Journal of Daoist Studies Vol. 3 - 2010 3

JDS 3 (2010)
Articles
ALAN K. L. CHAN
AffectivityandtheNatureoftheSage:Gleaningsfroma
TangDaoistMaster
NORMANHARRY ROTHSCHILD
Empress Wu andtheQueenMotheroftheWest
29
SHIHSHAN SUSAN HUANG

DaoistImageryofBodyandCosmos,Part1:BodyGodsand
StarryTravel
57
KENNETH R. ROBINSON
DaoistGeographiesinThreeKoreanWorldMaps fromthe
SixteenthCentury
91
ADELINEHERROU
ADayintheLifeofaDaoistMonk
117
Forum on Contemporary Practice

ELLIOTCOHEN
PsychologyandDaoism: ResistingPsychologization
AssistingDialogue
151
SETHHARTER
PracticeintheClassroom:To Taiji orNotto Taiji
163
MARK JOHNSON
NiHuaChingsAmericanizationofTheEternalBreathofDao177
ELENA VALUSSI
WomensQigonginAmerica:Tradition,Adaptation,
andNewTrends
187
JEAN DEBERNARDI
WudangMountainandtheModernizationofDaoism
202
News of the Field

Publications
213
Dissertations
222
ResearchNotes
224
Conferences
225
Scienceon Qi
231
Notes onContributors
237
Affectivity and the Nature of the Sage

Gleanings from A Tang Daoist Master
ALAN K. L. CHAN
Abstract
Thisessay explorestheplaceof qinginconceptionsofthenatureandbeingofthe
sage,focusingontheTangDaoistmasterWuYun.Whatitseekstoshowisthat
assumptions about the attainability of sagehood and the nature (xing) of
humanbeingsinformtheinterpretationofqing.Inthiscontext,theideathatthe
sage is quintessentially wuqing, marked bythe absence of desire and emotions,
willbeexamined.IwillclosewithacomparativenoteonaConfucianaccountof
thesame periodnamely,theFuxingshu byLiAo.
Inthisdiscussion,Iexploretheplaceofaffectivity(qing)inthena
tureandbeingofthesage(sheng ),focusingontheTangDaoistmas
terWuYun(d.778),whowashighlyregardedbyhiscontemporar
ies, including the emperor Xuanzong (r. 712756) and the poet Li Bai
(701762).Mosttraditionalthinkersrecognizethatqinginitsusualsense
of desire and emotions constitutes an obstacle to the ideal ethical and
spiritual life. Yet, the questions of where the problem lies exactly and
how it may be resolved have fueled the dynamic development of Chi
nesephilosophicandreligiousdiscourse.
Furthermore, the understanding ofqingin thiscontext is integrally
related to questions about the nature (xing ) of human beings and
the attainability of sagehood, which themselves invite diverse inter
pretation. At a basic level, conceptions of the nature of the sage cut
across partisan intellectual divides, for the same logic of inquiry
though not necessarily the eventual construal, as I hope to show
1
2/JournalofDaoistStudies3 (2010)
applies toboth theConfucian sage andthe Daoist immortal or tran
scendent(xian ),leavingasideBuddhisminthisstudy.
Although my main concern is not historical but analytic, to make
clearasmuch aspossible thephilosophical underpinnings of suchcon
ceptions, the work of Wu Yun furnishes a helpful focus, for it sets out
clearlythekeyissuesthatneedtobeaddressed,notonlytheproblemof
qingbutalsothatofitsnegation,inthelightoftheperceivedrelationship
betweenqingandxing.Togainafullerview,Iwillconcludewithacom
parativenoteonaConfucianaccountofthesameperiodbyLiAo
(ca. 774836). The evidence will also show that they are heirs to a long
tradition, which necessitates some attention to earlier interrogation of
qinginthenatureandbeingofthesage.
The Attainability of Sagehood

WuYuniswellknownforhisviewthatthewayofthedivineimmortal
canbe learned and achieved. InhisShenxiankexuelun (Dis
course on the Attainability of Immortality through Learning),1 an essay
devotedspeciallytothistopic,hechallengesinparticulartheinfluential
argument of Ji Kang (223262) in his Yangsheng lun (Dis
course on Nourishing Life; see Henricks 1983). The latter asserts that
immortality cannot be achieved through study and practice, and that
only those blessed with an extraordinarily fine and abundant endow
mentofqi ,theenergylikevitalsubstancethatcreatesandsustainslife,
willbeabletobecomeanimmortal.
According to Wu, Ji Kang was only partially right because while
there are exceptional individuals who are so blessed, for whom xian
hoodwouldgrownaturallyoutofaninbornxiannessandtherefore
requires no special effort, the majority who are not so blessed can still
1 This, as all other essaysstudied here, iscontained inWu Yunscollected
works,theZongxuanxianshenwenji (CollectedWritingsoftheMas
terofAncestralMystery).AlthoughpartoftheDaoistCanon(DZ1051),Iusethe
moderneditionbyShanghaigujichubanshe(Shanghai,1992),abbr.Zongxuanji.
WhileWuYunsDaoistpoetryisthesubjectofseveralarticlesbyEdward
Schafer (1981; 1982), his essaysarethesubject of various works, including a re
cent booklength study, by Jan A. M. De Meyer (1998; 1999; 2000; 2006). His
Xinmulun (OnMind andEyes) isthesubjectofKohn1998.
Chan,AffectivityandtheNatureoftheSage /3
hope to attain xian immortality through persistent learning. This is de
spitethefactthatmostpeopledonotevenrecognizetherealityoftran
scendence,letaloneachievingit. BorrowingfromLaozi 41, Wu pointsout
thatthosewhoareofbelowaverageintelligence,whentheyhearabout
theDaowouldonlylaughatitwithoneanother.Indeed,eventhoseof
aboveaverage intelligence rarely attain the Dao because they are
checkedbytheteachingofnames[i.e.,normativeConfucianteachings]
andcannotriseabovetherealmofmundaneproprieties. Althoughwhen
told of the Dao they would have enough sense not to laugh at it with
incredulity, they remain unsure of its truth and thus are unable to up
holditfirmly.Nevertheless, Wu maintains,
There are those who attained[immortality] not on account of
theircultivatinglearning, [butbecause]theyhavebeenallotted
anextraordinary qi endowment.Therearethosewhomustfirst
devotethemselves to learning before theycan fulfill[the goal
ofimmortality];[theirsuccessisdueto]thesufficiencyoftheir
effortandachievement.Therearethosewhopursuedlearning
butfailedtoobtain [immortality];[thereasonisthat] theywere
diligentatfirstbutgrewslackmidwayand[thus]theirsincer
itywaslackingintheend[whichprecludedthemfromattain
ingimmortality].(Shenxiankexuelun) 2
Theargumentisnotveryprecise.Ontheonehand,Wuseemstobe
saying that given sufficient effort, all could attain immortality through
learning.Ontheotherhand, there is also ahint thatthose with inferior
intellectualcapacity would notbe able to understandthe Dao.Thedis
tinctionbetweenpeoplewithhighandlowintelligencecorrespondswith
thatbetweenmenofaverage(zhongshi)andlowcapacity(xiashi
),respectively,inLaozi41. Thisimpliesthat Wu equatesthecategoryof
highcapacity personages (shangshi ) in the Laozi, who would natu
rallycultivatetheDaoistwayoflifewithunceasingdiligence,withthose
endowed withaspecial sage orxiannature.This also suggests thatWu
subscribesgenerallytoathreefoldclassificationofhumanbeings,which
emerges more clearly from his major work, Xuangang lun (Dis
courseonthePrincipalFeaturesoftheProfoundMysteryofDao).
2 Zongxuanji,ch.13.Alltranslationsaremyownunlessotherwisestated.
Thetextopenswithacosmogonicaccount(sects.14).Forourpur
poses, stripping away much of the detail that would have been impor
tanttoastudyofthereligiousdimensionofWuYunsthought,weneed
only note that for him, the Dao is the root of all creative transforma
tion. From a state of absolute vacuity or nothingness (wu ), a
process of autogenesis ensued, through which the original life
generatingqi(yuanqi)spontaneouslycameintoplay(zihua).A
furtherdifferentiationsawtheappearanceoftheyinandyangqi,which
inturngaverisetothemyriadbeings(wanyou).
Human beings, then, fall under three categories. The discerning
and wise (ruizhe )a phrase often reserved for sagesare those
whohavebeenendowedwiththefinestyangqi(yangling);theun
intelligentandbad(wanxiong)arethoseinformedbypure,fiend
ish yinqi(yinmei). Theformerconsequently are kind (huihe)
bynature,whereasthelatterareperverse(beili).Betweenthesetwo
standstheaverageperson(zhongren),whobecauseofthemixture
of yin and yang in their being may tend toward either good or evil.
Unlike the gifted who will be able to learn about the truth of the Dao
evenwithoutinstructionandthecrookedwhowillnotchangetheirfool
ishandfoulwaysdespitehavingbeentaught,Wusmainconcernisthe
middle group, whichmustbereckonedthe vastmajorityand to whom
the teachings of the sages are directed. Elsewhere in the Xuangang lun
(sect. 30), Wu makes the same point: The profound sages established
theirteachingspreciselyfortheaveragepeople.
AConfucianbackgroundseemsevidentinthisanalysis.IntheAna
lects, Confucius is reported tohavesaidthat only the exceptionally in
telligentandthemostfoolishwillnotchange(17.3).3 Moreover,thetext
distinguishes between those who are born with knowledge, whom
Confuciusranksasthehighest,andthosewhodonotlearnevenwhen
they find themselves in a bind, i. e., when they are confronted with
pressing difficulties (16.9). Between these two groups are those who
acquire knowledge through learning and those who learn when they
areconfrontedwithdifficulties.ForConfucius,aslaterscholarswould
3 Yang Bojun,Lunyuyizhu(Beijing:Zhonghua, 1980), 181.

AllquotationsfromtheLunyu refertoYangsannotatededition.
bequicktorecall,onecanspeaktothosewhoareaboveaverageabout
things of the highest order, but one cannot speak about such things to
thosewhoarebelowaverage(6.21).
ThesereportedsayingsofConfuciuscouldbeinterpretedindiffer
entways,buttherewaslittledisagreementinmedievalChinathatCon
fuciusoffereddeepinsightintothenatureofhumanbeings.Depending
on how these passages are read, the famous saying that human beings
areby naturecloseto oneanother andset apart throughpractice (Ana
lects 17.2), as well as Confuciuss disclaimer that he was not one born
with knowledge would be interpreted accordingly (7.20). Indeed, it
seemsclearthat forWu Yun,Confucius and Laozi sharedthe same as
sessmentofhumannatureandcapacity.Thereshouldnotbeanydoubt
thatasmallminoritysimplycannotbemadetofollowinthefootstepsof
thesages.
InthelanguageofreligiousDaoism,Wudeclaresthatthisgroupof
peoplelackthebonesofanimmortal(xiangu ),whichistosaythat
their qiendowment is so weak and impure as to render them unfit for
xianhood.AsWuconcludes,Thus,[justas]icecannotbeengraved,the
foolish cannot attain immortalitythis is the principle of nature. This
explains why they arenotdrawnto the way of immortality and would
onlylaughattheprofoundwordsofthesages.Incontrast,thosewhoset
theirheartontheDao,onecansafelyinfer,mustthenhavethebones
or innatepotential tobecome an immortal.Nevertheless, asWufurther
explains,thoughnecessary,thisinborncapacityisnotsufficientandre
quirescultivationtobringittofruition(XGL 32).
Thiseffectivelyblursthedistinctionbetweenthegiftedandtheav
erage, which calls for explanation. If one follows literally the classifica
tioninthe Analects,Confuciusdistinguishednotthreebutfourcategories
of human beings (16.9). The highest are those born with knowledge,
which can easily be matched to those deemed to have been endowed
withaspecialqiconstitution.InJiKangsview,immortalsareborn,not
made, which means that their innate endowment is not only necessary
but also sufficient for xianhood. Ordinary human beings may be seen,
then,to fall underthreecategories: aboveaverage, average, andbelow
average.AsIhavearguedelsewhere(Chan2004;2007;2010),thisseems
tobetheviewofHeYan(d.249)aswell,andisconnectedwiththe
argumentthat humancapacity (cai) and nature (xing) are identical
(tong),whichformedapartofanimportantdebateinearlymedieval
China.
In treating sages and immortals as a species apart, one logicalcon
sequence is that they cannot serve as an ethical and political model.4
However,inrecognizingthespecialnatureofsagesandimmortals,one
need not be left without practical guidance, for there are nearsages,
those aboveaverage individuals suchas YanHui, whocouldbe
counted on to provide leadership. This entails that the aboveaverage
categorymustbekeptsmallandspecial.Giventherarityofbornsages,
proponentsofthisviewwouldalsohavetoargueagainsttheclaimthat
only sagescanbring about greatpeace, which attractedmuch debate
duringtheHanWeitransition.
WuYundidnotsharethisview,becausehebelievedthatimmortal
itycanbeattained,whichpresumablyderivesfromhisunderstandingof
humannatureandcapacity.Ofcourse,thetheoryofthreegrades(san
pin)ofhumannaturehasalonghistory,associatedwithsuchmajor
intellectualfiguresoftheHanperiodasDongZhongshu(ca.179
104 B.C.E.), Wang Chong(ca. 2797), and Xun Yue (148209).5
What Wu didwastosituateitinalarger theoryofDaoasqi,whichheno
doubt considered the core of Daoist and Confucian teachings, judging
from his reference to both the Laozi and the Analects. The fundamental
assertion that the transformation of qi unlocks the mystery of Daoist
creation makes more than a cosmological point, for it helps define the
hermeneuticalboundariesofphilosophicalreflection. Itexplainsnotonly
theorigins of the myriad beings,but significantly also the shapeand
substance of individual human life and the differences among them.
Every aspect of a persons life, be it physical endowment, intelligence,
personality traits, ormoralcapacity, is seen tobe amanifestation ofhis
orherqiendowment.Theconceptofxing,onthisview,capturesthein
natedispositionsandcapacitiesofaperson,butcruciallyitisunderstood
4 TheJinshu,forexample,relatesthatSunFang(fl.350)adopted
thestylenameofQizhuang,i.e.,EqualofZhuangzi.Whenaskedwhyhe
didnottrytoemulateConfucius,SunexplainedthatConfuciuswasbornwith
knowledge,whichisnotsomethingthatcanbeachievedbyemulation;seeJin
shu 82(Beijing:Zhonghuashuju,1982),2149.
5 See for example, Zhu Ruikai , Liang Han sixiangshi
(Shanghai:Shanghaigujichubanshe,1989),128,321,and383.
as being formed by qi. In other words, depending on ones qi
endowment, onecomestopossessa naturethat ischaracterizedby dis
positions and capacities of varying strength. This explains why some
people are discerning and kind, reflecting significant intellectual and
moral resource, while others are unintelligent and mean. This also ex
plainswhysomemaybecomesagesandimmortalswhileotherscannot.
However, discounting the minority who do not qualify for higher
xian pursuits, the difference between those born with an extraordinary
qiendowment andthoseof averagecapacity cannotbe oneof kindbut
only of degree, if the attainability of sagehood and immortality is tobe
maintained.Thisresultsinablurringofthetoptwogrades.Thus,while
the Xuangang lun distinguishes highgrade persons of distinction from
inferiormen,likeningthemtodragonsandfish,respectively,itcon
cludes that the latter could in principle become dragons (sect. 1). In
thisinstance,theapparentlogicalinconsistencyisresolvedifonerealizes
that the interpretive focus is on the average majority.6 The question is,
how,then,cananaveragepersonlearntobecomeasageorimmortal?
The Problem of Qing

In theXuanganglun,Wutreatssagesandimmortalsasbelongingtothe
samecategory:Sagesandimmortalsdonotperish (sect.33).Confucius,
Yao, Shun, and the Duke of Zhou are allsaid to enjoyxian status (sect.
29).Equallyexaltedtitlessuchaszhenren(trueone)andzhiren
(ultimate one) follow the same logic, notwithstanding possible residual
nuances stemming from earlier usages.7 For the average majority, sage
6 Similarly, when Wu Yun speaks ofthe possibility of growing in wisdom
forthosewhowereignorantwhenyoung,hewasreferringtotheaveragemajor
ity(XGL19).Thereare,ofcourse,somedifferencesbetweenthetwogroups.For
example, whereas those blessed with axiannaturethat is, with apurely yang
qiconstitution that translates into excellent capacity on all frontsmay safely
engage in political affairs, the average would do better leaving them behind
(XGL29).
7 Zhuangzi33distinguishestianren(manofheaven),shenren(man
ofspirit),zhiren,andshengren.ButGuoXianginthefourthcenturyalready
tookthemtorefertothesamekindofperson.SeeGuoQingfan,Zhuangzi
jishi , Xinbian zhuzi jicheng , 4 vols. (Beijing: Zhonghua
shuju,1985),4:1066.
hoodcharacterizedbyimmortality,authenticityandultimateattainment
is a realistic goal. What prevents them from achieving it, according to
WuYun,is qing.
That which gives me life is Dao, and that which extinguishes my
life isqing,Wu writes (sect.7). Inthiscontext,qingostensibly refers to
desireandemotions.Inanotheressay,theXingshenkegulun
(DiscourseontheFirmabilityofBodyandSpirit),whichdefendsthethe
sisthatthebodyandthespiritcanberenderedperfectlyfirm,Wuar
guessuccinctlythatinprinciplehumanbeingsshouldenjoyeverlasting
life, because like Heaven and Earth, they, too, come to be through the
transformation of the one qi that engendered the cosmos. The sub
prime reality that human beings perish and do not live as long as
Heaven andEarth is dueto the workings ofdesire (Zongxuanji, 19).
Indeed, if people allow objects of sight, sound, smell, and taste to
quicken their affective appetite, they are bound to suffer bodily and
spiritual harm. Conversely, if they could arrest desire, they would be
wellontheirwayto xianhood(Zongxuanji,2021).
At first glance, the argument seems straightforward and turns on
theDaoistconceptofnothingness.Creationissuesfromastateofabso
lute vacuity, as we have seen, and although the concept of wu may be
interpreted differently,8 the implication remains that the original or
pristinestateofthecosmosandbyextensionthehumanmicrocosmos
should also be characterized by nothingness. In ethical and spiritual
terms,thistranslatesintoastateofprofoundtranquilityorstillness(jing
). It is, however, disturbed by desire, which exhausts qi and causes
spiritual and bodily collapse. The solution, then, would be to eradicate
desire so as to return to the state of tranquility, a precondition for im
mortalityandtranscendence.Inthissense,thebeingofthesageisquin
tessentially wuqing,markedbytheabsenceofdesireandemotions.
8 For example,the concept ofwucould be interpreted metaphysically as a

transcendent essence; theologically as a divine power; logically as a necessary
ontological foundation that does not admit any properties of being; or cosmol
ogically as a state of undifferentiated oneness that may be described as noth
ing, not inthesense of absence but a fecund presence without distinguishable
featuresandthusofwhichnothingcanbesaid.
Wu Yun could not ignore this argumentafter all, few Daoists
coulddoubtthattheDaoisabsolutenothingnessand(inaprofoundly
mysterious way) gives birth to Heaven and Earth (XGL6). Indeed, in
outliningtheorder(xu)ofDaoistlearning,Wuemphasizesthatthe
teachings of all the different schools are based on the principle of ut
mosttranquility(XGL 11).
Nevertheless,healsocouldnotembraceitwithoutqualification,in
viewofthebasicpremisethatimmortalitycanbelearnedandachieved
by the average person. If the focus is on the exceptional few who are
born with a special nature, and if it is assumed that immortalitycannot
betaught,theargumentcouldaffordtoprivilegenothingnessorradical
transcendence.Truesages are utterly different, that wouldbe all.But if
theconcerniswiththeaveragepeople,Wuwouldhavetoreconcilethe
emphasisonstillnessinDaoistteachingswiththepervasivenessofqing
in human affairs. I will come back to the various interpretive options
later; at this point, suffice it to say that this makes his approach to the
questionof qing inthenatureofthesageconsiderablymoredemanding.
Onthe onehand, Wu cannotbutaffirmthathumannature,evenfor
theaverageperson,ismodeledafterDaoandisinitsrootformnotbur
denedbydesire,astatewhichWudescribesasbeingofutmostsolidity
orstability(XGL 25).Theimagerysuggeststhecoagulation(ning )of
qi as it settles intomaterial form,but thebasic idea is that xing as such
remainsstillandtranquil.Putdifferently,asWusays,thebody[includ
ingthemind]isoriginallywithoutaffects(XGL 7).
On the other hand, he must also acknowledge that qing forms an
inalienablepart ofxing.Indeed, for theaveragepeople, as he asks with
rhetoricalflourish,Whocanbewithoutdesireandemotions(XGL 30)?
Ordinary humans are naturally drawn to sensory delights such as fra
grant smell and soothing sounds (XGL23). Who can deny that human
beings inherently like (hao ) longevity and good fortune and dis
like (wu ) misfortune and a premature death (XGL 28)? How can
thesecompetingclaimsbereconciled?
Althoughinitselfhumannatureisstableandquiet,itissetintomo
tion when affectedby things andaffairs(XGL25).Thisview,too, has a
longhistory.Forexample,asthe Liji (BookofRites)famouslystates,
When human beings are born, they are tranquil; this is the nature of
[human beings endowed by] Heaven. When moved by things, they be
10/JournalofDaoistStudies 3(2010)
comearoused;thisistheaffectivemovementofxing.9 Regardlessofits
origin, the underlying philosophical point, as Wu makes clear, is that
qing should be understood properly as the movement of xing (XGL5).
Thisbrings into view a deepermeaning ofqing, as affectivecapacity or
affectivity, which makes possible response to external stimuli and
findsexpressioninthedifferentiatedemotionssuchaspleasureandan
ger. This enables Wu to negotiate a narrow path toward xianhood be
tween mystical abandonment of the body and being consumed by the
desireofthefleshfortheaveragemanandwoman.
The Workings of the Mind

Strictlyspeaking,suchdistinctionsasstillnessandmovementdonotap
ply to the concept of Dao, which by definition transcends all dualities
(e.g.,XGL4).ThisshouldalreadysignalthatWuwouldbewaryofany
onesidedapproachtoDaoistimmortality.Thedifficultyisthatthephe
nomenalworldisconstitutedbyyinandyangqi,whichentailsopposites.
Atonelevel,Wuhastogivedueweighttothewellestablisheddoctrine
thatyangandyinrepresenttheforcesoflifeanddeath,respectively.Itis
theyangessencethatformsthehumanspirit(shen),whilethatofyin
producesthecorpse(shi)thatis,thepathogenicagentresponsible
fordecayanddeath.Withineachperson,aliterallylifeanddeathstrug
gle takes place, for the triumph of yang would lead to not only great
peacebutalsodeathlessness;conversely,ifyinprevails,theyangforces
wouldbespent,resultingindeath(XGL 12).10
Thiscomplicatestheargumentbutdoesnotalteritsmaintrajectory.
Atahigherconceptuallevel,themovementofqiremainsvitaltocosmic
andhumanflourishing.Althoughitistruethatthearousalofaffectivity
will inevitably upset the stability of xing (XGL30), it cannot be argued
that the Daoist remedy lies incutting offthecapacityof qing.11 It isalso
9 Liji,Yueji,inLijizhengyibyKongYingda,Shisan
jingzhushubuzheng ed. (Taipei:Shijieshuju,1963),37.3a.

10 Cf.XGL14 and 21.Indeed,accordingtoWu Yun, even ifthere is just a
singlebreathofyin,immortalityremainsadistantgoal.
11 As is to be expected, this point is made repeatedly in the XGL. See,for
example,sections7,23and27.
correct to say that desire and emotions are contrary to Dao and that
thereforethegentlemandismisses[thestirringsof]desire(XGL 5),but
it does not follow that the goal of transcendence can be achieved by
somehownegatingaffectivity,whichwouldamounttoextinguishingthe
flowofqiandisthussuicidal. Whatisenvisioned,rather,isanidealstate
inwhichthemindisquietandqimovesabout[smoothlyandcalmly]
(XGL 6),orphraseddifferently,thebodyisactivebutthemindisquiet
(XGL15).This is also whatWudescribes asthe idealmode ofbeing in
whichqing isforgotten(wangqing).
Despiteceaselesstransformation,theDaoneverbecomesexhausted
(XGL2).Thebasicconceptualmodelshouldbesufficientlyclear at this
point. The inexhaustibility of Dao reflects not only its power but also
purity;thatistosay,itsoperationsareclearofpathologicalmovements,
which in the human world would be typified by the rushes of desire.
Althoughsofarthediscussionhasfocusedontheconceptofxing,inop
erational terms it is the mind or heart (xin ) that actually feels and
thinks anddirects themovement of inbornnature. This is a key link in
Wusargument.AlthoughWuoftenstressestheroleofthespirit(shen),
which is of religious significance, what needs to be explained remains
how themindcan stay quiet,strengthen its yangqi, andbe immuneto
thelureofdesire.Thus,whileitisimportanttoemphasizethatthespirit
will be stable and calm if one stays true to ones nature, and that the
spirit will be disturbed if one indulges ones qing (XGL27), Wu would
stillhavetotaketheargumentbacktotheworkingsofthemind.
In principle, the mind is governed by ones inborn nature and as
such should also tend toward stillness and tranquility. More precisely,
thestillnessofinbornnaturereflectsastateofequilibriuminonesinter
nalqienvironment,whichpredisposesthemindtorestinpeacefulquie
tude. However, the mind itself is constituted by qi both substantively
andfunctionally,whichmeansthatitnaturallyrespondstophenomena
whenitcomesintocontactwiththemthroughthesenses.Thisistheca
pacityofqing,whichisresponsibleforallaffectivefunctions,fromsensa
tions such as cold and hunger to higherorder emotional states such as
pleasure and anger that involve a cognitive dimension. This is what I
takeWuYuntomeanwhenhewrites,Thespirit[ofaperson]receives
[itsessence] fromtheDao;itis[inherently]quietandcoincideswithxing.
Thehumanbodyreceives[itsessence]fromthespirit;itis[inherently]in
motionandcoincideswithqing(XGL 27).
Itispossibletodrilldownfurther,basedonearlierexplorationsof
qing inChinese tradition.First,there is the understandingthatthecon
ceptofdesire(yu)depictsprimarilythemovementoftheaffectivityof
the mind in response to phenomena. The Xunzi, as is well known, de
fines yu as the response of qing (qingzhi ying ), which may be
read in the light of the explanation in the Liji thatdesire refers to ones
naturebeingmovedby things.12 Assuch,yusignifies the processofde
siring and isnotan instantiationof qinggeneratedemotions like anger;
rather,angerandotheremotionsariseasonesqingcapacitybecomes yu
activatedthroughcontactwithphenomena(seeYearly1996).Astheca
pacityofqingisinherentinonesinbornnatureandtheworkingsofthe
mind,italsoconveysthesenseofwhatisgenuinelysoofathingandby
extension state of affairs. This is not an etymological argument, but a
conceptualconnection that shouldbe apparentto Tang scholars.In any
event, the philosophically important distinction, it seems to me, is that
betweenqing asaffectivityandqingastheemotions.
Furthermore,theqidrivenyumovementoftheqingcapacityofthe
mind leads to ones liking (hao) and disliking (wu) certain things.
Thismayberegardedasthemostbasicexpressionofhumanaffectivity
and forms the basis of the differentiated emotions. For example, the
Zuozhuan(Mr.ZuosRecord)explainsthatpleasureisbornoflik
ing and anger is born of disliking (something), and observes: The
thingsonelikes[referringespeciallytolife]bringjoy,andthethingsone
dislikes [especially death] bring sorrow.13 The reasoning appears to be
12 Xunzizhuzisuoyin,ChineseUniversityofHongKong,Insti
tuteofChineseStudies,AncientChineseTextsConcordanceSeries.(HongKong:
CommercialPress,1996),p.111;Liji,Yueji,Lijizhengyi,37.3a. Onthedefinition
of yuin the Liji,Zheng Xuan(127200)commentstothe effect that ifxing
doesnotcomeintocontactwiththings,therewouldnotbeanydesire(
).Thisisonesolutiontotheproblemofqing,whichWuYunandLiAo,
aswewillsee,bothreject.
13 Zuozhuan, Duke Zhao 25, in Chunqiu jingzhuan jijie , Sibu
beiyaoedition(Taipei:Zhonghuashuju,1981),25.11a.TheYuconger
, one ofthe bamboo textfragmentsfound at Guodian,alsostates: dislikes
arebornofxing;angerisbornofdisliking(something); seeGuodianChumuzhu
that to be pleased, for example, one has to like certain things and have
the inbuilt capacity and mechanism to be driven toward them. When
that liking is met, one experiences pleasure as the mind rouses with
satisfaction; ifnot,the qienergies stir in the oppositedirection and one
becomesupset,displeasedandangry.Presumablyforthisreason,pleas
ureandangerarealwayspairedinearlyChineseliterature.
Obviously, ifthemind isconstitutedbyqi, it would follow that all
emotions are likewise understood as configurations of qi. The Guodian
text Xingzimingchu (Inner Nature Emerges from Destiny), for
example,definesxingexplicitlyastheqiofpleasure,anger,sorrow,and
grief.14 In theZhuangzi,to takebutone other example, anger is said to
begeneratedbyconcentratedqirisingupwithoutcomingdown.15The
Zhuangzi traces the arousal of affectivity further to what one deems
right or wrong (shifei); that is, selfreferential judgments that di
rect the liking and disliking yumovements of the mind. Although Wu
didnotspell out theprecise workings ofthe affectivity of themind,he
would have to agree that dongxin , constant yumovement of the
mind, is a basic human condition, given that qi is always in motion, at
leastfortheaverageperson.Thiswouldsuggestthat,likeMencius,Wu
wouldbeinterestedinarticulatinganethicalandspiritualidealcharac
terizedby budongxin ,amindthatstaysunmoved.
Affective Oblivion
How does one preserve the stillness and tranquility of the mind? The
issueextendsbeyondtheobservanceofobviousmoralpreceptssuchas
not taking life. As Wu observes, the mind must not allow even small
pleasure and anger, and seemingly innocuous assertions of right and
jian(Beijing:Wenwuchubanshe,1998),204.Ihavetouchedonthis
in Chan2002.SeealsoChen2008.
14 Guodian Chumu zhujian, 179. Bei signifies not only grief but also pity
andindignation.Ontheconceptof qinginthetext,seePuett2004.
15 Zhuangzi,chapter19,inZhuangzijishi,3.650.Atthislevel,themeaningof
nuneed not be restricted to anger. The great pengbird inZhuangzi1,for ex
ample, heaves (nu) andtakesflight, not with anger but by concentrating and
directingits qi (Zhuangzijishi,1.2).
wrong,andwhatisacceptable[tooneself]andwhatisnot.Ashesays:
These are the constant affective manifestations of human beings, and
theyareextremelydifficulttoguardagainst.
Still, Daoistcultivationconsistsprecisely inmaking sure thatnone
ofthesewilldictatethelifeofthemind.Althougheventhewisecannot
butliketobepraisedandloathtobecriticized,itisuptotheindivid
ual to decide if these and other likes and dislikes would be allowed to
controlhisorherlife.Ifonerealizesthisandintotaleffortlesseasefor
gets ones desire and emotions, such that what appears pleasing or of
fensivedoesnotmove onescenter,thenhe issurelyaman of ultimate
attainments!(XGL 18).
How does one attain thisstate of forgetfulness and whatdoes it
mean? Forceful suppression of desire, by means of extreme asceticism
forexample,mayberuledout.Nodoubt,the[personof]Daodoesnot
desire to have [wanton movements of] the mind, for such movements
woulddispersethevitalqienergiesthatnourishthebodyandspirit.16 At
thesametime,however,the[personof]Daoalsodoesnotdesiretola
bortoforget[theaffectiveactivitiesof]themind,forthatwouldinvite
other unwelcome guests, i.e., other physical and mental impositions
thatwouldequallydisturbthetranquilpeaceofthemind(XGL 13).The
Xuangang lun also dismisses ritual and worship as ineffective and
counterproductiveinthiscontext(sect.20). ThewaytoDaoistimmortal
ity lies in training in quietude (xijing ) (XGL25), which encom
passesbothethicalandspiritualpractices.Wuisofcoursewellremem
bered for his contribution to establishing inner alchemy as the main
currentinmedievalDaoism;butIwillleavethataside,formyconcernis
primarily to make clear the logic of Wus argument. Again, what does
forgetting qingmean?
Inageneralsense,itmaybesaidthatthemindofthepersonofDao
willalwaysbecalm(xin changning )andthathisqi circulationwill
besmoothwithoutartificialintervention(qiziyun).Theoretically,
one can stipulate, as Wu does, that the ideal ethical and spiritual state
transcends movement and stillness (zhao dongjing ) (XGL6). It
16 The logical status of desiring not to desire, which entered Daoist dis
course beforeWu Yun, is not afactor here, giventhe dual assumption that the
mind is inherently quiet and constantly moving. The issue concerns rather the
wayinwhichtranquility,whichentailsaffectiveoblivion,maybeachieved.
mayalsobearguedthattheDaoistmasterunderstandsthatbeingand
nothingness entail each other (XGL 7).17 But these are general asser
tionsthatdo notquite explainthepracticalmeaningof wangqing.Simi
larly, appealstoZhuangzis sitting in forgetfulness(zuowang) or
fasting of the mind (xinzhai ) cannot disguise as explanation, al
thoughtheyarehelpfulinremindingthereaderthattheproblemofqing
hasbeenapartoftheChineseintellectuallandscapelongbeforethearri
valofBuddhism.
The meaning of wangqing is unfortunately not fully addressed in
Wuswritings. Nevertheless,itseemsclearthatitrefersnottoanact,but
toastateofmindcharacterizedbywhatmaybecalledaffectiveoblivion.
Moreover, there is some evidence that such oblivion presupposes intel
lectualdiscernment.IntheXGL (sect.15),Wuoffersanunusualanalysis
of effortless action (wuwei; see Slingerland2003).First,hepoints
outthatwuweiconcernsthemind andnotthe level of activity. If aper
sonsmindisnotquiet,hewillnotbeinastateofwuweievenifheretires
from the world. This is not unusual, but Wu goes on to say that wuwei
can only be realized by those who possess profound understanding
(zhiming ). This is important because there are situations in which
wuweiactuallycouldleadtoundesirableoutcomes. TheanalogythatWu
uses is that although both day and night function by wuwei, they
yieldlightanddarkness,respectively.Therealconcern,however,isthat
unscrupulous individuals woulddominate government if an unenlight
ened rulerpractices wuwei, although under an enlightened ruler, wuwei
would certainly bring worthy candidates into public service. Thus,
thosewithfarreachingunderstandingrealizewuweiwithdiscernment,
asWuconcludes;incontrast,fortheunenlightened,wuweireflectsbuta
mindfilledwithdarkcloudsofunknowing.Onlythekindofwuweithat
resultsfromcarefulstudyandreflectioncanbetrulyregardedaswuwei.
Theremightbespecificpoliticalreasonsforthis,butthepriorityof
understanding seems unmistakable. At one point, Wu defines utmost
tranquility as being impervious to temptation (XGL 6). When one
reachesthehighestlevelofquietude,oneaccordswithvacuity(xu),
whichentailsperfectunderstanding(ming),luminousclarity(ying ),
17 AlsointheShenxiankexuelun,with
Laozi 11 inthebackground.
and thorough and penetrating insight (che ). The last three terms all
reflectacognitivebias,privilegingtheintellectualfunctionofthemind.18
Whatkindofunderstandingisbeingenvisagedhere?Thenotionof
optimal quietude seeks to disclose a fundamental qualitative difference
inthemindofthesage.Asmentioned,theoreticallyithastobedefined
as transcending both movement and stillness, but in practical terms it
essentiallypointstoaquietbutactivemind,asopposedtotheabsenceor
cessationofactivity.Thisisastateinwhichonedoesnotknow(buzhi
)thatoneisbeingactiveorquiet,as Wu attemptstoexplain(XGL 6).
A Mystical Reading?
This form of unknowing evidently cannot be the same as that which
issues from a darkened or confused (hun ) mind. One may also
safely discount loss of memory, whether occasional or permanent.19
Some Daoists may see the ideal sage figure as being akin to what the
mundane world would consider an idiot, embodying childlike sim
plicity and guilelessness, perhaps even like the figure of Hundun
(chaos) in the Zhuangzi, who is devoid of worldly and otherworldly
interests.20 ButthisdoesnotappeartobewhatWu hasinmind,givenhis
emphasisonreflectionandunderstanding.
Wangqingalsocannotbetheresultofselfimposedisolationorsup
pression of sensory experience.Thispoint is worth repeatingbecause it
bears directly on his understanding of spiritual practice. Although he
does recognize the value of retiring to a quiet chamber or oratory
(jingshi)(XGL16)andstayingclearofpoliticalinvolvementforthe
averagelearners(e.g.,XGL 29),anddespitehisinterestininnercultiva
tion(seeRoth1999),hedoesnotappeartoberecommendinganyform
ofmysticism.Whatseemstobeenvisagedisastateofmindfulnessthat
18 In XGL 7, the perfectstate of inborn nature is also described as che, em
bodyingprofoundinsightthatisbothdeepandfarreaching.
19 However, see Jinshu 94.2441, where the recluse Guo Wen ar
guesthatemotionsarisefrommemory,andinhiscasehedoesnotexercisehis
memoryandisthereforenottroubledbythem.
20 The story ofHundun appears inZhuangzi7.Foran extensivestudy,see
Girardot1983.
remains unaffected by the movement of affectivity and desire. The im
portantqualificationisthatthisrequirescarefultrainingfortheaverage
person, so that in the end rights and wrongs and likes and dislikes do
notenterintothemind.DrawinginspirationfromtheZhuangzi,Wuin
timatesthatwhenoneunderstandsthatlifeanddeatharebutmoments
ofnaturaltransformationandthereforedoesnotrejoiceintheformeror
worryaboutthelatter,onereachesthestateinwhichbothanxietyand
joy are forgotten;then onesqingwill havebeen extinguished whilena
tureremainsintact(XGL 30).
Perhapsthisstilldoesnotquiteexplainwhatwangqing means,butit
doesnarrowthefieldofinterpretation. Considerthefollowingexamples.
SupposeaDaoistsageseesaterriblydisfiguredperson,likeoneofthose
uncommon individuals who frequent the pages of the Zhuangzi, he
wouldrecognizethedifference,buthewouldnotberepulsed,movedto
pityorreactinanyway,becauseherecognizesthatsuchdifferencedoes
notmakeanydifferenceinvalueterms.Itis,then,asifonedoesnotsee
any difference; that is, there isnoconsequentqimovement inthemind
thatwouldgenerateanemotionalresponse.
Supposesuddenlythesageseesasmallboyabouttofallintoawell,
howwouldheorshereact? IthinkWuwouldadmitthatthesagesmov
ingbutunmovedmindwouldregisterthesituationandasenseofalarm
notmotivatedbyselfinterestwouldensuespontaneously,asopposedto
sayingthatthesagewouldexperiencenothingatall. However,thisdoes
not amount to feeling elated if the child is not hurt, or sad if he dies,
whichwouldfailtheDaoistrequirementofnotbeingburdened(wulei
) by desire. Suppose further the sages wife or parents died, how
would he respond? In this instance, we have ample examples from the
Zhuangzi.WhenZhuangzis wifedied, he was sad atfirst, giventhe in
evitablemovementof qing,buthaving reflected onthe nature of things
he stopped grieving and sang as though he was pleased and was cele
bratingherpassing(Zhuangzi 18,3.61415).WhenMengsunCais
mother died, as the Zhuangzi also relates, he cried without shedding
tears,didnot appear to suffer any deep emotional distress inhis heart,
andshowedlittlesorrowinmourning.YanHuiwaspuzzled,especially
given that Mengsun Cai was known for his expertise in the rites of
mourning,andraisedhisconcernwithConfucius.Thepeoplecriedand
he also cried, Confucius explained, for Mengsun Cai understood the
meaningoflifeanddeathandwasthereforeabletodivesthimselfofany
emotional attachment to them (Zhuangzi 6, 1.27475). Whether the sage
sangorwentalongwiththeestablishedritualsofmourningissecondary,
the important point is that his mind remains quiet and that there is a
qualitative difference in his behavior. Whether this would satisfy the
trueDaoistororthodoxConfucianisirrelevant;whatisofconcernis
thekindofphilosophicalpositionthatWuhadtotake,givencertainba
sicpremises.
Notes on Li Ao
TheproblemofqinghasbeenamainstayofChinesephilosophysinceat
leasttheWarringStatesperiod.ItisnotapreserveofDaoism,although
theLaoziandtheZhuangzidohaveimportantthingstosayaboutit.The
problemofqinginnosmallmeasurehelpsshapethecontoursofthede
velopment of Chinese philosophy. Simply put, the concept of qingmay
beunderstooddifferently,butitcannotbeignored.
The way in which qingmay be interpreteddepends onthecontext
of inquiry, which inthemain includes questions about xingand theat
tainabilityofsagehood.Itismootwhetheritisbecauseofonesviewof
sagehood that one understands xing and qing in a certain way, or the
other way round.Allthree are integrally related inthe Chineseherme
neutic enterprise.Beginning with theZhuangzi, therewas increasingre
cognition that the solution to theproblem ofdesire lies not in its nega
tionbutinaqualitativelydifferentmodeofbeinginwhich qingplaysa
positive role. Wuqing in the literal sense of absence of qing, in other
words,wasseldomthepreferredoption.
In the minds of many of the educated elite, especially Confucians,
for whom meaning and value reside in a relational universe, the pres
enceofqingisrequiredtoexplainfilialaffectionandhumaneness,andto
ensure timely and sagely response to the affairs of the world. Though
qing is apotential liability, an affectiveharmonymay bebrought about
by the rites and music, according to this view, which enables judicious
managementofcomplexities.Thisisapowerfulvision,whichpermeates
Chinese philosophic discourse. To those who are concerned that the
teaching of names stifles spontaneity and corrupts authenticity, an al
ternativewouldbeneeded.Theconceptofwangqingappearsinthiscon
text; or, in the words of Guo Xiang (d. 312), ethical and spiritual
pursuitsaimatembodyingtheqing thatdoesnothave[theliabilitiesof]
qing (Zhuangzijishi 1.247, n.1).Commenting on Zhuangzi5, Guo Xiang
explains:Thosewhodonotharborjudgmentsofrightandwrong,and
likes and dislikes they are certainly human in every way, but [in a
person like this] where can the emotions attach themselves to? (1.222,
n.1). This ideal persisted through the Tang to the Ming dynasty, as
scholarssuchasChengHao(10321085)andWangYangming
(14721529)allreturned toit.21
In Wuscase, the theory of qi andthe attainability of sagehoodto
gethershapehisinterpretivehorizon.Ifonebelievesthatitispossibleto
becomeasage,andifthiscomeswithapriorunderstandingoftheDao
istuniverseasbeingconstitutedbyoneoriginallyunifiedqi,itisunlikely
that one would be pursuing a line of reasoning that ends in a mystical
viewofthesage.Oncethisintellectualcommitmentismade,certainen
tailmentsfollow,whichwouldgiveprioritytocontinuityoverrupturein
theinterpretationofsagehoodandimmortality.Ifonebelievesthatafish
can become a dragon, and given the assumption that both are made of
thesamestuff,thelattercanhardlybeconceivedasbeingradicallydif
ferentorhavingsomethingthatisnotalreadypresentintheformerin
this case, the seed of immortality as part of ones inborn nature. Once
thismoveismade,thepresenceofqingmustberecognized,whichpre
cludesnegationorsurgicalremovalinaddressingtheproblemofdesire
andemotions.
Ratherthanseeing WuasbeinginfluencedbyConfucianism,asis
oftenalleged,mysuggestionisthatweshouldtrytoreconstructtheflow
ofhisargument.ThereisaphilosophicalreasonwhyWuhastolaborto
maintainapositionthatisnearlyimpossibletoexplain.Withhindsight,
especiallygiventhecontributionofZhuXi(11301200),itmaynot
appearthat Wuwasparticularlysuccessful,butduringtheTangthiswas
an important pioneering effort. From a different perspective, the Tang
ConfucianscholarLiAoalsoaddressestheproblemofqing,especiallyin
21 Cheng Hao writes in his Dingxing shu (Letter on Stilling Ones
Nature):Itistheconstancyofthesagethatheuseshisqingtoenabletheflour
ishingofphenomenabutwithout[beingaffectedby]qing.SeeSongYuanxuean
, juan 13 (Taipei: Shijie shuju, 1966), 319. Wang Yangming discusses
ChengHaosthesisin Chuanxilu 167.
his Fuxing shu (Essay on Returning to Original Nature), which
mayofferausefulcomparativenoteonthesubject.
LiAoisoftensaidtobeindebtedtoBuddhismandDaoism,which
forourpurposesmerelyconfirmsthatbasicphilosophicalinquiriescan
not be measured by partisan concerns. Like Wu, Li Ao works from the
basicpremisethatallbeingsareconstitutedbyone qi(1.3b: ;
cf.3.10b).22 AlthoughtheFuxingshudoesnotofferanycosmologicalex
planation, Li affirms that all things are constituted by essential qi
(2.10a), citing the Appended Remarks to the Yijing (Book of
Changes; Xici A).
What this means is that Li Ao must also address the identity and
differenceof humanbeings.Some differencesmustbe recognized, such
as life expectancy. Yan Hui is a classic example in this regard, who
wouldhavebeenabletoattainsagehoodhadhenotdiedatayoungage.
Thus,LiAocannotbutconcedethatinaworldconstitutedbyqi,theen
dowment that each receives is not necessarily equal (1.3b). However,
unlike Wu, Li considers all human beings to have been endowed with
the same moral nature, which accounts for the fact that human beings
arefundamentallydifferentfromandsuperiortootherlivingcreatures,
eventhoughallbeingsareformedbyqi(3.10b).Thisdistilledviewof
xing commitsLiAototheargumentthatthenatureofthesagecannotbe
different from that of the common people (1.1b). Put positively, as Li
erases any remaining doubt, the nature of Yao or Shun is the same as
thatof[theworsttyrantlike] JieorZhou(2.8a).23
22 AllquotationsfromLiAoarefromtheFuxingshu,electronicSikuquanshu,
Wenyuangeedition.Thetextisdividedinto3sectionsandwillbecitedbytheir
sectionandpagenumber.Forastudyandtranslation,seeBarrett1992.
23 This does not necessarily contradict the reported sayings of Confucius
discussedearlier,fortheycouldbereadasconfirmingthedecisiveroleoflearn
ing and practice or the degree of understanding in each individual, which ac
countsforthedifferentbandsinwhichhumanbeingsmaybegenerallygrouped
under. On this view, it is inconceivable that anyone can be born with knowl
edge;whatConfuciusmeantinthisinstancewasthatsomewereabletomaxi
mizetheircapacitytolearn,whichiscommontoall.When hesaidthathewas
notbornwithknowledge,hewasbutmakingarhetoricalpointtoemphasize
thecentralityoflearningandreflection.
WhileLiAoandWudisagreeontheequalityofxing,theyareboth
committedtodefendingtheattainabilityofsagehood,whichleadsthem
to a structurally similar hermeneutical course, regardless of their
schoolaffiliation.The Fuxingshu beginsbysayingthatwhatenablesa
persontobecomeasageishisinbornnature(1.1a).Thisisunderstood
to have been endowed by Heaven (1.1b; also 2.6b) and to have a deep
moralcore,asthetextlaterdiscloses.Findingparticularinspirationfrom
theZhongyong(AbidingbytheCenterinEverydayPractice),LiAo
further definessagehood in termsof utmost sincerity (zhicheng ),
which results from complete realization of ones moral nature (1.2b). If
inbornsagenessisthusassured,thereasonwhyfewpeopleattainsage
hoodwoulddemandfullinterpretiveattention.AsLiAoexplains,sage
hood remains a distant goal for the majority because their nature has
becomeclouded,andwhatcloudstheirnatureis qing (1.1a).
Like Wu, then, Li Aomustalsonegotiate themeaning of qing and
wuqing.Thepointthatneedstobemadeclear,asLiAostrugglestoex
plain, is that although (the sage) has qing, he actually never has qing
(1.1b). Thisisadifficultpositiontodefend;butthegenerallineofreason
ingandwhatcompelsitshouldberelativelyclear,inthelightofourdis
cussionof Wu.
Ifonebeginswiththesuppositionthateveryonecanbecomeasage,
theimmediatequestionthatneedstobeaddressedishowathoroughly
rottenpersonlikeJieorZhoucouldpossiblybecomeasage.Thiswould
focusattentionontheuniversalityandidentityofxing.Ifonestartsfrom
the premise that inborn nature is universally the same, the issue is
whetherthiswouldentailthateveryonecanbecomeasage.Thiswould
focus attention on the basis of sagehood. Li Ao assumes both, which
limitifnotdictatehisinterpretiveoptions.
Ifnatureisnotuniversallythesameandsagehoodisnotopentoall,
onecouldconceivablygroundthepossibilityofsagehoodin,say,excep
tionalqiendowment.Ifnatureisnotuniversallythesamebutsagehood
isinprincipleattainablebyall,thebasisofsagehoodcouldbetracedto
learning and practice. If nature is universally the same but only some
peoplecanbecomesages,onecouldarguethatnatureisinherentlyprob
lematic but some could surpass their inborn limitations by learning. If
natureisuniversallythesameandallcanbecomesages,thelikelyargu
ment is that it is nature that makes sagehood possible. This last is the
coursethat LiAochoosestopursue,tracing thepossibility ofsagehood
morespecificallytoonesmoralnature.
However, this also means that Li must identify the problem that
prevents the full realization of moral nature. There is no need to go
throughallthelogicalpossibilities,fortheacceptedtheoryisthatqingis
the culprit. One could argue that qing is alien to xing, but that would
challenge the assumption that one qi gives rise to all and/or the pur
poseofHeaven.Thus,likeWu,LiAoaffirmsthatqingisbornofxing
(1.1b). If xing forms the basis of sagehood, and if qing comes with the
originalpackage,sotospeak,itwouldnotdotosimplyassertthatsage
hoodhingesontheeradicationofqing.Thisexplainstheneedtomediate
betweenqing and wuqing.
Therestoftheargumentmaybesummarizedbriefly.Accordingto
Li Ao, qing should be properly understood as the movement of xing
(1.1b).Sinceqinghasalreadybeenidentifiedastheobstacletosagehood,
itwouldfollowthatxing mustbeoriginallypredisposedtowardstillness
and tranquility (2.6b), as the Yueji chapter of the Liji has noted. This
canbeconflatedwiththeMencianthesisthathumannatureisoriginally
good, as Li Ao makes the connection, which further secures the claim
that it is moral nature that informs sagehood (2.8b). Nevertheless, the
main requirement of the argument remains how qing and wuqing, the
movementandstillnessof xing,canbereconciledinthebeingofthesage.
Thereasonwhypeopledonotseetheirnatureisthattheirmind
has been darkened or confused (hun) by their desire and likes and
dislikes(2.8a;cf.1.1b2a).ThisisthesamelanguagethatWuusesand
reflects a similar understanding of the workings of the mind.24 Desire
andemotionssuchaspleasureandangerarealltheworkofqing(1.1a),
asLiAoclarifies,whichsuggeststhatqingisalsounderstoodasaffective
capacity,asdistinguishedfromtheemotionsthemselves.
24 WhenaskedwhyhisunderstandingoftheZhongyongdiffersfromthatof
othercommentators,LiAoremarksthatwhereastheyexplainthetextfromthe
perspective of things and affairs, he penetrates it with the mind (2.7b). This
probablyshould notbereadinthesensethathepenetratedthemeaningofthe
Zhongyongwith his mind, but rather fromthe perspective ofthe workings of
themind;seeBarrett1992,120.
Because qing is part of xing and the latter forms the basis of sage
hood, the way to realizing ones moral nature certainly cannot lie in
eliminating qing; but more significantly, because qing is understood as
themovementoftheaffectivecapacityofthemind,likeWuYun,LiAo
also has totake the extrastep in distinguishingquietude, which is only
thepreliminaryfastingofthemind,fromtheultimateattainmenttran
scending both stillness and movement (2.5a5b). This does complicate
theargument,fortheassertionthatxingoriginallytendstowardstillness
mustnowbequalified,but it isnecessary inview ofthe understanding
ofqing ascapacity.
In other words, if qing is not understood as capacity, the apparent
contradiction between having and not having qing cannot be resolved.
Onceqingissounderstood,however,themovementofthemindassuch
cannotbedenied.Theaffectivecapacityofthemindtranslatesprecisely
intobothmovementandquietude(2.5a),whichmeansthatconceptually
thedesiredoutcomecannotbeoneortheother,butastateofmindthat
transcendsboth.Again,theargumentcannotbethataffectivitymustbe
extinguished or that the mind is rendered incapable of responding to
phenomena, which would make one not human (2.6a), as Li Ao ob
serves; rather, what one needs to understand is how the mind can re
mainunaffectedbywhatitclearlyperceives.
Themindofthesagemaybedescribedasbeingofutmostsincer
ityorfollowingMencius,unmovedinitsmoralfocus(budongxin),to
whichtheFuxingshurefers(1.4a),orinLisownpreferredformula,hav
ing returned to and thus in perfect accord with ones original nature
(fuxing ); but the key to this argument remains that although [the
sage]has[thecapacity of]qing, heactually neverhas[the experience of
beingburdenedby] qing [inthe senseof affects]. Inpracticalterms, Li
citestheexampleofYaoandShun,whoseappointmentofworthyminis
tersdoesnotreflectwhatispleasingtothem,nordoesthepunishment
theymetedouttothosewhocommittedoffensesreflectanger.Rather,
their action stems from a state of mind that accorded with the right
measure (2.8b). Leaving aside the antecedents of this concept, in this
instanceitpointstoaninternalmeasurethatstemsfromaclearmind.
Inthisrespect,likeWu,LiAoalsoprivilegestheintellectualability
ofthemind.Thesageisdefinedasonewhoisthefirsttobeawakened
(1.2a)tothenatureandcapacityofhisinbornnature.Similarly,thecon
ceptofunderstanding(ming)featurescentrallyintheFuxingshu(e.g.,
1.2a2b,2.9a9b).WhetherthisreflectsBuddhistandDaoistinfluenceis
unimportant;whatmattersphilosophicallyisthatthisistheonlyreason
able option open to Li. If both movement and stillness must be recog
nized,andifritualandmusiccanonlyleadoneinthedirectionofquie
tude and harmony, some profound understanding will have to be pre
supposedtoachievetheidealofbeingabletorespondtophenomenayet
withoutbeingaffectedbythem.
OnelastpointthatshouldbementionedisthatLiAo,inalanguage
thateasilyinvitesmisunderstanding,repeatedlyspeaksofqingaffectsas
representingdeviation(xie)fromorwildmovements(wang)of
xing (e.g., 2.5b, 2.9a). Whencombined with statements to the effect that
xing will once more become clear and bright when the wild move
ments of qing have been extinguished (2.9a), it is understandable that
somelaterscholars,suchasZhuXi,mightcometotheconclusionthatLi
Ao was talking aboutwuqingin anihilistic sense.25 However, viewed in
its proper context, the idea that desire and emotions deviate from the
stillnessofxingservestoreinforcethebasicclaimthataffectivityshould
notbeunderstoodasanevilforcethatisdiametricallyopposedtoxing,
aswellasthepowerofreflectioningettingtotherootoftheproblemof
qing. Afterall,asLiAostates,consequencesofaffectivitymaybegoodor
bad(2.8a).However,consequencesarecontingent;whatisnecessaryfor
perfectsagehoodisamindthatremainsfirmlyunmovedbyphenomena
andisinthissenseabsolutelyquiet(1.2b,1.4a,and2.5b).Onceitisun
derstoodthatevilrepresentsdeprivationofgood,andnotapositiveen
tity as such, the mind will ideally not engage in thoughts and feelings
thataremotivatedbyselfinterest,andinthisstatedesireandemotions
willhavenocausetoarise(2.5a).
AlthoughLiAodoesnotmakeuseoftheconceptofaffectiveobliv
ion (wangqing), given the same basic premises he shared with Wu, he
would have to engageasimilar argument.Ideas about qingandwuqing
already captured the Chinese philosophic imagination during the Six
Dynasties.26 ThedebatebetweenHeYanandWangBi(226249)on
25 Zhuzi
Yulei 59(Beijing:Zhonghuashuju,1986),4:1381.
26 TheSuishumentionsthatduringtheLiangdynasty(502556),there
wasaTreatiseontheSagesNotHavingEmotions(Shengrenwuqinglun
theqing of thesagehad left a lasting impressionon later scholars.Nei
ther of them saw wuqing as the absence of affectivity. Whereas He Yan
considered the sage to embody a special qiendowment that finds ex
pressioninperfectharmonyin everyrespectandthereforedoesnotex
hibit any differentiated emotion such as pleasure and anger, Wang Bi
counteredwithaviewthatislogicallyclosetoWusandespeciallythat
ofLiAo,forherealizedthatanyargumentbasedonqigradationwould
impacttheattainabilityofsagehood.
From theWeiJinperiod,wangqingassumed acentralplace incon
ceptions of the sage, as Guo Xiangs Zhuangzi commentary and the
Shishuoxinyureadilytestify.27 Intheend,WuandLiAomaystillobject
toeachothersconceptionofthesage.Foronething,theywouldclearly
interpret immortality in vastly different ways. The emphasis on per
fecting both the body and the spirit in Wu is evidently not on Li Aos
agenda,whichfocusessharplyonmoralnature,althoughtheblurringof
thedistinctionbetweensagenatureandthenatureoftheaverageperson
in Wu bridges the philosophical distance from his younger contempo
rary.Therearealsoimportantdifferencesbetweenaffectiveoblivionand
utmostsincerity;e.g.,concerningtheroleofritualandmusic.Neverthe
less, viewed side by side, they share a number of key philosophical in
sights and are thus committed to defending a similar argument, which
makesareconstructionoftheirhermeneuticalpresuppositionsofinterest
tostudentsofChinesephilosophyandreligion.
). Unfortunately, the work had been lost, and we have no record of its
authororcontent.See Suishu 34(Beijing:Zhonghuashuju,1982),1002.
27 For example, see Yang Yong , Shishuo xinyu jiaojian
(Taipei: Zhengwen,1992),2.51,4.57,and17.4.
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Wu Zhao
and the Queen Mother of the West
NORMAN HARRY ROTHSCHILD
Abstract
ThisessayexaminesthecuriousandsignificantroleplayedbytheQueenMother
oftheWest,themostpowerfulfemaledeityintheDaoistpantheon,inpolitical
rhetoriccraftedbyWuZhaoandhercapableteamofrhetoricians.AsGaozongs
empress,WuZhaoofferedasacrificeatashrinetotheQueenMotheroftheWest
onMountSong.Thisuniquefemalesovereigndevelopedarepertoireofsymbols
andceremoniesthatwereassociatedwiththeDaoistgoddess.WuZhaoalsocast
herimageinthesamemoldoftimelessbeautyasXiwangmu.Finally,inherlater
years, surrounded by perfumed youths, Wu Zhao theatrically transformed her
innercourtintoaDaoistfairyland,stylingherselfalatterdayQueenMotherof
theWest.
Atfirstglance,itistemptingtoconsiderWuZhaoChinasonlyfe
male emperor, a Buddhist monarch. After all, shortly after establishing
herZhoudynastyin690,WuZhao,aBuddhistnunandbelieverinher
youth,formallyelevatedBuddhismoverDaoism.1 Sheheldrelicvenera
tionceremoniesthatwhippedthemassesintoafrenzyofdevotion.She
commissioned the construction of a great volume of Buddhist statuary.
SheestablishedmanyBuddhisttemples.GrandmonumentsofBuddhist
pacifism like the Axis of the Sky and the firmamentpiercing fivestory
pagoda containing an 880 foot Buddha in her Bright Hall complex. A
veritablearmyofBuddhistmonksfromIndia,CentralAsia,andChinese
monkscollaborated onmassive translationprojectsanddeveloppropa
Sima Guang , Zizhi tongjian (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1995;
hereafterZZTJ), 204.6473; Dong Hao et al.,QuanTangwen (Beijing:
Zhonghua,1996;hereafter QTW), 95.981
1
29
ganda that exalted Wu Zhao as a Cakravartin and a living bodhisattva
(Rothschild 2008, 13756). She took imperial titles echoing grandiose
Buddhistresonance, likePeerlessMaitreya (Wushangcishi )2
andGoldenWheel(Jinlun ; XTS 4.94).Shesetup Buddhist vege
tarian prohibitions and held huge communal Buddhist feasts (such as
thatin694),invitingnobleandhumble,menandwomen,youngandold
(ZZTJ205.6522).
Religion and Legitimation

