Professional Documents
Culture Documents
UserName:jesser2@postoffice.utas.edu.au
TheUniversityreservestherighttosubmitassignmentstoplagiarismdetection
software,andmightthenretainacopyoftheassignmentonitsdatabaseforthepurpose
offutureplagiarismchecking.
In the next essay, M.L. Smiths next essay, Recourse of Empire, Smith notes some of
these features. He writes
In December 1953, President Eisenhower told the United Nations that a new atoms
for peace program would transform the greatest of destructive forces into a great
boon for the benefit of all mankind.
The following September, he waved a radioactive wand that broke ground for the
nations first commercial nuclear power plant at Shippingport, Pennsylvania. Thirty-five
years later, the core of the decommissioned Shippingport reactor was shipped to the
Hanford Nuclear Reservation in Washington for burial.
(At the same time, Hanford a key facility for nuclear weapons production since World
War II was being converted into a massive environmental clean-up operation to
minimize the severe health and safety threats resulting from nearly a half-century of
inadequate safety standards and careless waste disposal at an estimated cost of between
30 billion and 50 billion dollars.) While the Shippingport reactor was in operation,
major controversies arose over cooling systems, radioactive waste disposal, and worker
and community safety; the peaceful atoms became as controversial as its military
counterpart. The accidents at Three Mile Island in 1979 and Chernobyl in 1986, along
with previously unreleased information about earlier accidents around the world,
reversed long-standing public support for nuclear power in the United States. The
trajectory of space exploration also proved uneven. The Soviet Unions launch of
Sputnik 1 in October 1957 had sent Congress scurrying to create NASA and to land
Americans on the moon. In the early years of the space program, huge budget
allocations for space exploration were justified in terms compatible with the Science
on the March conveyor belt of unimaginable wonders. What the next generation
discovered was the absence of clear post-Apollo goals Not even the automobile,
sacred emblem of American technology and successor to the train of progress, escaped
reassessment the car faced safety challenges, air-pollution standards, energy crises,
In all these it can be seen that our reach exceeded our grasp, and our vision as to all the
many and unintentional consequences and spin-offs, was very poor.
In this same essay, Smith gives a definition of technological determinism (we will see
many more of these throughout the essays that follow). I quote his here mainly to give
an introduction to the concept, and to serve as a tool to compare and contrast future
definitions.
Technological determinism is a curious phrase. The fist of it is heartbreaking in its
simplicity: the belief that social progress is driven by technological innovation, which in
turn follows an inevitable course 2
In the next essay, we will look at the concept of technological momentum as defined by
Thomas P. Hughes. I would like to look at his notion of technological determinism as
well as with Bimbers, as ultimately, I find Hughes definition more convincing.
Hughes locates his concept of technological momentum, as between social
constructionism and technological determinism. He writes
Technological determinism I define simply as the belief that technical forces determine
social and cultural changes. Social construction presumes that social and cultural forces
determine technical change. A more complex concept than determinism and social
construction, technological momentum infers that social development shapes and is
shaped by technology. Momentum also is time dependent 5
Hughes sees both social constructionism and technological determinism as each missing
the whole picture. He disagrees with Marx that water wheels ushered in manorialism or
that steam engines gave birth to bourgeois factories and society, with Lenin who saw
electrification as the bearer of socialism, and White, who saw the invention of the
stirrup as the primary mover toward feudalism. But he also disagrees with Bijker and
Pinch who believe that social or interest, groups define and give meaning to artefacts
(The Gods Must Be Crazy). In defining them, the social groups determine the designs of
artefacts. 6 I believe that Hughes sees this position as an overabundance of the
hermeneutic flexibility of artefacts
Hughes gives numerous examples, one that I particularly found helpful was of Muscle
Shoals Dam.
As the loss of merchant ships to submarines accelerated during World War 1, the
United States also attempted to increase its indigenous supply of nitrogen compounds.
Having selected a process requiring copious amounts of electricity, the government had
to construct a hydroelectric dam and power station. This was located at Muscle Shoals,
Alabama, on the Tennessee River. Before the nitrogen-fixation facilities being built near
the dam were completed, the war ended. As in Germany, the supply of synthetic
nitrogen compounds then exceeded the demand. The U.S. government was left not only
with process facilities, but also with a very large dam and power plant.
Muscle Shoals Dam became a solution looking for a problem. How should the power
for the dam be used? A number of technological enthusiasts and planners envisioned the
dam as the first of a series of hydroelectric projects along the Tennessee River and its
tributaries. The poverty of the region spurred them on in an era when electrification was
seen as a prime mover of economic development.
The problem looking for a solution attracted the attention of an experienced problem
solver, Henry Ford, who proposed that an industrial complex based on hydroelectric
power be located along 75 miles of the waterway that included the Muscle Shoals site.
An alliance of public power and private interests with the own plans became the original
component in a hydroelectric, flood-control, soil reclamation, and regional development
project of enormous scope sponsored by Senator George Norris and the Roosevelt
administration and presided over by the Tennessee Valley Authority. The technological
momentum of the Muscle Shoals Dam had carried over from World War 1 to the New
Deal. This durable artefact acted over time like a magnetic field, attracting plans and
projects suited to its characteristics. Systems of artefacts are not neutral forces; they
tend to shape the environment in particular ways. 7
But lest McLuhans account here seem purely technological deterministic, (its notable
that he was in large part reacting against the multitude of voices who utter the anthem
that technology is neither good nor bad but depends on how it is used), I shall quote
another section where he (quoting G.B. Sansom) discusses money.
The penetration of the money economy, wrong G.B. Sansom (in Japan, Cresset Press,
London, 1931) caused a slow but irreversible revolution, culminating in the breakdown
of feudal government and the resumption of intercourse with foreign countries after
more than two hundred years of seclusion. Money has reorganized the sense life of
peoples just because it is an extension of our sense lives. This change does not depend
upon approval or disapproval of those living in the society. 9
I believe that McLuhans account and Hughes account are quite similar, in that they both
avoid extreme reductionism down to either purely social and cultural, or purely
mechanical and technological factors. Rather, they have a more holistic view of both
socio-cultural technological change, making note of complexities and seeing both issues
as interconnected with each other.
This essay has been an attempt to explore the issue of technological determinism,
looking both at its context and various ways in which it has been understood.
Bibliography
Stiegler, Bernard, 2009, Technics and Time 2: Disorientation, Stanford University Press,
California.
Smith, Merritt Roe and Leo Marx, 1995, Does Technology Drive History? The Dilemma
of Technological Determinism, The MIT Press, London.
McLuhan, Marshall, 1964, Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man, Gingko
Press, California.
Ellul, Jacques, 1965, The Technological Society, Lowe and Brydone, Britan.
Mumford, Lewis, 1973, The City in History: its Origins, its Transformations, and its
Prospects, Cox & Wyman Ltd, London.