Folia Linguistica Historica Volume 28 Issue 1 2007 (Doi 10.1515 - Flih.2007.145) Gerner, Matthias - The Lexicalization of Causative Verbs in The Yi Group

The lexicalization of causative verbs in the Yi group1
Matthias Gerner
City University of Hong Kong
ABSTRACT. This paper explores a lexicalization process in an array of Yi

(^ Tibeto-Burman) languages spoken in Southwest China. Almost every Yi
language exhibits a set of minimal pairs, called simplex-complex pairs, of the
following sort. The simplex member is an adjective or verb starting with a
voiced consonant (e.g. ve33 'sway'). The complex member is derived from the
former by devoicing the initial consonant and by augmenting its valency or
adding causative meaning to it (e.g./e33 'wave = cause to sway*). Previous
authors have treated this kind of data as a blind process of sound change and
were undecided on the type of linguistic change, i.e. whether it represents a
kind of grammaticalization or lexicalization. With pan-Yi data and statistical
figures it is demonstrated that the sound changes constitute a phonetically
and semantically motivated process of lexicalization.
1. Introduction
The aim of this paper is to report and evaluate a remarkable process of
lexicalization displayed in the lexicon of an array of Yi languages which are
Tibeto-Burman languages spoken in Southwest China (see appendix for
more spatial-genetic information). For a limited set of mainly monosyllabic
verbs - between 5 and 50 depending on the language - it is possible to
devoice the initial consonant and derive a causative verb. In Weining Neasu
(one of the Yi languages surveyed), there is for example the verb ve33
meaning 'sway* being involved as the predicate of an intransitive clause (e.g.
'the tree swayed by itself). Its devoiced counterpart fe33 'wave = cause to
sway* appears as the predicate of a monotransitive clause (e.g. 'He waved the
1
Part of this research was supported by a Strategic Research Grant (Project No.
7001921) of City University of Hong Kong.
Folia Linguistica Historica 28/1-2 (2007), 145-185.
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146
Matthias Gerner
handkerchief). Throughout this paper, I will term the voiced component as

the simplex and the devoiced member as the complex of the pair.
The correlation devoicing-causation has been recognized before, mainly
in the Chinese literature, without, however, characterizing it as a motivated
process of lexicalization. The best-known western account is MatisofPs work
on Lahu, a close genetic relative of the Yi languages (cf. Matisoff 1973: 32-34,
1975, 1976: 414-419). Matisoff accounts for this phenomenon in a
perspective of reconstructing PTB (Proto-Tibeto-Burman). He regards the
devoicing process as the vestiges of a reconstructed PTB prefix *s- then
functioning as transitivizer or causitivizer (see also Benedict 1972: 105-108).
Synchronic data of two conspicuous Tibeto-Burman languages are adduced
in this context, those of Written Tibetan2 and Jinghpaw/Kachin3 where verbs
allow the prefixation of *s- (Jinghpaw: fa- or f a - ) to derive their causative
pendants. According to Matisoff, the PTB prefix *s- had successively evolved
into a Proto-Loloish causative prefix *?-. (The Loloish or, more precisely, the
Burmese-Lolo languages constitute one of the six components of the TibetoBurman language family.) The Proto-Loloish prefix *?- in turn was realized
in particular Loloish languages through various supra-segmental phenomena
such as devoicing, aspiration and tone alterations. In another contribution,
La Polla (2000) analyzed the various strategies by which Dulong/Rawang
changes the valency of clauses. Dulong/Rawang is a Central Tibeto-Burman
language spoken on both sides of the China/Myanmar frontier. He reports
the existence of a causative prefix siu21/tiu21 (tiu21 is used before voiceless
fricative initial, while sui21 is used before all other initials), but not of any
suprasegmental phenomena as in the Yi languages. The Dulong/Rawang
prefix may actually reflect the preservation of this prefix at an early PTBstage. We will elaborate on this idea in section 5.2.
Besides a variety of individual Tibeto-Burman grammars, which mention
the devoicing-causation correlation, focused accounts are mainly offered by
Chinese linguists. The articles of Chen Shilin et al. (1962) and Chen Kang
(1990) report the devoicing-causation connection for Liangshan Nuosu
which also belongs to the 11 Yi languages surveyed in this paper. Dai (1981)
2
Written (classical) Tibetan is classified in the Western or Bodish branch of TB

languages.
3
Jingphaw/Kachin is a language spoken in northern Burma with minor extensions
into western Yunnan (China) and India. It belongs to the Sal branch of TB
languages. See also the next footnote.
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The lexicalization of causative verbs in the Yi group 147
and Xu (1984) explore causative verbs in Jingphaw/Kachin. The article of

Dai (1981) includes the information that in Zaiwa (a Burmese language4 of
the Burmese-Lolo language group within the TB family), supra-segmental
processes such as aspiration and tone alteration are involved in the
derivation of causative verbs. These processes seem to coexist with the
causitivizer prefix fa- mentioned above, albeit on different segments of the
lexicon (see also Xu 1984). These data from the Burmese language Zaiwa
seem to expand MatisofFs view which took suprasegmental causative
processes to hold only for Loloish languages (not necessarily for Burmish
languages).
Finally there are works of Chinese linguists attempting to reconstruct and
classify the category of causative verbs for the whole range of Tibeto-Burman
languages. Du (1990) views PTB as exhibiting an agglutinative and later
inflectional morphology type. Causation belonged to the grammatical web of
the verb at an equal footing with, for example, tense and aspect. Successively,
when Old-TB shifted its morphological type to isolating, causation as a
grammatical category was shed and became a mere lexical phenomenon.
This vision is also supported by Dai (2001) who offers a reconstruction of the
causative in PTB. Similar to Matisoff, Dai establishes a proto prefix *s- for
PTB, but in contrast with the former, Dai does not involve an intermediate
glottal prefix *?- from which the suprasegmental processes would have
started. Rather, Dai regards the direct merging of *s- with Stative verbs as the
source of the processes of devoicing, aspiration, etc. Curiously, Matisoff s
earlier reconstruction is not mentioned by Dai (2001). Sun's paper (Sun
1999) is a synchronic classification of the morpho-syntactic strategies that
certain, mainly Chinese, TB languages employ to express the category of
causative verb. These strategies are prefixation, suffixation and suprasegmental processes, i.e. devoicing, aspiration and tone alteration.
Native speakers of Jinghpaw and Zaiwa share a common culture and residence
area. The superordinated ethnic group including both Jinghpaw and Zaiwa is
referred to as Kachin (in Myanmar) and Jinghpaw/Jingpo (in China). The majority
of these people live in Myanmar, where speakers of the Jinghpaw form the majority,
while in China native Zaiwa speakers constitute the largest part of the Jingpo
nationality and native Jinghpaw speakers form a tiny fraction. Nevertheless, because
of historical factors not yet explained, native Zaiwa speakers consider themselves to
be Jinghpaw, even though both languages belong to different branches of the TB
family (cf. Bradley 1997).
148
Matthias Gerner
The current paper differs somewhat from earlier contributions as it

attempts to argue that the devoicing-causative correlation is not the result of
a blind process of sound change, as implied by previous authors,5 but rather a
motivated process of lexicalization by which an entire lexical class came into
existence. The structure of this paper is as follows. In section 2, I discuss
some terminological issues, namely the notions of causation and lexicalization. A large part will be devoted to the description of the phenomenon from
the phonetic and the semantic angle. In section 3, I produce a number of
comprehensive tables where the causative verbs of the whole range of Yi
languages are represented and ordered with respect to the devoiced
consonant's articulation point and mode. In section 4,1 introduce the set of
Weining Neasu's causative verbs. With nearly 45 causative verb pairs,
Weining Neasu is the TB language with the highest proven number of verb
pairs. Weining Neasu's causative verbs are arranged according to the
semantic features of valency, control and situation type. In section 5,1 offer
some statistics on phonetic and semantic properties of causative verbs
suggesting that the sound changes represent a motivated process. In the
appendix, spatial-genetic information of the Yi languages surveyed in this
paper is provided.
2. Terminology
In this section I want to lay some terminological foundations. In section 2.1,
a number of semantic parameters transpiring from seminal works on
causation are introduced. I will moreover assemble some recent insights on
the issue of lexicalization (section 2.2).
2.1 Semantic parameters of causatives
There are many issues related to the concept of causation that have enriched
linguistic theories and cognitive sciences in the last 40 years. Unfortunately,
there is no way of doing justice to them in this introductory section. Below, I
briefly discuss a few outstanding works that may be involved in support of
the claims advanced in this paper, namely the hypothesis that the
lexicalization of causative verbs in Tibeto-Burman is shaped by the causation
5
Some authors even suggest the term of grammaticalization, even though it is rather
a process in the opposite direction.