A greatdeal of recentscholarshiphas emphasized the vitalandcentral
role that Buddhismplayed in legitimizing thepolitical authority of Wu
Zhao.ChenYinkearguedthatWuZhaonecessarilyreliedonBuddhism
for political sanction, as the Confucian tradition provided her no blue
print for political validation or legitimation (1971). Stanley Weinstein
contended that given the inbuilt patriarchal impulse in Confucianism
andtheLifamilysclaimeddescentfromDaoistfounderLaozi,WuZhao
naturallylookedtoBuddhismtosanctionherpoliticalauthoritybecause
ithadnovestedinterestinthemaintenanceoftheTang(1987,41).
Richard Guisso, in the Cambridge History of China, remarks that
Buddhism, which permeated the lives of the ordinary people of the
Tang, wasakeypersuasiveelementinvalidatinghersovereigntyinthe
eyes of the vast majority of the people (1979, 305). Chen Jinhua has
catalogedtheongoingeffortsofWuZhaotocapitalizeontheideologi
cal valueofcampaigns of Buddhistrelicvenerationbeginning as early
as659,shortlyaftershebecameGaozongsEmpress (2002,10948).
Antonino Forte, in his Political Propaganda and Ideology in Late Sev
enth Century China, has illustrated how the Commentary on the Great
CloudSutra,propagatedontheeveoftheinaugurationofherZhoudy
nasty, forwarded proofs that Wu Zhao was both a Cakravartin, a Bud
dhist universal wheelturning monarch reincarnated from one of Bud
dhasfemaledisciples,andthereincarnationoftheBodhisattvaMaitreya
(2006). Forte has also shown that Wu Zhao transformed the traditional
notionofasimpleConfucianBrightHallintoahugecomplexfeaturinga
skypiercing Tower of Maitreya, and that her Axis of the Sky, con
2 OuyangXiu,XinTangshu(Beijing:Zhonghua,1997;hereaf
ter XTS),4.95.
Rothschild,WuZhao andtheQueenMotheroftheWest /31

structed in 694, was a monument of international Buddhist pacifism
(Forte 1988). Similarly, Sen Tansen contends that between 685 and 695,
Wu Zetian secured critical support from Buddhist clergy to legitimize
herauthorityandherformalroleas emperor ofChina(2003,95).
While Buddhismcertainly played apivotalrole in Wu Zhaos sov
ereignty, her gender and the resultant precarious nature of her power
forced her to deploy language, symbol and ideology in a unique and
creativemanner.Tothisend,shesoughttomaximizeherpoliticalreper
toire,tomarshal asmany different symbols andmodes ofvalidation as
possible.Inthepluralistic,diverseandcosmopolitanempireofherday,
Wu Zhao assumed amultiplicity of ideological guises:her support and
patronage of different ideologies waned and waxed with changing po
liticalcircumstances.Or,asStephenBokenkampputsit,Tobeconvinc
ingherconstructionoflegitimacyhadtodrawuponacceptedparadigms
of the medieval religious orthodoxies of the dayConfucian, Buddhist
and Daoist alikebut in a way diametrically opposed to traditional in
terpretations, which held that a woman, by virtue of her gender, could
not properly rule (1998, 384). Thus, Wu Zhaos Bright Hall complex
combined Buddhist, Confucian and Daoist symbols. The Buddhist
CommentaryontheGreatCloudSutrawaschockfullofsupportingDao
ist prophecies. The Confucian court continued to make major civil and
militarydecisionsofstate.
JustpriortotheinaugurationofherZhoudynastyin690,WuZhao
held an open assembly of Confucians, Buddhists, and Daoistsscholars
of the three teachings (sanjiao )at which a Confucian scholar lec
turedontheXiaojing (BookofFilialPiety).3In698,shedeclaredthat
Since Laozi and Sakyamuni come from common origins, Daoism and
Buddhism should be weighted equally (QTW 96.9901) and Daoism
and Buddhismareboth rooted in goodness and effortless action. In the
end they are a single faith( QTW 95.983). From 698 to 701, dozens of
scholars worked in Wu Zhaos Institute of Reining Cranesput together
theSanjiaozhuying (PearlsandFlowersoftheThree Teachings),
an ambitious 1,300chapter work combining the aggregate wisdom of
Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism (JTS 47.2046, 78.2707, 97.3050,
104.4014;XTS59.1563).
3 LiuXu ,JiuTangShu(Beijing:Zhonghuashuju,1997;hereafter
JTS),22.864.
People of the late seventhcentury didnotbelong to a religion, the
same manner contemporary folks belong to a political party. Wu Zhao
wasnotsimplyaBuddhistruler.Ifsheidentifiedherselfexclusivelyasa
Buddhist, she would alienatemanyconstituents of her ideologically di
verse empire. As Eugene Wang remarks in Shaping the Lotus Sutra,
BuddhismfounditsmostpowerfulpromoterinWuZetian.Yetherin
volvement with Buddhism was anything but steady and consistent
(2005, 149). Her ideological support of the three faiths waned and
waxed at different junctures of her halfcentury political career. As the
only female emperor in Chinese history, presiding over the open and
cosmopolitan empire of the late seventh century, Wu Zhao (624705)
necessarily invented a new paradigm of political authority. She was, at
once, a Buddhist, a Daoist and a Confuciana female bodhisattva, a
Daoistdivinityincarnate,andadutifulConfucianmotherofempire.
While Wu Zhao honored a traditional lineage of male political an
cestorstheYellowEmperor,Yao,Shun,YutheGreat,TangtheSuccess
ful,KingWen,KingWu,andtheDukeofZhoushecarefullyaffiliated
herselfwitheminentfemaledivinitiesandparagonsofeveryideological
persuasion.TheconnectionsbetweenWuZhaoandtheseexaltedfemale
figures were promulgated in carefully scripted political rhetoric, rein
forced through poetry, celebrated theatrically in her court, and made
manifest to all by engraving them upon monumental steles. This pur
poseful affiliation withpastfemale luminaries, figures eminently famil
iar in court and country, elegantly rendered with her characteristically
deftaesthetictouch,providedWuZhaotremendousnormativecharisma
and served to significantly augmentherpolitical legitimacy. Thispaper
willexaminethecuriousandmultifacetedroletheQueenMotherofthe
West,aDaoistgoddess,playedinenhancingWuZhaospoliticalauthor
ityandexaltingherperson.
From Primitive Spirit to Daoist Monarch

The Queen Mother of the West (Xiwangmu ) was the most ele
vated of the Daoist goddesses. From an array of different early god
desseswhoappearonoracleboneinscriptions,theQueenMotherofthe
West comes into clear resolution in the Zhuangzi (Book of Master
Zhuang; trl.Mair 1994)during the Warring States era as a woman who
had attained the dao. In the Xunzi (Book of Master Xun; trl.
Knobloch 1994),she was a divine teacher who instructedthe legendary
floodqueller and Xia founder Yu the Great.4 In the Shanhaijing
(Classic of Mountains and Seas; trl. Mathieu 1983), the Queen Mother
wasdescribedas:
a deity who presides overa mountain wilderness in the west
andlivesamongwildbeasts.Intheseaccountssheisdescribed
as a human with unkempt hair, a panthers tail, and tigers
fangs, and she has a retinue of feline beasts and birds that
bring her messages and foodHer mountain realm is desig
natedasbeinginthewest,anditissaidtobethesacredrange
ofKunlun (Birrell1993,171).5
From this primitive vision, the Queen Mother evolved during the Han,
becoming a beautiful ageless divinity, an immortal monarch celebrated
inbothpopularandeliteculture,repletewithheaddress,staffandscep
ter. According toBretHinsch, she emerged in this era as the first per
sonified female deity to predominate as the focus of popular religious
devotion(2002,2).AccordingtoLiuAnsHuainanzi (Bookofthe
Master ofHuainan; trl.Major et al.2009), shepresentedan elixir of im
mortalitytoYitheArcher,thoughitsubsequentlystolenbyChangE
, the Moon Goddess(Birrell 1993,14445).This lateWesternHantext
also contains a passage in which the Queen Mother snapped her head
4 SeeCahill1993,1315.Intheopeningchapter,Cahillgivesacomprehen
siveaccountoftheevolutionanddevelopmentofthisdeity.Seealso Cahill2006,
4369;Loewe1979,8897;DespeuxandKohn2003,547.
5 TheShanhaijingisatextofunclearoriginthatprobablydatesfromthe3rd
tothe1st centuries B.C.E.In its chapterXicisanjing (2.19) is has adepiction of
theQueenMotheroftheWest,whichshowsanearlyandprimitivevisionofthe
deity (Birrell 1993, 174; Cahill1992,1516).
dress, precipitating a string of catastrophes, something Michael Loewe
suggests indicates that she might wield some control over the cosmic
orderandthemovementoftheconstellations(1979,95,121).TheLiexian
zhuan (Immortals Biographies; trl. Kaltenmark 1953), attributed
to Liu Xiang (776 B.C.E.) viewed the Queen Mother as creator of
Heaven and Earth, molder of all things that are created, mistress ac
knowledged by all those who ascend to Heaven or descend to Earth
(Loewe1979,15;Y1981).
Inthe Hanconceptionof immortality,tallying with theprevalence
of yinyang and five phases thought, there were paradises in both the
eastandwest.TheQueenMotherpresidedovertheWesternParadisein
theKunlunMountains(Loewe1979,15;Y1981,81).Atraditionofcol
orful lore grew around her. Western Han wordsmith of supernatural
tales, Dongfang Shuo, rode one ofher windstridinghorses(Ed
wards 1938, 3, 97).TheMutianzizhuan (Legends of KingMu;
trl. Mathieu 1978) describes King Mu of Zhou and the Queen Mother
intimately sharingpoetry,banqueting and exchanging gifts atop Mount
Yan (Birrell 1993, 17475). There are also stories of the Queen Mother
sharing peaches and the secrets of immortality with Han Wudi (Loewe
1979,11620).6 Fortunatemortalmenenjoyedhercompany.
Arichtraditionoficonographyandimagerydevelopedaroundthe
QueenMotheroftheWest,whoemergedasanimportantculticdeityin
the Eastern Han (Bujard 2002, 11516). Marshalling iconographic evi
dencefromaseriesofHantombsbeginninginthe1st century B.C.E.,Wu
HungconvincinglyarguesthattheQueenMothersupplantedNWaas
theembodimentofyinforce(Wu1989,10841)
In her work, Suzanne Cahill has illustrated that by the Tang the
Queen Mother oftheWesthad developed intothehighest femaledeity
inthepantheonoftheTaoistreligion(1993,58),apowerfulpatrondeity
ofwomenwhopossessedcontroloverimmortalityandpowertomedi
ate between the divine and human realm (1986, 155). Timothy Barrett
has noted that Tang Daoism, which assigned both importance and
powertowomen,hadincorporatedanarrayoffemaledivinitiesinclud
He alsoincludes translations fromthe Bowuzhi(Record ofAmple
Things)ofthe3rd centuryorlater),theHanWugushi(TalesofEmperor
HanWudi)andtheHanWudineizhuan(TheInnerBiographyofEm
perorHanWudi; trl. Smith1992) ofthe6th century.
6

ing the Queen Mother of the West, the Mother of Qi (Qimu ), the
Mysterious Woman (Xuann ) and the Mother of Laozi (Xiantian
taihou )(1996,4041).
Shared Rites and Symbols

Throughceremony and symbol, acolorful array of silk,jade andphoe
nixes, Wu Zhao connected herself to the Queen Mother of the West.
Thoughtheseconnectionswerenotalwaysexplicit,theywerepresented
through culturally legible rites and gestures understood by court and
countryalike.
TheShanhaijingrecords thattheQueenMotheroftheWestlivedon
JadeMountain.Asamedium,jadesymbolizesincorruptibilityandeter
nallife(Cahill1993,1516).Asubstanceofbeautyandpower,jade(yu)
sharesaradicalwithking(wang).WhenKingMuofZhouandthe
QueenMother exchanged gifts atopMount Yan,heofferedher a white
jadetoken(Cahill2006,57).ThereisaHanstoryofascholarreclusewho
rescuedamessengeroftheQueenMotheroftheWest,agoldensparrow.
Inreturn,assuminghumanformandmakingknownhispositioninthe
Queen Mothers service, a yellowclad man presented his rescuer four
white jade rings and promised that his saviors offspring would rise to
become eminent officials (Loewe 1979, 100).7 In 676, Cui Shen , the
PrefectofChuzhou,presentedthirteentreasuresofstateatthecourtof
theCelestialEmperorandCelestialEmpressasGaozongandWuZhao
were known at the time.The fourth treasureconsisted oftwo ringsbe
longing to the Queen Mother of the West, a token of obedience from
conquerednations(JTS37.1374;XTS35.914).8 Thus,asCelestialEmpress,
WuZhaocametopossessthisjadetokenoftheQueenMother,atoncea
tokenofhermagicalpowerandatallyofpoliticalauthority.
Through this precious medium of white jade, one can find further
connections between the earthly ruler and the celestial sovereign. The
HereferstoWuJuns(469520)XuQijieji(Continuationof
allQidynastyWritings) ascitedin HouHanshu 54.
8 The date is givenas 675(Shangyuan 2) inthe XTS. Li Fang,Taiping
guangji (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1996; hereafter TPGJ), 404.3254 indicates
thatthepresentationoftheringsdidnotoccurduringWuZhaosreign,butata
laterdate.Schafer alsomakesreferencetotheserings(1963),36.
7
Taiping guangji relates a story in which the Queen Mother of the West
presented a white jadewhich seems to be a preferred ceremonial me
diumfortheQueenMotherguan ritualtubetoEmperorShun.Inthe
Han,thewhitejadeguanwasfoundunderShunsshrine.Ritualspecial
istslearnedhowtheancientsusedtheseceremonialinstrumentstohar
monize men and spirits. The technique was called regulation of the
phoenix (fenghuang yi ) (TPGJ 203.1530).9 Yi can mean to regu
late or regulator, a kind of ritual instrument (yiqi ) (Forte 1988,
1618).WhenGaozongofferedtoabdicatetoWuZhaoin676,aphoenix,
a potent auspicious omen of female imperial power, was sighted in
Chenzhou,promptingtheinaugurationofPhoenixRegulator(Yifeng
),areignerawhosenametacitlyannouncedtheharmonybetweenthe
celestialandterrestrialrealms (JTS5.102;seeRothschild2005).
There are further indications that the phoenix was an important
symbolofpowerforboththeQueenMotheroftheWestandWuZhao.
WuHonghasremarkedthatintheWuLiangshrine,theQueenMother
woreaCrownofFivePhoenixes(wufengguan)(Wu1989,111).
According to one source, likely from the Six Dynasties era, atop
KunlunthemountainhomeoftheQueenMotheroftheWeststooda
massive bronze pillar that reached the heavens. Atop the pillar was an
immense bird, facing southward. Ever outstretched, his massive wing
spanshelteredtheQueenMothertotheWestandtheKingFathertothe
East (Loewe 1979, 124125, 155n.200).10 Though it is not clear whether
thismonumentalcreaturewasaphoenix,itseemspossiblethatthispil
larcrowning avian inspired Wu Zhao to crown both of her Bright Hall
complexes with massive ornaments of phoenixes, their wings out
spread.11 In688,whenherfirstBrightHall,thethreehundredfootDivine
Palace of Myriad Images was completed, its crowning ornament was a
The guan is a ritual tube akin to the cong, an instrument used bysha
mansincommunicatingwithspirits,withHeaven.
10 The passage is cited in Li Daoyuans 6thcentury Shuijing zhu ,
(Commentary on the Classic of Waters), attributed to Dongfang Shuos
Shenyijing,(Classic ofthe Divine andAnomalous),though Loewe notes
thatitisthoughttobealaterproduction,oftheSixDynastiesperiod.
11 IntheBookofZhouchapteroftheintheGuoyu (Discoursesonthe
States),itisthecalloftheyuezhuo fromMountQishanthatannouncestheadvent
oftheoriginalZhoudynasty.
9

tenfoottallgildedironphoenixpoisedforflight(JTS22.862).12 WuZhao
named her second Bright Hall, completed in 696, Penetrating Heaven
Palace(Tongtiangong),andtoppeditwithafinialphoenixtaking
flight,twiceaslargeasthefirst.13
The name Penetrating Heaven (Tongtian ) provides another
curiouslinkbetweenWuZhaoandtheQueenMotheroftheWest.In110
B.C.E.whenHanWudi,mortalloveroftheQueenMother,performedthe
feng and shan rites on Mount Tai, he constructed a Penetrating Heaven
Terrace (Tongtiantai ) to commune with immortals (Loewe 1979,
97).ItisnocoincidencethatWuZhaosskypiercingPenetratingHeaven
Palacewas constructedinthesameyearsheperformedthefengandshan
ritesonMountSong.
A shared involvement in sericulture ties provides further sugges
tionoflinkagebetweentheearthlyrulerofthelateseventhcenturyand
the Daoist goddess. In theBieguodongmingji, Dongfang Shuo observed
theQueenMotheroftheWestpickingmulberryleaves.IntheHistoryof
the LatterHan, it was recorded thatduring theceremonial gatheringof
mulberryleavesimperialladiesworeasheng ,thesignatureheaddress
oftheQueenMother(Loewe1979,120; alsoCahill1992,1617).
AsEmpress, Wu Zhaoperformed the First Sericulturist rites (xian
can ) four times between 656 and 675. These rites were performed
sporadically throughout imperial history in China, beginning in the
WesternHan.ThexiancanwereonlyperformedeighttimesintheTang,
and Wu Zhao accounted for four of these in these two decades (Chen
1994,79,107n12).PlayingtheceremonialroleofFirstLadyoftheempire,
parallelingGaozongsroleinbreakingtheearthtomarkthebegin
ning ofplantingseason, she ledpalace women and wives ofhighrank
ing officialstopickmulberry leavesand feedthemto silkworms inthe
latespring.14
Thelastofthesefourperformancesinthethirdmonthof675,wasa
large scale and public ceremony in which court officials and territorial
representatives (prefects) from around the empire gathered in atten
See also Wang Pu , Tang huiyao (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1998;
hereafter THY ),11.277;and ZZTJ 204.6454.AlsoseeForte1988,156158.
13 Du You , Tongdian (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1988; hereafter TD),
44.254;JTS22.867;THY11.279,ZZTJ205.6505.
14 JTS4.75,5.92,98,100;XTS3.57,67,71;TD46.1290.
12
dance(ZZTJ202.6375).15 ChenJoshuiseesherperformanceoftheserites
aspartofaprotofeministagenda,alargerpatternofactionspromot
ing the position and interests of women (1994, 7980). Wu Zhaos per
formance of the xiancan rite honored both the Queen Mother and silk
goddessLeizu,wifeoftheYellowEmperor.Ofcourse,theveryact
ofpayinghomageinapublicceremonyservedtomakemanifesttocourt
and country Wu Zhaos connection to these female divinities and
thereby exalt herself and legitimize her political authority. To all those
present,eveniftheQueenMotheroftheWestandLeizuwerenotexplic
itly mentioned, even though these ceremonies were not unique to her,
theEmpresssrepeatedpublicperformanceofthesesericultureriteswas
a culturally legible ritual gesture that evoked the aura of these two di
vinities,andidentifiedthefemalesovereignwiththem.
In symbol and ritual, Wu Zhao consciously evoked the Queen
Mother ofthe West. TheChuzhouprefectspresentation of therings of
white jade illustrates that political supporters of Wu Zhao actively
soughtsymbolstoconnecttheirCelestialEmpresstotheQueenMother
oftheWest.ForCelestialEmpressasforQueenMother,thephoenixde
veloped into an important symbol of harmonious order and regulatory
authority.WuZhaosperformanceoftheFirstSericulturistriteshonored
the QueenMother oftheWest andthesilk goddess while, in turn,con
necting her with both divinities. Most of these shared symbols appear
during Wu Zhaostime as Gaozongs empress,a timewhen she, in the
wordsofEugeneWang,eagerlymaintainedtheimperialclansinterest
inDaoism(2005,148).
Connected by Celestial Light

Ever willing to draw upon efficacious symbols of power and majesty,
Wu Zhao incorporated both celestial orbs, male sun and female moon,
intoherrepertoire.LiketheDaoistgoddess,thefemalesovereignappro
priatedcelestialsymbolsfromhoary myth: thesunbird (yangniao),
themythologicalthreeleggedsolarcrow,withoriginsdatingbacktothe
Eastern Yi culture in the 3rd millennium B.C.E., and the lunar hare and
toad (Wu 1985,3032).
15 ChensuggeststhatthegranderscaleoftheritemaybetheresultofWu
ZhaosrecentassumptionofthetitleCelestialEmpress(1994, 107).

In Ways of Paradise, Michael Loewe remarks that during the Han
dynastythecrescentmoon,withtoadandhare,andthesolardisc,encir
cling a sunbird or crow, became recurring symbols associated with the
QueenMotheroftheWest(1979,52and103).16 InSimaXiangrus
Western Han poem Daren fu (Rhapsody on the Great Man,
written for Han Wudi, the Queen Mother of the West is described as
possessing a threelegged crow, which served her as a messenger.
(Loewe 1979, 94). Loewe has suggested that the threelegged sunbird
mayrepresenttheevolutionoftheQueenMotherstrioofavianmessen
gersfromearliertradition (Loewe1979,128).17Inanyevent,intheEast
ernHanandintotheSixDynasties,thehare,toadandsunbirdjoinedthe
ninetailed fox in the Queen Mother of the Wests impressive train of
courtiers,herflamboyantimmortalbestiary.
This solar crow also played a prominent role in Wu Zhaos court.
The Taipingguangjiincludesthefollowingstory:
In the era of the Celestial Empress, someone offered a three
leggedbirdastribute.Someoneinthecourtsaid,Oneofthe
legs isfake.The Celestial Empress laughed, and orderedthe
scribetorecorditintheannals,remarking,Whatstheuseof
examining whether its real or fake? The Tang History re
corded,inTianshou1(690)somebodypresentedathree
leggedbird.TheCelestialEmpresstookittobeanauspicious
omen of the House of Zhou. Ruizong remarked, The
front leg is fake. The Celestial Empress was displeased.
Shortly,onelegfelloff. (462.3796)18
16 TheiconographyoflowreliefsculptureandimagesonTLVmirrorsoften
show these symbolic creatures of the celestial bodies. The famous Tshaped
Mawangduifunerarybannerfromthe2nd centuryB.C.E.showsbothlunartoad
andsolarcrow.
17 Loewecitesmultiplesourcestoillustratethatbythe1st century B.C.E.the
conceptofthethreeleggedsunbirdwasclearlyimbedded (1979,ch.5).
18 Itisdifficulttotellwhetherthispassage,originallyfrom the Youyangzazu
(MiscellaneousMorselsfromYouyang),referstothesamepresentation
of a threelegged bird or to two separate presentations. Wu Zhao assumed the
titleCelestialEmpress(tianhou)in674,butin688shebecameSageMother,
Divine Sovereign (shengmu shenhuang ). In 690, when she established
herZhoudynasty,shetookthetitleSaintlyandDivineAugustEmperor(sheng
shenhuangdi).Thismakesthepassagedifficult,becauseby690,theonly
Aware ofthe greatpoliticalcurrency invested in auspicious icons,men

vied to present Wu Zhao with jade rings, sunbirds and other symbols
that,broadcastproperly, announcedHeavens endorsement of her rule.
Suchpresentations,ofcourse,alsoofferedthesemenapathofrapidca
reeradvancement.
Further evidence corroborates the idea that Wu Zhao consciously
augmented her political luster with images of celestial illumination.
TwelvenewcharacterswerecreatedforWuZhaoin689upontheinau
gurationoftheOriginofRecordsreignera(Zaichu).Threeofthese
new characters,those for sun, moon, and her invented name Zhao
, all reflect a conscious effort on Wu Zhaos part to, like the Queen
Motherof the West,affiliateherself withbothcelestialbodies.Hernew
sun, basedonthearchaiczhuan characterforsun,featuredacircum
scribed avian shape. This character is featured in the Han dictionary
Shuowenjiezi .
AccordingtoShiAnchangsinvestigationoffuneraryepitaphsand
other inscriptions, in 697 the character for moon changed from
to
(1983,37).Inappearance,thecharacterchulookslikeacrouching
animal,suchasthetraditionalinhabitants,thehareortoad.Thiscreature
parallelsthesolarcrowfoundinthenewcharacterforsun(Li1997,56).
Thetoadispressedflat,legssplayedtothesides.Perhapsthischaracter
is best understood as an effort by Wu Zhao to draw on a deeply in
grained mythological tradition to associate herself with Chang E, the
goddessofthemoon,overseerofthelunartoadandjadeharewhohelp
decocttheelixirofimmortality.
The sunbird and the new characters for sun and moon were
part of Wu Zhaos intentional development of a repertoire of common
symbols she shared with the Queen Mother of the West. In these sym
bols,thoseinWuZhaoscourtandthoseviewingedictsbearingthenew
characters,menforwhomthesolarcrowandlunardenizenswerefamil
iarmotifs,naturally felt theconsonancebetween their female ruler and
the QueenMother of the West. Nonetheless,there isno direct evidence
WuZhaousedeitherthesunbirdorhernewcharacterstomakemanifest
herconnectionwiththeQueenMotheroftheWest.
dategivenintheTaipingguangjiepisode,shewasnolongerknownasCelestial
Emperor.

