
Rashd al-Dn, 1996, 50; 1952, v.1, 95.
127
Ibid, 1996, 570; 1960, 120.
128
MNT [military terms], 2004, 305.
122
22
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
In the early 1220s, Armenia was not on the Mongols list of priorities. The Mongols
discovered Armenia by chance while in pursuit of Muhammad Khwrazm-shh and his
son Jall al-Dn. As stated above, different parts of Armenia were under different forms
of rule by the Seljuqs, the Georgians and the Ayyubids. Only some of the southern
territories were under the control of the Armenians. Obviously, the lack of centralised
power in the territory attracted the Mongols, who were driven at that time by the imperial
ideology of world conquests. Armenia was found to be on the crossroads connecting Iran
with Anatolia and the Caucasus with the Russian steppes. Besides that, the Arran and
Mughan fertile plains were just nearby, and these were used by the Mongols as a safe
place to retreat to and from which to launch new campaigns. Therefore, from the strategic
point of view, Armenia was chosen as an important location to hold and dwell in.
The Mongol conquest of Armenia, which occurred from 1220 to 1245, was not a
single concerted effort. It had several interrelated phases. The scouting expeditions of the
Mongols found Armenia a suitable place from which to mount campaigns, not only into
Georgia but also into Anatolia, which was accomplished in 1243, bringing the Seljuq
Sultanate of Rm into submission. Armenia, as part of the region, was now incorporated
into the Mongol Empire.
The attachment of Armenia to the Mongol Empire was brought about by
conquering Armenian strongholds one by one, as the ishkhans (princes) took refuge in
their fortresses. Pursuing the Armenian lords, the Mongol noyans brought them to
submission either by the sword or through negotiation. The success of the invasion can be
23
studied from various perspectives. Politically, the very passive rule of the Georgian
Queen usudan and the absence of a unified defence policy for the country contributed to
the victory of the Mongols in Armenia.
In practice, the Mongols adoption of certain models of military tactics achieved
success in the case of Greater Armenia as well.129 The target of attack was discussed
carefully and sufficient time was allocated to preparing men and horses, as Baiju did
before his march to Kse Dagh. The timing of the expeditions was always related to the
animals grazing season since the core of the Mongol army consisted of cavalry. Attacks
on small citadels preceded attacks on key or big cities and fortresses, as Molar Noyan did
in Armenia. The population of occupied lands was used as a supporting labour force or a
home guard that reinforced the Mongol infantry, as was the case in Armenia, and they
participated in Chormaghans and later in Baijus conquests. 130 Often, they were used as
human arrow shields and for handling the most dangerous war vehicles.131 Military
weapons used by the Mongols were advanced, especially for besieging fortresses.132 The
mobility of the lightly armed Mongol army was a crucial factor in defeating its more
heavily armed opponents.133
Psychologically, the Armenians were not ready to face the Mongols. As Kirakos
Gandzaketsi states, the Armenians hope that the Mongols would be the avengers of the
129
This general pattern of battles was applied in Central Asia and Southern Russia; Vernadsky, 2001, 12226.
130
A local or domestic army was always in the vanguard, like Awags detachment used by Chormaghan to
take Ani and Kars. Later on, Armenian and Georgian troops under the commander Baiju were placed in
the front lines in the battle of Chmankatuk; Grigor Aknertsi, 1974, 29.
131
Koh Byong-ik, 1969, 154.
132
More on Mongol siege machines is in Kennedy, 2002, 132-36; Kirpichnikov, 1976.
133
Liddell Hart, 1927, 32.
24
Christians from the tyranny of the Muslims turned out to be false.134 Integration and
identification of the Mongols with Prester John, with the Christian army of King David or
with the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel failed.135 Reality showed that the Mongols were not
saviours of the Christians at all. This disappointment for the Armenians gave rise to the
idea that the Lord in his anger had roused the Mongols as a lesson to them.136 Realising
that the new enemy was unbeatable, they decided that God had given the Mongols power
and the only way left for the Armenians was to reconcile themselves to this and to be
obedient.137
With the advance of the Mongols into non-Mongol territories, a system of
conquest emerged. As Kirakos Gandzaketsi, Grigor Aknertsi and other contemporary
Armenian sources indicate, Armenian lands were divided by the Mongols into lots during
their conquests. This partition of the land can be analysed from several viewpoints.
Firstly, it was a part of the Mongols military tactics, by which they not only safeguarded
mobility for themselves but resisted their opponents consolidation. Secondly, as the
sources indicate, the division was formal. The Armenian lords retained their occupied
lands; a fact that permits one to state that Mongol rule in Greater Armenia from 1236 to
1243 resulted in almost no change in the lifestyle of Caucasian Armenians. 138 The
method of land division that occurred in the earlier stages of Mongol expansion may be
explained also by the nomadic mindset of the steppe people, in which the concept of
maintaining the conquered land and its people had not yet been developed. At this stage,
134