type of the simplex verb. Various causation types have been proposed by
scholars depending on the semantic parameters taken into account. More
specifically, four basic factors on which causation types are coined have been
identified:
(a) a participant X, the causer,
(b) a participant Y, the causee,
(c) an event e called by some as "precipitating event" (Frawley 1992:
159), "causing event" (Shibatani 1976:1) or simply "cause" (Song
1990: 10, 1996: 19-20),
(d) a situation s labelled as "result" (Frawley), "caused event" (Shibatani)
or "effect" (Song 1990: 10, 1996: 19).
These parameters led to a widely agreed distinction between so-called
single-event and double-event causatives. Single-event causatives refer to a
unique transitive event e(X, Y) in which the caused situation s is an integral
part of the event e: s(Y) ^ e(X, Y). Double-event causatives dissociate e and s:
s(Y)<Ze(X,Y).
Generative Semantics, a formal linguistic theory popular in the 1960s and
1970s, basically interpreted single-event causatives as double-event
causatives. The examples that were under scrutiny again and again include
c
john killed Bill' (single-event causative) and 'John caused Bill to die'
(double-event causative). From a point of view of semantic interpretation,
both clauses entail the resultative state of Bill's death for which reason they
were taken as equivalent. However, successive linguists dismissed this
identification wishing to separate a cause from its effects. For example, time
adverbials pointing to different cause and effect time frames pose problems
for the Generative Semantics account (see Fodor 1970). It is possible to say
(1) (a) 'John caused Bill to die on Sunday by stabbing him on Saturday', whereas
(b) *'John killed Bill on Sunday by stabbing him on Saturday' is ungrammatical.
Some scholars (for example Shibatani) have further distinguished

between single-event causatives and ordinary transitive clauses, a difference
not upheld in this paper. The following minimal pair of sentences was
adduced to serve as evidence for this distinction (Shibatani 1976:2).

150
(2)
Matthias Gerner
(a)
(b)
'John kicked the ice but nothing happened to it/

*7ohn melted the ice but nothing happened to it/
Both events constitute single-event causative events, but Shibatani

classified (2a) as uncausative and (2b) as causative. Yet, the acceptability of
(2a) depends on how narrow one defines the notion of 'happen'. If it
includes the affectedness of the patient, then the state of 'being kicked' leads
to a contradiction in (2a). Consequently, transitive clauses that imply the
affectedness of the patient cannot be distinguished from single-event
causatives. Nevertheless, there appears to be some ground for discriminating
between single-event causatives and transitive situations with no palpable
impact on participants (e.g. 'I know him').6
As we will see in the course of this paper, all causative verbs presented in
sections 3 and 4 are involved in single-event causatives and the distinction
single/double does not yield a sufficiently explanatory backbone for the
process of lexicalization featured herein. A different finely graded list of
parameters is proposed by Dixon (2000: 62) who suggests nine semantic
features that causative constructions react to or show sensibility to:
Comrie (1975, 1976) takes a multi-stratal approach on causatives (in spite of his
typological mono-stratal inclinations) by posing a deep uncausative structure from
where causatives are derived through addition of a causer argument. The mapping of
the grammatical relation of the causee is proposed to proceed from a case hierarchy:
subject > direct object > indirect object > oblique. The case hierarchy predicts the
grammatical relation of the causee in the derived causative construction. The causee
will be mapped on the first grammatical relation of the case hierarchy that has no
argument status for the underlying uncausative verb. The main problem with
Comrie's theory is the empirical lack of languages that follow this type of case
assignment (cf. Palmer 1994: 219). A typological work of a different type is Song's
cross-linguistic endeavour based on 408 languages, cf. Song (1989, 1990, 1996). He
distinguished three causation types: the COMPACT type, the AND type and the
PURP type. The COMPACT type corresponds to single causatives and the AND
type is comparable to double-event causatives. The PURP type refers to a third type
of causatives wherein the causing event is performed purposefully for obtaining the
caused situation.
The lexicalization of causative verbs in the Yi group

(I)
Relating to
verb
(i)
151
State/action.
(ii)
(II)
Relating
to causee
(III)
Relating to
causer
Transitivity
(intransitive, monotransitive, ditransitive).
(iii) Control over caused situation
(lacking or having control),
(iv) Volition or willingness of cause
to perform in the caused event,
(v)
Affectedness of causee
by the causing event
(vi) Directedness: does the causer act
directly or indirectly?
(vii) Intention of causer
(accidental or intentional achievement of result),
(viii) Naturalness
(caused event happens fairly natural or with efforts)
(ix) Involvement
(causer involved or not involved in activity)
As it will become obvious in section 4, most causative verb pairs of the Yi

group that have undergone the process of lexicalization display for the
causee of the simplex verb a lack of control over the caused situation. These
observations will be made plain and exploited in section 5.
2.2 On the notion of lexicalization process
Lexicalization is acknowledged in the literature in a synchronic as well
diachronic perspective. Synchronically, it mainly refers to the encoding of
conceptual categories by words of the lexicon. This perspective is basically
pursued by Generative and more recently by Cognitive Semantics. The
current trend of this line of research is cross-linguistic investigation on
possible conflation patterns of complex conceptual structures into one lexical
item (e.g. McCawley 1968; Jackendoff 1990, 2002). Moreover, some scholars
have explored productive word formation such as compounding and
derivation as cases of synchronic lexicalization (e.g. van der Auwera 2002:
20). Diachronically, lexicalization is "the adoption into the lexicon of items
that have fallen outside the productive rules of grammar" (Brinton and
Traugott 2005: 18; Anttila 1989 [1972]: 151). Diachronic lexicalization can

152
Matthias Gerner
follow two directions: (i) fusion of parts in a compound or complex word;7

(ii) change from bound morpheme to simple lexeme8 (Brinton and Traugott
2005: 61). As for fusional lexicalization, scholars have distinguished two
major subtypes:
-
Unproductive word formation processes: These are formerly productive

processes of word formation which have become frozen, irregular and
unproductive (e.g. Bauer 1978: 6). The English derivational suffix
-dom might be cited as an example of a formerly productive now
frozen word formation process.
Demorphologization: Hopper (1990: 154) defines demorphologization
as a process by which "a morpheme loses (most of) its grammaticalsemantic contribution to the word and becomes an indistinguishable
part of the construction of the word, while retaining part of its
original phonological substance." The English word alone (all + one)
may be cited as example of demorphologization (Brinton and
Traugott 2005: 52).
As we will see in the following sections, the devoicing-causation process

of this paper is a formerly productive now unproductive word formation
process generating during its course of fossilization some supra-segmental
alterations.
3. The causative verbs of the (other) Yi languages ordered by the

point and mode of articulation
I surveyed the devoicing-causation correlation in 11 Yi languages representing
the whole range of Yi groupings. It turned out that the correlation in question
is attested to various degrees in the lexicon of these languages. As mentioned
above, Weining Neasu is the language with the highest number of causative
7
Brinton and Traugott feature this type of diachronic lexicalization as "increase of

dependency" (2005: 61). For example, 'cobweb' is a lexicalized noun that in Old
English consisted of two components: coppe 'spider' and web Veb' (cf. Brinton and
Traugott 2005: 50).
8
This type produces lexical items through an increase of autonomy of a formerly
bound morpheme. However, the examples that scholars have adduced to justify this
kind of lexicalization are controversial (cf. Brinton and Traugott 2005: 57-61 for
more details).
pairs (nearly 45). On the other end of the spectrum lies Luoping Nase (see
appendix) with only one or two attested cases of devoiced causative pairs. Yet,
in Luoping Nase a set of ambitransitive verbs can be used either as intransitive
or as transitive predicate. Some of these verbs are monosyllabic with voiced
initial consonant for the simplex as well as for complex forms. The other Yi
languages lie in between these extremes.
For all Yi languages, mono-syllabicity is a predominant lexical phenomenon, while two-syllabic words also make up a significant part of the lexicon.
Multi-syllabicity, however, is much rarer. Yi languages and, more generally,
Loloish languages are what Matisoff (1994: 115-116) calls omni-syllabic
tonal languages with an extremely simple core syllabic canon: (C) VT.
Devoicing is the basic phonetic process involved in the production of
causative verbs. Additional suprasegmental changes such as aspiration, tone
alteration, and sometimes even alteration of the point of articulation, often
join in. In this section, the data are arranged according to the point of
articulation of the initial consonant (bilabial, labio-dental, alveolar, retroflex,
alvelo-palatal and velar) and secondarily by the mode of articulation (stop,
nasal, fricative and lateral). It appears that the devoicing-causation
correlation has effectively spread across the whole range of consonants.
3.1 Devoicing of bilabial stops

Example (3) displays the causative verb pair 'carry' / 'make carry' in Gejiu
Nesu. The (a) version always incorporates a simplex verb, the (b) version
employs a complex verb.
(3)
Gejiu Nesu
(a) k3>55 a55ko33 t<?he21 tV3 ba55 sa33.