Indeed, at the juncture the solar crow was presented in her court
andthenewcharacterswerefirstintroducedin689,shelookedtoBud
dhism as her primary ideological support. Yet even as Buddhism ap
proached its apogee, as a veritable army of monks compiled Buddhist
propagandaandaskypiercingBrightHallfeaturingamassivefivestory
Buddhist pagoda appeared in her capital Luoyang, Buddhism did not
holdamonopolyonsymbolinWuZhaoscourt.Thesecharacterswere
unique signets of Wu Zhaos imperial sovereignty, powerful symbols
indelibly imprinting her image on language that functioned on many
levelsaspartofthestatecalendar,asrepresentationsofcelestialbodies,
as signs to remind ministers of her authority. Evoking Wu Zhaos con
nection with the Queen Mother of the West was certainly not the pri
maryintentofthesenewcharacters:itwassimplyanotherbenefitofthe
lexicalambivalenceaffordedbythesesymbols.
Ageless, Timeless, Beautiful

In her waning years, as Wu Zhaos thoughts turned to the promises of
longevity and immortality offered by Daoist elixirs, she looked once
more to the Queen Mother of the West for inspiration. InhisYongcheng
jixian lu (Record of the Collected Transcendents of the
Walled City, trl. Cahill 2006), the Daoist hagiographer Du Guangting
(850933) provided a physical description of the Queen Mother of the
West: Her age might have been around twenty. Her celestial appear
anceeclipsedandputintheshadeallothers.Hernuminouscomplexion
was unique to the world (Cahill 1986, 156). Though she was centuries
old,theQueenMother,atleastintheTangimagination,wasnolongera
primitivebeastwomanpresiding over ajaggedborderpeak,but a vital
goddesswhoeternallyprojectedyouthandbeauty.
WhenWuZhao,inhermidsixties,becameEmperor,shetookgreat
painstoprojectvitalityandagelessness.Shelinkedofherphysicalselfto
the state ritual calendar, tying the inauguration of the Protracted Lon
gevityreignera(23October692to9June694)toherpersonalrejuvena
tion. TheZizhitongjiandescribestherationalebehindthenaming of the
ProtractedLongevityera:
Although the Grand Dowager had passed through many
springs and autumns, she excelled at applying cosmetics and
adornmentstoherself,sothatevenherownattendantsdidnot
feelherdecrepit.Onbingxu,sheissuedanimperialedictde
claringthat because herlost teeth had regrown, on the gengzi
dayoftheninthmonth,shewenttotheZetiangate,declarea
general amnesty, and change the reign erato Protracted Lon
gevity.Thesacrificetotheearthgodwaschangedtotheninth
month.(205.6487; also XTS76.3482)
Torealignandsynchronizetheterrestrialandcelestialwithherremark
abledentalregeneration,thisspringtimeinherautumnyears,thesacri
fice to the earth god, whichhadcorresponded withthebreaking ofthe
earth and planting in the early spring, was now shifted to the final
monthofautumn.Likeanyemperor,WuZhaowasdeeplypreoccupied
with her mortality, and strove to project an image of vitality, timeless
nessand agelessness.A wizened,toothlesshag doesnotpresentan im
ageofProtractedLongevity.Yetitisclearthatshewasawareoftraces
of aging, wrinkles andcreases, andmade aconcerted effort to disguise
thesemortalblemishes. Likemany Tang women, shewas expert at ap
plyingpowders,rouges,creams,ointments,mascara,andoilstodisguise
theravages oftime. Secularpower wasbuttressedbythesense that the
sovereignwas,liketheQueenMother,otherworldly,notbeholdentothe
samelimitsofspaceandtimeasothermortals.
In700,WuZhaosinaugurationoftheDistantVisionreigneracele
bratedthegoodhealthandlongevityonthe76yearoldfemaleEmperor.
Thecircumstancesaredescribedinthe Zizhitongjian:
TheGrandDowagercommissionedHongzhoumonkHuChao
to decoct a longevity potion. After three years it was com
pleted, wasting millions of cash in the process. When the
GrandDowagerimbibedit,herillnesswasslightlycured.On
guichou [27May 700],she declared an empirewide amnesty
andchangedthereign nametoDistantVision.(206.6546)19
DistantVision(jiushi)referstoDaodejing59:Whenarulerpos
sesses the mother of the state, he can then endure. This is the way of
deeprootsandfirmstemsbywhichonelivestoseemanydays(seeLau
19 JTS 6. 129 suggests that the potion was more efficacious, recording that
thenewreignerabeganbecausesherecoveredfromillness.

1963).Jiushimeansnevergrowingold,maintainingclearwitandperspi
cacity. Wu Zhaos recovery occasioned the change of a reignera and a
fiveday congratulatory feast, at which her subjects might raise many a
cuptotoastherlonglifeandgoodhealth(XTS4.101).Thus,liketheim
mortal goddess inthe Tang imagination, Wu Zhaocultivated an image
oftimelessyouthfulvitality.
Creating a Daoist Paradise on Earth

IthasbeenwelldocumentedthatinthelastsevenoreightyearsofWu
Zhaos life,she turnedas somany Chinese rulersdid in senescence
toward Daoism in an aggressive search for longevity and immortality
(e.g., Barrett 1996, 4445). In Shaping the Lotus Sutra, Eugene Wang ob
serves that Wu Zhaos disappointment with the political capital of os
tentatious Buddhist trappings stagemanaged by Xue Huaiyi and her
growing obsession with prolonging her life and seeking immortality
both led to a growing interest in Daoism in the post695 period (2005,
149). Perhaps the greatest influence the Queen Mother of the West ex
ertedonWuZhaocanbeseenintheemergentcultofPrinceJin
[]duringthisfinalperiod.
Under Wu Zhao, the Queen Mother of the West became closely
identified with Mount Song, the Central Peak (Zhongyue ) of the
FiveMarchmounts (Wuyue ) locatedclose tothefemalerulerspo
litical heart, Luoyang. As Grand Dowager, Wu Zhao designated Luoy
ang her Divine Capital (Shendu ) and declared Mount Song the
Divine Peak (Shenyue ) (JTS 6.11719; XTS 4.83, 87; ZZTJ 203.6421,
6449).MountSongsemergenceasavitalritualforWuZhaowasmade
manifest as early as the first lunar month of 683, when on an outing a
newlycompleted mountain palace, Wu Zhao and her ailing husband
Gaozong sent emissaries to offer sacrifices at the shrine of the Queen
MotheroftheWestonMountSong(JTS5.110;THY7.102).Forthedying
Emperor and the sexagenarian Grand Dowager, such a sacrifice en
hancedthesensethattheirearthlysummerpalaceinthecragsofMount
SongwasakintothelegendarymountaincitadeloftheQueenMotherof
theWest.
To further illustrate that in the imagined topography of the Tang
Mount Song was seen as a Daoist fairyland of sorts, of Wu Zhaos
granddaughter,PrincessJadeVerity,herselfaDaoistpriestess,
legendaryTangpoetLiBo waxedrhapsodic:
WheneversheenterstheLesserRoom(Xiaoshi ),
TheQueenMotherwillcertainlybetheretomeether.
(Cahill 1993,217)20
The Lesser Room is a peak on Mount Song . Significantly, both in

WuZhaosworshipandLiBospoem,theQueenMotherwasnotonthe
snowcapped peaksofKunlun,butonnearbyMountSong,localizedand
muchmoreaccessible.
A second mountain in the region was also associated with the
Queen Mother of the West. Situated even closer to Luoyang, Mount
Goushi wasashort,flattoppedhillthirtykilometerswestofimpos
ing Mount Song, a locale believed to possess a numinous aura. Mount
Goushi was associated closely in Wu Zhaos time with both the Queen
MotheroftheWest.InthebiographyoftheQueenMotheroftheWestin
the opening chapter of Du Guangtings Register of the Collected Tran
scendentsoftheWalledCity,itisrecordedthattheQueenMotherwas
born at the Yi River [near Luoyang] in Divine Island [China]. Her sur
namewasGou(Cahill2006,51).
HerGou isthesameasthatofMountGoushi.The Taipingguangji
contains a biography the Immortal Maiden of the Gou clan, who origi
nallyheraldedfromChangshainHunan.Inhernineties,onthevergeof
transcendence, she wascultivating the dao insolitude atthe altar of fa
mous Daoist Wei Huacun in the dangerous wilderness. The immortal
goddess of the Southern Marchmount sent a longtailed, talking green
birdwitharedcappedheadthatresembledamourningdove.Thismes
sengerbirdinformedherthat,ThesurnameoftheQueenMotherofthe
WestwasGou...InHenanthereisaMountGoushi.Thatwaswherethe
Queen Mother cultivated the dao(TPGJ 70.4356). 21 By the Tang and
20 I have changed Cahills translation of the peak name from Minor

Apartment Peak to Lesser Room. Wu Zhao performed the shan sacrifice to
earth,partofhergrand fengand shanritesattheLesserRoom.
21 Thepassagegoesontorelateafamousepisodeinwhichagroupoften
illintentionedmonkscametoharmtheWomanoftheGouclanandtoburnand
desecrateWeiHuacunsshrine.Thoughtheguardianwomansatquietlyonher

Song,asthesesourcesattest,theQueenMotherwasidentifiedwithmore
accessible and local sites like Mount Goushi and Mount Song, rather
thanfancifuldistant,snowcappedpeaksofKunlun.
This connection between the Daoist goddess and Mount Gou is
likelywhatpromptedHanWudi,sodeeplyconnectedinmythandleg
end with the Queen Mother of the West, to stop at Mount Gou in 110
B.C.E.22 Intheseventhmonthof675,whenWuZhaoseldestson,Crown
Prince Li Hong, was buried in the proximity of Mount Goushi, Goushi
Countywasestablished (JTS5.100).
AtthispointitisessentialtointroducePrinceJin,sonofthe Eastern
Zhou King Ling (r. 571545 B.C.E.). Prince Jin, disgusted with his
fathers maladministrationin Wu Zhaos own account, King Ling
plannedtodamalocalriverduringadelugetoprotecttheroyalpalaces
and the capital Luoyang, diverting the flood eastward to submerge the
dwellingsofthecommonpeople.Whentheprinceremonstrated,hewas
banishedasacommoner.Intheend,however,KingLingsplantobuild
damsand dikes wasnot implemented, andthedismissed Prince Jinbe
came a folk hero. The highminded noble became an ascetic, playing a
fluteasheroamedtheYiandLuoRivervalleys.
LordFuqiu,awanderingimmortal,taughtPrinceJintheartof
crane riding, a sublime skill usually reserved for spirits and fairies. Fi
nally,fromthebaldcrownofMountGoushi,PrinceJinascendedtobe
comeanimmortal,takingleaveofhiscontritefather,theZhoucourt,and
adoring throngs on the seventh day of the seventh lunar month, the
popularprinceascendedonaredcappedcranetojointheJadeEmperor
andthe Daoist immortals above. Onthesite where Prince Jin departed,
KingLingerectedanAscendedImmortalObservatory(Shengxianguan
bed,themonkswereunabletoseeher.Adeeprumblingfromtheearthscared
themonksoff.Astheyranthroughtheforest,nineoftenweredevouredbyti
gers.Thesurvivorpropagatedtheharrowingtale.InVirtualImages/RealShad
ows:TheTranspositionoftheMythsandCultsofLadyWei(draftofpaperpre
sented at 2003AAS, 42),James Robson hastranslated Du Guangtings An Ex
amination of the Immortal Altar of Lady Wei of the Southern Marchmount
NanyueWeifurenxiantanyan fromtheDaojiaolingyanji(Evi
dentialMiraclesinSupportofDaoism,Daozang 590)oneofseveralsources
thatcontainthestoryoftheimmortalaltarspowertowardofftheinterlopers.
22 BanGu , Hanshu (Beijing:Zhonghua,1996),6.
(QTW 98.100708; also TPGJ 4.24). Two of the peaks on the
Greater Ridge ofMount Song arecalled Zijin , after Prince Jin, and
Fuqiu, after Prince Jins Daoist immortal instructor.23 Over time, a re
gionalcultofPrinceJindevelopedhewasrecognized asalocaltutelary
deity and a Daoist transcendent. Marianne Bujard has catalogued the
evolutionofthiscultandillustratednumerousexamplesofimperialpa
tronage of Prince Jin during the Han, the Period of Disunity and the
Tang (Bujard2000,146).
Once Wu Zhaobecame Emperor in 690, Mount Songloomed even
larger. In 696, she performed the sacrosanct feng and shan rites on the
Divine Peak (ZZTJ 206.650304). Shortly thereafter, on the xinyi day of
thesecondmonth(17March696),shehonoredthedeityofMountSong
asEmperoroftheCenter of Heavenand elevated Prince Jin,tobecome
Ascended Immortal Prince (see Rothschild 2005, 8687n.37).
From the text of her Preface for the Stele of the Ascended Immortal
Prince , we know that on her return trip to Luoyang, she
stoppedbyMountGoushiand,seeingtheshrinedevotedtoPrinceJinin
a state of disrepair, ordered it rebuilt and named Temple of the As
cendedImmortalPrince (QTW 98.1009).
AccordingtotheZizhitongjian,inthefirstmonthof699,whenEm
peror Wu Zhaomade aprogress toMount Songandstopped at Mount
Goushi again, at the Temple of the Ascended Immortal Crown Prince
(206.6539).24Next to the temple Wu Zhao had established several years
earlier,sheerectedtheCommemorativeSteleoftheAscendedImmortal
Prince.Thestrokesofthetitlecharactersonthesteleareaseriesofbeau
tiful, ornate birds.25 Wu Zhaos Preface of the Commemorative Stele of
theAscendedImmortalCrownPrinceisofthebrokenintosixparts:the
Dengfengxianzhi , 1.2and2.31(reprintedDengfeng,1988).
FollowingtheZhoucalendarasWuZhaodid,thefirstmonthwasreally
the third month, following the prime month (zhengyue ) and the hibernal
month(layue ).ItisinterestingtonotethatduringthisoutingtoMountGou
shi, one of the members of the Institute (JTS 78.2706), Daoist Yan Chaoyin,
prayed on Wu Zhaos behalf when she was feeling under the weather. He
cleansed himself and, lying on a ritual meatstand, offering his very life in her
stead.Whenshefeltbetter,hewasrichlyrewarded (ZZTJ 206.6538).
25 The stele still exists. Kegasawa shows an illustration of the characters
(1995,318). SeealsoWangandXu 1997,240244.
23
24

efficacyofthedao,theauspiciousgeomancyofMountGoushi;ahistory
of Prince Jin; an account of Heavens endorsement of the political suc
cesses of WuZhaos Zhoudynasty;Wu Zhaoscommitmentto Daoism
and determination to rebuild the Temple of the Ascended Immortal
Prince; and her composed twelveverse commemorative poem for the
inscription(divisionfollowsWang2003).
Itisbeyondthescopeofthispapertoexhaustivelyanalyzetheim
plications of thisrichand important work upon Daoism,but a fewsec
tionswarrantparticularattention.WuZhaobeginshereloquentlyrhap
sodyabouttheblessedgroundofMountGoushibyimaginingahostof
immortals setting out from the west gate of Luoyang and paying their
respectstotheQueenMotheroftheWestonKunlun.TheQueenMother
is alsomentioned in one oftheverses in the finalsection:inthesection
onher decisiontobuildanew temple for Prince Jin,shementionsthat
the yearbefore she writes the inscription (698), shesent an emissary to
the temple sitetooffer a sacrificeto Prince Jin. Onthe day the rite was
performed,sheheardfromthedistantheavensthestrainsofanimmor
tals flute sounding like the mellifluous call of a phoenix and could al
most see an immortal astride a redcapped crane descending from on
hightoofferagreetingnodoubt,PrinceJinofferinghisthanks.
Wu Zhao was by no means the first ruler to celebrate the cult of
Prince Jin. To understand her sudden interest in the cult of this lesser
DaoistimmortalanditsconnectiontoherworshipoftheQueenMother
oftheWest, it is important to look at the emergenceoftwo favorites in
hercourt,ZhangYizhi andZhangChangzong .
AccordingtotheSuimanualofthesexualarts,theYixinfang
(MachinationsofMedicineandtheHeart)citinganearliertext,theYu
fang bijue (Secret Instructions of the Jade Bedchamber)the
QueenMotheroftheWestgainedherimmortality,hereverlastingyouth,
through maintaining a state of composed tranquility and by nurturing
her yin essence by copulating with young boys (Van Gulik 1961, 158;
Wile1992,102).PerhapsseptuagenarianWuZhao,drawingonthebasic
Daoistnotionthatyoungmaleyangessencecouldrejuvenateoldfemale
yin essence, acted on therecommendationofher daughter,the Taiping
Princess, to bring Zhang Changzong and Zhang Yizhi into her inner
quarters in 697.Thesedashing youths, skilled inmusicand wellversed
inpoetry,accouteredincolorfulsilksandwearingvermilionrouge,rap
idlyemergedasWuZhaosmalefavorites.Sooncourtofficialsservedas
personal valets for the Zhangs mothers, and Wu Zhaos nephews and
grandnephews addressed the Zhangs reverently as Fifth Master and
SixthMaster, whilevyingforthehonorofstablingtheirhorses.26In698,
Wu Zhao set up the Institute for Reining Cranes .27 Zhang Yizhi was
madeDirector(ZZTJ206.6538).
In700,WuZhaosnephewWuSansisentforthamemorialclaiming
that Zhang Changzong was the incarnation of Prince Jin of the Eastern
Zhoudynasty.Asaresult,WuZhaoorderedthatZhangChangzongdon
afeatheredgarment,playaflute,andprancearoundthecourtastraddle
a wooden crane.28 The feathered raiment may have been the extraordi
nary Flock of Kingfishers cloak worth more than a thousand gold
presented at Wu Zhaos court by emissaries from Guangzhou (Nanhai
Commandery),agarmentshebestoweduponZhangChangzong
(TPGJ405.3267).29
JTS78.27068(biography),XTS104.40146(biography)andZZTJ206.6514.
IntheOldTangHistory,thebiographyoftheZhangsdiscreditstheirskillsinthe
arts of wen,suggestingthat most of the worksattributed to them where in fact
ghostwrittenbyliterarymasterslikeSongZhiwenandYanChaoyin.
27 ZZTJ206.65267.TheprecisetimingoftheestablishmentoftheInstituteis
notclear.ZZTJ206.6538indicatestheInstitutewassetupintheprime(zheng)
month of699.Thispassage,under698intheZizhitongjian,indicatesthatatthe
behest of ministerJi Xiu theZhangs,to defuse the teethgnashing loathing of
court andpopulace, endorsedthe reestablishment of Li Xian, Prince of Luling,
asCrown PrinceadecisionthatwouldeffectivelyhandpowerbacktotheTang
dynasts, the Lifamily, afterWu Zhaos death.In the commentarythatfollows,
thetimingofJiXiusadviceissetinthehibernalmonthof699.
28 ZZTJ 206.6546; JTS 78.27067; XTS 104.4014, 206.5840; TPGJ 188.1406. In
TPGJ240.1854,ananecdotedrawnfromZhangZhuos Chaoyejianzai
(RecordsofCourtandCountry)indicatesthatWuSansiwroteabiographyof
ZhangYizhi,contendingthathe(andnotbrother,Changzong)wastheincarna
tionofPrinceJin.
29 This passage contains a curious anecdote in which staunch Confucian
ministerDiRenjieenteredtheinnerpalacetofindChangzongcladinthe
gaudy, colorful cloak, engaged in a game of backgammon with Wu Zhao. The
femaleEmperorbidDiRenjiebeseatedandplayagamewithZhangChangzong.
Whenaskedtodeterminethestakes,DiRenjieofferedtoputuphispurplePrime
MinistersrobeagainsttheFlockofKingfisherscloak.WhenWuZhaopointed
out the tremendous value of Changzongs robe, the stalwart minister retorted,
26

In his slavish effort to flatter and further exalt Zhang Changzong,
WuZhaosnephewWuSansiwrotetheVerseoftheImmortalCranes,
which appears in the Complete Book of Tang Poetry. The opening in
cludesthelines:
Ridingtheimmortalcraneintothefirmamentwhithersoarshe?
FromMountGoushiintheseventhmonthhefliesintothedis
tance...
FromMount Goushi he mysteriously ascends intothe bound
lessemptiness.30
Other court officials also wrote lavish poems of praise tying Zhang
ChangzongtoPrinceJin.ThebiographyontheZhangsintheOldTang
History contains a fourstanza poem attributed to literary master Cui
Rong :
InthepastheencounteredDukeFuqiu;
TodayheislikeDingLingwei.
The Palace Attendant [Zhang Changzong] has talent and ap
pearance;
Buthisnameisnotthatofthearchivist. (JTS78.2706)31
Thisrobeofyourhumbleministerisagarmentonewearstocourtwhenmemo
rializingthethrone.Changzongsclothing,however,isagarmentwornbyfavor
itesand flatterers. Swayed by hispersuasive argument, Wu Zhao then granted
thewager.ZhangChangzong,havinglistenedtoDiRenjiesargument,feltoutof
sortsanddepressedandlostthebackgammonmatch.Heleftwiththeprecious
FlockofKingfisherscloak,which,uponreachingacitygate,hegavetoaslave.
SeeSchafer 1963,114,307n87.
30 PengDingqiu ed.,QuanTangshi(Beijing:Zhonghua,1995;
hereafterQTS), 80.865866.
31 CuiRongspoemalsoappearsintheMingdynastyeroticnovella,Ruyi
jun zhuan (The Lord ofPerfect Satisfaction,Stone2003,90.Stonesees
thepoemassubtlyinsinuatingthatZhangChangzongshouldenjoyhisodious
statusasWuZetiansparamourwhilehecanbecausesuchfavor,farfromim
mortal, istransient. The archivist,he argues, was a reference to Laozi, whose
surnamelike that ofthe displaced House of Tangwas Li.Alternatively, one
might adhere to Stones understanding,yetspin Cui Rongs intention in a very
different manner. Perhaps the verse reflects the dramatic ascent of the cult of
PrinceJinasamajordivinityintheDaoistpantheon.InTPGJ240.1854,achapter
BothDukeFuqiu,PrinceJinsdivinetutor,andDingLingwei,areDaoist
immortals.
AbodyofliteraryandaestheticmastersincludingSongZhiwen,Li
Qiao and Xue Jiall members of the Institute for Reining Cranes
produced the 1300chapter Sanjiao zhuying, a broadreaching anthology
thatsoughttosystemicallygatherthesumtotalofBuddhist,Daoistand
Confucian wisdom. Still,because of the rumors swirling around the In
stitute, many argued the project was little more than an elaborate aes
theticglosstocoverthestenchoftheriotouscarousing,boisterousfeast
ingand other lascivious goingson inthe innerpalace,atransparentat
tempttosquelchthecacophonyofcriticismfromthecourt(JTS78.27067;
XTS104.40145;ZZTJ206.6546).
TheemergenceofMountGoushiasaritualcenter,associatedwith
bothPrinceJinandtheQueenMotheroftheWest,canbeunderstoodin
terms of Wu Zhaos ongoing effort to transform greater Luoyang into
sanctified ground unmistakably connected to her imperial person and
indeliblyimprintedwithherimage.TheemergentcultofPrinceJinsig
naledashiftinWuZhaosimperialfavorduringherlateryearsfromthe
BuddhistutopiastoDaoistfairylands.In698,shemadehersonLiXian
HeirApparentonceagain,adecisionthateffectivelyannouncedher
intentiontoreturnthe empiretotheHouseofTang(ZZTJ206.6534).
Rather than deal with the constant pressures of her dissension
riddencourt,inherlateryearsWuZhaoretreatedtohermountainvillas
with increasing frequency or indulged in the flamboyant gaiety the
Zhangs provided in her inner quarters. This desire to retreat from the
infightingandfactionalismofhercourtisreflectedinherpoemShizong
(StonyTorrents)writtenin700:
Drenchedincloaksofmist,stop.
Takejoyinfeasting
Admirethecreekloverswisdom,thecharityofhills.
Andthen,onjeweledsaddles,
Astwilightfalls,abovetheroilingworld,wellflyaway.
onsycophantsandfavorites,CuiRongismentionedasbeingthemostshame
lessly fawning of the sycophants poetically toadying to the Zhangs. TPGJ
250.1935 attributesthepoemtoZhangChanglingratherthanCuiRong.

(QTS5.58;Larsen 2005,25).
In her tone, one readily detects Wu Zhaos delight in escaping to the

comfortingvastnessofthemountainsanddalessouthofLuoyang.Stony
Torrents is a gorge near Mount Song. On the same outing in 700, Wu
Zhaocommandedthose inher entourage to writepoemstocommemo
rate their outing to Shizong. Wu Sansi, the nephew who cast Zhang
Changzong as Prince Jin, wrotetheXianhebian (Verse ofthe Im
mortalCrane), tacitlysettinghisauntaDaoistimmortal.
From this place, layered with several thousand cliffs and ra
vines,
Mysovereignascendsmountedonacrane,ridingadragon...
(QTS80.865)
And if Zhang Changzong was Prince Jin, then who in the Daoist pan
theoncouldWuZhaobeotherthantheQueenMotheroftheWest?
Suzanne Cahill has shown that on this famous outing to Shizong,
the poetcourtier Yao Chong consciously drew upon images like King
Muswestwardprocessionculminatinginasupernaturalfeast,tode
pictWuZhaoscourtentourageasacompanyofDaoistimmortals.Yao
ChongspoemontheoccasionindicatesthatWuZhaoexcelledtworul
ers of the past with whom the Queen Mother of the West was closely
intertwined,KingMuofZhouandHanWudi:
Long ago, a Zhou king declined the bounty of the Turquoise
Pond,
And a Han ruler felt anxious and ashamed at the Jade Tree
Palace.
Now,ontheotherhand,wehaveauspiciousmistspairedwith
beautifulbreaths,
Whichcan followthelightpalanquin:altogetherprofuse.
(Cahill 1993,13233)
Whilethesemalerulersofthepastwereillateaseintheimmortalpres
ence of Queen Mother of the West, Yao Chong implies, his own sover
eignwasinherelement.
Thepoem of favorite ZhangYizhi tocommemoratetheoccasion
theoutingtoStonyTorrentsmoreexplicitlylinkedhisredoubtablepa
tronesstotheQueenMother:
With alacrity, six dragons raise their heads in clarion an
nouncement
Asthe SevenSages jointhe Yellow Emperor, gathering inthe
shadeoftheYingRiver.
Athousandzhangtall,pinesintertwinewithwisteria,forming
anemeraldcanopy.
The entire mountainscape echoes with avian calls and strains
offlute,
Aswhitecloudandbluebird,emissariesoftheQueenMother,
Part the hanging vines and creepers that make mens hearts
growwild.
As the evening sun settles in a secret crevasse deep in the
mountains
withairynonchalanceazephyrblowsflowersearthward. (QTS
80.867)32
Thisassociationwasnotunique.CitingmanyinstancesinwhichaDao
ist priestesses and recluses were explicitly affiliated with the Queen
Motherinverse,CahillhasremarkedthatTangpoemssometimescom
pare especially lofty or talented priestesses and adepts to the Queen
Mother(Cahill1986,164)
WuZhaosdesiretoassociateherselfwiththeQueenMotherofthe
West wasmost readily apparent inher later years: inher establishment
oftheInstituteofReiningCranes;inthedevelopmentofMountGoushi
into a cultic center for Prince Jin, in Zhang Changzongs theatrical por
trayal ofthiscraneriding Daoist immortal, and inherrecurring role as
QueenMotheroftheWestinthepoetryofhercourtiers.Sheplayedthe
QueenMotheroftheWesttohisPrinceJin,arolesheassumedonlyafter
decidingtopass theempireback to herson, to the House of Tang. Wu
Zhaos role as the Queen Mother of the West functionally did little to
32 The commentary in theQuanTangshisuggeststhatthispoemshould be

attributedtoliterarymasterSongZhiwenorYanChaoyin,ratherthantoZhang
Yizhi.SeealsoCahill1993,133.

magnifyherpoliticalauthorityand,indeed,mightbetterbeunderstood
asaplayful,theatricaldiversionduringherwaning years.
Conclusion
Onthewhole,WuZhaosenthusiasmtoutilizetheQueenMotherofthe
West forpoliticalvalidation orsymbolically ashercelestialcounterpart
was temperedby the fictive kinconnectionbetweentheHouse ofTang
andDaoistfounderLiEr,Laozi.Thoughsheandherpoliticalsupporters
createdaseriesofconnectionsbetweenherselfasearthlysovereignand
thecelestialDaoistdeity,itdoesnotappearthatsheengagedinaconsis
tent or systemic campaign to identify herself as a living incarnation of
the Queen Mother. Nonetheless, through her performance of acts and
manipulation of symbols already associated with the Queen Mother of
theWestsericulturerites,jadetokensofauthority,phoenixes,andsolar
and lunar iconographyWu Zhaolinkedherselfclearly, if notdirectly,
to the Daoist goddess. These culturally legible symbols, familiar to and
understoodby herministers and subjects, identifiedWu Zhao withthe
QueenMotheroftheWest,amplifyingherauthoritywiththemythicand
numinous aura of the Daoist divinity. In her final years of rule, sur
rounded by the flamboyant Zhang brothers, Wu Zhao styled her inner
palace a Daoist paradise on earth, over which she presided as Queen
MotheroftheWest.Thiscolorfultheater,whileitmayhaveservedasa
welcomedistractionfromherdividedandtumultuouscourt,didlittleto
augment the fadingpower ofher Zhou dynasty. Nonetheless,the long
standingconnectionsbetweenfemaleemperorWuZhaoandtheQueen
Mother of the West illustrate the need to come to terms with the com
plexity of the interplay of the three faiths in Tang China, and re
evaluate the simplistic notion that Wu Zhao supported Buddhism and
ignoredDaoisminordertoseparateherselffromtheTangandtoestab
lishherself asaBuddhistthearch.
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Daoist Imagery of Body and Cosmos

Part 1: Body Gods and Starry Travel
SHIH-SHAN SUSAN HUANG
Abstract
ThisarticlepresentsDaoistvisualrepresentationsofbodyandcosmos,drawing
extensively on illustrations and diagrams from texts preserved in the Ming
dynastyDaoistCanon. ToexaminehowtheDaoistperceptionofbodyandcos
mos unfolded over time, I discuss images of four types: body gods, imaginary
journeystostars,grotesquespirits and body worms,andthe bodytransformed
ininternalalchemythefirsttwointhispart,thenexttwoinJDS4(2011).
ThecurrentworkhopestocontributetointerdisciplinarystudiesofChinese
art,religion,andscience.Fromthevisualperspective,ithopestoaddtotheon
goingexaminationofchartsormaps(tu)andtoenrichour understandingof
therepresentationandperceptionofwhat bodymeansinChinesevisualcul
ture. In terms of Daoist studies, my dominantly visual approach aims to com
plementthe manytextual approaches onthistopic. Thisstudy alsoadds tothe
growingscholarshipofDaoistart,whichhassofarfocusedmoreonpublicdevo
tionalpaintingsandstatuaryandlessonprivateimageryassociatedwithmedita
tionandvisualization.
The Invisibility of Daoist Images

Anyone who attempts to trace the history of Daoist imagery in tradi
tional China will probably be frustrated by its relative absence during
the early development of religious Daoism from the second to the fifth
centuries.Pastscholarshiprelatestheapparentlackofinterestinimage
makingtothephilosophicaldefinitionandfundamentalprincipleofthe
Dao:TheOne,orthecenteroftheuniverse,thepotencyresponsiblefor
57
the creation and continued existence of the world (Kohn 1992, 109) is
mystic,formless,andempty.Therefore,itisaniconicinnature.1
One gets a sense oftheaniconicvisuality of Daoistsacred space in
thealtardiagrampreservedinthelatesixcenturyWushangbiyao
(Essentials of the Supreme Secrets, DZ1138,2 25:189b; see Lagerwey
1987,30;Little2000, Fig.4,19;Lagerwey1981)(Fig.1).
Fig. 1: Altar diagram

for the Fast of the
Three Primes (DZ
1138,25:189b).
This shows abirdseye view of a square ritual spacedefinedby a

threetieredaltarmadeofvermilionmud.Theonlyobjectsondisplayare
fivesetsofincenseburners,eachplacedonashortgreentable(qingjian
),juxtaposed with other pledges(zhenxin),which aremarked
outbutnotillustratedonthetoptier.
Similarly,onlyfourobjectswereallowedinanearlyDaoistoratory
(jingshi ), according to Lu Xiujing (406477): an incense
burner(xianglu),anincenselamp(xiangdeng),atableofmemo
rials (zhangan) for presenting written petitions to the gods, and a
writingknife(shudao )whichthegodswereintendedtousetomake
1 For a recent study of Laozi iconography applying this concept, see Wu

2002.FormysteriouslooksofLaozi,seeKohn1996.
2 Daoist texts from the Daozang are numbered according to Schipper and
Verellen 2004 and follow the Sanjia ben edition in thirtysix volumes (Beijing:
Wenwu,Shanghai:Shanghaishudian,andTianjin:Gujichubanshe,1988).
Huang,DaoistImageryofBodyandCosmos/ 59
corrections on the petition (Daomen kelue , DZ 1127, 24:780;
Kohn2003,108;Schipper2005,93).
LucontraststhesimpleDaoistspacewiththoseusedbypeoplewho
followed vulgar customs and had ornate decorations with benches,
chairs,images(xingxiang ),bannersanddaises(24:780).Laterinthe
Tangdynasty,theBuddhistmonkFalinfurtherdifferentiatedDao
ist halls from Buddhist by citing Tao Hongjing (456536), senior
Daoist of Mount Mao and Shangqing patriarch, noted for his scripture
compilation and his wide knowledge of Daoism, Buddhism, medicine,
and pharmacology (see Strickmann 1979). According to Falin, Tao took
turnsinpayingtributetoBuddhismandDaoism,alternatingeveryother
daybetweentheirrespectivehalls.Amongthem,theBuddhisthallhad
sacred statues while the Daoist one did not (Bianzheng lun , T.
52.2110:535a; Chen 1963, 268). Following this idea, most scholars have
identifiedsculptures and votivesteles fromthe fifth to eighthcenturies
as the earliest Daoist images and understand them as being heavily in
fluenced by the Buddhist tradition of iconmaking (Bokenkamp 1996;
Abe1996;Liu2001; Kohn2003,16468).
While the early construction of Daoist ritual space was devoid of
iconic displays, images of body and cosmos as part of mystic inner vi
sions werecentral in Daoistmeditationfrom an early age, especially in
the Shangqing tradition. Often referred to as cunsi , this practice
means keeping (something in mind) and contemplating (it), in other
words actualizing or visualizing an internal object. Daoism thus made
useofimagesintheintermediaryworldofvisualmeditationto trans
formpsychiccontents,therebytoestablishaperceptionofanewspiri
tualbody(Robinet1989,15960;1993,4854;Kohn2009a,69).3
Primary sources addressing Daoist meditative images tend to deal
dominantly with the individualmystical searchfortranscendence, as
opposedto works thatfocus on the worshipof thedeities, saints,and
3 Buddhist visualations in medieval China relate to the Pure Land associ
atedwiththeBuddhaAmitbha(Amituofo).TheFoshuoguanWuliang
shou fo jing (Visualization Sutra, T.12.365) offers detailed in
structions forthe Sixteen Visualizations(Shiliuguan);see Rykoku 2004,
xivxvii. In the Tang and Song, the Sixteen Visualizations inspired many art
works.SeeDunhuangyanjiusuo 1999,5:1007,141,145,149,157,.177,181,1934,
201,214,235,237.
ancestors.4Furthermore,imagesintendedforvisualizationpracticesur
vivemostlyasillustrationsinDaoisttextsknownasillustratedinstruc
tions (tujue ) as well as inmeditation texts thathave pictures for
visualization(cunsitu )intheirtitles.MostearlyDaoistimages,it
seemsmoreover,appearedintextsnotinforgeneralcirculationbutonly
accessible to selectedadepts.5 It is, therefore, quitepossible that the un
derrepresentation or invisibility of such images in modern scholar
shipresultsfromtheprivacyand selectivity of their intended audience.
Early adepts who applied these images were advised to meditate on
theminsolitude withoutanyoneknowingaboutthem.
Daoistadeptsperceivedtheworldofintermediaryimagesasamicro
cosm within their own bodies, analogous to the time and space of the
cosmicworld.ThisconceptisfirstfoundintheancientChineseschoolof
yinyangcosmologyandthefivephases,asoutlinedintheLiji(Bookof
Rites ) and the Yijing (Book of Changes ). Because the same
name designating apoint withinthehumanbody oftensimultaneously
refers to a celestial place, the adepts mental visitation of these realms
through ecstatic travel within his own body symbolizes his roaming in
the corresponding heavenly spheres. Such visual meditation and active
imagination accordingly served to turn the adepts body into a cosmic
body,atheaterofmovinggods(Robinet1993,52).
Daoistimagesofbodyandcosmosrevealthehumanbodyasasa
credsitethatmyriadsofdeitiestraveltoandfro,matchingthedivinities
ofthecosmosactiveinthecourseofDaoistritual,althoughtheyremain
invisibletotheobservingaudienceinthesacredspaceofDao(daochang
).Thisholdstruewhethertheimagesappearasscrollsinatempleor
aprivatechamber,astextualillustrations,orasverbaloutlines.
BytheSongdynasty(9601279),visualizationcontinuedasamain
stay even in newlycodified rituals,6 then further developed in internal
alchemy (neidan ), which can be described as an innovative devel
4 These two aspects have formed the essential categories of Daoist textual
traditionsincethefifthcentury;seeSchipperinSchipperandVerellen2004,16.
5 ForanoverviewofDaozangtextsingeneralcirculationvs.textsinin
ternalcirculation, seeSchipperaandVerellen2004,134792.
6 Atypeofinternalorprivateritual,visualmeditationwasconductedindi
viduallybyDaoistadeptsandwasdeemedsuperiortoexternalorpublicforms.
Seetherecentstudyofinternalalchemyinthethunderrites(Chao2009).
opmentofbreathing andmeditativepractice,ora form of subtlebody
ecstasy,aimingtonourishlifeandattainimmortality (BaldrianHussein
1990;Kohn1993,313319;Robinet1997,21256;Pregadio2006;Kohnand
Wang2009;Kohn2009b,114).Hereanewtypeofbodyimageryemerges
whose physiological features find common ground with the body im
agery used in medicine. All in all, the images provide a great resource
for a better understanding of the visual culture of Chinese mysticism,
demonology, disease, and medicine (Kohn 1992, 2009b; Despeux 1994,
2005,2007;Mollier2006).
Early Body Gods