On Prester John, see Morgan, 1996. On King David or the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel, see Jackson,
2005, 143.
136
137
Ibid, 1974, 23.
138
Bedrosian, 1979, 116.
135
25
the Mongols sustained their supremacy over their conquered lands in a passive way rather
than bothering with direct rule. In our case, the existing indigenous Armenian ruling
system was preserved at the local level but was utilized under Mongol lordship.139 This
indirect rule relates to the third point of view, in which the Mongols considered the
conquered territories as their personal possessions.140
The system of personal territorial possession is particularly illustrated in the case
of Greater Armenia until 1256; there was a direct relationship between the Armenian
lords and the Mongol noyans. Early Mongol commanders exercised great freedom in
acting and making decisions regarding local matters. Each had autonomous power in
their respective areas that perfectly served the Armenian lords. Tracing the names of the
Mongol chieftains who conquered Armenia, it is interesting to note that none of them was
from the Chinggisid dynasty or the Borjigid tribe. This fact was taken into account later
when Prince Hleg of the Chinggisid lineage was sent to Iran, and Armenia was
incorporated as a part of the Il-Khanate. The ruling mechanism of the Mongol Il-Khans
over Armenia had been changed by strategy, structure and category.
139
The category of territorial ruling among the Mongol Noyans was applied also in the Chaghatai Khanate
(1224-1369) and in the Ulus of Jochi or Golden Horde (1243-1502); Koh Byong-ik, 1969, 157.
140
Schurmann, 1956, 305.
26

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Dashdondog BAYARSAIKHAN

THE ALLOCATION OF GREATER ARMENIAN LAND UNDER THE

THE EMERGENCE OF THE MONGOLS IN THE LANDS OF THE ARMENIANS

The account given in Kirakos

al-Kaml and Rashd al-Dn (ca. 645/1247-718/1318), Jmi al-Tavarkh.

THE FIRST MONGOLS IN ARMENIA: THE SCOUTING EXPEDITIONS OF JEBE AND

Sebastatsi, 1956, 138; Vardan Areveltsi, 1991, 142-43.

The same conclusion has been shared by May, 1996, 14.

Patton, 1991, 52.

Indeed, the capture of Gandzak happened after

Kirakos Gandzaketsi, 1961, 235-37.

contemporary Armenian sources, Commander Chormaghan sent out his military

Juvayn, 1997, 190.

Kirakos Gandzaketsi, 1961, 241-43, 253-55, 258-61.

Melikset-bek, 1936, 54.

Kirakos Gandzaketsi, 1961, 255.

Kirakos Gandzaketsi, 1961, 260.

Stepannos Orbelian, 1910, 404.

Kirakos Gandzaketsi, 1961, 279; Manandian, 1952, 219.

Kirakos Gandzaketsi, 1961, 281.

Baiju established himself as the

Sebastatsi, 1956, 142.

Kirakos Gandzaketsi, 1961, 202.

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