3PSG chd
NUM:1 CL
carry
DUR
'She carries a child on the back/

(b) qo33 a55ko33 gu21 to55 pa55.
1PSG child
PAT 3PSG make carry
make him carry the child/
There is one interesting exception in this group of causative verb pairs.

For Yongren Lolo, we have one deaspiration-causative correlation (not a
devoicing-causative correlation), which is phui33 'explode' (intr.) / pui33
'explode' (tr.). For illustration, I have also represented the ambitransitive

154
Matthias Gerner
'peel off
'scrape off
Simplex
Complex
'flow'
Simplex
'cause to flow'
Complex
'collapse'
Simplex
2
:2
1
ff
2
l
o i l

ba33
be13
pha33
'
ba
55
pa55
21
br
bv21
br33
be21
h 21
Complex
pe
Simplex
'loosen'
Complex p h u 21
Open' (intr.)
Simplex
Open' (tr.)
Complex
bu
bu21
p h u 21
mbo
'roll' (tr.)
Complex po
'explode, crack' (intr.) Simplex bi33
21
'explode, crack' (intr.) Complex pi
33
33
33
bu33
pu55
bi13
h 13
pi
_P9 3 _ 3 __pV 3 _
pho33 pV 3
pui2'
pui21
bi2121
bi
bu33 po33
phu33 po33
phui33 bi55
pui33
pi55
55
'appear'
Simplex
'reveal'
Complex pi55
bi
PY
21
'loose'
Simplex
(7) Mile Azhee
! 't-
=3
.fl
Mile Axi
4>
(5) Shizong Kopho
(2) Weining Neasu
t1
Qu
Complex
'make carry'
'roll' (intr.)
JG
Simplex
'carry on back'
'make collapse'
Liangshan Nuosu
Name of Language
cases, namely the verb pairs with identical simplex and complex
components. Besides Luoping Nase mentioned above, this concerns also one
pair in Longlin Ngopho and two pairs in Mile Azhee.
Figure 1: Devoicing of bilabial stops in the Yi group
3.2 Devoicing of labio-dental fricatives

The pair 'wear' / 'dress' has a devoicing process for almost every Yi language.
In most languages of the sample it sounds like v/* / fi*. Only in Liangshan
Nuosu has the corresponding pair a velar onset: ga55 Vear' / ka55 'dress'
(see subsection 3.6).


'wear'
'sway'
'dress'
Name of Language
Simplex
Simplex
Complex
vi13
Weining Neasu
ve33
fi13
55
55
Longlin Ngopho
vei
fei
VJ'3
Luoping Nase
vi13
13
vi
(5) Shizong Kopho
fi13
33
(6) Mile Axi
vi
fi55
21
Mile Azhee
vi
fi21
21
vi
Gejiu Nesu
fi21
33
Wuding Aluphu
vi
fi33
Figure 2: Devoicing of labiodental fricatives in the Yi group
'wave'
Complex
fe33
3.3 Devoicing of alveolar consonants

The group of alveolar consonants is well represented allowing the devoicing
of both alveolar stops and laterals. Stops are the mode of articulation where
the lexicalization process has spread and concentrated most of its output.
3.3.1 Devoicing of alveolar stops
Again, there is one pair in Longlin Ngopho, and one in Luoping Nase where
both simplex and complex forms are of the same voice level. From the wide
spectre of causative verbs starting with alveolar stops, I have selected two
examples, one illustrating the pair 'say* / 'tell' (Luoping Nase),9 the other
demonstrating the couple 'study' / 'teach' (Weishan Lalo).10
There is no direct causative relation between 'say' and 'tell' in the sense that the
causee of 'tell' would be the agent of saying. Rather, 'tell' can be derived from 'say'
through a valency increase of a different type. The new semantic role added to the
frame of 'tell' is not the causer but rather a new role for recipient or beneficiary.
10
Besides Weishan Lalo, the causative verb pair 'study' / 'teach' is elsewhere attested
in Lahu, a language related to the Yi languages spoken in parts of Yunnan Province
(P.R. of China) and Thailand, see Matisoff (1975).
Matthias Gerner
S = Simplex
C = Complex
'drink'
'give to
Name of Language
156
1
c
I^ fP
rt
S ndo33
C to21
-2
1
Z
I
f
f
?o
"
o
b
'
1 ZJ
^
>
|
o
1
>->
-f !
>-i
<
3a
1
2
5P
g >
ndo33
to33
nt fi o 21
do13
du33
da21
du55
do33
do33
to21
to55
nt fi o 21
to33
tu33
te 21
tu33
to33
to33
dze33
dza21
dzo33
dzo33
drink'
'eat'
'feed'
'say'
'tell'
'be left
S dzui33 dzu33
C t$a33 tu33
S
C
S dzi33 dz21
dz21
tû
55
die
t h i 2i
di
dzo21 dzo21
55
tô
33
55
t?o
21
tse
33
jtqa
21
tô
33
t?o33
33
dzo
t h ie 2i
t h e 2i
dze33
dze33
tse33
tse33
over'
'leave over' C tshi33
'stand'
'build'/
33
tsi13
33
S dzu
dzo
C tshu33 tso33
'place'
'sit'
'make sit'
/'build'
di33
ti33
s
c
s
dui
'break'
thui33
(tr.)
'split'
(intr.)
dz55
'lie down'
'place'
'break'
(intr.)
'split' (tr.)
'collapse'
'make
collapse'
'study,
learn'
'teach'
c
s
c
da21
ta 21
33
tsi55
55
de33
55
the33
d3>
h
t g-
dzu55
tsu33
Figure 3: Devoicing of alveolar stops in the Yi group

'ascend'
'lift up'
'enter'
'bury
= place in'
i
Z
o
z0
=>
If
I
! t s? 2 1 !
I I t
>
S
C
S
C
'wear'
S ndi55
(hat, shoe)
>
di33
ti33
dy21
ty21
di13
d321
dy21
dv55
t921
ty21
tY55
'dress'
(hat, shoe)
C ti55
ti13
'bright,
shine'
do13
'light,
kindle'
to13
'appear,
exit'
dr55do3 dou55
'reveal'
'be
perforated'
'perforate'
'burn'
(intr.)
'burn' (tr.)
'peel off
'scrape off
'turbid,
muddy'
'stir up'
1
*
Wuding Aluphu
C = Complex
zc
Yongren Lolo
S = Simplex
Name of Language
S
C
S ndu55
thY55
du
tu55
21
t h u 21
du21
C tu55
S
C
S
tu21
de
te21
dui21
t h uj 21
21
Figure 3: Devoicing of alveolar stops in the Yi group (contd.)

158
Matthias Gerner
(4)
Luoping Nase
(a)
tgra21 ?u21
tha55 mi55?u21 die55.
3PSG
with
1PSG
speak
word
'He is talking to me/

(b) ?u21
no55
ta 55
1PSG
affair
NUM:1 CL
thhie2
tar) 33
2PSG tell
tell you something/

Weishan Lalo (Bj rverud 1998:139)
(5)
(a)
de21 dzu55 li33.

hit
study
(b) de21
hit
IMP
qa55
tsu33 li 33
1PSG
teach
IMP
'Teach me how to play1/
'Learn to play!*
3.3.2 Devoicing of alveolar lateral
There is only one pair in this category that constitutes a genuine case of a
de voicing-causative correlation. The other two cases exhibit ambitransitive
verbs with intransitive as well as transitive uses (of the type S = O). The
Weining Neasu pair lr33 'move' (intr.) / tr33 'move' (tr.) is illustrated by the
following examples:
(6)
(a)
Weining Neasu
si 33 ga55
dze13 ko55
lY33.
tree
CL
move
DEM:DIST
DUR
'That tree is moving [e.g. its branches and leaves by the wind]/
(b)
33
SI
tree
-?a55
dze13 Qi21
le55
tr33.
)EM:DIST
CL
PASS
move
3P SG
'That tree is moved by him/her [e.g. by shaking the stem]/

'move'
'make move'
'flow'
'make flow'
'roll'
'make roll'
Name of Language
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Weining Neasu
hr33
4r33
lui33
lui33
122
122
Luoping Nase
M eAxi
Figure 4: Devoicing of alveolar lateral in the Yi group