Body gods (shenshen) are divine entities believed to reside in vari
ous parts of the body, ranging from major centers such as head, eyes,
andnavel,tothefiveinnerorgans(wuzang ),includingheart,spleen,
andkidneys.Whilebodygodscananddotravelinandoutofthebody,
theirprolonged exitmay result in sicknessor death.Hence, visualizing
themandtheirassociatedbodypartsindetailedphysicalityispowerful
meansofkeepingtheminplaceandthuspromotinghealthandlongev
ity(Robinet1993,6465).
Literarysourcesofbodygodvisualizationpredatevisualdocumen
tation. Oneofthe earliest Daoist scriptures onthe subject istheTaiping
jing (Scripture of the Great Peace, ed. Wang 1960).7 Dated in its
earliestsurvivinglayerstothesecondcentury,thetextadvocatestheuse
ofpaintedimagesofbodygodsasaidstomeditation,whichwillprevent
sickness ifdone efficiently. Their imagesshouldbepainted in fullcolor
and displayed in an empty and sunlit meditation room. The adept
shouldfacethepaintinginsolitudeandvisualizethebodygodsappro
priately(Lin1993,236238;2009; Hendrischke2006).
ItfurtherdescribestheMethod ofHangingImagestoCallBackthe
[Body]Gods(Xuanxianghuanshenfa ):
7 For Taipingjingstudies,see Lin 2009, 21920;Hendrischke2006. The text

wastransmittedinmultipleversionsandreeditedinthethirdandsixthcentu
ries.SeeLi1994.Itscirculationinthetenthtothirteenthcenturiesisdocumented
invarioussources,e.g.,YJQQ6:98,6:104;7:12;,11:223;12:277;49:1087,119:2628;
Taipingyulan,Jingshitushugangmu44a;Songshi
158:15a.
The Method of Hanging Images to Call Back the Spirits: The
spiritsliveinsidethebody.Therearetenspiritsofspringthat
look like boys dressed in blue; ten spirits of summer looking
likeboysdressedinred;tenspiritsoffallthatappearlikeboys
dressed in white; ten spirits of winter that look like boys
dressedinblack;twelvespiritsofthefourseasonsthatseemto
beboysdressedinyellow.
Thesearethegodsresidingintheinnerorgansofmalead
epts. The same numbers of gods [in female form] reside in
those of a female. Males best meditate on [the gods] in male
form,whilefemalesenvisiontheminfemaleform.Each should
be[painted]aboutonefoot[chi]tall.[If]theimagesarenicely
painted and lovable, adepts will feel happy and their spirit
soulspromptlyreturntothebody.(Wang1960,2122)
Elsewhere in the same text, the Method of Fasting and Meditating on

theSpiritsinOrdertoRescueOneselffromDeath(Zhaijiesishenjiusijue
)advisesadeptstousepaintedimagesofthebodygods
of the five organs and other corresponding cosmic divinities as visual
aidsformeditationtoattaineternallife(Wang1960,29293).Depictedon
plainsilk,thesedeitieswearrobeswhosecolorscorrespondtothecolors
of the five phases. Their corresponding cosmic divinities appear as
twentyfiveanthropomorphicgodsmountedoncelestialsteeds,divided
intofivegroupsmatchingthefivedirections(1960,293).Theywearbon
netcapsandareequippedwithavarietyofweaponsincludingarrows,
crossbows,axes,gildedshields,andswords (1960,299).
InadditiontotheTaipingjing,theLaozizhongjing(Central
ScriptureofLaozi,DZ1168,27:14156;Yunqiqiqian 1819[here
after YJQQ]; P. 3784) is an early Daoist text describing internal gods
(Schipper 1993, 10812; 1995; Kat 1996; 2002, 6870; Neswald 2009, 30
33).Dating from the earlymiddle ages, thetexttransports sacred geog
raphy and corresponding divinities to the human body. Schipper sug
gests that the text may have been accompanied by pictures, possibly
purely abstractbecausethey were meant tobemeditation and visu
alizationprops(2005,95).
Thebodygodshereareperceivednotonlyascosmicdivinitiesbut
alsoas officers in acelestialadministrationmirroringEastern Han soci
ety.Certaingodsaregivenfulllengthintroductions,whichofteninclude
biographical details such as surname, name, cognomen, birthplace,
physicalappearance,dress,bodysize,andresidenceinthebody(YJQQ
1819). Thisbodily pantheon is furthersupportedby eighteen thousand
attendantofficers.
Forexample,thehighestrankingdeityistheMostHighGreatOne
(Shangshang taiyi ), hovering above the head. He appears to
haveahumanheadandabirdsbody.NextistheQueenMotherofthe
West(Xiwangmu),traditionallyassociatedwiththecenterofthe
worldonMt.Kunlun, buthereassignedtotherighteyeandpaired
with the Lord King of the East (Dongwang gong ), who governs
thelefteye.Inaddition,thereistheJadeMaidenofGreatYinofObscure
Brilliance(Taiyinxuanguang yunu)wholivesinthespleen,
alsocalledthe Palace of Great Simplicity (Taisu gong). Herhus
bandistheLordoftheDao(Daojun)another manifestationofthe
Great One who lives in the gallbladder,calledthe Purple Chamber (Zi
fang ),andisservedbyLordLao(Laojun),whoholdsthemagi
calmushroomandagreenbanner.TheirchildisthePerfectedCinnabar
Child (Zhenren Zidan ), who is seated on a bed of precious
pearls at the entrance to the stomach, or the Great Storehouse (Taicang
),whereallthegodseatanddrink.
If adepts follow the texts instructions and visualize the gods for
nineyears,theGreatDeityoftheCelestialMaster(Tianshidashen
)willsendanothereighteenthousandofficersintotheadeptsbody
fordivineprotection.Togetherwiththeexistinggods,theywilltravelin
chariots driven by blue dragons, white deer, galloping horses, divine
turtles,andcarpandworktogethertolifttheadeptsbodytoascendto
heaven(18:433).
Amongthemanydwellingsofthebodygods,theabdomenisper
haps themost scenic sitecontaining avariety of waterways andmoun
tains.Itisalsotheplacewherethemyriadgodsflocktogether.TheJade
Maidens of the Six Ding (Liuding yunu ), for example, are a
group of female officials who guard the kidneys and are in charge of
merit evaluation (18:423). 8 They routinely leave for excursions in the
8Thesefemaledeitiesarethepersonificationsofthesixcombinationsofthe
celestialstemdingwithterrestrial branches inthesexagenery cycle. SeeAnder
sen 198990, 34; Mugitani in Pregadio 2007, 69597. For a Picture of the Jade
MaidensoftheSixYin, seeYJQQ 80:1835.
GreatOcean,locatedbetweenthekidneys;theyalsorideondivinecarp
andturtleswhosegoldenyellowshellsbearmagicalwrits.Theybreathe
theoriginalbreathoftheessenceofpureyinenergy(18:423,42930,434;
19:449).Inadditiontothekidneygoddesses,theWindLord(Fengbo
)andtheRainMaster(Yushi )alsoroamtheGreatOcean(18:430),
associatedwithasitenearthenavelandthesmallintestines,respectively
(18:425).
In the depth of the Ocean, about three inches (cun ) beneath the
navel and adjacent to the spine near the kidneys, one reaches the most
importantareaoftheinnerbody:theCinnabarorElixirField(dantian
). This is identified as the root of the human being, or the Palace
That Contains Essence (Cangjing gong ). It is where men store
semenandwomenmenstrualblood(18:428429;Schipper1993,106).
The body god residing in the Cinnabar Field is a ninemillimeter
(fen)tallbabyboydressedinredandemergingfromtheredqi (YJQQ
19:441).Thischildmetaphoralsoplaysapivotalroleinthevisualization
ofbodygodsintheHuangtingjing (YellowCourtScripture),one
oftheoldestDaoisttextscentraltotheShangqingschool.9
Planets and Bureaucrats

Another important Shangqing document on visualization is the Dadong
zhenjing (PerfectScriptureoftheGreatCavern,DZ6),collated
by the Southern Song Shangqing patriarch Jiang Zongying (d.
1281)onMaoshan(Robinet1983;1993,97117).Composedofstanzas,the
scriptureismeanttoberecitedwhiletheadeptvisualizesbodygodsand
cosmic divinities (Robinet 1993, 104). It emphasizes the relationshipbe
tween the divinities residing in the body and the heavenly sphere, en
couraging adepts to embark on ecstatic journeys: soaring into the sky,
absorbingthecosmicenergies,andintegratingwiththeDao.
Byconcentratingtheirmind,meditating,andbreathingconsciously,
adeptscanvisualizetheir salivacondensing intovarious forms ofbody
gods. The gods descend from the head toward the gates of death,
9 Thetextdividesintoaninnerclassic:theHuangtingwaijingyujing
(DZ 332) and an outer one, the Huangtingneijingyujing

(DZ 331;YJQQ1112). Forstudies,seeSchipper 1975;Kroll 1996; Robinet 1993,
5596;Kohn1993,181188;BaldrianHussein2004.
whichareprecisepoints in thebody through whicha fatalbreathcan
beinhaled,suchasthenipples,theears,theinnerorgans,thebladder,
andthefeet(Robinet1997,133).Bynavigatingthebodyinthismanner,
the gods close up the bodily orifices to make it into a hermetically
sealedworld(Robinet1993,103).
Mostofthefiftyillustrationsinthetextshareacommonimageofa
seatedadeptshownfrontallyorwithhisbacktotheviewerwhilevisual
izingagroupofbodygodsfloatingonacloudmassemanatingfromhis
head (Fig. 2ad).Amajorcategory among them areplanetary divinities
from Venus, Mercury, Mars, Jupiter, Saturn, the Sun and the Moon.10
Shownasofficialsholdingatabletinbothhandsbeforetheirchest(Fig.
2a), 11 theymayalsoappearaskinglyfigureswearingimperialrobesand
capsdecoratedwithpendants(Fig.2b).Otherillustratedbodygodstend
tobemilitaryinnature,includingguardians(lishi)(Fig.2c)anddi
vine generals wearing armor and holding weapons (Fig. 2d). 12 Their
dressvariesinstyleandcoloraccordingtotheirrankandbodylocation.
a.
b.
10 The numbers of planetary deities from each star also vary. Jupiter has
nine,Marseight,Venusseven,Mercuryfive,andSaturntwelve(DZ6,1:51618).
11 Moreillustrationsarefoundin DZ6,1:51618,521,524,52729,543.
12 One particular trinity consists of a general who resembles the Great
GeneralofHeavenly Mugwort(Tianpengdajiang ) ( DZ6, 1:520a).
c.
d.
Fig.2:a.EightDeitiesofMars(DZ6,1:517a);b.TwelveDeitiesofSaturn(1:518a);
c.SixGuardians(1:539c);d.DivineGeneralswithWeapons(1:537a).
Allthesevariousillustrationsshareacommoncompositionalstruc
ture, featuring a seated adept withbody gods standing onclouds ema
nating from his head. This pictorial scheme becomes standard in later
Daoistvisualizationpictures,asreflected,forexample,inanillustration
fromtheseventeenthcenturyXingmingguizhi,ZW314(Fig.2e).
Fig. 2e: Visualization picture

fromtheXingmingguizhi,British
Libraryedition.
Thepictorialconventions of deities emanating from thehead as il
lustrated intheDadongzhenjingarecomparabletopictorialmotifs from
Buddhist visualizationpaintings, suchas the Southern Songpainting of
AmidasparadiseintheChionincollection,Kyoto(Fig.3)(Nara
Museum1996,Figs.142,138;2009,Figs.57,64).
Inthispainting,thePureLandissymbolizedbyalotuspondwith
the newly reborn seated on lotus blossoms and heavenly birds floating
aboutthejeweled terrace.Amida Buddhastandsat thecenter.Emanat
ing fromhis head isanassemblyof two groupsofbuddhasandbodhi
sattvas. Based on the visual comparison, it is possible that the printed
illustrations of the Dadong zhenjing, carved in the Ming dynasty, are
based on prototypes of the Southern Song when Jiang Zongying com
piledthetext.
Fig. 3: Amidas Pure Land. Southern Song

dynasty.1180.Colorandinkonsilk.Chion
in collection, Kyoto (Nara Museum 2009,
Figs.57,64).
Most early sources have the tendency to picture higher Daoist di

vinities in bureaucratic attire. The Six Dynasties work Jiebao shier jiejie
tujue (Illustrated Instructions for How to Untie the
Twelve Embryonic Knots, DZ 1384), serves as a good example (Fig. 4)
(34:98a).13 Thetextadvisesadeptstovisualizetheassemblyofbodygods
inordertountie(jie)theinbornknots(jie)hinderingtheflow
ofqiinthebodyandcausingillness.14 Itshowsthebodygodsonebyone,
depicting them as generic bureaucrats in long robes with long sleeves
andceremonialcaps.Somedeitiesholdatabletwithbothhands;others
simplycuptheirhandsneartheirwaists.
Fig.4:Imagesofthebodygodsoftheinbornknots(DZ1384, 34:98a).
Acolophonaccompanying each image identifiesthedeitys title, styles,

andcolorofgarments.Picturinggodsasofficialsisalsothenormamong
devotionalimagesinDaoisttemples,suchasthefourteenthcenturymu
ralintheYonglegong(TempleoftheEternalJoy),aQuanzhen
sanctuaryinsouthernShanxi(Fig.5)(Xiao2008,115).
13 Not included in early canons, this was probably added from a Song
source.SeeSchipperandVerellen2004,32.
14 Theseinbornknotsformedinthebodyatbirth.SeeJiebaoshierjiejietu
jue,DZ1384,34:96;Robinet1993,13943; Kat2002,7488.
Fig. 5: Daoist mural from the

Sanqing Hall, Yongle gong.
14th century. Yuan dynasty.
Shanxi province (Xiao 2008,
115).
Ritual Activation
The visualization of body gods also plays an important role in Daoist
rites.Theofficiantentersastateofdeepmeditationinordertosummon
thedivinitiesfromhisbodypartofanopeningritewhichalsoinvolves
LightingtheBurner(Falu)andCallingForththeOfficers(Chu
guan ) (Asano 2002, 17071; Davis 2001, 30708; Andersen in Pre
gadio2007,40041).15
15 Thisconnection ofvisualizationandritualisdocumentedinseverallost
scriptures listed in the fifteenthcentury Daozang quejing mulu
(CatalogueofMissingScripturesoftheDaoistCanon,DZ1430).Twosuchtexts
onPicturesofCallingForththeOfficials(Chuguantu)andPicturesof
Meditating on the Officers (Gongcao sishen tu ) have the heading
Zhengyi(OrthodoxUnity),referringtotheDaoismoftheCelestialMasters
school.Theymayhavebeenvisualaidsformastersincallingforthhisbodygods
in ritual. Other texts with the prefix Zhengyi fawen are related to
MengAnpai (fl.699).See YJQQ6.18a;SchipperandVerellen2004,467.
The twelfthcentury Yutang dafa (Great Rites of the Jade
Hall, DZ 220), compiled by the Tianxin (Celestial Heart) Daoist
masterLuShizhong ,depictsrelevantritualbodygods(Fig.6ad)
a.
b.
c.
d.
Fig.6:a.MasterOfficer;b.JadeMaiden;c.Officer;d.HeavenlyClerics(DZ220,
4:74c75b)
(Boltz1987,3338;Hymes2002;AnderseninSchipperandVerellen2004,
107073;AnderseninPregadio2007,71516;Davis2001,5657).Theyare
shownasstereotypicalMasterOfficials(Fig.6a),JadeMaidens(Fig.6b),
Officers(Fig.6c),andHeavenlyClerics(Fig.6d).
AseriesofdynamicillustrationsfromaTangvisualizationmanual
offeralternativerepresentationsofthebodygodscalledoutbytheadept
(Fig.7ab)(Dacunsituzhujue,SecretInstructionsandIllus
trationsoftheGreatVisualizations,DZ875;YJQQ43:95356,96366;see
LagerweyinSchipperandVerellen2004,498).
a.
b.
Fig.7:a.Visualizationof thesoldiersandhorsesoncloudswhiletheadeptwalks
in ritual; b. Visualization ofthe body guards whileascending totherostrum to
preach(DZ875,18:720c21a;18:722ab).
Thetextoffersinstructiononhowtopracticevisualizationatdiffer
ent times and for different purposes. Each section ends with a phrase
thatreadstheimageis[illustrated]assuchattheleft(qixiangruzuo
).Inthe Daozangversion,thisphraseisfollowedby Fig.7a.Anote
on the upper left of an illustrationconcernscolor:Theperfectedbeing
[adept] should wear the bluish green cap and green garments, and the
rest of the figures and clouds can be drawn as [the illustrator] sees fit
(18:721a).
This image shows the swift arrival of officials, generals, and heav
enlyanimalsonclustersofcloudssurroundinganadept,whomeditates
in a seated position inside a pavilion (18:720c21a). This illustrateshow
an adept should visualize the soldiers and horses on clouds while the
adept walks [in ritual]. The accompanying text refers to these mobile
deitiesasthecelestialboys,jademaidens,heavenlydeities,earthdeities,
sunandmoon,stars,FiveEmperorsandninebillionriders comingoutof
theadeptsorgans(18:719c20b).
Fig. 7b, next, depicts the body guards manifesting themselves in
frontoftheadeptsaswarriorsonhorses,andfloatingontaperingclouds.
Thisillustrateshowtovisualizethe bodyguardswhileascendingtothe
rostrum[topreach.]Basedonthis,itislikelythataSouthernSongrit
ualmasterwouldvisualizeimagesliketheseinhismindwhilesummon
ing his body gods in ritual. Compared to the gods depicted in Dadong
zhenjing (see Figs. 2ad above), whose content veers toward selfcul
tivation and meditation, the depictions in this text present a larger and
moredynamicassemblyofbodygods.
Journeys to the Dipper

A rather different type of imagery in Daoist materials features the ad
epts imaginary journeys to the stars, visualizations which enable them
tointegrateselfandDao,bodyandcosmosonahigherlevel(Robinet
1989;Kohn1992,96116;1993,257).
Fig. 8: ImaginaryJourney to the First Star ofthe Dipper inthe Spring (DZ 765,
17:219a).
A prime example appears in the Wudou sanyi tujue

(IllustratedInstructionsofVisualizingtheThreeOnesintheFivePhases
oftheDipper,DZ765)(Fig.8),aShangqingdocumentoftheSixDynas
ties which focuses on the adepts ecstatic journey to and beyond the
DipperattheEightNodesoftheyear,i.e.,atthebeginningofthefour
seasonsplusthesolsticesandequinoxes.
Theexampleshownheredepictsthespringtimejourneytothefirst
staroftheDipper,YangBrightness.Theadeptisseatedattherightofthe
picture plane, facing the Dipper at the upper left. The Dipper is repre
sented as a graphic configuration of seven dots lined up like a scoop
withahandle(Kohn1993,213).16 AyoungladystandingbelowtheDip
per may represent the celestial attendant of the first star. Between the
adeptandtheDipperaretwogroupsofsevenseatedfigures,movingin
oppositedirections.Thegroupingofsevenechoesthesevenvisiblestars
of the Dipper.17 In each group, the figures wear bureaucratic robes and
holaudiencetablets,whilemovingalongontaperingclouds.
The explanatory notesabovethe illustrationdesignate the adept at
thecenterasaperfected(zhenren)withgarbdifferentfromthatof
the others (17:218a). The group at the bottom ascending to the Dipper
representtheadept;theyarethebodygodscalledtheThreeOnes(Sanyi
) as well as other internal divinities (Robinet 1993, 124127; Kohn
1989;2007).ThegroupontopdescendingfromtheDippermayindicate
theadeptsjourneybacktoearth.
Fromtheperspectiveofvisualstudy,theexplanatorynotesprovide
valuableinformation.Likematerialsinsimilardocuments(Figs.7a,13),
theyfunctionascoloringguidelinesforillustrators.Onemayeveninfer
that the original illustrations were handcolored drawingsthe domi
nant form of religious illustrations produced before the age of printing
(Drge1999).
The Dipper occupies a significant place in Chinese visual culture
evenbeyondreligion.IntheHandynasty,itappearsinpictorialartasa
seriesofsevendotsjoinedbystraightlinesformingtheshapeofascoop
ormimickingtheimperialchariot,suchasintherubbingretrievedfrom
theWuFamilyShrine (Tseng2001, 173,226) (Fig.9) .18
Tianguansantujing ,(DZ1366,33:808b18c);Robinet1989,
178;Kohn1993,25767.ScholarshavesuggestedthattheTianguansantujing was
addedtothe Daozang fromaSongcanon;see SchipperandVerellen2004,32.
17 The Dipper consists of seven visible stars and two invisible ones. Fora
diagram,seeKohn1993,213.
18ForassociationsoftheDipperwiththeimperialchariotinTangandSong
sources,seeYuShinan(588638),Beitangshuchao 150:7b;Taiping
yulan 7:3b; Su Song (10201101), Xin yixiang fayao , 28; Wang
Yinglin (12231296),Yuhai 1:2a. OnDaoiststars,seeSchafer1977.
16 Cf.
Fig. 9: Rubbing of a King Riding on a Chariot in the Shape of the Dipper. Wu

LiangShrine,Shandong. Handynasty(Zhongguogudaitianwenwenwutuji,51).
AtenthcenturydrawinginaDunhuangcalendar datedfrom924(S.
2404)similarlydepictsanintriguingscenecalledtheMethodofSirIm
mortalGeforHonoringtheGreatDipper(Fig.10;see Mollier2008,149
152, Fig. 4.3). The officiallooking Immortal Ge, i.e., Ge Xuan (see
BokenkampinPregadio2007,44445),kneelsinfrontoftwocelestialfig
ures landing on a mattress under the scooplike Dipper diagram. The
godofthe Dipper wears kingly robesandacap,holding a tablet in his
hands.A female attendant standsbehindhim. Thetextbelow indicates
thatthescenetakesplaceatnight(Mollier2008,14142,149)
Fig.10:GeXiangongWorshipingtheDipper(S.2404).
Because of its symbolic role as axis mundi and its position as the
bridgebetweenthesunandthemoon,theDipperhasplayedanimpor
tantroleinmedievalDaoistritualperformanceandvisualization (Kohn
1992,110,114;Mollier2008,13473).19 AsPoulAndersennotes,theDao
ist ritual dances of walking along the guideline and treading on the
stars of the Dipper (bugang tadou ) can be traced back to the
early Six Dynasties (1990; in Pregadio 2007, 237). Pertinent to the ritual
dancemimickingthe Dipper is achoreographicdiagram employed in a
visualization practice called Method of Pacing the Kongchang (Bu
Kongchangzhidao)(Fig.11a)(Wuxingqiyuankongchangjue
,DZ876,18:725ab).20 Inadditiontothesevenvisiblestars,
thisdiagrammarksthetwoinvisibleones:theImperialStar(Dixing ,
or Fu ) and the Honorable Star (Zunxing or Bi ) within the
scoop(Robinet1989,17273).Ifadeptscanseethesestars,theymaylive
for hundreds of years, as many as 300 or even 600 (YJQQ 24:54748;
25:563).
a.
19 AlreadytheLaozizhongjing
notesthattheDipperresidesinthehead,tho
rax,andabdomen oftheinnerbody;seeSchipper1993,108.
20Kongchang refersto the invisiblestars;see Robinet in Schipperand
Verellen2004,172.ForSongsamplesofritualdancediagramspreservedinearly
Tianxintexts,seeZhuguojiuminzongzhenbiyao (DZ1227,[dat.
1116],32:103c,104b,105c).See AnderseninSchipperandVerellen2004,1060.
b.
Fig.11:a.ChoreographyfortheDanceoftheDipper(DZ876,18:725ab);b.
TheNinePalacesofthePerfectedoftheNineHeavens(DZ1396,34:245a).
Thevirtualexperienceofpacingthevoidandtraversingstarsisalso
echoed in a Tangmeditative starmap found in theHetubaolu
(PreciousRegisteroftheRiverChart,DZ1396, 34:245a;Mollier2008,166,
170,Fig.4.11;SchipperinSchipperandVerellen2004,60203)(Fig.11b).
Itshowsboththeninepalacesofthestellardeitiesaswellastheirnine
malegods,eachwearingatopknotandholdingatablet. 21 Thesearecir
cledstationsconnectedbymeanderinglines,whichindicatethecelestial
pathwaysadeptsvisualize.
21The convention of representing the nine star gods and their palaces in
circlesisalsoprominentintwootherTangtext:Zhengyimengweifalu
,DZ791,28:478a; Qusujuecilu ,DZ1392,34:174c75b(Mollier2008,
16869,Fig.4.10).
Stellar Imagery in the Body

The tradition has continued unbroken into late imperial and modern
Daoism. The thirteenthcentury Shangqing lingbao dafa
(Great Rites of Highest Clarity and Numinous Treasure,DZ 1221) con
tainsadiagramusedinritualvisualizationsthatshowstheNinePalaces
(jiugong)linedupintheadeptshead(Fig.12),whichinturnfloats
onamassofcloud (EspositoinPregadio2007,77577).22
Fig.12
Illustration of theNine Palaces visual
ized in a Daoists head (DZ1221,
30:673a).
ThisinnervisionoftheNinePalacesrecallsthePictureoftheNinePal
aces (Jiugong zifang tu ; DZ 156) circulated in the Tangto
Northern Song period (Schipper in Schipper and Verellen 2004, 612),
shownhereinasectionalview(Fig.13).TheYJQQpraisesthepowerof
thispictureforenablingadeptstovisualizeandreachthecelestialdei
ties(80:1833).Thepictureislaidouthorizontallyand,likeahandscroll,
isviewedtobe fromrightto left. Here, as also intheDacunsituzhujue
(Fig.7a)andtheWudousanyitujue(Fig.8),theillustrationsareaccompa
niedbyshortnotestomaketheircontentclear.Theysignifytheprocess
22This is similar to the torso image in the Jinshu yuzi shangjing, DZ 879,
18:743c44a;Mollier2008,Fig.4.8,164.NeswaldhasidentifiedtheNinePalaces
intheheadasmentionedintheHuangtingjingwiththecorrespondingpointsof
Mt.Kunlun,thecelestialdwellingofQueenMotherof theWest(2009,30).
ofvisualizationandclarifytheconnectionbetweenbodyandcosmos.On
theright,theadeptstorsoappearsfirstinprofile,thenfrontalshowing
hisconcentrationontheNinePalacesinhishead.Twolargetowersfol
lowing thetorso images serve as elaborations of theNine Palaces illus
trated in theprevious twotorsos. Followingthetwo towermotifs are a
seriesofvisualizationscomparabletoFig.8.
Fig.13:VisualizationPictureofthePurpleChamberandtheNinePalaces.De
tail. Shangqingdongzhenjiugongzifangtu,DZ156,3:128b.
A forerunner of this technique is the Method of Reclining in the

Dipper(wodoufa ),firstrecordedinthefourthcenturyJinshu yuzi
shangjing (Golden Book with Jade Characters, DZ 879,
18:743c44a). Here the adept should lie on a mat, covered with the
graphicpatternsoftheDipper(Robinet1993,207).Therecliningmethod
helpshimseetheessenceoftheninestarsfusingandtransforminginto
adivinity,sittinginachariotandilluminatehisentireinnerbody(Mol
lier2008,163).Theaccompanyingdiagramshowsachildunderthecon
stellation(Fig.14)(Mollier2008,164,Fig.4.8).Hisfeetpointtotheeight
andninthstars,whilehishandstouchthesecond andfourthstars.
In the Southern Song, the same practice is associated with the
TianxintraditionasfoundintheYutangzhengzonggaobenneijingyushu
(Jade Text of Flying High in the Inner Landscape
fromthe CorrectTradition, DZ 221, 4:133b34c; Robinet 1993, 208;Mol
lier2008,163164)(Fig.15) .23
Fig.14:DiagramoftheDipperandthe
Twentyeight Lodgings (DZ 879,
18:743c).
Matching the swift flight of the stars from the sky to the adepts
mouth,theseillustrations(Fig.15)depicttheadeptsmagicalabsorption
oftheDipper.Thesevenstarsilluminateallhisorgansaswellashiseyes.
Sixoftheimagesfeatureanimaginarytorsowithaheadattachedtothe
related organ. For example, the sixth image (Fig. 15f), showing a rela
tionship between the sixth star and the kidneys, consists of a head
spinalcordbodychartwiththekidneyshighlightedinthelowerbody.
23 For a similar description of the Reclining in the Dipper (Wodou)

and the original layout of the illustrations, see Yutang zhengzong gaoben neijing
yushu,DZ221,4:132a34c.
a.
b.
e.
c.
d.
f.
g.
Fig.15:TheDescentoftheSevenStarsoftheDipperintotheBodilyOrgans(DZ
221,4:129b30b).a.thefirstStarintheheart;b.thesecondStarinthelungs;c.the
thirdStarintheliver;d.thefourthStarinthespleen;e.thefifthStarinthestom
ach;f.thesixthStarinthekidneys;g.theseventhStarintheeyes.
The Iconic Form of the Dipper

Elsewhere in the text, the Dipper is personified as nine sacred figures
(Fig.16a)(4:129b30b). Sevenaredepictedaslonghairedmaledeitiesin
longrobes,holding atablet withbothhands in frontof thechest.24 The
othertwo,followingtheseven,aredepictedasimperialfigureswearing
royalcapswithpendantsandholdingtabletsinbothhands.Thisechoes
theconceptoftheImperialStarsnotedintheaccompanyingtext(4:130b),
whichidentifythesetwofiguresastheinvisibleeighthandninthstars.
SimilariconographiesoftheninestardeitiesoftheDipperareillus
trated in other Daoist texts dating to the thirteenth century (Fig. 16bc)
(DZ 220, 4:10a11a;Beidoubenmingyanshengzhenjingzhujie
,DZ751,17:53a54b;Mollier2008,Fig.4.5,157).Thisiconogra
phy seems to be shared by Buddhism as well. The images of the seven
star deities seen in the aforementioned Daoist texts compare closely to
those in the Yuandynasty (12791368) Buddhist scripture Foshuo beidou
qixingyanmingjing(SutraoftheGreatDipper)(Fig.
16d) (T.21.1307;seeMollier2008,136140,especiallyFig.4.1,139).
a.
b.
24Cf. the iconography of thesesevenstar deities in the forms of perfected

beings whowear jewelry crowns and colorful shawls andhold jade tablets in
handsin YJQQ 25:563.
c.
d.
Fig. 16:TheDivinitiesoftheDippera. DZ221,4:129b130b;b.DZ220,4:10a11a;c.

DZ751,17:53a54b;d.T.21.1307.
AnanonymousSouthernSongpaintingfromtheJapaneseHgonji
collectiondepictsthestardeitiesoftheDippersimilarlytothose
seenintheaforementionedreligioustexts(Fig.17)(Ide2001,pl.14;Nara
Museum 2009, 172: Fig. 121). On a background mimicking the sky at
night,the star deitiesdescend onclouds in a group formation recalling
thescoopshapedDipper.25
25IwouldliketothankDavidBrodyforhisinputontheHgonjicomposi
tion. For an innovative interpretation of a Song copy of a Tang court painting
whose composition echoes the diagram of the Dipper, see the Northern Song
Copy of Zhang Xuans Lady Guoguo on anOuting (Fang Zhang Xuan Guoguofuren
youchuntu )inMiao2006,Fig.2(no pageno.),34.
Fig.17: Deities of the Dipper.

SouthernSong.Thirteenthcen
tury(?).Ink,colorandgoldon
silk. 112.5x54.1 cm. Hogonji
Temple, Shiga, Japan (Nara
Museum 2009,172:Fig.121).
The seven longhaireddeities aredressed in white,collars and up

per sleeves decorated with exquisite golden patterns. The redness of
theirshoescontrasts with their whiteclothes and thedarkbackground.
Following these seven deities are two attendants depicted as officials
wearing ceremonial robes, multicolored in red, black, white, and gold.
Their dress resembles that from a thirteenthcentury Daoist text shown
inFig.16c. Intheforegroundaretwofemaledeitiesholdingswords.
Accompanying colophons written in small golden characters iden
tifythemasmessengersservingtheDipper:Qingyangontheright
and Tuoluoni on the left. The fourteenthcentury Qingwei
(Pure Tenuity) texts associated with the ritual summoning of the gods
first make reference to these two deities (Daofa huiyuan , DZ
1220, 28:820b, 29:15c. Xuanshuzougao yi , DZ 218, 3:611c; see
SkarinPregadio2007,8045). 26
TheHgonjipaintingprobablywasusedinaritualforsummoning
the star gods,27 as is suggested by a diagram in the thirteenthcentury
liturgical manual Lingbao lingjiao jidu jinshu (Golden
BookofSalvationaccordingtotheLingbaoTradition,DZ466)(Fig.18)
.
Fig.18DiagramoftheImageDisplayontheNorth,WestandEastWallsofthe
OuterAltar(DZ466,7:27c28a).
26Inthese14thcenturysources,thetwomessengersarefurtheridentifiedas
theQingyangMessengerYang[Ruming]([])andtheTuoluo
niMessenger[GengMiaozhen]([]), membersofDippertroops.
27TheiconographyoftheHgonjiscrolliscomparabletothefifteenthcen
tury Water Land painting from the Buddhist Monastery Baoningsi ; see
Shanxi1985, pl.74;Mollier2008,Fig.4.12,171.
Accordingtothis,theimageoftheDipperistobesuspended(xuan
) on the east [left] wall of the outer altar area next to images of the
NineHeavens(jutian),theSixPlanets(liuyao ),theThreeChan
celleries(sansheng),theThreeOfficials(sanguan),andtheFive
SacredPeaks(wuyue)(Huang2001,13,Fig.4).
The imperial painting catalogue of the Northern Song, the Xuanhe
huapu (Xuanhe Painting Catalogue), sponsored by Emperor
Huizong(r. 11001125), labels numerous Daoistpaintings from the
earlySongasimagesofstardeities,quitelikethosemarkedonthealtar
diagram.28 Some of these paintings may even have been transmitted to
theSouthernSongcourtandusedthereonritualoccasions.
Conclusion
This article investigates the esoteric image tradition of body gods and
starry travel as alternative sources of Daoist art and visualculture.The
majorityofimagesunderinvestigationaretheillustrations,charts,maps
from the Ming Daoist Canon. These Daoist images form an important
partofChinesetu,whichdenotesbroadlypictures,charts,diagrams,
drawings,designs,andpictureliketexts(Reiter1990;Brayetal.2007).A
systematicstudyoftheseDaoistimagesalsohelpsustorethinkDaoist
mysticism,visualizationand meditationfromavisual angle.
Inrepresentingbodygods,someimageshighlightthegodsexiting
the adepts body (Fig. 2ad), others focus on generic bureaucratic gods
(Figs.4,6ad),whileothersyetdepictthesegodsindynamicmovement,
stressingtheir abilitiestobe swiftly summoned andnavigate incosmos
(Fig. 7ab). The evocation of body gods, though not visible to the audi
enceobservingtheritual,playsacrucialroleintheofficiantsvisualiza
tionandtheperformanceofcallingforththeofficersasameantoacti
vatetheritual.
The images ofthejourneystothestars, on the otherhand, empha
sizetheconnectionbetweenthestarsandtheindividual.Somestressthe
28 Paintings of astral deities are listed under the headings of Daoist and
Buddhist Paintings (Daoshi ) as well as Figure Paintings (Renwu ).

SeeXuanhehuapu,inZhongguoshuhuaquanshu ,vol.2,editedbyLu
Fusheng (Shanghai: Shanghai shuhua chuban she, 1993), 6475, 78, 83;
Huang2001,14;Ebrey2008,29397.
adepts going to the stars (Figs. 8, 11, 12, 13), while others feature the
stars coming to the adept either in private meditation or in ritual per
formance(Figs.15,16,17).
MostimagesofbodygodsandstarrytravelfromtheDaozangareil
lustrated in the Six DynastiestoTang Shangqing texts or the Song
dynasty Tianxin texts connected to the earlier Shangqing tradition.
Scholars seethesetexts as internal textscirculated only amongselected
adepts. This is perhaps why these images, in spite of their repetitive
presences in the Daozang texts, have remained esoteric in the overall
Daoistvisuality.Viewedinthisway,theimagesdiscussedinthisarticle
formacontrarytotheimageswewillexploreinPart2ofthisstudy(JDS
2011). There, we will discuss illustrations of body worms and body
charts usedby inner alchemists fromtexts in generalcirculation during
theSong.
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Daoist Geographies
in Three Korean World Maps
KENNETH R. ROBINSON
Abstract
FourKoreanmapsoftheworldcompiledduringtheChosnperiodshowCho
snofthefifteenthandsixteenthcenturiesandpresentknownlandsfromJapan
tocontinentalwesternEurope.ThesemapsareinformedbyaConfucian order
ingofcultureandbyDaoistconceptionsofspace.However,theDaoistgeogra
phyofcontinentsandparadiseislesdiffersamongthefourmaps.
The Tenri University Librarys TaeMynggukto(Map of GreatMing)and
the Honmyji temples Tae Myngguk chido (Map of Great Ming) present the
most detailed Daoist geographies. Korean elites in the fifteenth and sixteenth
centurieswerewellreadinChinesepoetry,andwroteoftenoftraveltodestina
tionssuchasthosedescribedinShizhouji(RecordoftheTenContinents).These
twoworldmapsrecastconfirmedlandswithinthefourseaswhereDaoistconti
nentsandparadiseisleswerelocatedandimmortalsresided.
Four Korean world maps believed to have been completed before 1600
showtheworldfromChosnKoreaandJapanattheviewersright
tocontinentalwesternEuropeandAfricaattheviewersleft.Thisisthe
physicalworldthatKoreangovernmentofficialscouldknowwhenpre
paringthefirstworldmapin1402andthatwasrepresentedintheextant
maps. Topography was not limited to observable, confirmable lands,
however. Alsocommontothemareterrestrialparadisesandotherplaces
prominentinDaoisttopographiesandgeographies.
TheKoreanworldmapwhichshowstheoldestdepictionofChosn
presents two of the three terrestrial paradisesFangzhang and
Yingzhou for which Xu Fu , a Chinese master of methods
91
92 /JournalofDaoistStudies3(2010)
(fangshi),sailedinhisfirstoftwosearchesfortheelixiroflongevity
inthethirdcentury B.C.E.(ThethirdterrestrialparadiseisPenglai.)
Hedidnotreturnfromthesecondvoyage.Theotherthreeworldmaps
allshare writtenreferences toashrineinJapanforXuFu.
According to legends and histories that circulated later in China,
Japan,andKorea,XuFuandhisshipslandedinJapan,nearShing
in the Kumano area of modern Wakayama Prefecture .
Most of the ten continents, four islands, and two mountains in the
Shizhouji(RecordoftheTenContinents,DZ598;trl.Smith1990;
1992), a descriptive geography of terrestrial paradises attributed to
DongfangShuo(ca.15493 B.C.E.),aremarkedandnamedintwo
ofthese threemap artifacts.Thesearch for long lifeandtravel to imag
ined places associated with longevity informed the compilation of all
fourworldmaps.
ThefourKoreanworldmapsare:
Honilkangniyktaekuktochito (Map of Inte
grated Lands and Regions of Historical Countries and Capitals), pre
servedatthemiyaLibrary,RykokuUniversityAcademicInformation
CenterinKyoto;
Honilkangniyktaekuktochito (Map of Inte
grated Lands and Regions of Historical Countries and Capitals), pre
servedattheHonkji templeinShimabara,Japan;
TaeMynggukto(MapofGreatMingChina),preservedat
TenriUniversityLibraryinTenri,Japan;
Tae Myngguk chido (Map of Great Ming China), pre
servedattheHonmyji templeinKumamoto,Japan.
Thefirstwascompletedbetween1479and1485,oritshowsChosn
ofthattime(Robinson2007,18688).Thisistheearliestdepictionofthe
countryinthefourmapartifacts.Thelatterthreetextswerealmostcer
tainlycompiled in the 16th centuryandshow ChosnandChinaat that
time.Using theirpresent location asa way of distinction, I will refer to
the first two world maps as the Rykoku Kangnido and as the Honkji
Kangnido,respectively.ThethirdmapIwillcalltheTenriTae Myngguk
to, andthefourthmapwillbe the Honmyji TaeMynggukchido.
Research has divided the four world maps into two branches that
stemfromtheKoreanworldmapcompiledin1402,whichisnotextant.
Robinson,DaoistGeography/93
InthefirstbrancharetheRykokuKangnidoandtheHonkjiKangnido.
In the second are the Tenri Tae Myngguk to and the Honmyji Tae
Myngguk chido , which are thought to be sister maps reproduced
fromthesamemapofanearliergeneration(Unno1957,64).UnnoKazu
taka(2004,282,218),KawamuraHirotada(1994,1516),andjiToshiaki
(1996,10103)allhavenotedDaoistmattersexpressedthroughtheXuFu
reference and imagined places in these maps. Unno first identified the
continentsandmentionedthatseasencompassthecontinentallandmass
intheTenriTaeMynggukto(2004, 216).However,thesethree scholars
didnottreatDaoistfeaturesintheKoreanworldmapsindetail.
Thefourmapscollate[d]onthesameplaneheterogeneousplaces,
somereceivedfromatraditionandothersproducedbyobservation(De
Certeau 1984, 121). They combine imagined Daoist geographies of lon
gevity and travel to unconfirmed places with the knowable physical
realm. In addition to the journeys of Xu Fu, the TenriTaeMynggukto
andtheHonmyjiTaeMynggukchidoalsopresenttheShizhoujitopog
raphy. Robert Campany writes regarding anomaly and cosmography,
[T]hedisplayoftenaimsatacompletesummaofthecosmos.Thetaxo
nomic space of cosmographic display becomes a plenum to mirror the
world it emblematizes; nothing less is intended thana total representa
tionoftheworld(1996,11).TheTenriTaeMyngguktoandHonmyji
Tae Myngguk chido represent the complete physical world known
through earlier Korean world maps and the geography of continents,
islands, and mountains in Shizhou ji. Compared to the Kangnido maps,
the Tenri Tae Myngguk to and Honmyji Tae Myngguk chido embed
confirmedlandsinadifferentconceptionofspace.
TheXu Fu references also encourage attentiontoChinese, Korean,
and Japanese writing about this master of methods. And they require
examinationofChinesemapsforpossibleantecedentdata.Thefirstpart
ofthispaperwillfocusontheXuFunotesinthethreeworldmaps,the
secondpartontheimaginedlandsdrawnintotheseas.
Xu Fus Travels in the 3rd Century B.C.E.