3.4 Devoicing of retroflex stops
Name of Language
The next group regroups causative verbs starting with a retroflex stop. This
kind of stop belongs to the consonant canon of most Yi languages. The
majority of these stops are affricated. Only Weining Neasu (out of the set of
Yi languages surveyed in this paper) has genuine unaffricated stops (i.e. < [
and *). The following example illustrates the causative pair (fee55 'be at' /
t$he55 'place' in Weining Neasu.
'be at'
'put at, build'
'shine'
'project'
*be afraid'
'frighten'
'come out'
'liberate'
'collapse'
'make collapse'
'torn'
'tear'
'explode'
'make explode'
'break' (intr.)
'break' (tr.)
'peel off
'scrape off
'burn' (intr.)
'burn' (tr.)
'melt' (intr.)
'melt' (tr.)
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
I
?
1 1 4
4
* I 1 j 2 5
i s
ff
SP
1 1 ! 1 1 1 I
<foe55 c&o33 cjzp21

the55 tshou55 tsu53
4P
tho55
4sp3333 ^sy3333
teo teu
dY555
tV33
<te3333
t?9
tha33
ta33
lâ33
433
tehu33
dr13
tv13
21
tu13
Figure 5: Devoicing of retroflex stops in the Yi group
fei21
t?i21

160
Matthias Gerner
(7)
(a)
WeiningNeasu
se21vu33 mo21 tha21
peach tree
fruit
mo13 se21vu33 khje55 c&e55.
NUM:1 CL
peach tree
LOOon bear, beat
Teaches are on the peach tree/

(b) tol3b13 kje33 <?i21
big stone
PAT
3P SG
Ie21be21 k hj e 55 tV5.
neck
LOCat
place
'Put a big stone around his neck!'
3.5 Devoicing of alvelo-palatal consonants

There are three types of alvelo-palatal consonants that have developed a
devoicing-causation correlation: alvelo-palatal stops, nasals and fricatives.
For this first type of consonant, a fair number of exponents have undergone
the devoicing-causation process.
3.5.1 Devoicing of alvelo-palatal stops
The consonants of this category are affricated and are represented in six
languages of the sample surveyed in this paper. Example (8), originating
from Liangshan Nuosu, exemplifies the causative pair 'graze' / lead to
pasture'.
(8)
Liangshan Nuosu
(a)
Ira33 tsi55;t<?e33 <]Uo33 bo33 o44.

ox
oneself
graze go
DP
'The oxen are grazing by themselves/
(b)
lui33
ox
tshi33 de33
3PSG PAT
ndi21p33 ko33
meadow
LOG
jteo44
pasture
ta33.
STP
'He led the oxen to pasture/

'be lacking'
'take off
'left over'
'leave over'
'be afraid'
'frighten'
'go across'
'make go across'
'graze, pasture'
'turn out to grass'
'burn' (intr.)
'burn' (tr.)
'melt' (intr.)
'melt' (tr.)
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
33
Simplex dso
33
Complex Jteo
33
Simplex d?
Complex jt(?933
Simplex dzi33
Complex Jtei33
d?e13
jt<?he13
Jt<?855
55
jt<?e
d*o33 Jtpi33
33
*<?033 JtQi
21
Dtdo
Jt<?o13
Yongren Lolo
Gejiu Nesu
(5) Shizong Kopho
Luoping Nase
(D Weining Neasu
Name of Language
Liangshan Nuosu
dê13 dê21
jtge33 jtqe55
dzi21
dî21
Jt<?i
dî21
Figure 6: Devoicing of alvelo-palatal stops in the Yi group
13
d?i33
JtQi33
3.5.2 Devoicing of alvelo-palatal nasals

The sole nasal pair of the whole sample comes from Liangshan Nuosu and
represents a valency extension from one to two places of the type csit' / *make
sif.
(9)
Liangshan Nuosu
(a)nui 33 me21
n,i33.
2P SG in front sit
(b) a44?!33 a44mo33 de33

child
mother
i55go33 ko33
mother bed
ta,33
LOC:on make sit STP
'Mother made the child sit on the bed/
'Sit at the front!'

'sit'
'make sit'
Name of Language
Simplex
Complex
33
(D Liangshan Nuosu *i
: iii21
Figure 7: Devoicing of alvelo-palatal nasals in the Yi group

162
Matthias Gerner
3.5.3 Devoicing of alvelo-palatal fricatives

Within this devoicing category there is one uncorrupted example (that of
Yongren Lolo) and one tainted example (that of Mile Axi whose complex is
not a fricative but an affricated stop). The following two sentences illustrate
Yongren Lolo's causative verb pair.
(10)
Yongren Lolo
kV3 si21 do33.
be33tsi33 tS833lu33 t h i 21
(a)
3P SG
garment
beautiful
NUM: 1 CL
wear
DUR
'She wears a beautiful garment.'
(b) o21mo33 ^p21

mother
<si55.
t h ie 21 be33tsi33 ge55
3P SG BEN
garment
PAT
dress
'Mother dressed her with a garment.'

'melt* (intr.)
Simplex
tV2?i55
Name of Language
(6) Mile Axi
Yongren Lolo
'melt* (tr.)
Complex
'wear*
Simplex
'dress*
Complex
tho22tci55
?i21
Qi55
Figure 8: Devoicing of alvelo-palatal fricatives in the Yi group

3.6 Devoicing of velar stops
Finally, velar stops as the target of the devoicing process are particularly well
attested in Liangshan Nuosu and Weining Neasu, the two northernmost
languages of the sample. In Yongren Lolo, an interesting pair exists where
the directional verb 'return* has the lexicalized causative relative 'return,
bring back'. In (lib) the verb 33 'bring' serves as an optional support of
the causative verb.
(11)
Yongren Lolo
(a) go33
IP SG
xi33kV3 go21
home
return
:33
go
bring the book back home.'
return home.'
(b) go 33
IP SO
5S
33
33
su b3
book
bring
:33uh 33
Al
JV c>
home
kh
21
-33
IV 7
4>1
bring back
go
bring the book back home.'

'wear'
Simplex ga55
55
'dress'
Complex ka
'be afraid'
Simplex gu33
gu33
33
'frighten*
Complex ku
ku33
33
'hear'
Simplex gin
'tell'
Complex km33
'enclosed'
Simplex
gv33
'enclose, arrest'
Compkx
k*33
'return'
Simplex
'bring back'
Complex
go' 3
'curved, bowed, bent' Simplex
'curve, bend, bow'
Complex
kh33
o13
'split, burst' (intr.)
Simplex gI33
'split, burst' (tr.)
Complex ki33
ki33
'melt' (intr.)
Simplex
g355
'melt' (tr.)
Complex
ka55
Figure 9: Devoicing of velar stops in the Yi group
163
Yongren Lolo
(9) Weishan Lalo
Weining Neasu
Liangshan Nuosu
Name of Language
go21
ko21
gi
4. Causative verbs in Weining Neasu ordered by semantic parameters

Weining Neasu occupies a remarkable position among the 11 Yi languages
surveyed in this paper. I counted a total of nearly 45 causative verb pairs in
field data available to me. As mentioned above, the complex component of
these verb pairs points to single-event causatives. Recalling Dixon's nine
parameters of causatives mentioned in section 2.1 (cf. Dixon 2000:62), we will
organize the Neasu causative verb pairs around two semantic traits: the kind of
valency extension, namely from intransitive to monotransitive (cf. section 4.1)
or from monotransitive to ditransitive (cf. section 4.2), and the degree of
control the causee has over the caused situation. Let us mark by S the sole
argument role of the simplex verb in case that it is intransitive and by A the
main argument of the simplex verb if and only if it is monotransitive. (For the
semantic macro-roles S and A, see Dixon 1979,1994).

164
Matthias Gerner
4.1 Causation as valency extension from one to two places

Causative verb pairs that exhibit a valency extension from one to two places
make up the lion's share of all causative verb pairs with ca. 35 occurrences.
SemanticaUy, the simplex verb may be involved in states, processes and
actions with a unique participant S. We distinguish the case where S lacks
control (section 4.1.1) and where it is in control of the situation (section
4.1.2).
4. LI S of simplex verb lacks control
Intransitive simplex verbs that incorporate an S argument lacking control
over the situation may be involved in states (section 4.1.1.1) and processes
(section 4.1.1.2). Both subcategories comprise the majority of all causative
verb pairs.
4.1.1.1 S of simplex verb lacks control of state
About seven simplex verbs in my sample are stative and describe a
positional, structural or appearance state. The corresponding complex verbs
add a generally human causer who is directly and intentionally involved in
the activity. The S argument of the simplex verb equals the causee of the
complex verb and both lack control in the respective situation they are
engaged in.
Simplex
Complex
the55
'put at' (lit. cause to be located)
c(255 'be at' (locational)
33
'build'
dzo
'stand' (for immobile objects) tso33
kr33
'enclose, arrest'
gr33
'enclosed'
dê13 'be lacking'
;fc<?he13
'takeoff
h 55
55
t
r
'make
loose, untie'
(fr
'loose'
do13
'bright'
to13
'light, kindle'
clo55
'shine'
tho55
'project'
Figure 10: Pairs with uncontrolled stative simplex verb
In the subsequent illustrations, the simplex verb in example (a) is

contrasted with the derived complex verb in example (b). The sole argument
S of the simplex is inanimate in general but may be animate as in (13a). In
any case S does not exert control over the situation. In (14b), the complex
165
verb tee13 'take off should be analysed as 'cause something to be missing'

originating from the simplex verb (foe13 'be missing'. The causative verb pair
in (16a+b) refers to a state of appearance.
(12)(a)lu 2 1
city
dzD33 bo21
be built
khV5
te13.
mountain LOCron
placed
The house is built on a mountain.'

(b) 2155 hi21mo21 t h a 21 dzr33 tso33.
IP PL
house
NUM:1 CL
build
"We build a house.'

(13) (a) mu33 ko55 gv33
horse
lo33.
inside enclosed ADV
The horse is enclosed inside.'

(b)qo 21 tgho55je21
1PSG
friend
tha21
jo 21
kje33
kv33 13.
NUM:1
CL
COV
arrest
SEND
"I have arrested a friend.'

(14) (a) se33la13
cup
na55
kV 3
<jUe13 lo33.
DEM:MED CL
lack
ADV
The cup is missing.'

(b)ba 33 ba 33 tha21
bread
pha21
NUM:1 half
ice13
na21 t?a33.
takeoff
2P SG feed
'Half of the bread was taken off for you.'

(15) (a) i<?hi55nde3V33 jo l3 mu 33 <&55 lo33.
shoelaces
oneself
loose ADV
The shoelaces loosened themselves.'

33
kje33
3PSG shoelaces
COV
loosen
SEND
'He loosened the shoelaces.'

(16)(a)ti 3 3
lamp
ga55
dze13 do13 pje13.
DEM:DIST CL
bright very
That lamp is very bright.'

(b)mi 33 k h i 13 go 13 ,r)o 21
sky
dark
DP
1PSG
ti33 to13.
lamp light
'It is dark now, so I will light the lamp.'

166
Matthias Gerner
4.1.1.2 S of simplex verb lacks control of process

Intransitive simplex verbs that refer to an uncontrolled process constitute the
most productive group of verbs targeted by the causative lexicalization
process. Causative verbs pairs of this kind can be subsumed in turn under a
number of labels, namely verbs of motion, of disposition and verbs of
physical affectedness. The first subgroup comprises simplex verbs that are
verbs of motion.
Simplex
bu33
Complex
'roll (tr.), incite'
'roll' (intr.)
pu55
33
'wave'
ve
'sway'
fe33
ir33
'shake, move' (intr.)
lY33
'shake, move' (intr.)
33
h 33
da
'cause to collapse, destroy'
'collapse'
ta
'collapse, come down'
fa'3thr33 'cause to collapse'
:21
'stretch out' (tr.)
'stretch out' (intr.)
tH921
be21
phe21
'throw down, cause to fall'
'fall down'
Figure 11: Pairs with uncontrolled simplex verb of motion (1st subgroup)
The motion that is expressed by the simplex verbs is basically preserved

in the complex verbs with a few secondary meanings such as 'cause to roll' >
'incite, provoke' (for pu55) in (17b) or 'cause to collapse' > 'destroy' (for
tha33} in (19b). The complex verb appends a causer who directly and
intentionally performs the activity in each case.
(17) (a) mo21ta13 ?o13mu33 bu33 lo33. (b) go2
ball
oneself
roll
l P SG
ADV
The ball rolls by itself.'

(18) (a) si33thu33 tha21 33 ve33.
tree leave
NUM: 1 CL
sway
Tree leaves are swaying.'

(19) (a) hi
21
h 33
to
33
(la
33
lo .
house ART:PROX collapse ADV
The house collapsed.'
vu33
mo21ta13 pu55.
snow
ball
roll
am rolling a snow ball.'

(b)
<?i21
3PSG
la13
hand
fe33
wave
rjo21 mo55.
1PSG point to
'He waved his hand towards me.'

(b) <?i21 hi21 tha55
dzr33 tha33.
3P SG house DEM:PROX CL
destroy
'He destroyed this house.'


(20) (a)
se21vu33 si33
khje55 be21 za13
li21.
peach
LOC:on fall
come
tree
descend
The peach has fallen from the tree/

(b) b33di33 tha21
bowl
NUM:1
kV3 ?i2ltha55
ci21
CL
3P SG throw
top of building
phe21 za13
ka55.
descend
add
'He threw that bowl down from the top of the building/
A few simplex verbs refer to states of disposition a subject may be found
in. Two causative verb pairs in my data set belong to this subtype and are
listed in figure 12 below. The related complex verbs point to intentional
activities performed by a causer and endured by a causee.
Simplex
Complex
bu21
Open' (intr.) phu21
'open' (tr.)
dz21
left over'
tsi13(tu33)
leave over'
Figure 12: Pairs with uncontrolled simplex verb of disposition (2nd subgroup)
One specific comment on the use of the complex verb tsin leave over' in
(22b) needs to be made. Even though it can occur as the sole predicate of the
clause, it is often complemented by a beneficiary NP marked by the verb bi55
'give1. The predicational frame of tsi13 is therefore basically monotransitive.
(21) (a) rjgo21 ?o13mu33 bu21 lo33.
door
oneself
(b) Qi21 ggo21 kje33 phu21 33.
open ADV
3P SG door
'The door opened itself/

(22) (a) Jtea33 dz21
food
lo33.
leftover ADV
COV
open
SEND
'He/she opened the door/
(b) na21 tea33 tsi13

2P SG food
'Some food has been left over/
tu33 rjo21 55 21 .
leave over FIX
1PSG give SEND
'Keep some food for me.'
The main subgroup of uncontrolled simplex verbs is displayed in figure

13 and refers to processes of physical affectedness and alteration. The voiced
version hints at an intransitive process of physical change, and the devoiced
version at a transitive activity. In English, by contrast, the causative verbs in
figure 13 are often translated as ambitransitive verbs of the S = type
(Dixon and Aikhenvald 2000: 4-5) where a noun phrase may occupy both
the S and roles of the ambitransitive verb as exemplified in 'the newspaper
burnt' and 'he burnt the newspaper'.

168
Matthias Gerner
Complex
thu21
'perforate'
'be perforated'
13
13
'scrape
off (tr.)
dv
'peel off (intr.)
tr
h 33
33
t
u
'break'
(tr.)
'break'
(intr.)
<teP
'stir up, cause to be turbid'
de21
'turbid, muddy"
te21
13
'explode, crack' (intr.)
bi
p h i 13 'cause to explode, crack' (tr.)
'curved, bowed, bent'
kho13 'curve, bend, bow'
go13
21
'melt' (intr.)
d?i
ici13 'cause to melt' (tr.)
21
'burn' (intr.)
'burn' (tr.)
du
tu13
33
33
'tear'
'torn'
ki
gi
'gather = cause to be finalized'
gv21 'used up' (as resultative versatile) kr21
'poison'
do13 'poisoned'
to13
Figure 13: Paks with uncontrolled simplex verb of physical affectedness (3rd
subgroup)
Simplex
du21
These verb pairs are illustrated in the examples (23-28) below. Some of
the simplex or complex verbs of figure 13 cannot be used as the main
predicate of the sentence but must complement another predicate as
resultative versatile. Versatile is a term coined by Matisoff (1969) to refer to
grammaticalized verbs whose products lie in the realm of aspect and
resultative state. The string gr21 'used up' for example cannot function as
sole predicate of a sentence but appears as a resultative versatile in the
postfield of other verbs. A similar situation holds for the complex verb kho13
in (26b) which is bound to co-occur with some subsequent adjective or verb.
(23) (a) rjo21 mbu33 du21
IP
SG
lo33.
clothes perforated ADV
'My clothes got a hole.'