ScholarsbelievethattheHonkji,Tenri,andHonmyjiworldmapsde
riveultimatelyfromthe1402compilation,whichisgenerallyreferredto
as the 1402 Kangnido. Each map artifact also bears data that could not
havebeen in the 1402 text,such as the representations of Korea, China,
orRyukyu.Likethe1402 Kangnido,thesetooarehybridtextsculled
fromvariouscartographictraditionsandsources.
Wedonotknowwhorequestedthecompilationofanyofthefour
extant maps, who compiled the maps, or when they were completed.
PlacenamesintheimageofChosnmaysuggestthattheHonkjiKang
nidowascompleted,orshowsChosn,onorpriorto1549/5/21oronor
after1567/10/12.TheTenriTaeMynggukto,assumingitnottobeare
productionofanearlierworldmap,maybedatedtobetweenonorafter
1549/5/21 and on orby 1567/10/12.DatingtheHonmyjiTaeMyngguk
chido also is difficult. Like the Honkji Kangnido its completion, or the
imageofChosn,maybedatedtoonorpriorto thesedates.
Turning to Xu Fu, as recorded in the Shiji (Records of the
GrandHistorian),heinformedtheFirstEmperoroftheQinin219 B.C.E.
thattherewerethreemountainislesintheseatotheeastcalledPenglai,
Fangzhang, and Yingzhou, and that on these islands lived sages who
had achieved eternal life (6.247). Penglai had been placed earlier in the
Bo Sea andpopulated with Daoist sages in the Shanhaijing
(Classic of Mountains and Seas, 12.4ab). The emperor granted Xu Fus
requesttosailinsearchoftheislandsandtheimmortals,andsentsev
eralthousandsofyoungboysandyounggirlswithhim(6.258).In212,
helearned thatthemissionhadnotsucceeded in findingthemedicines
fortheelixirofeternallife.In210,hedispatchedXuFuasecondtimeto
findtheelixir,butthemarinerdidnotreturn(6.263).
ThelongestrenderingofXuFusactivitiesintheShijiisinthechap
ter onTheBiographiesoftheKingsofHuainanandHengshan. Itsays:
Then the FirstEmperor of theQinsent Xu Fu tosail overthe
seainsearchofthespirits,andhereturnedandliedtotheem
peror,saying:
InthemidstoftheseaImetagreatspiritwhoaskedmeif
I were the envoy from the Emperor of the West. When I an
sweredthatIwas,heaskedmewhatIwasseekingfor.Iam
looking for the medicine which increases ones years and
bringslonglife,Isaid.
Your king ofQin, repliedthespirit, istoostingy with
hiscourtesy!Youmayseethemedicine,butyoucannottakeit
backwithyou!
Thenheledmetothesoutheast,tothemountainofPeng
lai, where I saw palaces and towers surrounded by lawns of
grass.Therewasamessenger,coppercoloredandshapedlike
a dragon, with streams of light pouring from his body and
lightingupthesky.WhenIsawhimIbowedbeforehimtwice
andasked: WhatsortofofferingsshouldIbring?
The Sea God (for that was what he was) replied: If you
willbringmethesonsofgoodfamilies,andbeautifulmaidens,
along with the products of your various craftsmen, then you
mayhavethemedicine!
WhentheFirstEmperorheardthis,hewasoverjoyedand
immediatelysentXuFubackeastagain,accompaniedby3,000
boys and girls ofgood families and bearing presents ofseeds
ofthefivetypesofgrainsandarticlesproducedbythevarious
craftsmen.
But when Xu Fu reached Bingyuan and Guangze, he
haltedhisjourney,madehimselfkingoftheregion,andnever
returnedtotheQin.Withthis,thepeoplewerefilledwithsor
rowandbitternessandsixfamiliesoutofeverytenfavoredre
volt(118.3086;Watson1961,2:37475).1
The earliestmention of Xu Fu in theShijireportsthathe sailed for

Penglai,Fangzhang,andYingzhou.Butthesewerenothisonlydestina
tions as is evident from the Shizhoujisaccount of his voyage. The core
1 AnabbreviatedrenderingofthisaccountappearsintheHanshu(Hanshu,
45.2171).IhaveconvertedtheWadeGilesromanizationstoPinyin.XuFustrav
els are retold in Hanshu 45.2171; Hou Hanshu 85.28222823; and Sanguo zhi,
47.1136. The Sanguozhi entry is dated to 230. According toHouHanshu, Xu Fu
stopped at a land in the sea. Becoming its ruler, his descendants governed the
landformanygenerations.The nextentryintheHouHanshurelatesKijas
flight to Chosn. In the view of Pak Chiwn (17371805), Xu Fu per
formed the role of culture conveyor for Japanese that Kija had performed for
Koreans(Ynamchip ,HMC 252,15.38b).
textofShizhoujithetencontinentsdatestotheHanperiodbutisex
tantinanexpandedtextcompletedinthefifthorsixthcenturies(Smith
1992,213,215;2008,2:89899;Loewe2000,74;Barrett2007,48889).Here
XuFuheadedtowardZuzhou,anothercontinentintheeasternsea
(Smith1992,53839).
Inlatercenturies,XuFussearchfortheelixirofeternallifebecame
a topic for interpretation in Japan and Chosn. His final landfall often
was located somewhere in Japan, or was identified as a Japanese place
after he had passed through the island now called Cheju and now in
South Korea (see Hong 2002). The Honkji Kangnido, the Tenri Tae
Myngguk to,andtheHonmyji TaeMynggukchido presentelementsof
thetellingofXuFusvoyagesintheShijiandinShizhoujiandtheirrein
terpretationinJapan.
Xu Fu in the Honkji Kangnido

IntheJapanesetownofShingisagravesaidtobeforXuFuandalleg
edlyrefurbishedin1736.TokugawaYorinobu(16021671),the
daimyo (16191667) of the Kii domain where Shing was located had
earlier commissioned a marker of Xus passing. It is not clear how this
placerelatestotheshrineforXuFulocatedonthegroundsoftheAsuka
Shrine,part ofthe Shing Shrine (one ofthethree
shrinesoftheKumanocomplex).Also,nearShingisamountaincalled
Hraizan (Penglai shan). It seems that, in popular imagination, Xu Fu
hadfinallyreachedPenglai,throughtranslocationtoaforeignlandscape
(seeVerschuer1995).
The Honkji Kangnido mentionsXuFuinitsdescriptionof the ocean
eastofShikokuandwestoftheredcirclethatmarksthecapitalof
Japan incentral Honshu.The entries intheTenriTaeMynggukto
and the HonmyjiTaeMynggukchidoalso appear in the sea near Shi
koku.Althoughset further to the east, thesetoo arewest of thecapital.
TheXuFutextintheHonkjiKangnido differsfromthat.Ithas:Xuwas
a person who left Qin; there is a shrine [for him]. The captions in the
TenriTaeMyngguktoandHonmyjiTaeMynggukchidoarethesame,
andmaybetranslatedas: TheshrineforXuFu,wholeftQin.
ThistranslationoftheHonkjiKangnido textsoftensthemeaningof
thecharacterbi,glossedaboveasleft.Thischaractermaybetrans
lated more closely as fled or avoided. As a compound, biqin
means to avoidorfleethechaos of Qinpolitics in the last years of
thethirdcentury B.C.E.,andlatercametocarrythemoregeneralmean
ing of to fleepoliticalchaos (Morohashi 1985,11:194).That definition
informsthemoreliteralreadingofthetextintheTenriTaeMynggukto
andthe Honmyji Tae Mynggukchido.
Korean texts from the early Chosn period have the same three
characters that begin the Honkji Kangnidos note: biqinren .2 The
term typically refers to a person who fled Qin during political chaos.
However, the entries in the Shijiand other Chinese official histories do
notportray Xu Fu as fleeing.TheHanshu (History of the Han),on
the other hand, states that Xu Fu departed Qin accompanied by large
numbers of boys and girls, and that he fled and did not return
(25B.1260). However, it uses a different character for fled (tao ).
While I have not found the phrasing of the Honkji Kangnidos note in
earliertexts,thisreference inthemapreflects Korean knowledgeof Xu
FuinJapan.
Xu Fu in Japan in Written Texts

Chinese, Japanese, and Koreans placed Xu Fu in Japan variously. The
earliest extant Chinese reference to Xu Fu being in Japan may be in a
tenthcentury text about Japan by the monk Yichu . He wrote, ap
parentlyafterhavingmetaJapanesemonkwhowasinChinain958,that
XuFuhadlandedinJapanandhadvisitedMt.FujiorMt.Peng
laiandthathisdescendantsbearthefamilynameHata(Yichu
liutie 11.4b [ed. Zengaku tenseki skan 6.2]; Ver
schuer1999,2829).ThisassociationofXuandMt.Fujisuggestsknowl
edgeinJapanofthemarinersactivitiesbythemidtenthcenturyatthe
latest.Fifty years later, inJapan Murasaki Shikibu,the author of
TextsincludeSKjngsSagachip,containedinthecollec
tion Hanguk munjip chonggan (Seoul: Minjok Munhwa Chujinhoe), hereafter
abbreviated HMC, vol. 10, 7:6.8a; Kim Chngs Chungam chip
(HMC 23,12.26b);andYiMingus Tongjuchip (HMC94,21.6ab).
2
Genjimonogatari(TheTaleofGenji),mentionedthemarinerina
diaryentrydatedto1009.10.28(Bowring1982,168).3
Another early Japanese reference, albeit indirect, to Xu Fu is in Ki
tabatake Chikafusas (12931354) Jinn shtki (A
Chronicle of Gods and Sovereigns), completed in 1343. In the entry for
EmperorKrei (r.290215B.C.E.) ,hewrites:
In [Emperor] Kreis fortyfifth year, the First Emperor ac
cededtothethroneofQin. hewasmuchinterestedintheartof
wizards [immortals]andsoughtthe elixir of eternal life in Ja
pan.WhenJapanrespondedbyrequestingcopiesoftheBooks
oftheFiveKingsandThreeEmperors,theFirstEmperorsent
themover. (Kitabatake1924,6;Varley1989,9091).
Chikafusadidnot identify Xu Fu specifically,but scholars link thistext

withthemarinersactivitiesandrelatedentriesinChineseofficialhisto
ries.
Perhaps the earliest reference to a shrine to Xu Fu in Japan is in a
poem by the Chinese monk Wuxue Zuyuan (Mugaku Sogen,
12261286)whomovedtoJapanin1279andfoundedEngakuji,a
RinzaiZentempleinKamakura.ThephraseXuFuShrine
is in the poems title, and the poem notes his arrival in Japan. While
likelyacoincidence,thefirsttwocharactersintheHonkjiKangnidosXu
Futextbiqinareinthelastlineofthispoem.Throughthosetwocharac
tersWuxueZuyuanreferredtohimselfashavingfledfrompoliticsand
come to Japan (Ch 2003, 7879). In the 1270s, the Yuan government
was pressing its attack against Southern Song, and defeated that gov
ernment in 1279. Zheng Sixiaos (12411318) poem Yuan dagong
Riben baibei ge (Yuan Will Attack and Japan Will Be
Defeated),writtenin1281orlater,alsoisforwardedastheearliestmen
tionoftheXuFushrineinJapan.Zhengmentionstheshrineinthesev
enthline,andclarifiesinanotethatitisinJapan(Shibata1997,642).
Richard Bowring notes the debate over the dating of the section in Mu
rasaki Shikibu nikki in which this passage appears (1982, 16668). The date pro
videdhereisfrom DaiNihonshiry 2.6:45960.
3
That the shrineto Xu Fu in Japan was in Kumanomay perhapsbe
firstconfirmedinthepoemTingkehuaXiongyeXuFumiao
(Hearing from a Guest of the Shrineto Xu Fu in Kumano)by Wu
Lai (ca.12971340).ThepoemsfirstlineindicatesthatKumanoand
theshrine are in Kii Province (Ch 2003, 79). In 1368, themonk Zekkai
Chshin(13341405)arrivedinMingChinarepresentingJapan.
InanexchangeofversewiththeMingemperor,hispoemseifusansan
(Rhyme Describing the Three Mountains, Composed in Re
sponseto the Imperial Command; ed.DaiNihonshiry 6.46)
began: Before the peak of Kumano is Xu Fus shrine (Ury 1992, 87;
Keene1993,1074).
Later, the Rinzai Zen monk Ranpa Keishi (14171501)
linkedXuFutoMt.Kumanointhetitleofhispoem,EtsuJoFukuby
(SeeingtheXuFuMausoleum).InadditiontoMts.FujiandKu
mano,theJapanesealsolinkedtheChinesemarinertoMt.Atsuta,
apparentlyfromthelate14th century(Ng2004,2829).
ThisphysicalremembranceofaforeignerinKumanolinkedaspects
of the Kumano Shrine complex to the Shing Shrine where Xu Fu and
his ships supposedly landed. The Xu Fu shrine that is mentioned by
these and other writers but whose construction cannot be dated linked
theShingShrinesdeity,manifestedinoneformastheMedicineBud
dha(Yakushinyrai)andtheshrinesrolesinprotectingmari
time activities with the complexs cult of healing and longevity (Moer
man2005,43,68,10910).
WhenorhowKoreanslearnedofthisXuFushrineisnotclear(see
Shibata 1999). The Kory official Chng Mongju (13371392)
wrote in a poem upon being appointed to serve as envoy to Japan in
1377 that grass grows before the shrine of Xu Fu from spring (Pon
chip , HMC 5, 1.25b). Perhaps he worried about dying in Japan
andbeingburiedthere,withnofamilyordescendantsnearbytocarefor
hisgrave.ChoChun(13461405)encouragedPakTonji,who
hadbeenappointedasenvoytoJapanin1397,tovisitXuFusshrineand
burnincense(Songdangchip ,HMC6,2.27b).
In a poem for the envoy of the retired Shgun and King of Japan,
AshikagaYoshimasa(14361490)uponhisdepartureforJapan
inlate1474orearly1475,YiSngso(14221484)wrotethatXuFu
didnotreturntohisowncountry(Wnjaemungo,HMC5,6.8a;
Samtan chip , HMC 11). Kim Chongjik (14311492) la
mented to the Japanese monk Jurin upon this envoys departure to re
turn to Japan that trees fall in the wind before Xu Fus shrine
(ChmpilchaechipHMC12, Kim1988,6.14b).Inapoemaddressed
toaJapaneseenvoyuponhisdepartureforJapan,PakSang(1474
1530) noted hopefully that plants in front of Xu Fus shrine wish to
bring good favor (, HMC 18, 4.26b). And in a poem for Kim
Sngil(15381593)followinghisappointmentin1589asViceEn
voyintheembassytovisitToyotomiHideyoshi,KimYunan
(15621620) wrote thatbeforeXu Fusshrinethe grass is like thin
silk(Hakpongchip ,HMC48,4.30ab).
KoreanofficialsraisedXuFuasasymbolofforeigntravelandespe
cially of travel abroad at thecommand of onesruler.Writing thesepo
emspriortoadeparture,theyoftenexpressedfearorconcernaboutnot
returninghome,andportrayedthatfearofdyingabroadthroughimages
of a grave that family could not care for. Such descriptions of Xu Fus
shrine may also have been encouragement to be careful and remain
healthyduringthejourney.
AnotherKoreanmentionofXuFusshrineisinthe Haedongchegukki
(RecordofCountriesAcrosstheSeas to theEast), a govern
mentreportonrelationswithJapanandRyukyuthatwascompletedin
1471.InthechronologyofJapaneseemperors,theentryonEmperorK
reistates:In219 B.C.E.,theFirstEmperordispatchedXuFu,whosailed
insearchoftheelixirofeternallife.XuFueventuallyreachedKiiProv
ince,andsettledthere(Sin1933,2a).IntheentryonEmperorSujin
(r. 9730 B.C.E.), the text notes that after Xu Fu died he became a
god, and is worshipedby Japanesestill today (2b).The twocomments
togethermayrefertoashrineandtoMt.Kumano,butthecharacterfor
shrine isnot used inthe latter entry. YiChngam (15411600)
also noted that Japanese performed rites for the mariner at the shrine
(Saryuchip ,HMC 51,10:61b).
The image of Japan in the Honkji Kangnido shows certain fea
turessuchasthelakeandtherivereastofthecapitalthatalsoappear
intwomapsintheHaedongchegukki.TheyarecalledtheHaedongcheguk
chongdo (OverallMap of Countries across the Seastothe
East)andtheIlbonpongukchito(MapoftheMainIslandof
Japan).Theremay perhapsbe aconnectionbetween the texts about Xu
Fu in the Haedong chegukki and in the Honkji Kangnido. Government
officialsknewofashrinetoXuFuinJapanbythelate14th century,and
Korean writers seem to have placed him at Mt. Kumano by early 1472.
Alsoset near Honshu inthe three Korean worldmaps are theparadise
islestowardwhichXuFusailed.
Paradise Isles in China, Japan, and Korea

Compared to the Rykoku Kangnido, the Honkji Kangnido is a new
worldmapinseveralrespects. Theseincludeimprovementsinthe depic
tionofJapanandRyukyu.Mostimportanthereisthegreaternumberof
imagined landsderived from Daoist texts and ancient histories,as well
as theconnectionsofthoselandswithXuFu.
The Rykoku Kangnido has only two immortals isles named in
otherKoreanworldmaps:YingzhouandFusang.Thesameplaces
also are depicted in the two Haedongchegukki maps noted above. In all
three,YingzhouandFusangaresetbeyondJapanintheeast,thatis,be
yondconfirmedlands.TheyalsoappearintheDongnanhaiyitu
(MapofCountriesintheSoutheasternSeas)intheGuangyutu
(Enlarged Terrestrial Atlas), a Chinese atlas first printed around
1555 (Cao et al. 1995, pl. 155). This map was supposedly based on the
Shengjiaoguangbeitu (MapoftheVastReachof[Civilizations]
ResoundingTeaching),aChinesemapcompletedaround1330(Aoyama
1938, 116, 12124; Miya 2006, 510). In the Dongnanhai yitu, Yingzhou
and Fusang arebelow Japan, as thatcountry is atthe edge ofthemap.
The Korean government used the Shengjiaoguangbeitu for much of the
1402 Kangnido. The presence of Yingzhou and Fusang in the Rykoku
Kangnidolikely derives from the Shengjiaoguangbeituthrough that first
Koreanworldmap.
TheterrestrialparadisesofPenglaiandFangzhang,aswellasYing
zhou and Fusang, are also found in the Honkji Kangnido, believed to
havebeencompiledlaterthantheRykokuKangnido.Thethreeislesare
arrayed within an arc of five imagined lands. Set southof Honshu,this
arcstretchestothenortheastfromMt.PenglaithroughZuzhouandMt.
Fangzhang toYingzhouandFusang.4 TheTenri TaeMynggukto
and the Honmyji chido each present a similar arc of four large car
touchessouthofHonshu.WhileFusangisnamedinthelattertwomaps,
thefourcartouchesdonotbearwrittentextbutdisplaymountainicons.
ConsideringthepresenceofFusang,thesefourcartouchesinbothworld
maps almost certainly were intended for Penglai, Zuzhou, Fangzhang,
andYingzhou.
DaoismhasancientrootsintheKoreanpeninsula,butpractitioners
andsupportersrarelysucceededinestablishinganinstitutionalpresence.
KoreansexpressedappreciationofDaoisminvariouswaysoverthecen
turies. For example, images on tiles of places where immortals lived
were found ina royal tomb from thesixthcentury, villagerscomposed
portraits of mountain hermits who often were immortals thought to be
living nearby, and the Chosn government established a government
officeformanagingtheperformanceofDaoistrites.Confucianeducated
officials even sought out methods of internal alchemy, a feature of
Shangqing (Highest Clarity) Daoism, in order to live longer and
thereby better perform filial duties to their parents (Grayson 2002, 52;
Baker2008,101,56;Jung2000,792820;Cha1986,47).
Poetry was anothercommon venue where Korean elites, especially
men steeped in the Confucian classics, deployed Daoist themes as they
participated in the shared culture (Lee 1986). In the 15th century, Kim
Sisp (14351493)imbuedmanyofhispoemswithDaoistthemes.
For example, he placed the reader at Daoist state rites and, writing of
eternallife,insertedthereaderamongDaoistimmortals.Kimalsowasa
frequent visitortothe government office for Daoist rites.Andhetrans
mitted three forms of Daoistteachingsto three differentstudents (Cha
1986, 5052). The interest of government officials and other highly edu
catedelitesinDaoism,or,morenarrowly,inDaoistthemesinliterature
isperhaps foundmostbroadly inpoetry and other writings, where ref
erences not only to Xu Fu but also to mountain isles, continents, the
Queen Mother of the West (Xiwang mu ), and Dongfang Shuo
abound.
InKoreanwritings,seeH Kyun(15691618)foralinkageofZuzhou
toYingzhouandFangzhang(Sngsopubugo ,HMC74, 8:20611).
4
Writers in Chosn replicated, translocated, and adapted the three
paradises in theircountry. Their assignations to Koreanmountains var
ied, however. For example, Mt. Chiri was also called Pangjang
(Fangzhang; see SinjngTonggukyjisngnam 39.2b).Cha Chllo
(15561615)considered FangzhangtobeMt. Halla, Yingzhou
tobeMt.Chiri,andPenglaitobeMt.Kmgang(Cha1969,230
31). Kim Yong (15571620) listed Mts. Kmgang, Chiri, and Myo
hyang as being called from ancient times the three mountain
isles in the eastern sea (Unchn chip , HMC 63, 1.38a40b). Yu
Mongin (15591623) cited Mt. Myohyang as Fangzhang and Mt.
Chiri as Yingzhou (u chip hujip , HMC 63, 3.31b32b).
Meanwhile, Yi Chnggwi (15641635) associated Mt. Chiri with
Fangzhang andMt. Pyn with Yingzhou (Wlsachip, HMC
70,40.18b19a).ThematchingofaKoreanmountainwithamountainisle
orcontinentinthe16th centuryandtheearly17th centurywasnotsettled.
Penglai, Fangzhang, and Yingzhou formedtwo sets in theHonkji
Kangnido:asthethreeparadiseislesintheeasternseaandasthedestina
tions of Xu Fu in his search for the elixir of longevity. The presence of
Zuzhou in this map combined with the story in Shizhou ji of Xu Fus
searchforthiscontinentanditsingredientsfortheelixirofeternallifeto
composeasetoffourimaginedisles.WithZuzhoubetweenMt.Penglai
andMt.Fangzhanginthearc,thissetoffourimaginedplaceslikelywas
linkedtoXuFu. However,Koreanworldmapsalmostcertainlywerenot
thefirstvisualimagestoindicatethepresenceinJapanofashrinetoXu
Fu.
The Xu Fu Shrine in Chinese Maps

NoticeofashrinetoXuFuinJapanappearsinChinesemapsofthe15th
and16th centuries,andalmostcertainlyamapfromtheYuanperiod. The
referencesare found in representations of Japanset withinmaps which
depict thatcountry together withcontinental andothermaritime areas.
These Chinese images will be introduced in detail in an effort to place
the Xu Fu references in the three Korean world maps in a cartogene
alogicalcontext.
ThediscussionbeginswiththeGuanglunjianglitu(Map
ofIntegratedRegionsandTerrains)inthefifteenthcenturytextShuidong
riji (Diary from Shuidong) by Ye Sheng (14201474), but
firstprintedafterhisdeath,possiblybetween1488and1505(Miya2006,
490). This image shows Ming China, Kory , Tamna (Cheju),
and Ryukyu among other places. Below Tamna are three island icons
thatrepresentJapan.Inthefirstislandiconfromtheleftareeightcharac
tersthatseemtoformfourwords.TwoofthesewordsareHizen(a
province in northwestern Kyushu) and Dazai[fu] [] (the regional
administrationofficeinChikuzenProvince,innorthernKyushu).
Themiddle island iconhassevencharactersthat form twoplace names
and one phrase. The two place names are Nagato (a province in
western Honshu) and Aka[ma]gaseki [] (a port in Nagato Prov
ince).ThephraseisXuFuci,ortheshrineforXuFu.
ThethirdiconalsobearsJapaneseplacenames.
YeShengproducedthisimageinorafter1452,theyearYanJie
completed a map based upon the map Guanglun jiangli tu
(MapofIntegratedRegionsandTerrains)bytheChinesemonkQingjun
. Yan had redrawn Qingjuns map of 1360 to show the Ming gov
ernments administrative geography. Yereferredto the Guanglunjiangli
tu, which he had thus viewed as a 15thcentury reproduction depicting
current Chinese administrative geography, in the introduction to his
ownmapintheShuidongriji(17.1b).QingjunsmapisthatwhichKwn
Kn (13521409) called Hunyi jiangli tu (Map of Inte
grated Regions and Terrains) in his commemoration for the 1402Kang
nido (Yangchon chip , HMC 7, 22.2b). It was one of two Chinese
mapsusedinthecompilationofthatworldmap(Miya2006,494).
Reference to Xu Fu also appears in the Guang yutu, an atlas com
piled circa 1555 by Luo Hongxian (15041564) and expanded in
the16th century.LuobasedmuchoftheGuangyutuupontheatlasYutu
(TerrestrialMap),whichZhuSiben(12731337)completedin
1320.TheGuangyutusDongnanhaiyituandthemapintheShuidong
riji maprefertoXuFubythesamephrase.
Miya Norikobelieves that the Dongnanhai yitu and itscompan
ion image in the Guang yutu, the Xinanhai yitu, originated in the
southern half of the Shengjiao guangbei tu, which was compiled by Li
Zemin (Miya 2006, 510; Aoyama 1938, 11416). The Shengjiao
guangbeituwastheotherChinesemapthattheChosngovernmentcon
sulted when compiling the 1402 Kangnido (Yangchon chip, HMC 7,
22.2ab).
ThediscussionbelowfocusesontheDongnanhaiyituinthecirca
1555 printing of the Guang yutu and in a manuscript reproduction that
has been dated to between 1558 and 1561 (Fuchs 1946, 18). This manu
scripttextisthoughttopresenttheformatoftheoriginalcirca1555text
(Aoyama1935,155). Thedateof thefirstprintingofthe Guangyutuisnot
known with certainty. Walter Fuchs suggested about 1555 (1946, 3);
Ren Jinchengbetween 1553 and1557 (1995, 36).Below, too, this earliest
extanteditionwillbereferredtoasthecirca1555printing.Thepresenta
tionofJapaninbothtextsissimilarto,butmoredetailedthanthatinthe
mapinthe Shuidongriji.
Below the Korean peninsula, the Dongnanhai yi tu shows, from
left to right, one smaller and three larger island icons. Inside are place
namesandotherinformationrelatingtoJapan.Notonlyisthereanaddi
tionalislandicon,buttheyalsoconveymorewritteninformation.Inthe
thirdislandiconisthereferencetoXuFu,asXuFuci,orthe
shrineforXuFu.
Miya suggests the possibility is high that Qingjun and Li Zemin
relieduponacommonmapfortheirrepresentationsofJapan(2007,69
70). The references to Xu Fu in Ye Shengs Shuidong riji and in the
Dongnanhaiyituinthecirca1555printingoftheGuangyutu probably
derived from Qingjuns Guanglun jiangli tu and Li Zemins Shengjiao
guangbeitu,respectively.ItisquitelikelythataChinesemap,mostlikely
the Shengjiaoguangbeitu, provided the model for the mention of Xu Fu
andtheshrineforhiminJapaninaKoreanworldmap.5
It might be noted that in addition to Yingzhou and Fusang, the Haedong

cheguk chongdoand the Ilbon ponguk chito share nine other place names in the
areasouthofHonshuthatwerenotJapaneseislandswiththeDongnanhaiyitu
andtheXinanhaiyitu.ItwouldthusseemthatthesenineplacesinbothHae
dongchegukkimapsderiveultimatelyfromtheShengjiaoguangbeitu,andperhaps
through the1402Kangnido.However, howthese nine places marked inthetwo
Guang yutu maps came to be geographically proximate in the two Haedong
chegukki mapsandintheRykoku Kangnido isunclear.
5
Three Korean world maps present Daoist geographies shaped by
thevoyagesofXuFuandbythelegendofhisdeathinJapan.Stateddif
ferently,theyrelateXuslife,death,andremembranceasconstructedin
China, in Japan, and in Korea.The marking in the Honkji Kangnidoof
Penglai, Fangzhang, Yingzhou, and Zuzhou allows the suggestion that
thenoteandtheseimaginedplacesmaybereadasretellingoneorboth
voyages. That is,Xusjourneys insearch of the elixirof longevity,both
historical as in Shijiand recast as in Shizhouji, are retold through imag
inedplacesintheeasternsea,and(thelegendof)hislandfallanddeath
in the Kumano area through the note and memorialization. The depic
tion of additional geographies of space and movement in the Tenri Tae
Myngguktoand theHonmyjiTaeMynggukchidoseparatethese two
compilationsfromthe Kangnido texts.
Daoist Geographies
TheTenri TaeMyngguktoandtheHonmyji Tae Mynggukchidoshow
more places drawn from Daoist imaginaries than the two Kangnido
maps.Theyembedthecontinents,islands,andmountainsinatopogra
phythatextendstraveltotheterrestrialparadises.Koreanelitesactivein
the14th,15th,and16th centuriesknewthoseplaceswellandvisitedthem
throughpoetry.
ThecontinentsarrayedintheTenri Tae Myngguk toandHonmyji
TaeMynggukchidoderived from Shizhouji.The edition of Shizhoujiin
the Daoist canon describes the ten continents of Zuzhou, Yingzhou,
Xuanzhou(K.Hynju), Yuanzhou(K.Wnju), Yanzhou
(K. Ymju), Changzhou (K. Changju), Liuzhou (K. Yuju),
Shengzhou (K. Saengju), Fenglinzhou (K. Pongninju), and
Jukuzhou (K. Chwigulchu). It also describes the four islands of
Canghaidao(K.Changhaedo),Fangzhangzhou(K.Pang
jangju),Fusang,andPengqiu(K.Ponggu;i.e.,Penglai),andthetwo
mountains of Kunlun (K. Kollyun), and Zhongshan (K.
Chongsan). This topography is important for distinguishing the Tenri
Tae Myngguk to and the Honmyji Tae Myngguk chido among the
Kangnidoworldmaps.
The shaping of the Eurasian continent and the seas in the two
branchesofKoreanworldmapswillbediscussedfirst.InthetwoKang
nidomaps,thetitleiswrittenacrossthetopofthemapfromrighttoleft.
Below it are lists of administrativedata.Both rowsof text were written
atop the continental landmass that extends in the maps from eastern
AsiatocontinentalwesternEurope.KwnKnscommemorationforthe
1402Kangnidoisreproducedinbothmapsandextendsacrossthebottom
fromrighttoleft.Theextensionofseassouthwardineachmapstopsat
the frame within which the commemoration is set. Differing from the
Kangnidomaps,theTenri TaeMynggukto andtheHonmyji TaeMyng
guk chidodo not bear a title, present the lists of administrative data, or
reproducethecommemoration.Mappedspacecontinuesto thetop and
bottom edges of both world maps surfaces. The two titles used in this
paper are thetitles used inthe literature. How they werechosen,how
ever,isnotclear.
To focus briefly on the title and the lists of administrative data, in
the Kangnido maps, the Eurasian landmass continues northward under
thetwo lines of writtentext upto thetop edge ofthemapsurface.The
mapmakers reconfigured and reconstituted the north in the Tenri and
Honmyjitexts.Theydidnotreproducethesetwolinesintheseversions,
which contributed to changes that help distinguish these two sets of
worldmaps.First,astheTenriandHonmyjitextsshowChinaasMing
China,they donotreflectYuanChinathroughplacenamesandadminis
trativeunitsofthatperiod.Inthissense,theTenriandHonmyjiworld
maps may represent a form of separation from the Yuan origins of the
KoreanworldmapsandtoshowmorefullythandidtheHonkjiKang
nido,whichalsopresentsMingChina,thecontemporaryworldascould
thenbeknownbyKoreanelites.Second,droppingthetitleandthelists
openedspaceatthetopoftheseworldmaps.
Koreanshad known of thesecontinents and other imaginedlands,
and probably Shizhouji, too, for centuries before the production of the
TenriandHonmyjimaps(seeCho1992).AnearlyKoreanreferenceto
the ten continents is found in a poem by Choe Chiwn , who
lived from 858 to circa 910 and who served in the Tang China govern
mentfromtheageof18totheageof27. Choesmentionofthetencon
tinents may suggest that he had learned of them while in China and
thatShizhoujiwasknowninKoreainthelateninthcenturyandtheearly
10th century (Kyewnpilgyng 19.73a74a). The Kory govern
ment official Yi Kyubo (11681241) utilizedcontinents in several
poems (TonggukYiSanggukchnjip , HMC 1, 6.3b4a, 3.5b,
18.15b16a).
The ten continents, the ten continents and three islands, indi
vidualcontinents,and other imaginedplaces appear frequently in Cho
snperiodpoetry,especiallyincontextsoftraveltoacontinentorpres
enceinacontinent,andinotherwriting. Amongwritersactiveinthelate
Kory and the early Chosnperiods, Yi Saek (13281396) wrote of
the azure Shengzhou in a travel poem (Mogn sigo , HMC 2,
2.11a).YiHwang(15011570),wellknownbyhispennameToegye
andperhapsKoreasmostimportantscholarofNeoConfucianism,
wroteoftravelinadreamtoPengqiu(Penglai),andinanotherpoemof
crossingtoShengzhou(Toegyechippylchip,HMC31,1.30a,
1.6b7a). Yi Saek in his Yu kam (Expressing Feelings, HMC 2,
10.7ab),HongKwidal(14381504)inhisKaSongcham
(PassingthroughSongStation,HMC14,4.29b30a),andYuHoin
(14451494)inhismchungka (DrinkingSong,HMC15,7.33a)
allreferredtoPengqiu.InthepoemTngPongnaegak(As
cending to the Pongnae Pavilion, HMC 7, 6.26a), Kwn Kn reminded
hisreadersthatXuFudidnotreturnfromavoyage.KimAnguk
(14781543)wroteoffloatingbeyondthetencontinentsandthreeislands
(Mokchechip ,HMC 20, 7.20ab).
Similarly, Yang San (15171584) and Yi Chun (15601635)
mentioned Fenglinzhou (Pongnae sijip , HMC 36, 1.14a;
Changsk chip , HMC 64, 3.22a). Korean poets also enjoyed Yan
zhou.6 Yang San and others wrote about Xuanzhou, though Jukuzhou
was perhaps the least popular of the ten continents among Korean el
ites.7 More writers and poems could be cited writing about each of the
6 ExamplesincludeChngChu
(HMC5,Sang.15a);KimChng(HMC23,
3.34a); andChngSaryong(HMC 13,6.8a).
7 SeeYang San, Pongnaesijip,HMC36,2.13a;KoKyngmyng,
Chebong chip , HMC 42 1.20b21a; and Cha Chllo , Osan
chip ,HMC 61, 2.45a).
continents.Beyondthis,peoplealsoidentifiedthemselvesthroughthese
imaginedplaces.YangSanspennamewasPongnae.ChoChanhan
(15721631)andYiSohan(15981645),twoofficialsactivein
thefirsthalfofthe17thcentury,werebothknownasHynju.AndSng
Munjun(15591626)usedthepennameChangnang.
TheShizhouji identifies the sea in which each continent is located.
IntheEasternSeaareZuzhou,Yingzhou,andShengzhou;intheNorth
ern Sea are Xuanzhou and Yuanzhou; in the Southern Sea are Chang
zhou and Yanzhou; and in the Western Sea are Fenglinzhou, Liuzhou,
and Jukuzhou.8 Six of these ten continents are named in both the Tenri
Tae Myngguk to and the Honmyji Tae Myngguk chido. These are
ShengzhouintheEasternSea,ChangzhouandYanzhouintheSouthern
Sea, and Fenglinzhou, Liuzhou, and Jukuzhou in the Western Sea. Not
writtenarethenamesoftwocontinentsintheEasternSea(Zuzhouand
Yingzhou) and the two continents in the Northern Sea (Xuanzhou and
Yuanzhou). In comparison, the Rykoku Kangnido and the Honkji
Kangnido bothnamethreeofthesetencontinents:Yingzhou,Changzhou,
and Fenglinzhou. The inclusion of imagined continents may not have
been an innovation in the Tenrito and HonmyjiTaeMynggukchido,
but their depiction was systematic, if incomplete. Still, knowledgeable
viewers may have been able to see the four continents not named in
thesetwoworldmaps.
The names of these six continents were written vertically within
foursidedboxes that were insidecartouches larger thantypical islands
(excludingherethethreemainislandsofJapanandRyukyu).Mountain
icons,whicharecoloredinsomeinstances,weresketchedwithinthecar
touchesandneartheboxes.OnlythemarkingofShengzhoudidnotset
theplacenamewithinafoursidedboxanddidnotaccompanytheplace
namewithmountainicons.
8 Shizhou ji 1a8a; Shizhou sandao in Yunji qiqian 26:1a22b. Yi Sugwang
(15631628) located the continents differently in his Chibong yusl
,whichhecompletedin1614(2:3b4a).CitingtheYuanweiyubian
, he placed Xuanzhou in the Northern Sea, Yingzhou and Zuzhou in the
Eastern Sea, Fenglinzhou, Jukuzhou, and Shengzhou in the Western Sea, Yan
zhouintheSouthernSea,andYuanzhouandChangzhouintheGreatSea.
Canghaidao,too,wasintheGreatSea and Muzhou intheEasternSea.
IntheNorthernSeaandintheEasternSeaarethecartoucheswithin
which place names were not written in the foursided boxes. The car
touchesintheNorthernSeadonotdisplaymountainicons,either.Those
twocartouchespresumably would be for Xuanzhouand Yuanzhou.As
theShizhoujiplacedXuanzhouinthenorthwest,perhapsthatcontinent
wouldhavebeennamedinthewesternmostcartouche(2ab;Smith1992,
54041).
Similarly,intheEasternSeaisthearcoffourcartoucheswithempty
vertical rectangular boxes. This arc is in the same area as that in the
Honkji Kangnido which shows Mt. Penglai, Zuzhou, Mt. Fangzhang,
and Yingzhou. All four cartouches in the Tenri to and Honmyji Tae
Myngguk chido have colored mountain icons. Both below and further
above the fourth island cartouche to the right in the arc are two other
islandcartouchesthatalsohaveemptyverticalrectangleboxes.Neither
ofthosetwocartouches,though,hasmountainicons.
Itwouldseemalmostcertainthatthearcsoffourcartouchesinthe
TenriTaeMyngguktoandtheHonmyjiTaeMynggukchidowereout
linedforthesameplacesthatarenamedinthe Honkji Kangnido. Thatis,
these four cartouches would present Mt. Penglai, Zuzhou, Mt.
Fangzhang, and Yingzhou. If so, this would account for the absence of
Zuzhou and Yingzhou as named continents in the Eastern Sea and for
theabsenceofPenglaiandFangzhangasnamedislands.
Between the arc and Honshu in the Tenri to and Honmyji Tae
Myngguk chidois a fifth cartouche with mountain icons but no name.
More specifically, that cartouche in both maps as marked south of and
betweenIzuProvinceandAwaProvinceineasternHon
shu in the Tenri text and below Awa Province in the Honmyji Tae
Myngguk chido. Jokoku , the Isle of Women, an imagined land in
Japanesetradition,appearsinthislocationintheHonkjiKangnido.9 This
Jokoku is not in the Rykoku do. However, it appears in the Haedong
chegukchongdoandtheIlbonpongukchito.ThelattermapnotesthatJokokuwas
thirteenrifromMutsuinnorthernHonshu.Aprovincein15thcenturyJapan,
Mutsu is not specifically marked as a province in these two Haedong
chegukkimapsastheadministrativemarkerforprovinceisnotattachedtothis
place name. In the Japan gazetteer inHaedong chegukki, though, is an entry for
MutsuProvince(52b).
9
blankcartoucheintheTenri TaeMyngguk toandHonmyji TaeMyng
guk chidoprobably was marked to place Jokoku. Across the four maps,
this and two other imagined lands in Japanese traditions, Gand and
Rasetsukoku,arefound.Thoughnamedinconsistentlyinthemaps,they
representoneormoreotherlandsoftraditionandnotobservable.
The Shizhou ji also describes six other places. Of the four islands,
Canghai is in the Northern Sea, Fusang is in the JadeGreen Sea,
FangzhangzhouisintheEasternSea,andPenglaiisbeyondtheEastern
Sea. Of the two mountains, Kunlun is in the west to northwest of the
Western Sea and the north to northwest of the Northern Sea. And
ZhongshanispasttheNorthernSea(Shizhouji9a13b;Smith1992,555).
In the Tenri Tae Myngguk to and Honmyji Tae Myngguk chido, Mt.
Kunlunisthenorthernmostofthetwoplacesinthenorthernareaofthe
Western Sea. The location beyond the Northern Sea may account for
Zhongshans seeming absence, and the absence in both maps of a car
touchethatcouldbeindentifiedasZhongshan.
IntheWesternSeainthetwoworldmapsaretwolargecartouches
embellished with colored mountain icons. The northernmost cartouche
intheHonmyjitextisMt.Kunlun.Thefirstcharacterintheplacename
intheTenritextisobscuredbydamage,butthesecondandthirdcharac
tersmatchthoseintheHonmyjitext.ThesecondplaceintheHonmyji
TaeMynggukchidoisKunlunIsland.IntheTenriTaeMynggukto,the
secondcharacterisimperfectlylegiblebecauseofdamagetothesurface,
but almost certainly is lun. If this character may be so read, then both
worldmapshaveKunlunIslandinthesamelocation.
TheimaginedislandofCanghaiintheShizhoujidoesnotappearin
eitherworldmap.Inbothmaps,though,isaplacenamedMt.Canglang
.Ihavenotfoundapossiblesourceforthisplacename,although
Kim Yong mentions it (HMC 63, 2.1a2b). This island was drawn and
named not in the Northern Sea, but in the viewers lower righthand
cornerinbothmaps.TheShizhoujitextinXuTanzhu,compiled
by Chao Zaizhi (fl. 11th c.), placed it in the Northern Sea (5ab).
Fusang, on the other hand, is set near the northeastern coast of
Honshu in all four extant world maps. To its north, in the Tenri Tae
Myngguk to and the Honmyji Tae Myngguk chido, is Mt. Fusang.
Thereisnoverticalrectangleboxinsidethisislandcartouche,andmoun
tainiconsweresketchedandcolored.
This placement of Fusang reflects its location closest to where the
sun rises. In the Dongnanhai yitu, likely derived from the Shengjiao
guangbeitu, Fusang ismarkedto theeast of Yingzhou. Itsplacement of
Yingzhou to the west of Fusang also appears in theRykokuKangnido
andintheHonkjiKangnido.Further,onlyYingzhouandFusangamong
thetencontinentsandotherlandsinShizhoujiappearintheDongnan
haiyitu,andneitherismarkedinYeShengsmapinShuidongriji.The
presenceofFusang,whichXuFudidnotseektoreach,andYingzhouin
the two Kangnido maps, and presumably in the 1402 Kangnido, also
likelyderivedfromtheShengjiaoguangbeitu.
The continental landmass extends to the northern, eastern, and
westernedgesofthesurfacesofthetwoKangnidomaps.However,inthe
Tenri Tae Myngguk to and the Honmyji Tae Myngguk chido, these
imagined continents, isles, and other lands embed the observed conti
nental landmass and islands innew formsofspace.The eastern,south
ern, western, and northern seas in this Daoist topography extend as if
oneseatoallfouredgesofthetwomapsurfaces.Thecontinentalland
massisnowspatiallydefinednotonlybycountries,populationcenters,
administrative units, coastlines, islands, observed seas, and other fea
tures,butalsobythefour seasandthelandsofDaoisttradition.
TheKangnidomapsembedded the knowable world in a terrestrial,
sinocenteredspacecharacterizedinpartbyKwnKnsstatementinthe
1402Kangnidoscommemorationthatcivilization extendedfromChina
in the center to the four seas in the outer limits (Ledyard 1994, 245).
Here the four seas indicate cultures and peoples beyond China. The
TenriTaeMyngguktoandHonmyjiTaeMynggukchidoappropriated
theShizhoujiandsurroundedtheterrestrialworldwithanimaginedto
pography. Emplacing the continental landmass within the four seas re
constituted the terrestrial world depicted in the Kangnido maps. The
four imagined seas stretched off the map, at least to the unmarked Mt.
Zhonginthenorthandperhapsasfarasimmortalsmighttravel.
Conclusion
ThefourextantKoreanmapsoftheworlddepictheterogeneousspaces.
Written text and imaginedplaces relatedto Daoism grew morediverse
fromtheRykokuKangnidototheHonkjiKangnido,anddifferedmark
edly from the Honkji Kangnido in the Tenri Tae Myngguk to and the
HonmyjiTae Myngguk chido. Constant across at least the latter three
maps was the presence of sites of residence in and travel to places in
Daoist tradition. New in the TenriTaeMyngguk to and Honmyji Tae
Myngguk chido was the reconstitution of mapped space through the
newpresentationofthe Shizhouji geography.
TheTenriTaeMyngguktoandHonmyjiTaeMynggukchidopre
senttwotopographies.ThefirstistheterrestrialworldthatKoreanelites
could know through observation and cartography. The second is an
imaginedterrestrialDaoistworldwhereimmortalsandotherswhohad
achievedlongliferesidedandwhichmortalssoughttoreachbyphysical
travel and by poetry. These two maps of the world reconstituted the
physical and imagined topographies intheKangnidobranch,emplacing
the observable physical realm within a Daoist tradition itself also
mapped in a new format. These topographies overlapped in the seas
drawn in the east, south, and west. And relocation or travel, whether
physicalorliterary,linkedthetwoworldsinasingle,continuoustopog
raphy.
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A Day in the Life of Daoist Monk1

ADELINE HERROU
Abstract
This article seeks to give an ethnographical description of the everyday life of an
ordinary Daoist monk in China today. As it follows Yang Zhixiang from early
morning until night, it deals with his current main occupationsin this case,
work on the glyphomancical dissection of the Dao character, fate calculation
for young fiancs, preparation for a healing ritual, the ascetic practice of self
perfecting through refinement, etc. as well as more basic scenes such as meals,
gestures and postures, various domestic tasks, and the reconstruction of the
temple. It also relates fragments of his own past life and implicitly outlines the
path that led him to the monastery and the vocation that made him become a
monk. Finally, it aims to convey the diversity of the monks activities and then,
by considering them serially as a whole, to arrive at an understanding of the spe
cific texture of Daoist monastic life and its reason for being.
The scene is in Hanzhong, a small provincial town in central China

(Shaanxi).Itisthehourofthehare(maoshi),betweenfiveandseven
inthemorning.Arelativelyoldmonkofaboutsixtyyearscomesoutof
hiscell,stopsinthecourtyardandtakesadeepbreath.Hefinishesbut
toningtheclothstrapsonhisbluecottonvest,whichheiswearingwith
blacktrousers.Itisanordinaryday,andforthesakeofconvenience,he
has not put on his long robe, or even his boots and white gaiters; he
wears khaki tennis shoes instead. He goes back into his room and re
emerges carrying a basin, a toothbrush, toothpaste, a towel, and a var
nishedmetalcupvisiblychippedaroundtherim.
This paper is a preview of my new book, A Life ofDao:Monks and Their

CommunityinContemporaryChina(Three Pines Press, 2010),which is an adapta
tionofmyearlierwork(Herrou2005).IwouldliketothankBrigitteBaptandier,
SophieHoudart,WangYiyaoandLiviaKohnfortheirvaluablesuggestions.
1
117
Hemakeshiswaytoanoutdoortapthatisstickingoutofaflower
bed in themiddle ofthe patio like aboundary stake.The water iscold.
The man brushes his somewhat decayed teeth, then soaks his towel in
thewaterfilledbasinandwasheshisface.Heunravelshissmallbuna
conspicuous sign of his identity as a Quanzhen Daoist monk2 combs
hishair,andthenrollsitbackuparoundthejadepinthatholdsittothe
topofhishead.Healsocombsthelongbutsparsehairsthatmakeuphis
beard.Aftergettingready,themonkheadstotherefectorycarryinghis
ownbowlandapairofwoodenchopsticks.
At Wengongci temple ,3 Yang Zhixiang is not going to the
scripture recitation (nianjing ), the services.4 His seniority exempts
him or,ashehimself says,hehas already done work there inthepast.
Forthetimebeing,heistoobusywithotheractivitiestobeableto return
tothefundamentalsofDaoistreligion.Hehasnochoicebuttoleaveitin
thehandsofhisyoungerbrethren.Besides,scripturemasters(jingshi
)havebeenappointedbytheabbottolookaftertheseservices,though
othersdohelpthem.
2 YangZhixiang belonged tothe Longmen branch of theQuanzhen order.