(b) <?i21 dzu33tV3 k hj e 55 du21na33 tha21 na21 thu21.
3PSG table
LOC:on hole
NUM:1 CL perforate
'He made a hole on the table/

(24) (a) va13 bi55se21 bi13 lo33.
pig
gallbladder burst
ADV
'The pig's gallbladder burst/ *

(b)
va13
pig
bi55se21 21
ndu21 pi13
gallbladder 3P SG beat
burst
13.
SEND
'He beat the pig's gallbladder to burst it/


21 33
(25) (a) vu33 dUi21
lo3
snow melt
ADV
'The snow melted/

(b) vu33 kje33 tci13 dze33 ji 21 13.
snow COV
melt
then
water get
'Melt the snow and get water/

(26) (a) do21 mo21 na55
stick CL
go13.
DEM:MED bent
'The stick is bent/

(b) go21
1PSG
do21 mo21 na55

stick CL
kV3 *i33to13.
DEM:MED bend
turn
have bent the stick/

(27)(a)ci 2 1
do13
zo21.
3P SG poisened endure
'He endured intoxication/

(b) Qi 21
mo55
su21 le55
to13.
3PSG COV:pointto others PASS
poison
'He was poisoned by others/

(28) (a) mbu33 ?o13mu33 tse33 gi33 lo33.
clothes
oneself
then
torn
ADV
'The clothes are torn by themselves/

(b) Qi21
mbu33 go21
3PSG clothes
IP SG
le55
ki33 13.
PASS
tear
SEND
'His clothes were torn by me/

The fourth and last subgroup of uncontrolled simplex verbs has one
member, the pair fao33 'be afraid' / ieo33 'frighten' which has an
uncontrolled simplex verb with mental meaning. The following sentence
may serve as illustration. The simplex dzo33 'afraid' must be completed by
fGi33 that occurs after the noun phrase that indicates the source of fear.
(29) (a) go21
1PSG
*^33 pi21
afraid
ipi33.
3P SG afraid
am afraid of him/her/
(b) go21 <?i21

1PSG 3P SG
jfc*>33
pje13.
frighten
very
frightened him/her very much/

170
Matthias Gerner
4.1.2 S of simplex verb is in control of action

In the Neasu data set there is a small group of intransitive simplex verbs
whose sole argument is in control of the action referred to. The simplex
verbs in question are verbs of movement for which the moving entity exerts
control over the movement. As for all causative pairs displayed in this paper,
the corresponding complex verbs add a generally human causer who is
directly and intentionally involved in the activity, though without moving
himself.
Simplex
dr55do33
iwio21
5
Complex
thY55
'appear*
'reveal'
tco13
'cause someone to go across*
'go across'
'come out*
'set free*
dV
tV5
Figure 14: Pairs with controlled simplex verb of movement
Below are provided examples. The complex verbô 13 'cause someone to
go across' in (32b) manifests a restriction of usage in that it must co-occur
with the polysemous verb ^V 55 'set free, allow' in a serial verb construction.
(31) (a) rja33 ga55
bird
kV3
DEM:DIST CL
jo13mu33
<\?55
lo33.
oneself
come out
ADV
'The bird came out by itself

(b)rja 33 ga55
bird
kV 3 <?i21
DEM:DIST CL
ihv55
3P SG
13.
set free SEND
'He set the bird free.'

(32) (a) ci21 wUo" na55pha21
3P SG pass over
that side
lr55.
go
'He passes over to the other side.'

(b) Qi21 tN55
921
3P SG set free 1PSG
t*50*3
ma55
make pass NEG
ctau55.
willing
'He was not willing to let me pass.'


4.2 Causation as valency extension from two to three places
Besides intransitive verbs, monotransitive verbs were also targeted by the
devoicing process of lexicalization. Causative verb pairs that constitute a
valency extension from two to three places occur with significantly lower
frequency. I numbered less than ten occurrences in the field data available to
me.11 We will again organize the causative verbs by whether or not the main
argument A exerts control over the situation referred to by the simplex verb.
4.2.1 A of simplex verb lacks control of state
There are two causative verb pairs where the main argument of the simplex
verb has no control over the situation as provided in figure 15. Both are
similar in meaning referring to the pair 'hear' / 'tell'. In both cases, the
simplex verb 'hear' is arguably a non-control verb. This kind of causative
pair is elsewhere only attested in Liangshan Nuosu (refer to pair gut33 'hear'
and kui33 'tell' in figure 9).
Simplex
Complex
'hear'
iCO33
'hear, understand'
tu55
Figure 15: Pairs of the 'hear' / 'tell' type
cUo33
du55nu13
'tell, cause to hear'

'tell'
In Neasu, a difference appears for the complex verb of both causative

pairs. The verbô 55 'tell' can make up the sole and independent predicate
of a clause, while tu55 'teil' must co-occur with the verb hi55 'say' in a serial
construction. Further, the pair du55nu13 'hear, understand' - \u55 'tell' is
somewhat special. The voiced syllable du55 is a noun meaning 'word'. In
combination with the verb nu13 'notice' it means 'understand'. The
devoicing takes place here between a noun and a verb.
11
There are also pairs that fail to fully qualify for a simplex-complex pair. They
devoice the initial consonant but do not display a causative meaning. These pairs
include ,33 'estimate' /fact33 'calculate' and nde33 'equip' / te33 'put on'.
172
Matthias Gerner
^ 1 21 too33.
(33) (a) du55 tho33

word
ARTrPROX yesterday
IP SG get
hear
heard the word yesterday/

(b) Qi21 kr55 a3W3 du
3P SG PUT
aunt
55
iô33.
word
tell
'He will tell his aunt/

(34) (a) go21
1PSG
a33ma33 du55nu13.
mother
21
(b) go21 Io.21_13
pi
1PSG story
hear
'I heard Mom's voice/
hl 55 Q I 21
say
55
3P SG tell
I told him a story/
4.2.2 A of simplex verb is in control

Two types of monotransitive simplex verbs exhibit the main argument A in
control of the situation: stative verbs (section 4.2.2.1) and action verbs
(section 4.2.2.2). For both types I counted more than six exponents.
4.2.2.1 A of simplex verb is in control of state
There are three stative causative verb pairs of the 'wear' / 'dress' type. The
pair vi13 / fi13 is the general term compatible with a wide range of vesture;
the couple din I ti13 is restricted to the wearing of hats, gloves and shoes but
excludes textiles like trousers. Finally, gu551 ku55 refers to the state of being
covered by cloth or clothing. All three simplex verbs refer to situations
controlled by the person who is in the wearing position.
Simplex
vi *3
'wear' (for clothes)
di13
'wear* (for hat, gloves, shoes)
gu55
Covered' (with cloth or clothes)
Figure 16: Pairs of the 'wear' / 'dress' type
Complex
ftl 3
'dress someone with clothes'
ti13
'dress' (for hat, gloves, shoes)
ku55
'cover' (with cloth or clothes)
For a number of three-place predicational frames, the particle kjs33 can

and should be employed to mark patient NPs. The order is fixed as
BV,12 as illustrated in (35a+b) for the pair vi13 / fi13. For the
12
As stated in part at the start of section 4, the labels A and are the macro-roles
inspired from Dixon (1979,1994). The abbreviation B stands for 'beneficiary'.
173
simplex verb gu55 'cover' in (37a) the covering entity is not marked with any
particle or preposition.
(35)
(a) Ci21
3PSG
mbu33
?a33?Y55 tha21 tgV1 vi13.
garment
beautiful
NUM:1 CL
wear
'He/she wears a beautiful garment/

(b) da13
every
,2133
morning
4?i55 a33ma33
all
mother
mbu33 kV3 pi21 ft13.

garment PAT 3 P SG dress
'Every morning mother dresses him/

(36) (a)
Qi21
mo55tsi33 di13.
3P SG
hat
wear
'He wears a hat/

(b)
th'55Je21
mo55tsi33 kje33 Qi21
friend
hat
PAT
ti13.
3P SG dress
'The friend put a hat on him/

(37) (a)
<?i21
mbu33 ma21
gu55.
3P SG
clothes
covered
NEG
'He is not covered with clothes/

(b)
a33ma33
?i13mbu33 rjgo21 <?i21
mother
cloth
pull
ku55.
3P SG cover
'Mother pulled out some cloth to cover him/

4.2.2.2 A of simplex verb is in control of action
In Weining Neasu there are three monotransitive simplex verbs referring to
actions controlled by an agent. This category comprises two verbs of
consumption of the eat and drink type as well as the causative pair 'ride' /
'make ride'. Verbs for eating and drinking have lexicalized across the whole
board of Yi languages constituting the most widespread examples.
Simplex
Complex
dzu33
'eat'
'feed'
tu33
33
ndo
'drink'
to21
'give to drink'
dze33
'ride (a horse)'
tse33
'make ride (a horse)'
Figure 17: Pairs with controlled simplex verb of action