Thehistoryofthisorder,foundedundertheJindynasty(11261234)isnowwell
documented andanalysed(Marsone 2001; Goossaert 1997; 2004; 2007; Esposito,
2004;Yoshioka1979)andmoregenerallythemonasticisminDaoism(Kohn2003;
2007b; Lai 2003; Schipper 1984). But we still have few descriptions of the daily
lifeofmonastics.Thisarticleattemptstogiveasketchofhowanordinarymonk
spendsacommondayincontemporaryChina.
3 Also called Wengongci daoguan ; its principal deity is Wen
gong, i.e., Han Yu, the Tang Dynasty poet who was raised to the level of
godoftheSouthernDoorofHeaven,Nantianmen ,andwassaidtobeun
cle of the famous Han Xiangzi of the Eight Immortals. The monastery
datesbacktotheQingdynasty.Yetthisholyplacemayhavebeenerectedonthe
siteofasmall,muchmoreancienttemplededicatedtothelocalEarthGod,Tudi
miao.Itistodayinhabitedbyaboutfifteenpermanentmonksandnuns,asignifi
cantmonasticcommunityconsideringthatmanysmalltempleshaveonlytwoor
threemonks.Furthermore,itisvisitedbymanymonkspassingthrough.
4 There are three main nianjing services that punctuate the day (morning,
noon and evening), and that are sometimes followed by an additional mid
eveningand/ornighttimeservice(Herrou,2008).
Herrou,ADayintheLifeofaDaoistMonk /119
The Morning Meal

A multipurpose in the temple room serves as the refectoryas well as
the hall where laypeople are received, community meetings held, and
telephone calls made. It is a dark space furnished with two worn, un
matching sofas, a large table surrounded by stools, and a desk with a
wicker armchair behind it. The room is empty. The monk enters and
serves himself a bowl of sticky rice soup, which the cook, a laywoman
wholivesinthetemple,haspreparedandleftsimmeringonthebrazier.
Hegrabsapieceofsteamedbreadbeforetakinghisfoodbacktohiscell.
Hecarefullymoveshisbooksandpapersoutoftheway,putshisbowl
downonthedeskandgulpsthesoupdownquickly.Hisquietslurping
aretheonlysound.
Yangissavoringhisfoodallthemorebecauseitmarkstheendofa
longfastingperiod.Heisgoingbacktoeatingcerealsaftergivingthem
up completely for six months. He wanted to experiment with avoiding
grain(bigu).Eatingnoriceornoodles,oranyothergrain,isnoeasy
taskatthetemple,wherethesimple,vegetarianmealsarecomposedof
rice ornoodlesplusvegetablesand tofu.Yangmanaged with only fruit
andvegetables.Hedidthisonhisowninitiative,andinfacthewasthe
onlymonkinthetempletocommittothisdietarypractice.Heexplained
thathisaimwastobepreparedforafoodshortage,shouldoneoccurin
the future, and above all he wanted to put his bodys resistance to the
test.Evenifhedidnotsayso,itwasprobablyalsosothathecouldcon
templateitoveralongerterm.Inotherwords,hisdietformedpartofhis
efforttotransformhismortalbodyintoanimmortalone.
Daoism thinks of grain as feeding the Three Worms, which eat
awayattheinsideofthebody.5 Butbigucanalsomeanacompletefast,
abstinence from all food, a practice adopted by some monks in other
temples. As Yang explains it, one of the aims of Daoist asceticism is to
provide ones own nourishment (zishen de yingyang ): The
heart(xin)feedstheheart.Innernature(xing)feedsinnernature,
thebreath(qi)feedsthebreath,thedestinedbody(ming)feedsthe
On cereals as scissors of life and germs of death, see Levi 1983. See also
Despeux2007a;Mollier,2007.
5
destinedbody.6 Isanimmortalnotonewhoeatsnothing?Yangdidnot
end up experiencing any health problems and continued teaching and
meetingwithlaypeople.Heishappytojokeaboutthis;itwasnotallthat
hardandhisbodyhandleditwell.Hejustlostalotofweight!
He comes out to rinse his dishes, then stops at the lavatory before
returningtohiscell.Hisbedoccupiesalmostathirdofthesmallroom,
whosewallsarecoveredwithnewspaper.Hefoldshisblanketandputs
it under his pillow, quickly smoothes out the pink sheet covering the
thinmattress,andthenplacesthespongeontopofthepillow.
Quiet Times
Yang Zhixiang lights his small desk lamp, since there still isnt enough
daylight toreadby. Itcomes from a single windowblockedby ametal
mosquitoscreenthatisdarnedhereandtherebybigstitches.Hisdeskis
in front of the window. The work surface is covered by sheet of glass,
underwhichhehasslidafewphotos,mostlysnapshotsofhimselfstand
ing alone ornext tobrethren or disciples in thevarious templeshehas
visited. The center of the table his workspace is clear, but the sur
roundingareaisclutteredwithallthethingsheusesforhisvarioustasks.
At theback,by the wall, aretwojadepotsfilled with amixture of
pencils,cheapballpointpensand woodenpaintbrushes (some of which
arevaluable), asmallbottleofglue,aninkstone,amagnifyingglass,two
varnished, woodenpaperweightsholding down small pilesofpaper of
different sizes, andothertreasures ofmen of letters. To theright isa
pile of handbound manuscript books; on the left, sheets of paper cov
ered in characters, held together by a black clip, and a large calculator
Anothertranslation ofthe expressionyimingyangmingcould be
fatefeedsfateorlifefeedslifebuthereIchosetotranslate mingasdestined
body.IntheQuanzhenorder,whenmonksspeakoftheminginrelationshipto
thexing,onemustunderstand,accordingtowhatsomeofthemhavestatedex
plicitly, the distinction between the xing as an inner nature or temperament of
the person (xingge) and ming as a physical body (shenti), keeping in
mind that it is necessary to cultivate both of them at the same time xingming
shuangxiu if immortality is to be attained through asceticism. In the
same context,themingcan also designatefatewhen, as wewillsee later inthe
article,itisaquestionofcalculatingfates, suanming.
6
thatlookslikeatoy.Thereisaginsengrootinajar,soakinginatrans
parent liquid, a homemade medicinal preparation. To the side is a
wooden bookshelf with closed glass doors, crammed full of books that
havebeenstackedhaphazardly.
Beforelaypeoplestartarrivingatthetemple,Yangdedicatesalittle
time to his personal work. He puts on his glasses, their frame patched
withscotchtape,andstartsworking.Thisquiettimeispreliminarytoa
daythat,likethosepreviousandfollowing,willbecomehectic.Timehas
tobecarvedupbetweenvariousactivities,suchascommunityresponsi
bilities, ministering to the gods, and time for himself. How each day is
sequencedispartlydeterminedbyunforeseeneventsandpartlybyfixed
routinessuch asthe drumcalling them toprayers,the bell announcing
dinner.Likehisbrethren,Yanghasfrequentlychangingactivitiesinhis
life. The way these are managed helps shed light on the monks raison
dtre and, on a practical level, on how they reconcile religious values
witheverydaylife.Majorritualsaswellasordinaryactivitiesputbeliefs,
convictions and temperaments to the test in an enclosed world that is
nevertheless open to laypeople during the day. Discussions about doc
trine or rituals and casual conversations illustrate different levels of
meaning monks employ to express the many implications of their exis
tence. The monks activities unfold in a monastic present that cannot
helpoccasionallyrevivingelementsofthemonkspreviouslives.Never
theless,likethevocation,lifespathischartedoverthelongterm.7
Learned Pursuits
Yangliftsatypeddocumentfromthepileofpapersonthecornerofhis
desk. Itsboldtitle reads:Ten ThousandMethods toReturn tothe Ori
gin (Wanfa guizong )not to be confused with a book of the
sametitlethatdealswithtalismansandincantations.8 Thetextmakesuse
The narrative style of the ethnographical description used in this article

might be the only suitable style, for restoring monk diversity of activities and
thenplacingmonksactions,seriallypiercingtogether.Inthecontextoftheslow
paceoftimeinamonkslife.
8 AbookofthesametitleandwiththefullnameBichuanWanfaGuizong
issaidtobeahandbookonplanchettewriting(Despeux2007b).Itis
7
of special Daoist language, the internal language of the ritual arts.
Amongotherthings,itisaboutDao.Heisnotsurehoworwhenhefirst
learned about this text. He received his copy was given to him by a
monkhemet in Sichuan,buthadneeded to,hecouldjust as wellhave
ordered it through the mail directly from Beijing Teachers College,
knownforitsextensivestockonBuddhismandDaoism.Thecollegehas
itsownprintingserviceandsellsboundphotocopiedtexts.
Yanghasordered other rare Daoist writings throughthemail. It is
sometimes possible to go through scientific and academic channels
ratherthanDaoisttemples.Evenifthemailsometimesseemmoreprac
tical, monks tend to obtain their texts in person and travel some dis
tances for them. Since traveling forms an important part of apprentice
ship, it is good to go to other temples to consult archives, libraries and
shops,aswellastomeetmasterswillingtosharedocumentstheyhave
at their disposal. Thesewanderings intheclouds (yunyou )area
chancetodiscovertextstheyneverknewexisted.Butjourneystaketime
andresourcesthatYangdoesnotnecessarilyhavewhenrequiringatext.
Thereisatitleprintedintheheaderofthebooklet,butnoauthors
name. One would have to be wellinformed to know who wrote it, or
perhapsitisnotreallyimportanttoknowthis.Itisacontemporaryver
sion written in simplified Chinese (dated 1992) of a text whose author,
accordingtoYang,isLiChunfenganeminentstateteacherofthe
Tang and adviser to Emperor Taizong. A renowned mathematician, he
alsowrotetractsondivination.9
attributedbysomepublishers(Zhongguowenshichubanshe,undated)toacer
tainShanren ,orManoftheMountainwho,ifthetwocharactersofhisname
arecontracted,could be calledtheImmortal(xian),the name marked onthe
edgeofthebookbutnotinside.Yangassumesthatthebookletinhispossession
and the book on talismans are two different texts, which I gathered was very
likelythecasewhenIreadthebook.
9 LiChunfeng(602670)isknownforhisaffiliationwithDaoism(Benn2007,
63334). According to Yang, he may have collaborated with Biao Tiangang on
writingtheTheBackMassageTable(Tuibeitu ).Onewouldhavelooked
afterthe text,the other the chart. However, it is difficult to know if this Wanfa
Guizong wastruly written by Li Chunfeng or if it has beenfalsely attributed to
him,ashasapparentlybeenthecaseforothertexts(seeAnderson,2007).
YangpointsoutthatLilivedattheheightoftheTang,anerawhen
Daoismwashighlydeveloped;hewouldhavebeenamemberofthelast
generationofLordLaosdisciples.Butaboveall,Liisakindofmessen
ger, which explains why hisname does not appear in (oron)thedocu
ment.HemerelyreportsonthemethodofPengzu,whosenameis
mentionedatthebeginningofthetext.Thebookletsreadersdonothave
toberemindedthatPengzuistheillustriousimmortal,highofficerand
soothsayertheShangdynasty(ca.17651122B.C.E.) (Kaltenmark1987,82
84 ; Sakade 2007, 79091). The text in question is about his secret
method (mifa ),10whichincludesDaoistritualtechniquesandartsor
magicofthehighestorder,atleasthigherthanthepracticesofordinary
people. The text also reveals the meaning of Dao: this is what interests
Yangmost.
Why, with so many years of monastic life under his belt, is Yang
taking this kind of interest in Dao? It is abasicnotion,thepath to fol
low sought by all Daoists, the fundamental principle at the heart of
their religion, the source of everything. It is what every adept has to
studyfirst.However,notonlyisgraspingDaonoeasytask,sinceithas
multiplelevelsofmeaning,butunderstandingitisnotenough:onehas
toreach Dao,cultivate it, win it,become it (since onecanbecome what
oneseekstoattain).11 Andonehastoworkoniteveryday.
Fornow,Yangfocusesononeaspect,itsconnectiontotheBookof
Changes(Yijing).HeisworkingonamanuscripthecallsGeneral
Overview of Studies on the Changes (Yixue gailun ). Taking
DaotobethesourceoftheChanges(thosethatshapehumanbeingsas
wellastheuniverse),hetriestopresentacomprehensiveanalysisofitor,
moreexactly,hedealswiththewrittencharacterforDao,easiertoun
derstandthanDaoitselfsaidtobeineffable.Hischallengeistoapproach
Dao as simply as possible so that everyone can understand it, so the
people can follow Dao, and Dao can educate the people he explains.
ThefullnameofPengzustextinthedocument,isTenThousandMeth
odstoreturntotheOrigin(Wanfaguizongmifa ).
11 Whereas for some Daoists, the body can become a vessel of the Dao
(seeKohn 1989,197), the monksat Wengongci templespeak more generally of
obtainingtheDao (dedao ) orbecomingDao (chengdao ).
10
Yangissittingperfectlystillinhischair,hiseyesrivetedtothepapersin
hishands.Heisimmersedintheshorttext.
ThebookletYanghasinhishandsbeginswithareminder:thegreat
fundamental texts of Daoism like Book of Dao and its Virtue (Daode
jing ), warn those who would attempt to define them: The Dao
thatcanbetoldisnottheeternalDao;thenamethatcanbenamedisnot
theeternalname(ch.1).Andatthemonastery,therulestipulatessilent
teaching and recommends learning by observing (and imitating) the
mastermorethantakingthedialecticalroute.But,asYangobservesit,in
ordertoapproachDao,oneatleasthastoknowwhatitisallabout.
ThebooklethassuppliedYangwithajudiciousdetour:heisdecon
structing thecharacter for dao as he would if he needed to spell it out,
and attempting to decrypt the enigma it contains. Though Dao cannot
have a name (ming ), it has a written character (zi ). Meticulously
examiningthegraphicalformofitisalegitimatewayforYangtotakean
interestinDaoandunderstandthesearchthisentails.
InDaoismdeciphermentissometimesanecessity,whenoneknows
that the wording and even the terms themselves are considered to be
encoded. And as Brigitte Baptandier notes, in China writing has a con
nection to the origin, like a shifter,so it is a question of penetrating
the secret of the meaning that has always been there, reading the uni
versessignsinthewrittentraces(2008,1).Thereforesomeindividuals,
includingDaoistmonks,areliterallytasked,whentheneedarises,with
breaking writing open or dissect (chaizi ) (Bauer 1979; Bap
tandier1991)or,astheysayinHanzhong,probingorconjecturingit
(cezi ).Inotherwordsusingglyphomancy.
Absorbedbythetext,Yangraisestheheadandtracesthecharacter
dao in theairmechanically withhis finger. He slowly draws itscon
stituent lines, one by one. In the proper order. He starts from the right
side, with the head shou, then adds the slow walk key zuo on the
left.Hecountsaloud:twelvelines.Hegoesbacktoreading.Thetexten
deavorstodeconstruct(chaijie ) thecharacterevenfurther.
The Character for Dao

To begin writing dao , first you draw two points [],
whoseshape, when you hold it away, lookssimilartoman
upsidedown . One is on the left, the other is on the right:
they signify yin and yang, masculine and feminine, one yin
oneyang,thatisDao.
[Since it is upsidedown], the earth is above the mans
head, while the sky is under his feet, it is precisely the Tai
hexagram . The upsidedown human shape represents the
backwardwalk[daoxingnishi].WewhopracticeDao
istasceticismalsoknowthatgoingagainstthetideisafactof
theimmortalslife,followingthecurrentisthefactofanordi
narymanslife.
Yanggrabsabook,neatlycoveredwithnewspaper.Handwrittenonthe
spine in red ink is the title Yijing. The reference is doubly implicit: the
bookletquotesthefamousphraseOneyin,oneyang,thatisDao,from
oneoftheappendicesoftheYijing(Xicishangbian,5)withoutmentioning
the source, or even placing the citation between quotation marks as is
oftenthecaseinthesetextsintendedforexperts.Itreferencesoneofthe
hexagrams the Yijing analyzes. He does not hesitate to consult this old
divination work, whichhe uses as a lifemanual, andas an automatism
checks the hexagram Tai. He stops on the page that deals with the 11th
hexagram, the threebroken lines ofKun abovethe three full linesof
Qian,representing EarthoverHeaven.
Yangskimsovertheparagraphthathewellknows:Heavenplaced
beneath Earth signifies concord, the union of Earth and Heaven: It is
prosperity the small departs and the great arrives. Further on, the
commentary mentions that Tai represents the spontaneous (ziran ),
theperfectharmony(heshun)ofsocietywhenyinandyangarewell
positioned.12 Yangcontinuesreading.
The next, 12th hexagramis its opposite:Heaven above and Earthbelow:

The big one goes and the small one arrives; this is stagnation, the moment
when opposites do not communicate. The commentary explains that when yin
andyangcomeapart,HeavenandEarthobstructeachother.
12
The One. In the character dao, under the two points forming an
upsidedown man, there is the horizontal line of the One (yi ) . . .
The One is the beginning of numbers andrepresents a state of equilib
rium,thatpracticedbytheascetic,whomusthaveawellbalancedtem
perament [pinghengtai] andachievethe equilibrium ofnodesire
[wuyu].
Next,hetakesapencilandstartsannotatingthetextinthemargin.
Its argument becomes mathematical, as the monk details the relational
systems. In Daoism, and more generally in Chinese thought, numbers
occupyanessentialplace (Granet1968,12729).
DoestheDaoistmythoforiginsmentionedinthebookletnotbegin
withanumericformula?DaogeneratestheOne,theOnegeneratesthe
Two, the Two generates the Three, the Three generates the Ten Thou
sandThings(Daodejing 42).Yangneedsnoexegesis.Heknowsthesig
nificance of these numbers: in this context, origins are associated with
thepowerofDaoatthefoundationofunity(theOne),whichisitselfthe
creator ofthetwoprinciples yin and yang (theTwo),of Heaven,Earth,
and Man(theThree)andeverythingelse(the TenThousandThings).
The series ofnumbersdoesnot endthere. Nextcome thefourem
blems(sixiang :red phoenix, green dragon, black tortoise, white ti
ger),the five phases(wuxing : metal,wood,water,fire,earth),the six
positions (liuwei : ruler, minister, father, son, husband, wife), the
sevenrulersofseasonsandtime(qizheng:sun,moon,fiveplanets),
theeighttrigrams(bagua),theninepalaces(jiugong:forminga
magicsquare),the tendirections(shifang ).
Glyphomancy belongs to the number arts (shushu ) and in
this context, numbers are seen as special expressions of creative unity
and involve particular calculations with their own rules, not always
mathematical.13 Forexample,summinguptwoitemsenablesunitytobe
obtained.Inotherwords,theoperation1+1=1ispossible.
TheSelf.Underthetwopointsandthehorizontalline,thereisthe
characterzi,theself.Itistheziofziji,oneself;thisisalsotheba
sisoftheword ziran ,theverynatureofthings.
Inthiscase,tousethewordsofMarcelGranet,onecansaythatnumbers
evokearrangementsinsteadof totals.(1968,135).
13
InDaoism,workingontheselfshouldnotmeanbeingpreoccupied
withtheself(orhavingakindofcareoftheself,toborrowthewords
of Michel Foucault), but rather forgetting the self (wangwo ).14 But
how does one work on oneself surrounded by other people, wrestling
withtherulesandconstraintsofthecommunity?
Atthismoment,Yangseemstobeinphasewithwhatheisreading:
most often, even doing other things or working, he applies himself to
quietude(qingjing)thatleadstothemuchsoughtstateofspontane
ousnatureziran,thesubjectheisreadingon.Anditissometimesdiffi
cult to gain iteven within themonastery. Yet there, especially in an ur
ban environment, life is not always restful. There are the other people,
firstonesbrethren,thenthelaypeople.Onehastocompromisewiththe
different individuals that make up the community, men and women
from very diversebackgrounds. This heterogeneitycan enrichthecom
munity,butitisalsosometimesasourceoftensionbetweenmembers.
For Yang, differences in cultural level are sometimes tougher than
age differences. But as he clearly stresses, communal living is what
makesitpossibleformonkstodedicatethemselvestopersonalresearch
and selfperfection; this is thanks to the fact that individually, they do
nothave to worry about subsistence or evenpreparingmeals.Thetem
pleisstillapublicplace,fulloflaypeopleduringthedaytime.Monksare
itsguardians,andthisplacesthemattheinterfacebetweenmansworld
and that of the gods. And their role as mediators and ritualists means
theirservicesaresolicitedfromallcorners.Butunlikemonks,laypeople
donotconsiderreserveandtranquilitytheirduty.Theyareevensome
timesveryinternallyagitated,andcontactwiththemcancostthemonks
a lot of energy, or at least it can test their temperament, which is sup
posedtobeasyinaspossible.
The fact remains that even in a noisy environment, and regardless
ofwhetherthereisanatmosphereofharmonyordisagreement,ascetics
havetobeabletofindinnerpeaceandpracticeselfperfectingthrough
refinement (xiulian ), since this is the essential meaning behind
these lines. The backward walk is nothing but a return (fan ) toward
Inthiscontext,ziandwoarecloselyrelated.IntheWanfaguizong,zijican
includezishen(body,person)andziwo(me),whichonecanseethroughakindof
introspection,afteralongasceticpractice.
14
thestateBeforeHeavenandthespontaneousnatureofthings.Returning
to the origins means retracing ones steps, reintegrating the Ten Thou
sandThingsintotheThree,theThreeintotheTwo,theTwointotheOne.
Rediscoveringthisessentialunitygivesonehopeofattaining Dao.
Onthemostcosmologicallevel,itisaquestionofreturningtowhat
precededtheseparationofthebreathsandthecreationoftheuniverse.If
this is transposedtothe level of ones ownbody, themicrocosm ofthe
universe,thenitisaquestionofasceticism:onemustreturnfromaged
nesstoyouth,rediscoverapreviouslyknownstate,somewhatlikeafe
tus before birth. In his reading, Yang oscillates between these different
significances.
The textdoesnot stophere. It envisages allthecutoutpossible of
thecharacter,asifeachgraphicalcomponentthatcanbeisolatedisnec
essarilypartoftheglobal meaning.
Mirror and Eye. If we detail the character zi , we see that it is
formedfirstbya castline[yipie ,meaningaleftfallingstroke].This
lineislikeamirrorreflectinglight.Itisalsolikethecelestialvaultcover
ing the earth. It is about turning vision back upon the self [huiguang
fanzhao ],illuminatingonesbody[zishen ].
[Underthecastline,thereismu ,whichmeanseye].Immortal
ityisthefactoflongvision(jiushi).Theeyescanseethelightofthe
radiance. The eyes are thesun andmoon. . .whoserays enable an eco
logical balance to be preserved on earth. . . The sun and moon of man
playasimilarrole:theyprovideenergy,thisiswhatmakesthetwoeyes
useful...Onecanseeonesownimage(xingxiang ),thatisthespirit
ofthevalley(gushen ).
Throughasceticism,peoplenolongeronlylooktowardtheoutside,
but contemplate the inner self with a view to perceiving the light each
personhaswithin,lightbeingcloselyassociatedwithvisioninthiscon
text.15 Whenonehasachievedthisstateofclairvoyance, onecanseewhat
onereallyis,onesownimage,butalsothespiritofthevalley,anex
pression from Daode jing 6 designating what is empty and immaterial,
The expression huiguang fanzhao , designating inner practices,
should be understood as directing ones eyes back onto ones inner radiance.
Herelightsignifiesvision.Itisaboutkeepingvisioninside.Whenthespiritlooks
afteritscenter,thissignifiesareturntoinnerradiance(MinandLi1994, 455).
15
the virtue of Dao.Thereasoning underlyingthispractice isat the heart
ofthetext: TheDaosoughtisnotoutsidebutwithinoneself.
Head and Leader. The shou element, the first, the head, the
leader. Shou is that through which one understands Dao and that from
whichoneattainsDao:itistheorigin,thefirstortheOne,theessential
position;itisalsomanshead(renshou),whichenablesunderstand
ing. It is the most important part of the body. It is commonly said: A
manwithoutaheadcannotwalk,abirdwithoutaheadcannotfly.Itis
ultimatelytheruler,theleaderwhomthought(yinian )enablestoact.
Shouagainexpressestheideaofthebeginning.Inthemartialpractices,it
is important to begin at the beginning, the first step determines the
coursethepracticewilltake.Ifonepracticesblindly(mangxiu),one
cannotattainDao.
The SlowWalk.Theideaofwalkingconveyedbytheradicalzuo
forslowwalkevokestheagilityofthelegs:ifoneonlyhasthehead
but not the agility of the legs, one cannot walk. To be complete, man
must have a head and legs. . . The walking key designates movement
(dong),theheadelementdesignatesmotionlessness(jing).Thehead
isrelatedtoHeaven,whilethewalkreferstoEarth.Shourepresentsthe
inside,zuorepresentstheoutside.Ifweonlyhavetheideaofasceticism,
thisisnotenough.Practiceisneededaswell.Itisimportanttosimulta
neously cultivate the inside and outside, yin and yang, the vital force
andthebodythisiswhat dao meanstakenasawhole.
Strictly speaking, Yang isnot an expertin glyphomancy, whichhe
sees as a Daoistdivination technique along with fatecalculation,draw
ingtalismans,andincantatoryspells.Hisapplicationissimpleandlim
ited:heemploysittounderstandDao inlightof its ideogram.16
Othersuseglyphomancyasareferenceduringdivinationorfatecalcula
tionsessions.ForexampleZhuLireninHanzhong,aDaoistlaymanandfriend
ofYangiscountedamongthefatecalculationmasters(suanmingxiansheng
).Zhuasksthosewhoconsulthimtochooseacharacter eitheroftheirown
initiative or by randomly placing their finger on the page of a book with their
eyes closed. By analyzing this written sign through the deconstruction of lines
andelements,heoffersananswertothepetitionersproblem.Yangdoesnotuse
thismethodduringconsultations.Heonlyusesitinthecontextofresearch.
16
WhatisDaoismifnotyinandyang,thereturnmovementorthatof
the upsidedown man, the search for primordial unity or for the One,
vision turned in upon the self, the backward walk, the body and spirit
consideredtogether,theselfandthespontaneousnatureofthings?Years
ofstudyandpracticeareoftenneededtounderstandit,andyetitisright
under our eyes, written succinctly in the word dao, condensed into the
twelvelinesusedtodrawit.Thissecretismainlytransmittedbywordof
mouth,eventhoughsomehaveendeavoredtoputitintowritingwitha
viewtopropagatingknowledgethat,forYang,hasnotonlybeeninvalu
able,butlifesaving.
Saved by Culture
Thisworkrequiresaliteratepractitioner.Yangisonebutnotowethisto
hisfamily.Hewasbornin1937.Ashelikestorecall,thiswastheyearof
theLugoubridgeincident,alsoknownastheMarcoPoloBridge,south
westofBeijing,theclashbetweenChineseandJapanesesoldiersthatset
offtheSinoJapaneseconflictduringtheWorldWarII.
HisearlychildhoodwasspentinLiubainnorthernShaanxi.Froma
workingclass background, he did not stay in school very long. He
deeply regrets this. Nevertheless, he obtained a primary school certifi
cate,and he was able tocomplete two yearsofmiddle school. But then
economic realities caught up with him. His peasant parents were too
poor to continue financing his education, so he had to leave the class
room and start working. He did not receive any professional training
and cultivatedthesoillikehisolderbrother,butdidnotgiveuplearning.
Sincehewasluckyenoughtoknowhowtoreadandwrite,hecontinued
studyingonhisown.Henowconsidershimselfaperfectautodidact.He
says that even much later, when he had a master, he learned nothing
fromhim.Butheisextremelygratefultohismasterforhavinggivenhim
theopportunitytostudyaloneinhiscell, almostasmuchashewished.
ItisnotunusualtohearaDaoistmonksaythathelearnednothing
fromhismaster.Isitbecauseteachingisideallydonewithoutwordsthat
hehasthisimpression?Isthisnotjustawayofkeepingthesecret?Ifhis
masterdidnotverbally explain what Dao wasbut showed ittohimor
madehim awareof it through readingsatservices,could itnotbe said
thathismastertaughtittohim?Doessilenttransmissioncount?Andas
he says himself, his master Zhang Mingshan categorically refused to
transmithismedicalknowledgebeyondhisimmediatedisciples.
Yangandhismasterwereinfactverydifferent.Zhangwasamonk
mostofhislife,havingenteredreligionasanadolescentinSichuan.17 He
was forced renounce monasticism during the Cultural Revolution, but
didnotmarry.18 Thisenabledhimtoresumelifeasamonkassoonasit
becamepossible,andhespearheadedthereestablishmentofmonasteries
intheHanzhongregion.Hewasnotamanofletters.Infacthewasprac
ticallyilliterate.Hehadlittleculture,butthisdidnotmeanhewasigno
rant. He knew a lot about Daoism, and was especially good at treating
patients,solaypeopletraveledgreatdistancestoconsulthim.
Yangspentonlyafewyearsathismastersside,atatimewhenthe
cultresurgencewasinitsearlystagesandtherewasalotofworktobe
done. They needed to concentrate on the most practical aspect of the
phenomenon:rebuildingrazedmonasteriesandrenovatingtemplesthat
had been requisitioned during the total ban on religious activities and
thesubsequentcampaignsagainst superstitionintheMaoistperiod.In
thebeginning,monkshadlittletimetodedicatetoDaoandmeditation.
They had to focus on getting authorization to reopen holy places, re
claimingland(sometimesinvolvingatugofwarwiththelocalauthori
ties),rewritingandpromotinglocalhistory,summoningbackspecialists
in religious architecture, setting up and overseeing construction sites,
and securing finances for the work andmanaging with the State Taoist
Association(Daojiaoxiehui)ofwhichtheyhavetobemembers.
Yang and his master may have seen little of each other, but some
experiencesclearlymarkhim,suchasthepracticalteachingsofmedicine.
Most of the time he does not apply the same treatments as the Daoists
who are regarded as doctors, who take the patients pulse, conduct a
Zhang,whotooktheclothbeforetheCulturalRevolutionandbecamean
oldtimer by returning to monastic life after prohibition, entered Daoism at
Jindingguaninthe1940s,oneofthefewDaoisttemplesonMountEmei,Sichuan.
18 Heremained alone inthe mountain temple during the Cultural Revolu
tion.He did not renounce his monastic life, although he had toconceal itfor a
fewyears. He would come down every dayand devote himselfto work inthe
ricefields, to comply with government rulings that required him to give up his
religiousactivitiesinfavorofanother(moreuseful)career.
17
medical examination and question the patient about his health.19 When
people come to consult Yang, he calculates their fate (suanming ),
anddependingontheresult,hemightdecidetousemedicines,whichhe
prepares himself and combines with written talismans.20 On a piece of
yellow paperhe draws atalismansuitable for thepain or evil detected.
Eitherhefoldsthisoverthemedicineandordersthepatienttocarrythe
folded paper withhimacertainamountoftime,orheburnsthetalisman,
mixes its ashes into themedication,dilutesthemixture inboiled water,
and gives the patient the beverage to drink. In this case, the written
wordsarenotmadeforreadingbutincorporatedbythepatientserve
toprotecthimorevenhealhim(seeBaptandier1994).
Inretrospect,hestressestheimportanceofculture,thekindofcul
ture that is difficult to acquire when one has had little education, but
without which one cannot attain immortality the kind of culture that
saved him. According to Yang, this is needed to study Dao: Without
knowledge of cosmological thought, one cannot understand what the
quest for Dao entails. There are Daoist monks who know neither why
they are there, nor why they are studying Dao. They are unable to ex
plainDao.Theyplayitbyear;theyadvancewithoutanyclearreference
points.Theyhavefallenintoerror.
Yangsaysonecannotmoveforwardifonedoesnotknowwhatone
issearchingfor.Butcanonereallyknowwhatoneisseeking?Forhim,
acquiringknowledgeisessential,andinhiscaseitisdonethroughbook
learning.21 This is why he did his own reading. Having said that, some
19 With regard to the medical text, The Yellow Emperors Inner Classic:
SimpleQuestions(Huangdineijingsuwen),Schipper explainsthat
the mythical view of the body in Daoism served as a reference for the art of
medicine(1982, 167).Ontheuseofmedicinebymonkstoday,seeLiu2008.
20 Talismansconsistofstylizedcharacters,figurativeelements,geometrical
patterns and symbolic signs, drawn in close combination to create a powerful.
Intricatemixture(Despeux2004, 533).
21 This is also suggested by some Daoist hagiographies, which say that
study and personal effort could lead to a long life. Benjamin Penny recalls the
debate that resounds through the history of immortality, namely whether the
abilitytogainthisexaltedstatewasdependentonthefateonereceivedatbirth
(lengthoflifewas,andtosomeextentstillis,regardedasfated)orwhetherim
canstillgofarwithoutmakinguseofbooks,butthesearerare.Hismas
ter is an example: he is considered destined for immortality, given his
accumulationofmerits.
Fated toward Dao

Yang himself works hard toward immortality. Although these days he
no longer engages in seated meditation or breathing exercises, his re
search contributes to his progress one way or another. He has a great
sense of urgency. In fact, he has to make up for lost time, because he
came late tothemonastery, halfway downtheroad(banluchujia
), to use the monks own expression.22 He arrived there only in his
fiftiesafterhavinghadafamilyandworkingforlongyearsinaregular
profession.Helostalotofenergyduringhislifeasalayman,energythat
he will notbe able to dedicate tohis asceticism. Since he was educated
and lively, he wasprobably quicker to take up workthanhisbrethren,
for whom, for example, Daoist texts were inaccessible, or for whom
learningtoreadthescripturesaloudmeantlearningreadingitself.
Life did not spare him. He would say it is just fate, which has its
shareof sadness. TheplaywrightAzizChouaki would sayQuand elle
estgiflelavie!orWhenlifeisaslapintheface. Afterquittingschool,
Yang worked the fields with his parents for a while before joining the
army.HewassenttoGuangxi,wherehequicklyclimbedthehierarchi
calladderandbecameamarshal.Hegotmarriedatagetwentyandsoon
his wife gave birth to two children, a boy and a girl. Then misfortune
struck: he lost both children to illness when they were little more than
ten years old. Hismarriage did not survive the ordeal and ended indi
vorce:hiswifelefthim.
mortalitywassomethingthatanybodycouldattaingiventherightinformation,
sufficientstudyandapparentlyboundlessenthusiasm(2007, 4243).
22 Becomingamonk.IntheChinesecontextinDaoismandBuddhismliter
ally means leaving onesfamily/home(chujia). The possibility of leaving
homehalfwaydowntheroadhadbeenembodiedinWangChongyanghimself,
founder of the Quanzhen monastic order, who exhorted his disciples to leave
theirchildren(beizi)andrejecttheirwives(xiuqi).Todevotethem
selvestopracticingasceticism,ashedid (Marsone2001,354).
Heremarried,buthispain increased instead of abating and disap
pearing.Hisrelationshipwithhissecondwifewasruined.Hestillfeels
resentment.Helamentsthathercharactershouldhavemadehersodiffi
cult to live with. He even implies that her problems were pathological.
Andthentherewasherchildfromapreviousmarriage,whowouldnot
listento a wordhe said androundly refused toobey him.His wife did
not give him much credit or take very good care of him. She mostly
looked after herself. He acknowledges that he went through a rough
patchhimselfatthistime.
Havingreachedmidlife,anagewhenonecomestounderstandthe
twists and turns of human existence, Yang had a nervous breakdown.
Healsofellphysicallyill.Ontopofallthishesuccumbedtoalcoholism.
It was all the more difficult to struggle against this addiction in China,
whereonerarelyhastodrinkalone;onedrinksthroughoutmealswhen
athirdpartyispresent,everytimesomeoneliftshisglass.Andparticipa
tionindinkinggamesisamatterofpolitenessatdinnerparties.
Heenteredreligioninordertoputastoptothisdecline.Heandhis
secondwifehadhadnochildren,sohewasfreeofparentalresponsibil
ity.Ashesayshimself,itwaseitherthenornever.Alreadyinhisfifties,
he would soon have been too old to be accepted as a disciple and get
through the door(jinmen).Apassionatereader, Yang learnedthe
benefits he could derive from asceticism from the Yijing and Daoist
books. He made his way to a Daoist temple to improve himself and to
servesociety,findingaquietplaceconducivetomeditation.Thisinturn
helphimto understandhis weaknesses, andmakehim work tocorrect
them.
HelefthiswifetogotoMountTiantaiinsouthernShaanxiordid
he goto Tiantaito leavehis wife? But theirpathsdid not divergecom
pletely. His exwife followed his example a year later and entered a
monastery herself: maybe she was in need of solitude, maybe life had
become materially difficult without a man at her side, maybe Yangs
path impressedher,ormaybeacombination ofthese. In China it isnot
unusual to have serial vocations in a family. Sometimes several family
membersdecidetoenterreligionatintervalsofonlyafewyears.Regula
tionsallowit,onconditionthattheytakeseparatepathsasmuchaspos
sibleandagreetochangethetermsoftheirrelationship.AsYangswife
foundafemalemasterinanearbytemple,thetwocontinuedtomeetor
see eachother,but things wereno longer asthey used tobe.They had
changed their name, and were now brothers in apprenticeship (shix
iong/di ).Themaritallinkthathadunitedthemtransformedinto
a ritual kinship. Furthermore, the fundamental gender difference was
erased, since themonastery rulesrequirenuns tocalleach otherby the
same masculine names used between men in order to favor group
unityandpromotetheasceticssearchfortheOne.23 Astheirbrethren,if
theyhadnowtouseyangappellations,theyalsoneedtoadoptyintem
peraments:thoseusuallyconsideredfeminine,liketranquility,reserve
Theycouldthen,eachintheirownway,endeavortotransformtheirme
tabolismthroughasceticism,usingthetechniquespropertoeachgender.
Explaining his vocation, Yang speaks of a kind of predetermined
affinityforthemonastery(yuanfen)joinedbythedesiretobeuseful
tosocietyatsomepointinhislife.Yangwasmotivatedtoenterreligion
after reading the Yijing. As he recalls, the role and application of this
workispartofalargespherethatcouldalsoencompassastronomy,ge
ography, climatology, agriculture, commerce, the art of war, as well as
asceticism.ItprovidedabridgebetweenhismilitaryandDaoistcareers.
As Yang points out:Daoist yuanfenmeans getting back to a spontane
ousnature,unitingwithit,gettingintunewithitandteachingittoeach
other.Itisaboutnotresistingthecourseofthings.
Community Service
Yang has just about finished reading six pages in the booklet when
someone knocks on the door. He calls out distractedly: Come in. A
womanofaboutfifty.Inafurcoatwithhairslickedbackandrolledup
intoafinelycombedbun,shesticksherheadinandstammersafewpo
lite wordsbeforesaying shehascome fora fatecalculation session. He
answerswithabigsmile,andtellshertohave aseat.
WhenYanghadtointroducehisexwife,hewouldsaysheismybrother
in apprenticeship. Yang addressed her as younger brothersinceshe entered
themonasteryafterhim.Onsublimatinggendertobettermanageyinandyang,
seeHerrou2001a;onritualkinshipinDaoism,seeHerrou2005, ch.IX.
23
Ayoungwoman,dressedinthelatestfashionandmadeupostenta
tiously, slipsthroughthehalfopendoor;thetwo womenhavecome to
seehim abouthermarriage. Theyhave arrived unexpectedly, likemost
laypeople whocometo the temple. Fewmakeappointments, except for
importantrituals,whichareplannedadayortwoinadvance.Although
technicallyDaoistsdonotperformweddingsorbirthrituals,marriageis
still one of the most common subjects laypeople come to discuss. They
oftenrequestanassessmentofthecompatibilityofthespousesfatesand
askforthistobeoptimizedordesirehelpinchoosinganauspiciousdate.
Yangsvisitorshave explainedthereason fortheir visit:the young
womanisengagedtoamanwhoisapparentlyfromagoodfamily,but
has shown signs of weakhealth.They briefly introducethestoryspro
tagonists without saying too much. They are consulting with a sooth
sayer, after all, who should be able to see things for himself. It is their
firsttimemeetinghim,onarecommendationfromafriend.Heasksfor
the future spouses dates of birth but not if her fianc approved of this
sort of process. This is how it goes when calculating fate: whoever has
someoneelsesbirthdateandhourcanasktohavethatpersonsfatecal
culated with theirconsent,behindtheirback,or evenagainst their will.
Theyoungwomantellshim,notwithoutapprehension.Afternotingthis
informationalongwithhisvisitorstelephonenumbers,heexplainsthat
he usesthefourpillarsof destiny (sizhu)method and asksthem
toreturnthefollowingdayafterhehascalculatedtheirfates.
Hedoes notrise fromhischairright away. The laypeopletake out
somemoney. He refuses at first,but ends up accepting it andsliding it
into his drawer. He sees his guests to the door, where they thank him
againandassurehimtheycaneasilyfindthewayoutontheirown.
Thetemplebellrings.Itisnoon.Throughthewindow,amixtureof
monksandworkmencanbeseenrushingtowardthekitchen.Yangtakes
his bowlandchopsticksandjoinshisbrethrenonthefirstpatio.Manyof
themhavechosentoeatlunchoutside,takingadvantageofthesunshine,
which is becoming scarce as autumn advances. He serves himself from
thetwoenormousmetalbowlsonthekitchentableonefullofrice,the
other full of finelychopped vegetables and takes a seat at one of the
courtyardsimmovabletables.
He has not taken monk disciples yet, and not all Daoist masters
necessarilydoso.Upuntilthen,hehadonlyaccepteda fewlaydisciples,
eitherbecausehefelthehadnotreachedasufficientleveltotransmithis
knowledge,orbecausehehadnotmettherightcandidate.Moreover,at
the Wengongci, most newcomers take the monastery abbot as master
anditisparticularly visibleinthepresenttime,whenfewofthemcareof
his lunch,bring itto hiscelland ensure onhishealth. Yang eatsby his
own. Nobody seems to keep a special eye on him except the cook who
refillshisbowl,withanauthoritativegesture,ignoringthemonkswords
of refusal. Conversations are lively, two monks share a joke, the ambi
anceishotandnoisy(renao),asawelcomingtempleshouldbein
China.
After the meal, Yang goes back to his cell and lies down his bed.
Although he has a great interest for the booklet, he prefers to have a
short rest. He knows the necessity of taking care of his body and he is
also aware that mans knowledge is necessarily limited. Laozi did not
say:Renouncestudyandyouwillbefreefromsorrows(Daodejing20)?
But, onthe opposite ofcertainbrethren,Yang does not feel theneedto
stopreading,eithertemporarilyorindefinitelyinakindofliteraryfast,
so that he could dedicate himself completely to the ascetic practice of
selfcultivation(Herrou2007,191).Maybe,hehasnotreachedthisstage
yetorhassurpassedit.
Anhourlater,hecomesout his cellandstopsforafewmomentson
thesecondpatiotohelpanoldermonkscrapeafewoldredbricksthat
aretobereused.Hecrouchesdownandsilentlyinspectsthebricks,veri
fying that they are reusable, before grabbing a stone and starting to
scrapeawaythecementresidue,somewhatclumsily.
Reconstruction
Since reopening its doors in 1993, and even since its land was first re
turned to the Daoistcommunity afterthe Cultural Revolution, the tem
plehasbeen apermanentconstruction site. There areperiods whenthe
workmen (who are housed and fed at the temple) outnumber monks,
andtimeswhenthemonksdowhateverworktheycanmanageontheir
ownafewmonths,untiltheyaccumulateenoughmoneytolaunchmore
projects.Fornow,itistimeforheavyworkonthebuildingsskeleton.
Whentheheadofconstructionarrives,hedoesnotseematallsur
prisedtofindYangparticipatinginthiskindofworkeventhoughheis
incharge ofplanningthe JadeEmperors Pavilion.Yang askshim if he
has eaten, and then, without listening to his answer, gets up to inspect
the work with him. Wengongci Temple was not destroyed during the
Cultural Revolution. It was requisitioned and transformed into a hous
ing complex. When it was returned to Daoist community in the late
1980s,Yangwasoneofthoseselectedbyhismastertoassistthenewab
botinmanagingrestorationandreopening.
Having been involved in the reconstruction from the very begin
ning,hehasseenafirstpatiobeingbuiltintheoldvegetablegardenas
former residents gradually vacated the premises, followed by a second
patiobeing enlarged. Nowthe JadeEmperors Pavilion isbeingrebuilt.
Themonks arenot restoring what was leftof the oldeponymous struc
ture.Itwastorndownsothatanewonecouldbebuilt,whichwillnotbe
twostorieshighlikebefore,butfour,sothatthetemplecangrow.24 The
topmost floors are almost finished, the cornices at the tips of the swal
lowwingedroofarealreadyornamentedwithfinelypaintedmotifs,like
theyinyangdiagramandotherbrightdesigns.Thegroundfloorincon
trast,iswideopen:withnofloororexteriorwalls,itlookslikeanempty
space under an unfinished ceiling, delimited by supporting concrete
beamsandcoveredbyscatteredpilesofmaterials.Threeworkmenanda
monkareplayingcardsinacorner.Yanglaughswithhisyoungbrethren
astheypassby.
Since it was reopened at the beginning of the late 1990s, Wengongci

TemplehasbecomethelocalofficeoftheStateDaoistAssociation.Itwasconse
quentlytoreceivenewresponsibilitiesandahigherstatus.Thispromotioninthe
official hierarchy has markedly contributed to the changes in its configuration.
Monks themselves speak of a wish to pursue what their predecessors have
started,andtotry to go further. At leastthey dont want historical events,and
time,tohaveatoostrongholdonDaoisttransmission.
24
Healing Rituals
Yangsmeetingwiththeworkmenisinterruptedbythemonkincharge
oftheritualschedule.Hehascometofetchhimforahealing.Theyneed
him to set up a Daoist ritual area (bandaochang ). In charge of
the sick persons family, Yang will calculate their fates while other
monksperformtheritual. In addition,he alsoprepares theritualdocu
mentstobepresentedtothegods.Theywillbeburnedduringthecere
monysothattheirrequestscanreachthedivinities.Tothisend,hegoes
to his cell, takes out some yellow rice paper and sits down to compose
the formal petition. After that, he takes more paper plus scissors and
glue to build a casket about 40 cm or 16 inches in height to hold the
documents.Afterplacingthedocumentsinside,hedrawsatalismanon
itstoptomakesureithastheproperritualpotency.
Histaskdoesnotendthere.Aftertheritualisconcludedandbefore
thesacredareaisdissolved,hehastotakethelaypeopleasideforadivi
nation,askingthedivinitiespresent: Willtheritualbefruitful?Willitbe
effective?To this end, he gives them a setof diviningblocks, apair of
woodenobjectsshapedlikeoystershells,eachwithaflatandarounded
side.25 He asks the laypeople to throw these on the ground: if both
rounded sides face up,the answer isnegative; ifboth flat sides are up,
the answer is uncertain; if they land with one flat and one rounded
showingup,theanswerispositive.
Everydayatthetemple,alargenumberofpeoplecomelookingfor
YangZhixiang.Heassessestheseriousnessoftheirsituationandchooses
themosteffectivemeanstoremedyit.Noteverysituationnecessitatesa
formal ritual. For example, if it concerns fate (yunqi ), if there are
thingsthatpeoplewantbutareunable todo,andthisisverydifficultfor
them,thenwearrangeforarite.Also,therearethosewhoaresuffering
from evil spirits whohave attached themselvesto them (chanshen ),
soadaochangisneededtoexorcisethem.Thentherearepeoplewhoex
perience adversity, are subject to misfortune, have family problems, or
lotsofotherthings.Therearealsothosewhoareunabletohavechildren,
These ritual objects are sometimes called beijiao or jiaobei but
Yang Zhixiang prefers tocallthemgua,pointing out thatthere aredifferent
typesmadeofwood,metal,orstone.
25
but inthatcase we do notcreate aritual area. If it isamatter if illness
and the sick persons condition is serious, if a child is not healing or
medications from the hospital are having no effect, then we may do a
ritual. Ifthemedications work, it is not needed.Monksoftenresort to
fatecalculationaswellasphysiognomy(kanxiang),theartoflearn
ingaboutapersonthroughhisfacialappearance,todeterminehowseri
ouswhatkindofproblemisandwhatremediesmightberequired.
Before he even completes the first task, new laypeople are already
knockingonhisdoor.Heasksthemtowait.Heneedstimetomeetthe
sick persons relatives so the ritual can begin. A line quickly forms in
frontofhiscell.Ayoungmonkinhisprobationaryperiodwhodoesnot
participateintheritualsuggeststhatthevisitorshaveaseatonstoolsin
thecourtyard.HeservesthemteainplasticcupsuntilYangcanattendto
theirneeds.
Fate Calculation
Night has fallen. Yang lowers the large wooden beam that secures the
double doors at the entrance. He has just walked the last laypeople to
theirbicycles,parkedinthenarrowstreetrunningthelengthofthetem
ple.Themonksareontheirownagain,untiltomorrowmorning.Or,to
borrow Claude LviStrausss words, they keep to themselves (1969,
497).Thedinnerbellhasrung.Afteraquickmeal,Yangdropsinonthe
nuninchargeoffinancestogiveherthemoneyfromthelaypeople,then
hereturnstohiscell.Hestillhastocalculatetheir fate.
He tears a sheet from a pad of white paper and positions it verti
cally.Inthetoprightcornerhewritesthenamesandphonenumbersof
thetwowomenwitharedfeltpen,thendrawsaroughrectanglearound
it.Inblackink,hewritesthewordformanontheleftsideandthatfor
woman on the right, so the sheet is divided in two. Underneath, for
eachfianc,hewritestheirdayandtimeofbirth.Consultingthealmanac,
heconvertsthisinformationintothetraditionaleightcharacters,theyear,
month, day, and hour of birth (the four pillars) in the symbols of the
sexagenarycycle.
Foreachfianc,heconsultsthepagededicatedtohis/herbirthyear
andreportsthesignpairscorrespondingtotheyear,themonthandthe
day ofbirth (through thecombination of the twodecimal andduodeci
malseries,thetencelestialstemsandthetwelveearthlybranches).Then
heconsultsasmallmanualhecreatedforhimself.Inwhichhehastran
scribed, among other things, the birth time correspondence table. Thus
he obtains eightcharacters for eachof the future spouses which, to use
BrigitteBaptandiersterms,areakindofencryptionofthechartofthe
universe (1996, 123).
He then calculates each fiancs fate, noting it in two columns
blackinkforgreatfate(dayun),themajorchangesthatwilloccur
in each tenyearsperiod,andred inktomark future fate(liunianyun
),main annual tendencies for thenextfew years.26 He alsocom
pares the eight characters in terms of mutual harmony and repulsion
(xianghe/chong /).Asitturnsout,thefiancshave acompatiblefate:
Firstly,consideringtheeightcharacters,thewomanwasbornintheyear
oftheRooster,whichfallsundertheearthlybranchyu,andtheman,
whose eight characters are placed under the sign of the Dragon, corre
spondstothe chen sign.
Yu and chen are in concordance, both being associated with the
metal in the five elements and that is fundamental, as Yang stresses,
sinceto live together,twopeoplereallyhavetobe in harmonyso that
theycanbeconsiderateandkindtowardoneanother,feelcloseandlove
eachother,helpeachother.Secondly,examiningfates,certaincombina
tionsaremostcertainlyluckyandthatisthecasetoday,asforthedayun:
sincethewomancarriesthesignoftheMandarinnorm(guanyun),
which(inamansfate)referstothespouse,andthemanhasthesignof
wealth (caiyun ) in his fate, which symbolizes the spouse.27 Yang
nowknowsthattheycouldliveinharmonyforalongtimeandthemar
riageislikelytobefruitful.Astudyofthe liunianyunwilldeterminethe
mostauspiciousdateonwhichtocelebratetheunion.
Thefirsttenyearperiodofthegreatfatedoesnotstartatbirthbutat
the year from which the personsfate would have begun, a datethat Yang has
quicklycalculated,accordingtoanothertableinhispersonalmanual.
27 Inthiscontext,guanandcaiare complex notions, which translationcan
not sufficiently convey.On theirsymbolical meaning (when guan/caicancorre
spondtowhatgovernsaperson/thattowhichheisopposed)andonthekinship
andalliancerelationshipsystemstheyreflect,seeBaptandier2003,12223.
26
The sheet of paper is almost completely covered with writing (in
redandblack),writingthatlaypeoplewouldnotbeabletounderstand,
eventhoughthisisthesheetYanggivesthemanditholdstheanswerto
their question. They will only grasp a few details out of everything
marked there: the corresponding celestial stems and earthly branches
will remain nothing but numbers, though some characters might give
some slight information about the contents of an element. Looking at
whatiswrittenonthispage,Yangwouldbeablereportseveralthingsto
theyoungwomanaboutherownfate,aboutthatofthemanshehopesto
marry, and about their union. In all likelihood, the result will not be a
sourceofdiscordbutrathersomethingthatopensthedoorstothewed
ding ceremony. Yang is relieved; this kind of answer is easier to give
thanitsopposite.Becauseasuanmingmasterspowerislimited.
Still, he is aware that he can suggest only so much. In fate (ming
yun ),he says, there is the part on which one can act (yun, good
andbad fortune) and another about which nothing can be done (ming,
lifes destiny). Even then, someyun remains impervious to all attempts
ofchange.Nottomentionthefactthatpeoplethemselveshaveameas
ure ofresponsibility for how theyconduct their lives.28 For exemple,on
the subject of fate at thetime ofmarriage (hunyun ),Yang explains
thattherearepeoplewhoaremadeformarriage,otherswhobelongtoa
kindofresistance(andthereforeencounterthedifficultiesofwidowhood,
remarriage or bigamy) and still others for whom nothing can be done,
aboutwhoseproblemssuanmingmastersremaintotallypowerless,and
whose only option is celibacy, or, if they are believers, the monastery
path.29
Onthebeliefinbothpeoplesresponsibilityfortheirfateandtheirinborn
qualities(or adestiny)directingtheirlivesanddeeds,seeKohn2007a,99.
29 As is wellknown in anthropology, marriage is above all about families
puttingmatrimonialstrategiesandestablishedsocietalrulesintoplay,andthese
go far beyond the mere consent of the spouses (Lauwaert 1991, 14470; Wolf
1974a;1974b;Watson1986).Itisoftenakindofcorporateactivityreflectiveof
more than family (jia) interests, as Susan Naquin says (1986, 226). But often
horoscopes also end up intervening to qualify the designated parties for mar
riage. And dramatic events can occur among cosmically antagonistic or deadly
couplesmotheranddaughter,spouses(Topley1955;1974;Lauwaert2001).
28
Yang himself is working hard on changing his own temperament.
Hedoeseverythinghecantoturnthebadthoughtsthatstillsometimes
enterhisheadintovirtuousones.Healsotriestobeashelpfultoothers
asmuchaspossible.Thisisnotsomethinghespeaksaboutopenlysince,
to use his own terms, this would amount to tooting his own horn and
ultimatelygivingapoorimpressionofDaoistmonks.However,ifsome
oneasksforhishelp,hewillgiveit.
It is ten oclock. Practically asleep on his feet, he finally can go to
bed. He tries to empty his mind since the work of telling fortunes is a
sourceoftension.Heknowsthisandexperiencesiteveryday;notevery
truthor at least not every predictionis nice. Some visitors are re
ducedtotears,othersflyintoarage.Manysaynothing,buttheyareno
lessaffected.Yanghimselfsometimesfeelsacertainpainforthepeople
whocometohim.Thoughmanylaypeoplebelievethewordsofthefor
tuneteller or, if skeptical, are prepared to experiment with his verdict,
therearepeoplewhoareafraidofhispotentialclairvoyance.LikeJiXian
in the Zhuangzi, he was able to predict each persons future, life and
death, happiness and misfortune, success and failure, premature death
andlonglife.Noneofthiswasasecrettohimandhecouldannouncethe
exactdateonwhicheventswouldtakeplace,likeagenie.Peoplefledat
hissight (ch.7).
Epilogue
Ithasnowbeenadecadesincethisdaytookplace.Sincethen,construc
tion of the Jade Emperors pavilion is complete. Wengongci has ex
panded further. Yangs master, Zhang Mingshan, passed away trans
formedintoabird (yuhua).Astatueofhimrepresentedasagodor
an immortal was recently unveiled at the temple. But also since then,
YanghasleftWengongciafteraseriousdisagreementwiththeabbot.
Alocaldoctorhelpedhimfindmodestlodgingsintheareaandhe
lived there with his exwife, who followed his example for the second
time, until their disagreements caught up with them again. Then he
moved several times, searching for an environment conducive to his
Daoist and literary activities. Hecontinued living offhis fortunetelling
whilesearchingforanewtemple.FirsthereturnedtoMountTiantaito
servehisoldmasterandlivedinatemplenotfarfromhim.Onlyoneof
two monks there, he had to share domestic chores like bringing water
from the valley and had little time for his passion. So he left. Then he
spentsometimeinasmalltempleinthesouthofXian,buthadtrouble
gettingalongwithhissuperiorwhowasthirtyyearshisjunior.
Next, he fought hard to obtain authorization to move into the fa
mous Zhang Liang Temple, now amuseummanaged by themunicipal
Department of Culture. He liked it especially since it was located near
his hometown in Liuba county. But his relationship with the local au
thorities wascomplicated. He finally put an end tohis wanderings and
settledinatenementinHanzhong.Heresolvedtolivealone,butthena
youngwomenjoinedhimashisdisciple.Forawhileshehelpedwithhis
consultations and learned his Dao, then they fell in love. They are still
together today, even though, ashesaid,things arenot always easy, es
peciallyforsomeonewhosefateisnotfavorabletomarriage.Hehascut
hishairandgonebacktousinghislaymansnametosymbolizethathe
isnolongeramonk.HeexplainsthathesimplychangedtoanotherDao
ist discipline, to reconcile the conjugal and liturgical elements of life,30
and decided to remain what he is: a Daoist master who still wears his
bluecottonvestandreceiveslaypeopleinlargenumbers,mainlytocal
culatetheirfates.
AfterconsideringtheShangqingorder,heoptedforZhengyiwheremas
ters have always been permitted to marry and sometimes, when their office is
hereditary, are even obliged to do so to perpetuate their charge. If Yang was
vagueonthesubject,itisprobablybecausehecouldbeaselfappointedZhengyi
master.
30
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Psychology and Daoism

Resisting PsychologizationAssisting Dialogue
ELLIOT COHEN
Daoism must not allow itself to be merely harvested for its
psychological insights whilst having the rest of its fields de
claredfallow.
This paper, I hope, performs three functions: summarize my presenta

tionattheInternationalDaoismConferenceonMountWudanginJune,
2009; reflect on some of the other papers delivered in the session on
PsychologyandDaoism;andintroducetheaimsandobjectivesofthe
newly founded Northern Institute of DaoistStudies.Myconferencepa
per highlighted some potential pitfalls which may await any dialogue
between Daoism, psychology, and psychotherapy. I was delighted to
receiveacomplimentarycopyofconferencepresenterLXichenspubli
cation Daoxue jianxin zhihui (Daoist Wisdom and Mental
Health,2008),whichexploresparallelsandinteractionsbetweenDaoism
anddifferentpsychotherapeuticapproaches.
Mypaperalsoexploredwhichdomainsofpsychologyandpsycho
therapywerebeginningtolayclaimtoandcompeteforDaoism,notably
analyticpsychology (Rosen 1997),cognitivebehavioral therapy (Young,
Zhou and Zhu 2008), and humanistic approaches (Johanson and Kurtz
1994). Rather than serve as a complete analysis and evaluation of these
attempts at synthesis leading to the creation of a Daoist psychology or
psychotherapyIwouldliketotakeastepbackandconsidersomeimpor
tantfactorsthatmustprecedesuchanendeavor.
Tome,Daoismrepresentsarichandvariedtradition,ahistorically
andculturallylocatedcollectionofphilosophies, liturgies, ethicalteach
ings,meditativemethodologies,ritualpractices,andcultivationexercises
151
(Kohn 2001). Daoism does not reduce into neat little Western packages
suchasphilosophyorpsychologyirrespectiveofhowinternallydi
versethesedisciplinesmaybe.AnydialoguewithDaoismmustaccord
inglytakeintoaccountthedepthandbreadthofthetradition.
Psychology
Psychology is variously definedasa science ofthemind, and/or as a
study of human behavior by such national bodies as the British Psy
chological Society (BPS), American Psychological Association (APA),
AustralianPsychologicalSociety(APS),andChinesePsychologicalSoci
ety (CPS). The appearance that these various organizations are keen to
maintain, under the overall auspices of the International Union of Psy
chologicalScience,isthatpsychologyisscientificandrelativelyunified
initsvisionandpurpose.
Incontrast,psychologyisfarfrombeingaunifieddiscipline;infact
one of the things that excites me most about psychology is its multi
paradigmatic character. The etymology of Psychology reveals that its
initial focus was the human psyche, translated as soul, spirit, or even
breath. The goddess Psyche herself was originally a mortal woman
whoseloveof,andrelationshipwith,thegodErosledtoherownascen
sion intotheranks of thedivineOlympianhierarchy (Lowenthal 2004),
andhertransformationfrommortaltoimmortalmayexcitesomespecu
lationamongDaoistpractitioners.
Oneoftheearliestargumentsagainsttheexistenceofascienceof
psychology, well articulated by Galileo, was that the human soul/mind
couldnotbemeasuredinanymeaningfulway(Hergenhahn2000).Heis
often presented as an early empiricist and quoted as saying: measure
whatcanbemeasuredandmakemeasurablewhatisnotso.Thisstate
menttypifiestheearliestformsofexperimentalpsychologystudentsof
tenbelieve is the origin ofmodernpsychology (rather than recognizing
itsrootsintheology,philosophyorevenmythology).
Beginning in the University of Leipzig laboratory of Wilhelm
Wundt, psychology came to be understood as a science that observes
and measures (Rieber and Robinson 2001). His Outlines of Psychology
published in 1897,presentspsychology as apositivistic andnomothetic
endeavor, moving away from metaphysical speculation or subjective
Cohen,DaoismandPsychology/153
relativism. It isperhaps significant that oneof thecommonly identified
founders of Chinese psychology, Cai Yuanpei, attended and studied
with Wundt and consequently set up his own laboratory in Beijing in
1917(Jing1994).
Several years before Wundts book, William James set forth his
PrinciplesofPsychology(1890),whichpresentedamorephenomenol
ogicalandexperientialapproachtopsychology,emphasizingconscious
ness and using expressions such as stream of thought. Jamess later
work, The Varieties of Religious Experience, soonbecame aclassic in
thestudyofreligionandspirituality,usingphenomenologicalinquiryas
itsmain methodology(1983).Itisstillmuchcitedtoday.
Also around this time, a young and promising psychiatrist by the
name of Sigmund Freud took a keen interest in JeanMartin Charcots
work concerning hysteria (becoming, for some time, his student), and
devoted much time to the case of one particular patient, referred to as
Anna O (whom Freud never actually met), who was under the care of
JosephBreuer(seeJones1974).Thepatientpresentedsymptomsofhys
tericalparalysis(aswellasseveralothersymptoms),whichappearedto
be alleviated by a talking cure, i.e., by talking about the nature and
exploringthepossible origins ofher illness. Freudduly developedpsy
choanalysis, a profound hermeneutic methodology or depth psychol
ogy,whichwasdeeplyenmeshedinlanguage,thedanceofinterpreta
tion. It also included a profound appreciation of the relationship be
tween body and mind; pioneering psychosomatic approaches within
medicine. This also included the insight that some physical symptoms
mighthavepsychogenicroots;withtheiroriginsinourthoughts,orin
what we refuse to think, and in words, or what we cannot bring our
selves to say. His theory concerning the sexual etiology of hysteria,
though controversial at the time, also served to emphasize the potent
psychological and physiological impact of the libidinal drives; again
highlighting the bidirectional nature of mindbody. In addition to dis
cussing consciousness, Freud raised the level of understanding to the
realityanddynamicsoftheunconscious.
Todayundergraduatedegreeprogramspresentthefieldasdivided
intothreemainforces:psychoanalysisorpsychodynamics,theFreudian
model, behaviorism, an extension of the experimental, empirical model
that takesthemeasurement,prediction,modificationandcontrol ofbe
haviorasitsmainobjectives;andhumanism,areactionagainsttheper
ceived reductionistic, determinist approaches of the behaviorists,
that sought to emphasize individual autonomy and returntomoreper
soncentered,dialogicalwaysofbeingandrelating.Morerecentlyaforth
force, the transpersonal, has emerged, mainly based on the work of
Abraham Maslow (1994). It recognizes the spiritual dimension of the
humanities as integral to our being, containing potent transformative
potentials that facilitate forms of socioculturalspiritual evolution (see
McIntosh2007).
In additionthere are two further important approaches: theneuro
logical, which reduces consciousness to brain structure, function and
electrochemical signals or neural correlates of consciousness NCC);
and the cognitive, which represents consciousness as a complex, inter
weavingseriesofprocessingsystemssimilartocomputerprogramswith
theirvariousprocedures,filtersandsubroutines.
If psychology is to enter into a meaningful dialogue with Daoism,
then,whichschool,approach,ortypeofpsychologyismostsuitedtothe
task? There is as yet no such thing as Daoist psychology or Daoist
psychotherapy. Chinese psychology itself is a Western import (Jing
1994),beingresistedandassimilatedatdifferenttimes,oftenforvarying
politicalreasons.Ontheotherhand,thereisalreadyanestablishedcate
gory called Buddhist psychology, which may serve as an interesting
precedent.
Buddhist Psychology
The Guildford Press catalogue of books on Clinical Psychology and
Psychiatry2009dedicatesapageandahalftomindfulnessbasedap
proachesandpractices.Oftensemioticallysuggestedinthebooksfront
covers thatoften show lotus flowers and other tranquil, Orientevoking
scenes,Buddhistbasedmindfulnesshasbecomeassociatedwithvarious
psychologicaltheoriesandinterventions.Themostrecentandpopularis
thecombinationofcognitivebasedpsychotherapeuticapproaches(CBT)
withmindfulnessorMindfulnessBasedCognitiveTherapy(KabatZinn
1990;Williamsetal.2007).
Western psychology rests largely upon the ontological assertion
that there is such an entity as the self, which Buddhism asserts,
throughmeditativeandexperientialmeans,isnotrealinanypermanent
or integral sense. This inherent contradiction between the two ap
proacheshasremainedasubjectoffascinationwithoutsatisfactoryreso
lution.
Clearly there are recognizable resonances between Buddhism and
psychotherapy.Bothhaveattheirheartsthewishtoreduce,oreradicate
and transcend, human suffering. Clinical psychologists and psycho
therapists see Buddhism as a secular spirituality, primarily concerned
with human suffering (Watson et al. 2000) rather than as a living reli
gioustradition.TheWesthassponsoredsomethinglikeaBuddhistRef
ormation, often with the apparentblessingof thenativecustodians and
propagators,sothatBuddhistmonksareplacingthemselveswillinglyin
fMRI scanners and have their meditative prowess measured and ex
plained in terms of brain structure, function, and electrochemistry (Go
leman 2003). Thus neurology allied with psychology seeks to demys
tify and catalogue the Buddhist brain, moving from cultivating the
dharmatoincreasingdendriticconnections(HansonandMendius2009).
We all desire to be happy, but Buddhism is not really concerned
with creating happiness in the ordinary sense. Even in Tibetan Bud
dhism the yogimay only appeartobe living andpursuingan ordinary
life with a job, wife, and family while in fact pursuing higher spiritual
goals.TheBuddhaaddressedsufferingandthecessationofsuffering,
understanding the pursuit of happiness in this world as the key of all
problems(Rahula1997).Hetaughtthatintheeyesoftheawakened,the
very thingspeopleconsider the sourceof happiness are seen whatthey
actuallyare:therootofmisery(Dhammika2009).
Buddhist teachings popular in the West tend to be less concerned
with renunciation and more with embracing life and seeking personal
fulfillment. The immediacy ofmindfulness, free of any religious orcul
turalbaggageorethicalrequirements,maybeseductivebutalsodoesa
greatdisserviceto,anddistorts,theoriginalpurposeofthedharmaand
reduces the entire tradition of Buddhism to a form of selfhelp. Simply
put, nirvana is not, and will never be, the end product of any psycho
therapeuticencounter.
Seenfromthisperspective,oneofthegreatestdangersofDaoisms
encounterwithpsychologyisitsfallingintotheselfhelptrap.Itisessen
tial that Daoism should not be reduced to a form of psychology that
thoughtlesslytearsitfromitsculturalandhistoricalcontextanddemys
tifies what is intentionally mystical. Between the two poles of the ex
perimental and the experiential, Daoism should gravitate toward the
psychological approachbest equippedto encounter andrespectfully re
ceiveit.Thismustbespirituallyliterate,culturallyaware,andattuned.
Translating Hearts and Minds

The Chinese word for psychologist isxinlixuejia or master
studentoftheheartsprinciples.Thecentraltermhereisxin ,heart,
mind, spirit, or center (Robinet in Pregadio 2008, 1100). From a
Western perspective, influenced by popular literature and culture, the
heart is imagined as the seat of the emotions, whereas the mind is the
seat of reason and intellect. This in itself may lead to a double duality;
bodymind,mindheart,aproblemthatisattherootofmuchdiscussion
inChinesephilosophy.
Theveryfactthatheartisitselfthecenterofwill,emotion,de
sire, and intellect(both rational and intuitive) means that it
willitselfbecomethecenterofmuchcontentioninallthedis
cussionconcerningtherelationshipamongallthesefaculties
(Schwartz1985,185)
In the Daoist frame of reference, these terms take on a broader signifi

cance,includingahostofphysical,psychospiritual,alchemical,andas
trologicalassociations,noneofwhichexistinisolation.Itchallengesthe
traditional Western or Cartesian duality, as is most obvious in Chinese
medicine (Maciocia 2005), which has inspired more holistic, alterna
tive approaches to appear within and alongside Western medicine. 1
BothDaoistcultivationandChinesemedicineworkwithacosmol
ogy based on the experience of qi, a force or energy that occupies a
spacesomewherebetweenthephysicalandspiritualrealmsyetbelongs
1 MariOehler explored this in her conference paper by focusing on the
workofthepsychoanalystWilhelmReich(1961).InterestinglyReichsbeliefina
pervasive and binding bioenergetic force called orgone has strong parallels
withChinesemedicine.
notentirelytoeither.Howcouldareductionisticempiricismofthetype
usedinmanyformsofpsychologyandbiomedicineeverhopetofinda
suitableequivalentof qi,letalonemakesenseofit?
A number of individuals and institutes, such as the International
YanXinQigongAssociation,worktoadapttheconceptofqiintothesci
entific and medical discourse, typified in Yan Xins somewhat curious
slogansaveQigongwithscience.Seekingtomeasureandtame qi,such
researchinstitutesseemtoplacetheirfaithinscientismasifitwerethe
solebenchmarkofvalidity.Indoingso,theyriskdevaluingmillenniaof
rigorously pursued and arduously attained experiential evidence. Does
theDaoevendealindata?
Inmany respects we need to recognize when, where,and why we
arespeakingdifferentlanguagesfordifferentreasons.Thisisnottosug
gestthattherearenottimeswhenweareindeedspeakingthesameorat
least a similar language: as, for example that of alchemy. Daoism con
tains a rich and ancient alchemical lexicon (see Kohn and Wang 2009).
Transpersonalpsychologyalsocommonlyutilizesthelanguageandim
ageryofalchemyinitsapproaches(Jung1980;Cavilli2002;Somers2004).
Infact,thewordalchemymaywellbeofChineseorigin(Selin2008).
Alchemy has followed a similar path in both Western and Eastern
traditions. External forms have sought the philosophers stone, an item
orsubstancecapableoftransmutingbasemetalsintogoldorofproduc
inganelixirofimmortality.BothDaoismandtranspersonalpsychologi
cal approaches metaphorize external alchemical methods to corre
spondedtopsychospiritualprocesses.Bothinternalizethephilosophers
stone to represent the sentient psyche that transmutes ordinary being
and awareness into a more refined, cosmic form. Also, Daoism and
transpersonal psychology share a belief in the power and potential of
internaltransformationanduseverysimilarlanguage.
Forms of Dialogue
Any dialogue between Daoism and psychology must recognize that
thereisoftenadoubletranslation:first,fromChinesetoEnglish(orother
languages);second,fromDaoismintopsychology(L2008).Oneexam
ple is Japanese Client Centered Therapy (CCT), a form of humanistic
psychology. Its leadingprotagonist, Fujio Tomoda,makes heavy use of
Daoist terms, notably wuwei (Cummins 1996). Here the term de
notesthenondirective,nonprescriptiveapproachoftheCCTtherapist,
whoseekstocultivateatherapeuticpresenceandjustbewiththeclient,
providing unconditional positive regard while trusting in the clients
abilitytoselfheal(Rogers2004).
AnotherexampleappearsinZhangTiabuspresentationonMount
Wudang,dealingwithDaoistNotionofGovernancethroughNonaction
andthe NonlingualTherapeutic Elements in Psychoanalysis. Based on
commentsbyoneofhispatientsconcerningsilenceduringsessions,the
paperoutlinedhowthetherapistusesaprescribed,benevolentsilenceto
allowtheclienttotalkopenlyandfreelyassociatewithoutcensorshipor
interruption. In this instance,thepatient himself interpreted thesilence
asaformof wuweiandthusperceivedthedoctorasworkingfromaDao
istframework.Zhangalsoreportedthattheclientwasimpressedbythe
methodandexperienceditasaneffectivetherapeutictechnique.Zhang,
on the otherhand,perceived himself as working within a Westernpsy
choanalytic tradition, yet his patient did not recognize this and inter
preted their exchange from a more native, culturally comprehensible
perspective. Ratherthanthepsychologizationof Daoism, this wouldbe
the Daoification of psychology, a dialogue moving in a different direc
tion.
Psychologyandpsychotherapytendtoshyawayfromidealizingor
exaltingtheendresultoftheirprocedures.Thefruitofthepsychothera
peuticprocess,themorewelladjustedindividual,isafarcryfromthe
sageoftheDaodejing,theperfectedoftheZhuangzi,ortheimmortalof
thereligion.Attheendofthepsychotherapeuticprocess,theclientdoes
notexpecttobeabletoenterwaterwithoutgettingwet,enterfirewith
out getting burned, fly among the clouds, live as long as Heaven and
Earth,orexhibitanymagicalpowers.Bythesametoken,sages,perfected,
and immortals have little interest in being well adjusted to society. On
thecontrary,theirraisondtreistoovercomethelimitationsoftheworld
andtobeoutsidersandeccentrics,orinsomecasesfarsightedleaders
whoarefaraheadofthecrowds.
Similarly,whileitisnottheaimofmainstreampsychologytohave
clients cultivate an immortal embryo or undergo any form of spiritual
rebirthintheDaoistsense,transpersonalpsychologydoescontainsome
ideas of rebirth, which it sees as a profound spiritualpsychological
transformation,understoodinanarchetypalsense(Jung1986).Forthis
reason,itseemstomethattranspersonalandintegralapproacheswithin
psychology are best suited for any dialogue with Daoism. They have a
transdisciplinarycharacter(BraudandAnderson1998),stronglyempha
size consciousness, work heavily with mindbody relationship (Lancas
ter 1991; 2004), and are exceptional in their spiritual literacy (Wilber
2006).
At times, even transpersonal approaches have difficulty dealing
with and honestly facing the literal belief in ideas such as perfection,
transcendence, and immortality. When faced with these, it is important
thatpsychologistsresistthetemptationtointerpretthetradition,noting
whattheymeantosayis...Itismuchbettertoacceptthattheymay
simplybeencounteringacompletelydifferentworldview.
One venue for this ongoing dialogue and process of acceptance is
the newly established Northern Institute of Daoist Studies, a collabora
tiveprojectofLeedsMetropolitanUniversityandtheManchesterAcad
emyforTranspersonalStudies.Dedicatedtofurtheringthedialoguebe
tween Daoism and transpersonal psychology on an international stage,
theInstitutesolidlybasesitsworkonmutualrespectandcuriosity,rec
ognizing the respective cultural contexts of both disciplines. Although
with a strong scholarly base, the Institute welcomes contributions from
nonacademicsandpractitionersofDaoistcultivationandhopesinpar
ticulartoelucidatethetransformationsproposedbyinternalalchemyin
relationtotranspersonalandintegralpsychology.Italsoemphasizesthe
recognition of certain dualistic tendencies inherent in Western thought
and psychology and hopes, with the help of the Daoist dialogue, to in
creasinglymovebeyond them. Both sides, it ishoped, willbenefit from
ongoinginteraction,bettermutualunderstanding,andgreaterapprecia
tion.And,whoknows,maybesomedayclientsofpsychotherapywillin
factenterwaterwithoutgettingwet.
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Practice in the Classroom

To Taiji or Not to Taiji
SETH HARTER
IamanewcomertothefieldofDaoiststudies,onlyrecentlydrawninto
it by my students.1 I trained in modern Chinese history as a graduate
studentandthentookajobasanAsianstudiesteacheratacollegewith
only 300students where each faculty member ischarged withcovering
the curricular terrain that would elsewhere be the responsibility of an
entiredepartment.
Inresponse to student interest, I developed acoursecalledFoun
dations of Chinese Thought which, in its second iteration, I simplified
toIntroductiontoConfucianismandDaoismandcotaughtwithacol
league in Religious Studies who is an Islam specialist. Where Daoism
wasconcerned,wedidtheonlythingweknew:LaoziandZhuangzi
rounded out withcursory sessions onpoetry and landscape art. A
year later, while aiding two students in more advanced independent
studies,IdiscoveredjusthowmuchIhadbeenmissing.
This discovery posed three wenti simultaneously questions
andproblems.Thefirstwasepistemological:whyhadmycolleagueand
1 This
paper was first presented at the Fifth International Daoist Studies