174
Matthias Gerner
As in the previous section, the particle kje33 is generally employed to

mark the patient with occasional exceptions such as in (39b). If the particle is
not involved in the sentence, the order in Neasu is fixed as ABOV. The use of
kjs33 achieves a topical foregrounding of the patient NP.
(38) (a) rjo21
1PSG
d?a33 dzu33 go13.

food
eat
(b) Qi 21
DP
3P SG
eat food.'
(39) (a) na21 ijcfe
2PSG wine
ndD21 ndo33?
drink
ride
PREP
PAT
child
feed
mu33 zi21
3P SG horse
c
water
tD21.
let drink
He lets the horse drink some water.'
jtV3rjga13.
go to street market
I ride a horse to go to the market/
(b)qo 21 m33 kje33 ei21

1PSG horse PAT
C
(b) d 21
drink
dze33 kr55
1PSG horse
C
food
'He fed the child/
'Do you drink wine?*

(40) (a) rjo21 m33
<t?a33 kJV3 a33ga55 tu33.
3P SG
tse33
JLi21.
cause to ride come
I cause him/her to come here on a horse/
5 The lexicalization of simplex/complex pairs driven by phonetic

and semantic factors
In this section I propose that the causative verbs in the Yi group (and
beyond) have come into existence through a motivated (not blind) process of
lexicalization. The argumentation proceeds as follows. In subsection 5.1, I
show with statistics that the causative verb pairs have developed through a
motivated process of phonetic and semantic change. In subsection 5.2, I
propose an incremental lexicalization path for the devoicing-causation
correlation.
5.1 Statistics on phonetic and semantic properties of causative verbs

I have counted the number of attested causative pairs in function of the place
and mode of articulation. The distilled results are presented in figure 18
below (the number of ambitransitive verbs is presented in square brackets).
While I claim that for Liangshan Nuosu and Weining Neasu the figures

provided below represent near-complete numbers, I cannot exclude that for

some of the remaining Yi languages the actual number of causative pairs
could be slightly higher if one pushed hard for finding more exponents.
c
Js
"3
<
B abial
1 f I ! 1 .^ i l l I
u-,
0
<
"C
:gv
Stops
Labio-dental
Fricatives
Alveolar
Stops
13
1[1] 3
Lateral
0[1] 0
0[1] 0
Retroflex
Stops
10
0[1] 0
Alvelo-palatal Stops
Velar
"5
1[1] 0[2] 1
0[3] 1
0[2] 2
*j
2[2]
53[1]
1[2]
15(1]
15[3]
18[7]
Nasals
Fricatives
Stops
0 1 3
Total-
23
42
6[1] 2[7] 7
10
11[2] 8
4[1] 3[3] 12
128[14]
Figure 18: Statistics of attested causative pairs across the phonetic spectre in the Yi
Group
Nevertheless, the distribution shown in the figure seems to reveal some

interesting phonetic and sound-structural tendencies of the supposed
lexicalization process. The place and mode of articulation that comes down
with the highest number of lexicalized pairs is alveolar stops (a good portion
of them being alveolar affricated stops). Recalling from section 1 the putative
PTB prefix *s- which shares with those causative pairs the alveolar place of
articulation, it appears not far-fetched to proclaim that mainly verbs with an
alveolar initial consonant had been targeted by the unproductive lexicalization process. This would let the process look like an assimilative process13
and would considerably rebalance the account of previous authors who have
spoken of a blind sound change.
Further, I claim that the lexicalization of causative verbs is not only
driven by an assimilative ("aware" or "motivated") phonetic process, but by
13
The process would be assimilative in the sense that the majority of targeted verbs
share with the PTB prefix *s- the same place of articulation.
176
Matthias Gerner
the semantics of the target simplex verbs as well. In figure 19,1 have counted
the number of causative pairs in Weining Neasu in dependence of the
semantic categories employed in section 4, i.e. the type of valency extension
(1 > 2 or 2 > 3), whether the main argument exerts control over the
situation and finally the Aktionsart of the situation referred to by the simplex
verb (state, process or action).
Valency Extension Control of S/A
Situation Type
Number of Pairs
l->2
State
[- control]
7
l->2
Process
24
[- control]
l->2
Action
[+ control]
3
2-^3
State
2
[- control]
2->3
State
[+ control]
3
Action
JL 7 J
[+
[ T control]
VÛIILIUIJ
-OX.UU11
3J
2-3
Figure 19: Statistics of attested causative pairs across the semantic spectre in
Weining Neasu
It is striking that intransitive verbs (34/42) have been the target of the
lexicalization process much more often than monotransitive verbs (8/42).
However, the more sensible parameter for the lexicalization process is [
control]. In Weining Neasu, 33 simplex verbs refer to uncontrolled situations
and 9 to controlled situations. Especially uncontrolled intransitive processes
(24/42) have been the target of the proposed lexicalization process. This basic
statistical distribution reflects a cross-linguistic tendency of (at least certain
forms of) causatives not to apply to verbs in an iterative fashion (cf. Dixon
2000: 59). As control verbs already express some kind of manipulation or
causation, it is not surprising that they had been less targeted by the
devoicing process. On the other hand, non-control verbs encode a low
degree of causation and the devoicing process more likely seeks out such
verbs as it reacts less to their inherent semantics. I claim therefore that the
semantic nature of the simplex verb has also been a decisive factor for the
selective process of devoicing these verbs have undergone.
5.2 Steps in the lexicalization process

It is thus proposed that the devoicing-causation correlation came historically
into existence in the Lolo-Burmese branch of TB languages through a
motivated process of lexicalization. The proposed steps in this lexicalization
process are as follows:
177
Step 1 (morphological valency-increasing prefix *s- in PTB): As

numerous authors remarked (see section 1), there seems to have been the
transitive prefix *s- at the stage of PTB (cf. Benedict 1972: 105-108; Dai 2001;
Matisoff 1973: 32-34,1975,1976: 414-419). It appears that the language with
written documentation in which the PTB-causative prefix *s- is preserved
most faithfully is the Central TB language Dulong/Rawang (La Polla 2000).
The causative prefix is described in this language as a highly grammatical
bound morpheme without selectional restrictions. All intransitive and
monotransitive verbs may attach this valency-increasing productive prefix,
while only marginal verb categories such as applicative verbs, ditransitive
verbs and verbalized nominals disallow its preposing (La Polla 2000: 296).
Step 2 (mixed segmental and supra-segmental valency-increasing
strategies in Proto-Burmese-Lolo (PEL)): The branch of South-Eastern
Tibeto-Burman languages mainly consists of the Burmese-Lolo language
group (Bradley 1997: 38). In this branch of the TB family, large sound
changes seem to have occurred. In various BL languages, the original
causative prefix *s- has undergone sound changes when attached to certain
intransitive and monotransitive verbs. Matisoff (1973: 32) mentions
glottalization as a transition point between the segmental PTB-prefix *s- and
subsequent supra-segmental phenomena such as described in section 3 and 4
of this paper. While no synchronic data with the glottal causative prefix *?are available, there might be at least one Burmese-Lolo language which has
preserved this transitional hybrid picture: the Burmish language Zaiwa
spoken in China near the Myanmar border (see section 1). Dai (1981)
reports that in Zaiwa supra-segmental processes such as aspiration and tone
alteration contribute to the production of causative verbs, whilst the
existence of a causative prefix fa- is also attested. Both causativizing
strategies are compatible with different segments of the lexicon. The
important feature of these supra-segmental alterations is that they exhibit
selectional restrictions on the verbs that might undergo them. These suprasegmental alterations seem to have lost the productivity of the PTB prefix *swhich is typical for lexicalization. The split between verbs that derive
causative forms with a morphological prefix and those which form causative
versions through supra-segmental alterations has been arguably generated by
motivated lexicalization. At the onset, (intransitive and monotransitive)
verbs with a voiced initial consonant were targeted. The selection of simplexverbs with voiced initials has not been arbitrary, even though not every
voiced-initial verb has been selected. In the following chart there are mono-

178
Matthias Gerner
syllabic verbs from Weining Neasu, which have not been sought out by the
process of legalization: intransitive verbs with a voiceless initial and
mono/ditransitive verbs with a voiced initial.
Voiceless initial-low transitivity
t$hu55 'become bad' (intransitive)
<?e55
'drown' (intransitive)
te 2 1
'run' (intransitive)
Voiced initial-high transitivity

bi55
'give, bring' (ditransitive)
de33
'tap' (monotransitive)
dr55
'push' (monotransitive)
ga55
'cause' (mono-, ditransitive)
lr33
'shake' (monotransitive)
Figure 20: Voiceless intransitive and voiced mono/ditransitive verbs in Weining
Neasu
On the other hand, voiced-initial verbs are the only candidates that may
undergo the process of devoicing/causation as described in the previous
sections. During this process of lexicalization, predominantly non-control
verbs have been aimed at. For a few verbs, aspiration is a secondary process,
which goes along with the devoicing process.
Step 3 (supra-segmental processes as the only valency-increasing strategy
in Proto-Loloish (PL)): Burmese-Lolo languages consist of Burmish and of
Loloish languages (Bradley 1997: 38). Zaiwa as Burmish language (see step 2)
has a mix of segmental and supra-segmental means to derive causative verbs.
In languages of the Loloish subbranch, the causative prefix attested in
Burmish and other TB languages has completely disappeared and suprasegmental processes on a narrow range of verbs appear to be the sole vestiges
of this formerly productive process. The number of simplex/complex verbs
varies between one or two (Luoping Nase has, in addition, a number of
ambitransitive verbs) and 45 (Weining Neasu); all pairs belong to the section
of basic vocabulary.
6. Conclusion
The current contribution offers a new account for a phenomenon that was
otherwise recognized some 40 years ago (cf. Chen Shilin et al. 1962). It
reports with pan-Yi data on a lexicalization process in a portion of the
Tibeto-Burman family whereby a verb with voiced initial consonant derives
a causative form by devoicing the consonant. It demonstrates with statistical
figures that the phonetic and semantic changes these verbs underwent are
not arbitrary but motivated. This paper contrasts with earlier accounts,
179
which treated this brand of lexicalization as a blind process of linguistic

change. Furthermore, previous papers were ambiguous on the type of
linguistic change these verb derivations refer to, i.e. whether it is
grammaticalization or lexicalization. In this paper I identify the changes as
lexicalization.
Appendix: Spatial-genetic information on the Yi group
In the linguistic classification literature, the Yi languages are included in the
larger Burmese-Lolo language group (inside the Tibeto-Burman languages).
Some Yi languages, especially in the Chuxiong and Dali prefectures of
Yunnan province, approach linguistically varieties of Lisu, which is another
nationality in China. In China there are 7.5 million ethnic Yi (2000 census)
distributed over Yunnan, Sichuan, Guizhou and Guangxi provinces. If
unintelligibility were a criterion to separate languages, then I would estimate
the total number of Yi languages to be 100-150. By unintelligibility I mean
substantial lack of comprehension that cannot be overcome by two months
of language learning. The 11 Yi languages surveyed geographically represent
all branches of the Yi group. The lexical data presented in this paper
originate from primary field research (conducted during 1996-2000), with
the exception of Weishan Lalo where I rely on a simplex-complex list in
BjorvenuTs grammar (Bjrverud 1998: 66).

180
Matthias Gerner
Language
Location
Number of
References
Speakers
Liangshan Nuosu China/Sichuan/Liangshan
2.2 Million
China/Yunnan/Lij iang/Ninglang
@ Weining Neasu
Chen &Wu (1998)
China/Guizhou/Bijie/Weining, Hezhang,
Nayong, Zhijin
China/Guizhou/Liupanshui/Shuicheng
Longlin Ngopho
Luoping Nase
Shizong Kopho
Fu ([1950] 1997)
China/Guangxi/Baise/Longlin;
China/G uizhou/Liupanshui/Pan
300,000600,000
10,000-40,000
China/Yunnan/Qujing/Luoping
China/Yunnan/Qujing/Luoping, Fuyuan,
100,000-
Shizong, Luliang, Qujing
300,000
China/Guizhou/Liupanshui/Pan
China/Yunnan/Qujing/Shizong, Luliang;
20,000-40,000
China/Yunnan/Honghe/Luxi, Me
China/Yunnan/Kunming/Shilin
Me Axi
China/Yunnan/Honghe/Me, Luxi
ca. 82,000
China/Yunnan/Wenshan/Qiubei
Me Azhee
Gejiu Nesu
Liotard
(1909,1911)
China/Yunnan/Honghe/Me
China/Yunnan/Honghe/Gejiu, Jinping,
ca. 60,000
ca. 370,000
Weishan Lalo
Jianshui, Lchun
China/Yunnan/Dali/Weishan,
Nanjian
565,000
Yongren Lolo
Wuding Aluphu
China/Yunnan/Chuxiong/Yongren, Dayao
China/Yunnan/Chuxiong/Wuding, Luquan
50,000-150,000
ca. 41,000
Bjrverud
(1998)
Figure 21: An overview of the Yi languages surveyed
The following map locates the Yi languages surveyed in this paper on a

map of Southwest China.

Distribution of the Yi languages investigated

Llangshan Nuosu
Laos
H Shizong Kopho $; Weishan Lalo
Weining Neasu
^=3. Mile Axl
-.... Yongren Lolo
Longlln Ngopho
= Mile Azhee
^JV Wuding Aluphu
Luoping Nase
44 Gejiu Nesu
Map 1: Geographical distribution of the Yi languages investigated

182
Matthias Gerner
List of abbreviations
IP PL
1PSG
2PSG
3PSG
ADV
ART
ARTiPROX
BEN
CL
cov
COV:point to
DUR
DEM
DEM:DIST
DEM:MED
DEM:PROX
DP
FIX
IMP
LOG
LOC:on
NEG
NUM
NUM:9
PASS
PAT
PREP
SEND:away
STP
First person plural

First person singular
Third person singular
Third person singular
Adversative modality particle
Article
Article: proximal distance to Speaker
Beneficiary
Classifier
Coverb
Coverb:with gloss
Durative Aspect
Demonstrative
Demonstrative: distal to Speaker
Demonstrative: medial to Speaker
Demonstrative: proximal to Speaker
Dynamic Perfect particle
FIX versatile
Imperative
Location particle
Location particle with gloss
Negation
Numeral
Numeral with its value
Passive postposition
Patient
Preparative phase particle
SEND versatile with English gloss
Stative Perfect
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Author's address
Matthias Gerner
Department of Chinese, Translation & Linguistics
City University of Hong Kong
83 Tat Chee Avenue
Kowloon, Hong Kong
e-mail: mgerner@cityu.edu.hk



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The lexicalization of causative verbs in the Yi group1

ABSTRACT. This paper explores a lexicalization process in an array of Yi

handkerchief). Throughout this paper, I will term the voiced component as

Written (classical) Tibetan is classified in the Western or Bodish branch of TB

The lexicalization of causative verbs in the Yi group 147

and Xu (1984) explore causative verbs in Jingphaw/Kachin. The article of

The current paper differs somewhat from earlier contributions as it

Brought to you by | University of Sussex

The lexicalization of causative verbs in the Yi group 149

Some scholars (for example Shibatani) have further distinguished

Brought to you by | University of Sussex

'John kicked the ice but nothing happened to it/

Both events constitute single-event causative events, but Shibatani

The lexicalization of causative verbs in the Yi group

As it will become obvious in section 4, most causative verb pairs of the Yi

Brought to you by | University of Sussex

follow two directions: (i) fusion of parts in a compound or complex word;7

Unproductive word formation processes: These are formerly productive

As we will see in the following sections, the devoicing-causation process

3. The causative verbs of the (other) Yi languages ordered by the

Brinton and Traugott feature this type of diachronic lexicalization as "increase of

The lexicalization of causative verbs in the Yi group 153

3.1 Devoicing of bilabial stops

(a) k3>55 a55ko33 t<?he21 tV3 ba55 sa33.

'She carries a child on the back/

PAT 3PSG make carry

make him carry the child/

There is one interesting exception in this group of causative verb pairs.

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'explode, crack' (intr.) Complex pi

(7) Mile Azhee

(5) Shizong Kopho

(2) Weining Neasu

Figure 1: Devoicing of bilabial stops in the Yi group

3.2 Devoicing of labio-dental fricatives

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The lexicalization of causative verbs in the Yi group 155

3.3 Devoicing of alveolar consonants

Figure 3: Devoicing of alveolar stops in the Yi group

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The lexicalization of causative verbs in the Yi group 157

Figure 3: Devoicing of alveolar stops in the Yi group (contd.)

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tha55 mi55?u21 die55.

'He is talking to me/

tell you something/

de21 dzu55 li33.

'Teach me how to play1/

'That tree is moved by him/her [e.g. by shaking the stem]/

Figure 4: Devoicing of alveolar lateral in the Yi group

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The lexicalization of causative verbs in the Yi group 159

<foe55 c&o33 cjzp21

Figure 5: Devoicing of retroflex stops in the Yi group

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mo13 se21vu33 khje55 c&e55.

LOOon bear, beat

Teaches are on the peach tree/

'Put a big stone around his neck!'

3.5 Devoicing of alvelo-palatal consonants

Ira33 tsi55;t<?e33 <]Uo33 bo33 o44.

'He led the oxen to pasture/

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