Conference,Wudangshan,ChinainJune,2009.Mythankstotheconferenceor
ganizersandtheaudienceofthepanelDaoistDiasporicTransmissionandEn
counters.Forunderwritingmyparticipationintheconference,mygratitudeto
the office ofthe Marlboro College Dean of Faculty. Fortheir willingnessto en
gageintheexperimentsthatledtothispaper,mythankstoAmerLatifandthe
studentsinMakingWay:DaoistRitualandPractice,aswellasalloftheschol
arswhorespondedtomyrequestsforsyllabiandinterviews.Forcommentson
theconferencepaper,IamindebtedtoSariBrown,WilliamEdelglass,IanJohn
son,LiviaKohn,andWuXuemeng.
163
I,comingfromdifferentdisciplinesandinstitutions,bothknownofLaozi
and Zhuangzi and virtually nothing else from the Daoist tradition? The
secondwaspedagogical:howcouldIdoabetterandmorecomprehen
sivejob teaching Daoism the next time?The thirdcombined epistemol
ogyandpedagogyandpushedthemintothesomaticrealm:whatwould
it mean to teach the tradition in a way that included some element of
physical practice? What risks and benefits, to my students and to the
field,wouldsuchteachingentail?
In order to answer these questions, I read works on the history of
Daoisms diffusion in the West. Next, I designed and taught a new
course that emphasized ritual and selfcultivation. And finally, I sur
veyedscholarsinthefieldofDaoiststudiesteachinginNorthAmerica,
gatheringtheir syllabi andaskingthem about how they balanced atten
tiontoclassicalphilosophywithcoverageofliturgyandselfcultivation,
howtheymovedbetweentextsandphysicalpractice.2
Iarguethattheanswerstothesequestionsareofinterestnotonlyto
someone like myself who is still at an early stage of course design but
alsoto the field of Daoist Studiesmorebroadly,because every time we
teachasubjectweareengaged,ifonlyimplicitly,inaseriesofredefini
tions and reflections. Most directly, we define the subject of inquiry by
what we emphasize and what we exclude. We alsodefineand reflect, I
argue,thecurrentstateofthefieldanditsplaceintheacademy.Astudy
of the place of practice in the teaching of Daoism, therefore, provides
insight into the current state of Daoist studies, and, by extension, into
otherfieldsconcerned withpractice,notably Buddhist studies andcon
templativestudies.
2 I sent
out 63 email solicitations to scholars whose names I recognized

from publications in Daoist Studies, allteaching at or recently retired from col
leges and universities inNorth America. Ireceived 36 responsesto the brief e
mailsurveyandconducted13interviewsofroughly45minuteseach.Inaddition,
Iexamined25syllabiforcoursesexclusivelyorlargelydevotedtoDaoism.
Harter,PracticeintheClassroom/ 165
The Survey
My survey and interview questions were intended to engage teachers
activeinawiderangeofdisciplines.Ireceivedresponsesfromscholars
workingindepartmentsofReligiousStudies,History,EastAsianStudies,
and Philosophy, and spoke with scholars who characterized their ap
proach to Daoism as sinological, and anthropological. 3 At the risk of
oversimplifying a heterogeneous field, the approaches to Daoism fell
along a spectrum from those who emphasized Daoisms potential to il
luminate specifically Chinese history and culture to those who empha
sized Daoisms potential to provide new insight, alongside other reli
gious traditions, into the human experience. Many scholars emphasized
bothofthesefunctions.Noneofthephilosopherscharacterizedtheirap
proach to Daoist textsasparallel tothemethods usedbymany oftheir
colleaguesworkingintheWesterntradition:thatis,testingprimarytexts
for argumentative validity and truth claims or using the texts as a
springboard for original philosophizing. Rather, they emphasized the
centralityofthetextstoChineseintellectualhistory.4
I wished to learn how teachers, regardless of disciplinary orienta
tion,wereaddressingthematterofphysicalpracticeintheircourseson
Daoism.Thetwomostprominentrecentarticlesonthesubjectofhowto
teachDaoismdonotanswerthisquestion.Writingin1998,RussellKirk
landemphasizedtheneedtogiveLaoZhuangitsdue,thengetonwith
it,encouragingteacherstoincludetreatmentofotherearlytextslikethe
Neiye as well as the development of Daoism in the medieval and
3 Livia Kohn has provided a concise summary of the diverse disciplinary
contributionstoDaoiststudiesinher2009articleDaoistStudiesinNorthAmer
ica: A Survey of Scholars and Recent Trends www.daoiststudies.org/dao
/node/690 (accessed30May2009).Inadditiontothefieldslistedabove,hersur
vey includesscholarsinsidetheacademy working in literature, art history,and
medicine,andthoseoutsideengagedintranslationandphysicalpractice.
4 My cursory reading suggests that some scholars dotake this approach; I
simply did not have the opportunity to speak with them. On the matter of the
differencebetweentheChinesephilosophicaltraditionanditsWesterncounter
part,BryanvanNordenobserved:Itisjustasethnocentrictoassumethatevery
otherculturemustbeengagedinwhatwecallphilosophyasitistoassumethat
nootherculturecoulddophilosophy.Norden1996,225,inClarke2000,168.
modern period (Kirkland 1998, 113). He makes a compelling case for
studyingthehistoryofphysicalpractice,but doesnot engage the ques
tionofwhetherornotto partake ofsuchpractice.
Onemayinfer,bothbythesubjectsabsenceandbyhistreatmentof
contemporary Daoism in the West, that he would not endorse such an
approach. Eight years later, James Miller and Elijah Siegler wrote a re
sponse to Kirklands article in which they advocated a more inclusive
approachtoteachingDaoism.Onphysicalpracticetheysay:Oneques
tionthatmustbebroached,however,iswhethertoteachqigongortaiji
practices in class. Does this help embody teaching or does it cross the
line into advocacy? (2007, 105). Without answering these questions,
theynotethattheirstudentswereverykeenonincludingpractice.Both
articles incline toward prescription rather than description, limiting the
useofactualteachingpracticestotheroleofanecdotalevidenceinsup
port ofarguments forhow oneoughttoteach Daoism. So, what do we
actually do?
Findings
HalfofthescholarsIinterviewedengagedstudentsinphysicalpractice
in class, albeit most of them in a very modest way. 5 While there was
some correlation between those who brought practice into class and
those who identified with a Religious Studies orientation on the one
hand,andbetweenthosewhodidnotbringpracticeintoclassandwho
identifiedwithaphilosophicalorientation,ontheother,thisassociation
was not isomorphic. Teachers who did not bring practice into class at
tributedtheirdisinclinationtoawidevarietyofreasons,someofwhich
werenotcategoricallyatoddswiththeprincipleofincorporatingphysi
calpracticewhileotherswereclearlyhostiletotheidea.
AmongtherespondentsIwouldclassifyastolerantorcuriouswere
somewhonotedthatthescopeoftheircourseswasconfinedtothepre
5 RespondentsA,B,C,D,andMusedsomephysicalpractice.Eusedtobut
hassincestopped.Ghashadguestscometoclassforthispurpose.Respondents
F,H,I,J,K,andLdidnotusephysicalpracticeinclass.
imperialeraandthereforephysicalpracticesimplydidnotbelongthere.6
Otherslamentedthattheresimplywasnotenoughtimeinasemesterto
add anything further to a syllabus already crowded with texts devoted
insomecasesnotonlytoDaoism,butalsotoConfucianism,Buddhism,
andpopular religion.Some indicated a real interest in thepossibility of
combiningtextualanalysisandphysicalpractice,butfeltthattheirown
training or physical coordination was insufficient to guide students in
evenbasicselfcultivation.Finally,onerespondentreflectedonthelimits
of hismandate,noting: Idont intend tobe able toconfer immortality
onthemfromcoming tomy class(RespondentK ).
Why Not?
Among those who were more critical of the notion, some felt that any
engagementwithphysicalpracticeinaclassthatwasotherwisedevoted
to a textbased study of Daoism would necessarily be superficial and
inauthentic (Respondents E, F). The sort of selfcultivation historically
undertakenbyDaoistswastheworkofdecades;afewminutesofsimilar
exercisestwiceaweekforatermwouldnotpermitstudentsameaning
ful encounter with thistradition. Furthermore, the superficiality engen
deredbysuchabriefencounterwouldbelikelytoprovokecontemptfor
Daoismratherthancriticalempathyorinsight.
Amongrespondentscondemningpractice,themostcommonreason
wasaconcernformaintainingcriticaldistancefromtheobjectofstudy.
Inthewordsofoneteacher:
Ithinkthattryingtoencouragetheconstructiveapplicationof
it,ortryingtodoselfcultivationmaybeaverynobleandvery
interestingtask,butitispoisonintheacademicstudyofrelig
ionItabsolutelycompromisestheintegrityofwhatscholars
inReligiousStudiesshouldbedoing:Despiterealizingthat
thewordobjectiveisasortofdangerousterm,givinganob
jective scholarlyassessmentofwhatisgoingoninthetradition.
6 Note that this reasoning rests on an understanding of Daoism in which
philosophy predates practice,the former holding sway inthe classical age,the

latterinthemedievalperiod.RecentworkbyHaroldRothontheNeiyecallsthis
periodizationintoquestion(1999).Notealsotheemphasisonphysicalpracticein
theXianger commentarytotheLaozi (Bokenkamp1997,29142).
Nottryingtopropagateit,nottryingtoencourageapplications
oftraditionamongourstudents,nottryinginanywaytoaffect
our students religious lives or experiences concretely. Thats
fortheologians,thatsforministers,thatsforselfhelppeople,
thatsforpsychologists,thatsforparents,itsnotforacadem
icsinthestudyofreligion.(RespondentF)
Othersraisedtheproblemofbelieforsinceritythatsuchanundertaking
presumably requires, posing a hypothetical inversion of the exercise in
ordertoilluminateitsinappropriateness:HowwoulditbeinChinaif,
inaReligiousStudiescourse,[theinstructor]said,nowwearegoingto
study Christianity, so next week in class we are going to do a Catholic
mass.? (Respondent I). Such a question raises two further issues:,
whether this is a suitable analogy; and whether the performance of a
massbytheuninitiatedisnecessarilytaboo(seebelow).
Finally, the skeptics pointed out that physical practice could be
dangerous when undertaken without the guidance of a fully qualified
adept. One teacher noted that the primary texts themselves were not,
andwerenevermeanttobe,sufficientguidanceforaregimenofphysi
cal selfcultivation (Respondent I). Even with proper training, physical
practices could have drastic unintended consequences. In response to
BillPortersquestionabouthowhelosttheuseofhiseyes,aDaoisther
mitreplied: Daoist practicecanbe dangerous. Ididsomething wrong,
andtheywentoutlikeacoupleofcandles (1993,216).
Another respondent who used to encourage students to engage in
physicalpracticefoundthatitcouldreactivatestudentspasttraumas,I
do not want to be responsible for these things. It is rare, but I do not
want to be involved with that (Respondent E). Rather than initiating
students engagement with physical practice, this teacher now encour
agesthosewhoareinvolvedwithmartialormeditationpracticealready
todrawontheirexperiencesinclassdiscussion.Athirdrespondentob
served that we might, on our own behalf, weigh the risks involved in
physical practice and elect to bear them, but that taking such risks on
behalfofstudentswasaverydifferentmatter(RespondentH).
Who in Favor?
Thosewhodocallupontheirstudentstoengageinphysicalpracticein
classallcontextualizedthischoiceintwoways.First,theynotedthatthe
physicalcomponentoftheirclasseswasverylimited:limitedinthetime
devotedtoit,limitedinthenatureofthephysicaldemandsitplacedon
thestudents,andlimitedintheexpectationsteachershadandencour
agedthestudents tohave for itspotential to eithertransformthe stu
dentsortoputthemintheshoesofadepts.
Second,they notedthat introducingphysicalpracticein university
classes entailed a certain swimming upstream. They did it despite the
conventions of their disciplines, despite the pressure of trying to find
time,despitebeingselfconsciousabouttheirqualifications,anddespite
the pervasive discomfort that surrounds attention to the body in the
classroom.Inthewordsofoneteacher:Itsafunnykindofsqueamish
nessaboutrequiringpeopletodothingswiththeirbodiesthatIguessI
kindofadmitisalittlebitirrational.Thereareallkindsofthingsthatwe
requirepeopletodo(RespondentH).
Surprisingly,themostcommonobservationconcerningthebenefits
of using meditation exercises in class had nothing explicitly to do with
Daoism.Teachersfoundthatafewminutesofvisualizationorattentive
breathing at the start ofclasshelped students to leavebehind whatever
nonacademicconcernstheymightotherwisehavecarriedintoclassdis
cussion (Respondents A, J). More predictably, teachers noted that since
cultivationofthebodyasasubjectofinquirywasconstantlyinthefore
front of the class, adding practice suppported conceptual coherence.
Someusedtherelationshipbetweendiscussionandpracticeasanoppor
tunity to call students attention to the differences between studies of
DaoisminaWesternuniversityandtraditionaltraining.Inaddition,this
line of inquiry provoked students to ask questions about how far one
mustgoinonescommitmenttoatraditioninordertogainasufficient
understanding of it (Respondents B, H). The paths taken by Kristofer
Schipper, Michael Saso, and others offer case studies in scholarship
throughfullengagement(RespondentC).
Eva Wong, in CultivatingStillness,takes the value ofphysicalprac
ticeastepfurther:Storethegenerativeenergiesandtheprincipleswill
beclear(1992,xxvi).Inthisview,practiceisnotsimplyawaytoextend
understanding beyond the textual, or from the epistemological to the
ontologicalrealm,ratheritisapreconditionforfullunderstanding.One
respondentssyllabusechoesthisview:Thecultivationandrefinement
of the body will lead to the attainment of truth, personal identity and
spiritualtransformation.Theembodimentofthemindprovidesapossi
blespaceandaneffectiveopportunitytounderstandthecosmos,think
ing,science and spirituality (Respondent D). Someteachers, interested
inthepotentialofcombiningtextualandcorporealtraining,havetaken
to teaching seminars outside the conventional university setting with
studentswhoexplicitlyseekthis balance.
An Experiment
In spring 2009, in a revised version ofmy Daoismclass, I requiredstu
dentstoengageinatleasttenhoursofphysicalpracticeoutsideofclass.
Iarrangedforataijiquancoursetobetaughtthroughthedancedepart
ment and took advantage of the fact that an alumna of the college was
leading a weekly meditation group oncampus.Twoofthe six students
intheclasswereunabletotakepartineitheroftheseactivities,soIen
couraged them to continue their pursuit of martial arts and to attend
daylongmeditationretreatsofferedinthearea.
Roughly once a week, at the start of class, I led the group in ten
minutesofqigong/taijiquan:simplewarmups,someanimalfrolics,and
variationsofpushhands.Ononeoccasion,onestudentwhohadalotof
experience with meditation led the class in an exercise that focused on
clearingthemindthroughcountingbreaths.Throughouttheterm,Ien
couragedstudentstodrawontheirexperienceswithphysicalpracticein
class discussion. Toward the end, I required each student to write an
eightpage paper reflecting on the way in which their physical practice
hadshapedtheirunderstandingofDaoism.
Instructuringthecourse this way, Itriedto followMichael LaFar
gues appeal for a confrontational hermeneutics. When studying a for
eignpeopleandtheirculture,heargues,ratherthanemphasizethatpart
ofthetraditionmostfamiliartousandmostinaccordwithourownbe
liefs, we should give special attention to those aspects of their views
which might present the strongest challenge to our own views (2001,
45). At thecontent level, LaoziandZhuangzicancertainlychallenge our
students views,though anumber of them are quiteadept at finding in
thesetextssupportforanalltoofamiliarquasianarchist,slacker,skeptic
disposition. At the level of methodology, however, arguing about the
meaningofprimarytextsintranslationisentirelytoofamiliarforliberal
arts studentsraised on a greatbookscurriculum.Trying tostimulateqi
is another matter. As James Miller notes, Daoists insist on a herme
neutics of the body: The notion that our bodies can be a repository of
meaning and a medium of knowledge. This emphasis on embodiment
constitutes a profound challenge to Western academic intellectualism
(2003,35)
Iwouldneverarguethatthephysicalpracticeourclassengagedin
wasimpressiveinitsownrightinfact,fromanaestheticpointofview
itwasmortifyingnonethelessitmadefourverypositivecontributions
tothestudentslearningexperience:
1. It enabledthem to develop adeeper understanding of ourread
ingsaboutthebody.Inhisrecentstudyofthe Neijingtu(Chartof
InnerPassageways),LouisKomjathywrites,onthematterofcultivation:
Here one encounters perhaps one of the most significant Daoist chal
lengestoconventionalunderstandingsofhumanbeing:onesphysiology
literallyissacred.OneembodiestheDao,andonemayexperiencetheDao
through/in/as ones ownpsychosomaticand energeticbeing (2009, 70).
Havingbeencalleduponnotsimplytothinkaboutthebodybutalsoto
use thebody,thestudentshad an easier time overcomingtheir impulse
tocategoricallyseparatethesacredandthematerialandthuscouldmore
fullyunderstandthisidea.
2.Itdiminishedtheirskepticism.Beingabletofeelqiintheirpalms
wastransformative.Whatchangedwasnotthepurityoftheirbodiesso
muchastheirwillingnesstotakesomeofthemorechallengingelements
oftheDaoisttraditionseriously.WhendiscussingShawnArthursstudy
ofbigu (abstentionfromgrains)(2006),forexample, classmembers
drewontheirownunexpectedexperienceswithqitoavoidimpulsively
rejecting the idea of bigus efficacy. Through very elementary physical
practice,theyhaddevelopedabroaderviewofwhatwaspossible.
3. It made some students conclude that practice was a necessary
part of respectfully engaging in the study of a religious tradition. This
idea challenges the orthodoxy of previous generations. Perhaps what
sanctionsthisinversionisashiftinhowparticipationisunderstood.The
argumentativepoweroftheCatholicmassexamplecitedaboverestson
the assumptionthatparticipation insuchrituals shouldberestricted to
believers. Outsider students, who are certainly not initiates and pre
sumablynotbelievers,wouldthereforehavenobusinesstakingpart.My
students,moreecumenicalandpermissivethantheirpredecessors,dont
sharetheseassumptions.
RoyRappaport,inareflectiononmeaningandritual,callsattention
tothedifferencebetweenacceptanceandbelief:Liturgicalorders,even
thoseperformed insolitude, arepublicorders andparticipation inthem
constitutesanacceptanceofapublicorderregardlessoftheprivatestate
ofbeliefoftheperformer(2002,455).Byparticipatinginphysicalprac
tice, my students were not claiming to be Daoists, rather they were ac
ceptingthepremise that Daoism its texts,rituals, andpatternsof self
cultivation constitutesalegitimatewayofbeing.
4.Itprovokedstudentstowonderwhythissortofactivityissoun
commonatcollegesanduniversities.Onestudentcomparedtheexperi
encetolearninghowtorideabike.Readingamanualcanonlytakeyou
sofar;ultimatelyyouneedtoputyourfeetonthepedalsandriskafall.I
amnotsurethatthislineofthinkingadvancedmystudentsunderstand
ing of the Daoist tradition per se, but insofar as it spurred them to ask
biggerquestionsaboutthepurposeandprocessoftheireducation,Icon
sideritadistinctbenefit.
The Broader View

What do theseclashing views onthe wisdomof incorporatingphysical
practiceinaclassonDaoismtellus?Approachestoteachingthesubject,
like the subject itself, are, and will likely continue to be, diverse. That
said, my methodology may have exaggerated the degree of disagree
mentonthismatter,foritmaybethattheverymodestphysicalpractice
envisionedbytheadvocateswouldnotbesufficienttotriggerthealarm
voicedbythecritics.
It is important to note that all of the respondents who incorporate
practice in theirclasses emphasizedthatthephysicalaspect was anac
cessory to the whole.Some used itas an aid tohelpstudentstransition
into the class; some turned to it when the collective energy of the class
seemed to require it; some made participation optional. In no case was
thephysicalactivityafeaturedpartofthecoursesyllabusoraweighted
component of the students final grades.7 I would argue that the strong
interestintheroleofphysicalpracticedemonstratedbymyrespondents
andstudents,whencombinedwiththetenuousnessofitscurrentinclu
sionincoursesonDaoism,reflectstherapidchangetakingplaceinReli
giousStudiesingeneralandinDaoistStudiesspecifically.
Like other youngdisciplines in the academy,ReligiousStudies has
sought to demonstrate its legitimacy through the adoption of scientific
methodsandterminology.Talkofdatapoints,hypotheses,andvalidity
wascommoninmyinterviews,thoughnotamongtheyoungerscholars
(Respondents F, I). As the field has matured, memories of its entangle
mentwiththeologyhavefadedandwiththemtheunwaveringcommit
ment to objectivity and disengagement from religious practice. I amre
mindedofthewaya50somethingfriendrecentlyexplainedhisfathers
generations outlook on changes in Chinese Communist Party policy:
Maowasright,butDengwasalsoright.Byanalogy,earlierReligious
Studiesneededa rigid adherence to thedoctrine of objectivity anddis
engagement, but now, perhaps, it is appropriate to soften that stance
(Gyatso2003,12).
DaoistStudies,too,haspassedthroughanearlystageofstruggling
for recognition. Due to the work of Kristofer Schippers generation, the
academy has come to accept that Daoism is a living tradition and the
Daozangatruetreasuretrove.Asonerespondentsaidofthecanon:
It is not just this completely inaccessible murky depository of weird
stuff.Whichiswhatpeoplethoughtbefore(RespondentG).
Anumberof teachersnoted thatthe fieldof Daoist Studies isnow
whereBuddhistStudieswastenoreventwentyyearsago(Respondents
A,B,C,H).Theyappliedthischaracterizationtotheavailabilityoftexts
intranslation,topopularrecognitionofthereligion,tothedevelopment
of Western institutions devoted to it, and notably to matters of dis
agreementoverhowtoteachitandalsotoitsstrugglewithquestionsof
objectivity and disengagement. Should Buddhist Studies continue to
7 Inthis respect,the physicalcomponent ofthe classes was almost akin to
anesotericelementwhilethefocusontextualanalysiswastheexotericelement.
Ofcourse,makingthisassociationonlyraisesnewquestionsabouttheappropri
atenessofincludingphysicalpracticeinclassroominstruction.
serveasaguidetoDaoistStudiesfuture,moreteacherpractitionersand
morephysicalpracticeseemlikely.8
UnlikeBuddhism,however,Daoismhasbeenuntilveryrecentlyan
exclusively East Asian religion, and so changes in China and Chinas
relationshipwiththeWesthavehadaprofoundimpactonhowDaoism
ispracticedandstudiedtoday.Changingpoliticalandintellectualcondi
tions in the PRC, andchangingculturaland demographicconditions in
the West have meant that scholars now have much more exposure to
practice. As Livia Kohn notes in her survey of Daoist Studies in North
America,thecenterofgravityinthefieldhasshiftedfromanemphasis
ontextstohistory,andthenagainfromhistorytopractice(2009).These
changes have also transformed the expectations of our students. As
James Miller and Elijah Siegler, commenting on the growth of Daoist
inspired practices in the west, observe: This emerging cultural inter
change raises a new set of problems for teaching about Daoism in con
temporary North American colleges and universities. Many students
areawareof taijiquan,qigong,andfengshui beforeenrollinginclass.
As a result of this religious traffic, it is no longer possible to
suggest that there is somehow a real Daoism that exists in
some authentic, pristine condition accessible only to erudite
scholarsskilled enough to read literary Chinesetexts. Rather,
through immigration and cultural exchange, Daoism has be
comealiving,globalreligioustradition,onethatbearsacom
plexsetofrelationshipstoChinesecultureandthatraisesim
portant questions for the scholar of religion about issues of
tradition, authenticity and representation. (Miller and Siegler
2007,103)
Finally, as a result of this journals work and the series of international

conferences on Daoist Studiesbegun in 2003, scholars andpractitioners
are becoming better versed in each others approaches to the tradition.
Allofthesetrendsseemlikelytoencouragetheinclusionofsomemeas
ureofpracticeintheteachingofDaoismatAmericanuniversities.
8 OnthesignificanceofthebodyinBuddhistdoctrine,seeMrozik2007;on
thequestionofhowtoteachBuddhism,seeTsai2008;andontheissueofdisen
gagement,seeGyatso2003.
Conclusion
This essay raises several questions. First, if we are going to incorporate
morepracticeinourteachingofDaoism,how canwedoitinawaythat
isauthenticandresponsivetoboththetraditionandourownacademic
institutions? Second, does the emphasis on the body in Daoism mean
that this question should be answered differently than it would be for
otherreligions?Finally,doestheemphasisonphysicalselfcultivationin
Daoismsuggestthatpractitionersandscholarsofthetraditionshouldbe
playingamoreprominentroleinthebroadermovementafootinhigher
education toward contemplative and experiential learning?9 And what,
in turn, could this movement teach us about how to teach Daoism?
Clearly,moreresearch,andmorepractice,areinorder!
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Ni Hua-Chings Americanization
of the
Eternal Breath of Dao
MARK JOHNSON1
Being one of the first Westerners initiated by Daoist master Ni Hua
ChinginTaiwaninthewinterof1975,andhavingspentanother
eight years with him in this country, I was an intrinsic witness to the
Americanization of his particular lineage as it evolved in the USA. Be
cause our training in Taiwan was rather orthodox, Master Ni never in
tended to simply transplanthis sect intoU.S.soil,but ratherthought
ofitasbeingaskingraftontothetreeofDaoismalreadygrowinghere.
Still,theskingraftwasfastandcamewithcontinuouschangesincontent
andteachingstyle.
ThemostactivecenterofDaoismintheU.S.intheearly1970swas
the Taoist Sanctuary in Los Angeles. I joined them in 1972 and trained
thereuntilthewinterof1974.Easternphilosophyandreligionwerenot
new to me, for I had lived in an Advaita Vedanta Ashram in Florida
from1962to1970andafterwardsspentayearsittingwithSuzukiRishi
inhisZenCenterinTassajara.OnlylaterdidIrealizethat mytrainingat
those centers and especially at the Taoist Sanctuary, were in stark con
trasttomylater,moreintenseandformaltraininginTaiwan.Ourdaily
regimen in Taiwan continued for a short time in the U.S., but within
months,thingsstartedtochange.
1 Thisarticleisbasedonalongerandmoredetailedpresentationfoundin
mynewbook,LifeIsDivinePlay (Amazon iUniversePublisher2009).
177
178/JournalofDaoistStudies3(2010)
The Taoist Sanctuary

The Sanctuary washoused in a rented sectionofa Protestantchurch in
North Hollywood. No one actually lived there, and the various Daoist
groups would come and go during the week with very little contact.
Therewasnodailyroutine,nordidweadheretoanycommonstandards
or sets of sharedvalues.We allcalledourselves Daoists,but in fact our
taiji quan faction thought the gongfu students were uncivilized brutes
and they thought the taiji guys were wimps. Somehow we kept from
stranglingeachother,andovertime,welearnedmutualrespect.
Khigh Dhiegh(Ph.D in psychology) wastheprincipal instructor at
the Sanctuary. He was considered a major Yijing (Book of Changes)
scholarandhadwrittenanimpressivebooktitledTheEleventhWing:An
ExpositionoftheDynamicsofIChingforNow(1972).Hemadehislivingas
anactor,staringasWoFatintheHawaiiFiveOseries.Heoftenchar
acterizedhimselfasanactortakingontheroleofYijingscholar.Another
actor, Chao Li Chi, taught classical Chinese as we translated the Daode
jinginitstransmittedformandinthenewlydiscoveredmanuscripts.In
addition, there were June Yuer who taught taiji quan in the lineage of
Master Guo from San Francisco, and Share K. Lew who instructed in
martialarts.Theentiresetupwasquitechaoticandwewereanunruly
bunch.IenjoyedeveryminuteofitanditwasntuntilIdecidedtogoto
TaiwantostudyacupuncturethatIdiscoveredthemoreformalanddis
ciplinedaspectsofDaoism.
Training in Taiwan
Inlate1974,IwenttoKaohsiunginTaiwanwithacouplefromtheTao
istsanctuary.Theyhadbeenstudyingwithanherbalmasterfromthere
for years and invited anyone from the Sanctuary to join them. I was
boredwithmylifeasagraphicdesignerandwasinterestedinbecoming
anherbalistoracupuncturistsoIwentwiththem.Afterafewweeksof
playingcatchup,IdecidedthatIneededateacherofmyown.Aftera
series of incredible synchronicities, I stumbled upon Master Ni, then
known as amedicalpractitionerandauthor ofbookson Daoism under
the name of Ni ChingHuh . He agreed that if we helped him
translatethesacredscripturesofhislineage,hewouldteachusacupunc
Johnson,NiHuaChingsAmericanization /179
ture. So we did. We worked on the project ten hours a day for months
untilheeventuallyinitiatedusintohisDaoistsect.
Hislineagewascalledthe UnionofDao and Man (Daorenheyi
)whilehisparticularsectwentbythenameoftheEternalBreath
ofDao(DaDaohefengtang).Itwasaneclecticmixstarting
with his father, Ni YouSan, a wellrespected physician from southeast
China whotaught MasterNimostofhismedicalknowledge.MasterNis
earliesttieswithformalDaoismcamefromatemplenearhishometown
where hetrainedas a teenager. I oncevisited thattemple outsideWen
zhou(seeFig.1).TheabbottoldmetheyhadstrongtieswiththeWhite
CloudMonasteryinBeijing.
Fig.1:MasterNishometempleinWenzhouwithhisolderDaobrother.
Master Ni also claimed an unbroken succession through various
laterteacherstothemedievalHighestClarity masters Sima Chengzhen
(647735) and Tao Hongjing (456536). He certainly knew innumerable
stylesoftaijiquan,gongfu,andbaguazhang,andhadunrivaledknowl
edgeofacupuncture,herbalmedicine,Chineseastrology,andtheYijing.
Healsobelievedinastrictdailyregimenwithhighethicalstandards.
Our practice in Taiwan was punctuated by a slew of psychic phe
nomena.MasterNiwouldregularlyintrudeonourdreamsandonsev
eraloccasionswasseeninseveralplacesatthesametime.Oncehekilled
a rat by just pointing his sword of exorcism at it. And once a turtle ar
rivedinthemail,sentbyaconstructionworkerwhohadneverheardof
MasterNibuthesenttheturtlebecausetheturtlespirittoldhimtodoso
inadream.
ThentherewasthetimewhenIfellasleeponthefloorafterediting
forninehoursandhadavividdreamofMasterNileadingmetoahigh
spiritualrealmandputtingmeontrial.Aftermanyargumentsbackand
forth, a decision was handed down that I could continue training with
them.WhenIwokeup,IsawMasterNiwasstandingoverme.Hesaid:
Youwereallowedtostaywithusbytheskinofyourteeth.Withthat,
heturned,wentintohisroom,andnevermentionedthatincidentagain.
Havingcompletedthebasicsofourtraining,wewerefinallyready
forinitiationinthespringof1975.Itwasaveryformalevent.Westarted
the ceremony at 2 a.m. since it was the most auspicious time astrologi
cally.Webroughtflowers,foodofferings,andspiritmoneytothealtar,
where we offered them with numerous prostrations. Then we entered
the altar room on our knees with a letter of petition on our heads that
evokedahostofdeities.MasterNitouchedeachofusontopofthehead
andwewalkedaroundinanalteredstateforafewhours.
After our initiation, we began a new regimen that involved daily
exercises; the reading of incantations, and participation in a formal
weekly ceremony. Soonthereafter, wereturned tothe U.S.toprepare a
medicalclinic and spiritualcenter forhim. Thisresulted in MasterNis
maincenter,theEternalBreathofTaoinMalibunearLosAngeles.
Practice in Los Angeles

There were about six to eight of us living at the sprawling ranch style
centerinthehillsaboveMalibufulltime(seeFig.2).Wewere constantly
comingandgoingtoourvariousjobsinLosAngelesduringtheday,but
many otherpeoplejoined uson the weekends. We usually had around
50peopleforMasterNisworkshopsandpublictalks.
Rent was cheap for those of us who lived and worked there full
time.Buthisworkshopsandformalclasseswereexpensiveandbetween
thoseandseeingpatientsalldaylong,MasterNimadealotofmoneyin
ashorttime.
Fig.2:TheMalibuCenter
Weusedtogetupseveralhoursbeforedaybreakeverydayand
meditateinthetopsofevergreentreesuntilthesuncameup.MasterNi
saidweweresomentallyandphysicallyrestless,theenergyatthetopof
thetreeswouldmellowusout,anditdid.Atsunrise,wewouldwalkup
the mountain in single file to overlook Los Angeles in the east and the
oceaninthewest.
We did various forms of exercises (daoyin, taiji quan, qigong) for
aboutanhour,andonthefullmoondayofeverymonth,weplacedspe
cial emphasis onabsorbing the qiof boththerising sun and the setting
moon.Wethenreturnedtotheshrineandchantedincantationsforahalf
hourbeforewewenttoourvariousjobs(seeFig.4).
Atnightwewentbacktotheshrineforfurthertraining.Oneofthe
firstthingswedidwasSelfRelease,as hecalledit,orChaoticMedita
tion, as the Hindus call it. Our spontaneous movement would some
times evolve into screams, spasms, and writhings on the floor. It was
great theaterandseemedtocleanouta lot ofpeople. Every sixty days,
morever,onthe gengshendayofthesixtydaycycle,wewouldstayupall
nighttopreventtheThreeWormsfromascendingtothecelestialadmin
istratorsandreportoursinsor,asMasterNiexplained,becauseitwasa
day of doublemetal andmetal wasthephase of reformation which we
neededalot.
Fig.3:TheShrineintheMalibuCenter.
Wealsoworkedwithkoansatoureveningmeditations.MasterNi
claiming that they had been stolen by Zen Buddhists from their Daoist
originators.Weevensleptinapositionwhereourrighthandwasstimu
lating acupuncture points on the right side of our brains, the intuitive,
nonlinear part. A few of us were also busily practicing dual cultiva
tion, producing sweet dew and creating our red babies. In other
words,everyminuteofeverydayandnightwasgiventocultivation.
Fig.4:Oneofmanytextsofincantations.
Changes and Adaptations

Afteronly afewmonthsofoldschooldiscipline,MasterNishiftedhis
attitude and training style. In Taiwan, he had taught his students in a
subtlerandmorepersonalway.Eachstudenthadtheirownmodeoftaiji
quan,providedafterheanalyzedtheirparticularbodytype,psychologi
caldisposition,andlifedirectionaccordingtotraditionalastrology.Also
in Taiwan, he used to infer things instead of stating them outright. He
had a stronger psychic connection with his Chinese students and he
seemstohaverespectedthemmorethanus.Ofcourse,after28yearsof
workingwiththem,hissmallgroupof12werethecreamofhiscrop.In
America,histhousandsofstudentswerealwayscomingandgoingwhile
not staying long enough to learnmuch of anything, and they werecer
tainlynotasdedicatedashisTaiwanstudents.
Hesoonstoppedallinitiations,laterconfidingthatmanyAmerican
students were sopsychologically imbalanced,hedidnot want todefile
his lineage. He also mentioned that his personal, subtle power was not
evokingthesameresponsefromusthathegotwithhisChinesestudents.
HehadtoincreasehisherbalformulasgreatlyforAmericansinorderto
elicit the same reaction he used to get in China with half the dosage. I
also notedthat there werehardly anypsychicphenomena like thosehe
usedtoevokeinTaiwan.There,itwasnotunusualthatheoroneofhis
students would go into trance during their Sunday morning ceremony
andsomeoneelsewouldspeakthroughthem.Onespiritclaimedtohave
livedonearth4,000yearsago.
InMalibu,MasterNiwentintoachannelingtranceonlyonce.Dur
ingaworkshopentirelyunrelatedtotrancemediumship,hesaidabeing
from thesun wantedto speakthroughhim and asked that we turnthe
heatupintheroom.Theroomrapidlyapproached120degrees,andyet
heasked formoreblankets!About fifteenblankets later, thedeity from
the sun began to speak, describing everyones fivephases composition
andhowweshouldbalanceourselves.Allthewhileweonlywantedto
runoutoftheroomandgetcooledoff.Thereallystrangething,however,
wasthatMasterNistartedtosweatonlyafterhecamebackintohimself
andthenrushedoutofthatroomasfastaswedid.Thatwasthefirstand
lasttimeheeverdidanythinglikethatintheU.S.
Anothersignificantdifferencewasthathetalkedhardlyatallwhen
teaching movement in Taiwan. He said that learning to imitate other
peoples movement was a gift we all had as children and here was an
opportunity to rediscover it. Just following him would make us look
morecarefullyandencourageustogleanwhatwasgoingoninsidehim.
Tointellectualizetaijiquanwastorobusofthatusefultalent.However,
astheyearswentby,hetalkedmoreandmore,givingexplanationsand
instructions,realizingthatwithoutthemnoonewouldevergetthebene
fitofthemovement.
Not only didour daily disciplines start to erode through time, our
movement styles went through radical changes. He started by teaching
usEightTreasuresqigongbecausehesaidweweretooblockedtobene
fit fromhismoresubtletaijiquan styles.He also said we should never
confusethemwiththesimplerEightBrocades,becausehisversionorigi
nallyhadsixtyfourmoves,oneforeachhexagramoftheYijing.Icalled
itrotorouterofthemeridiansystembecauseittookoneandonehalf
hours to do and was extremely strenuous. As more people complained
about the difficulty, Master Ni produced a version in thirtytwo moves
whichwepracticedformanyyears.Itseemshewenttoafurthersimpli
ficationofthisformtoapointwheretheoriginalishardlyrecognizable.
Next, he taught his Earthstyle or Lower Elixir Field form of taiji
quan.Every timehe repeated theclass overthe years, they were differ
entandmoresimplydonethanbefore.Hesaidhewasmerelyrespond
ingtotheenergyofthestudentsineachclass.Thesamewastrueforhis
Humanstyle (Middle Elixir Field) and his Heavenstyle (Upper Elixir
Field) forms. Even his daoyin and bagua zhang changed, and the
changeswerealwaystowardsimplification.
His weekly workshops in various aspects of Daoism soon became
monthly,thensloweddowntoyearly.Heturnedovermoreandmoreof
his teaching to senior students and started writing books, publishing
fortybooksinthirtyyearsandstillwriting(seewww.taostar.com),having
disappeared into Southeast China from where, Ihear, hehas very little
directcontactwithhisstudentteachers.
Conclusion
AsMaster Nis teachingand instructionbecamemore American,some
thing was lost and something gained. The originsofhisstyles wentto
gether with the subtle way he used to teach, but if no one was able or
willingtoutilizethem,whatgoodwerethey?Atthesametime,hecre
ated a simplified form of Daoism with a strong connection to Chinese
medicinethatcouldhaveagreaterappealtothemasses.Tohim,itseems,
thiseasierversionwasbetterthannone.
He has certainly reached the masses. His books, his sons Chinese
medical clinic and acupuncture college (Yosan Univeristy), their herbal
business (TraditionsofTao), and localclasses inSanta Monicahave in
fluencedthousandsofpeopleinthepastthirtyyears.Hisseniorstudents
are teaching all over the U.S.and DVDsbasedonhisvarioustaiji quan
styles,havesoldhundredsofthousandsofcopies.
Especiallyhisbookshavehadamajorimpact.Theybringasubtle,
mysterious power to the world that can be sensed by readers, many of
whom feel thathecomes tothem in their dreams.This subtlepower is
reallywhatmakesthegreatestdifferenceinthespreadofDaoism.Itex
emplifiesMasterNispervasivework,matchingtheDaode jingstatement
heoftentaught:
ApersonofDaoworkssubtly. . .
Whenheaccomplisheshistask,
thepeoplewhowerebenefitedwillsay:
Itwaswewhodiditourselves.
Sample Books by Ni Hua-Ching2

1978. TheCompleteWorksofLaoTzu .
1978. TheTaoistInnerViewoftheUniverseandtheImmortalRealm.
1979. Tao:theSubtleUniversalLaw.
1983. WorkbookforSpiritualDevelopment.
1983. TheBookofChangesandtheUnchangingTruth.
1989. AttainingUnlimitedLife(ChuangTzu).
1992. InternalAlchemy:TheNaturalWaytoImmortality.
1992. TheLifeandTeachingofTwoImmortals.Vol.1: KouHong.
1992. TheLifeandTeachingofTwoImmortals.Vol.2: ChenTuan.
1992. Mysticism:EmpoweringtheSpiritWithin.
2 PublishedinMalibu:CollegeofTaoandTraditionalChinese
Healing.
Womens Qigong in America

Tradition, Adaptation, and New Trends
ELENA VALUSSI
Thisarticleexaminesthefollowingtenpublicationsonwomensqigong
techniques:
Videos
Chia,Mantak,1998. SlayingtheRedDragon.
Lee,Daisy.n.d.RadiantLotus:QigongforWomen.
Liu,Yafei.n.d. Nziqigong (Chinese/German).
Books
Chia,Mantak.2005[1986].HealingLovethroughtheDao:CultivatingFemaleSexual
Energy. DestinyBooks.
Davis, Deborah. 2008.WomensQigongforHealthandLongevity:APracticalGuide
forWomenFortyandOver. Shambhala.
Ferraro, Dominique. 2000. Qigong for Women: Lowimpact Exercises for Enhancing
EnergyandToningtheBody.HealingArtsPress.
Hsi Lai. 2001. TheSexualTeachingsoftheWhiteTigress:SecretsoftheFemaleTaoist
Master. DestinyBooks.
Hsi Lai. 2006. WhiteTigress, Green Dragon: Sexual Secrets for Youthful Restoration
andSpiritualIllumination.WhiteTigressSociety.
Johnson, Yangling Lee. 2001. A Womans Qigong Guide: Empowerment through
Movement,DietandHerbs. YMAAPublicationCenter.
Zhang, Tinna Chunna, 2008.EarthQigongforWomen:AwakenYourInnerHealing
Power. BlueSnakeBooks.
187
Thepointofdepartureforthisarticleismyresearchonfemalemeditationtech
niquesinChina,alsocalledndan orfemalealchemy.Overthelastfew
years, I have described the historical emergence of the ndan tradition
anditsChinesedevelopmentbothinmydissertationandseveralarticles
(seeValussi2003;2008a;2008b;2008c;2009).Simplyput,femalealchemy
isatextualtraditionofDaoistmeditationandphysiologicalexercisesfor
women,whichemergedinChinaintheseventeenthcenturyanddevel
oped throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.1 It is part and
parcel of the much older tradition of internal alchemy (neidan ),
whichadvocatesthepossibilitytoachieveimmortalitythroughthepro
gressiverefinementofthebody,aidedbymeditation,breathing,visuali
zation, and massage exercises. Unlike neidan, though, ndan followers
adapttheory,practice,andlanguagespecificallytothefemalebody.
My research reviewed most of the historical literature available in
Chinese on meditation techniques for women, as well as contemporary
publications on female meditation techniques in Chinese and English.
Whentalkingaboutcontemporarypublicationsonthetopic,,whileChi
nesepublicationsaremostlyacontemporaryrenditionofhistoricaltexts,
those in Western languages and especially in Englishreveal avastcon
temporary market of healing, spiritual, and meditative techniques for
womeninspiredbyChinesetraditions.Forthepurposesofthispaper,I
chose to concentrate on American publications simply because I am
more familiar with them, but I am aware that these techniques have
reachedWestern audiencesoutsideof theU.S., and one of the items on
mylistwasproducedinGermany(LiuYafeivideo).
Historical Context
Historically, ndan texts were produced within the Daoist tradition,
mostly during sessions of spiritwriting, a form of communication be
tweengodsandthecommunityofbelievers,startingintheseventeenth
century. They were religious texts, guiding practitioners to immortality
1 Weknowofndanbecausethetextsthatdescribeitspracticeshavebeen
resurfacing in China in the past twenty years. This resurfacing does not only
encompass ndan, but most religious and spiritual texts and practices that lay
dormantduringtheperiodbetweenthe1940sandthe1980sinChina.
Valussi,WomensQigonginAmerica /189
and ascension into heaven. This is definitely not the context in which
these techniques are described, taught, and performed in the United
States.Theiraim,ratherthancompletetranscendence,ishealthandwell
being.Eventhoughthereisoften,butnotalways,aclearspiritualcom
ponent in these publications, it is seen as yet another way to help the
healingprocess.
OfferingsavailableontheAmericanmarketarewideandvaried.In
some instances, language and techniques are quite similar to what is
found in historical ndantexts; in others the practices seem to have no
link whatsover with that tradition. Some contemporary publications
haveastrongfocusonsexuality and its importance in thephysical and
spiritual wellbeing of practitioners: this is not present in ndan works
andgenerallyuncommonintheneidantradition.Yetdespitethevariety,
Ifoundthatndantechniquesandlanguagearewidelyusedandappro
priated inWesterpublications. It is also useful tomentionthatmostof
theneidantechniques ofoldarenowreferred,both in China and inthe
West, as qigong, a more modern term that is less linked to a religious
milieuandfavorsahealthscientificbackground.
The mysticism surrounding the techniques and the oral transmis
sionbetweenmasteranddiscipleofDaoisttechniques,commoninDao
istcommunitiesintraditionalChinauntilthelateMingdynasty,started
todissipateintheQingwhenpracticesbecameavailablemorewidelyto
alargermarketthroughcheappublicationsandopentransmissions.Se
crecyalmostceasedinthe1930s,wheninneralchemytransformedfrom
areligioustoalaypracticeanditstechniquesbecameapoliticaltoolof
nation strengthening. In the Republican period, intellectuals reformu
latedandreorganizedalchemicalknowledgeinordertorenewtheChi
neseheritage,whichtheythoughtneededrevivinginthefaceofWestern
culturalandpoliticalonslaughtaswellasoftheJapaneseinvasion.This
effortwasintendedtohelpnationalstrengtheningandprogress.
Under Communist rule after 1949, traditional techniques were not
discarded but made even more accessible and public. Already in the
1940sCommunistsformulatedaconsciouspolicyfortheLiberatedAr
eastomake useof localmedicalresources within ascientific orienta
tion. Mao called on moderntrained doctors to unite with traditional
therapists who were closer to the people, encouraging them to help
them to reform (Palmer 2007, 29).. Accordingly traditional neidantech
niques were reformed to meet contemporary scientific standards.
Liu Guizhen, a local Communist cadre, who brought these practices to
the Partys attention, spearheaded this transformation from neidan to
moremodernandscientificfpractices,whicheventuallyleadtothe
creation of qigong. Together with a group of other cadres, Liu set to
workonthetaskofextractingthemethodfromitsreligiousandsuper
stitioussetting.Themethodwascomparedwithtechniquesdescribedin
classicalmedicaltexts,itsconceptsandwerereformulated,anditsman
trasreformed(Palmer2007, 31).
DuringtheCulturalRevolutioninthe1960sand70s,qigongfellout
of favor. It was rediscovered in the 1980s, the time of qigong fever,
thenmadeitswaytotheWestboththroughChineseandWesternpracti
tioners. The latter incorporated it in regimens that fit Western healing
styles,some withmorespiritualaccents,otherspurely health regimens,
others again with sexual overtones, and many marketed as forms of
spiritualhealing.
Muchworkhasbeendoneintheintersectionbetweenreligionand
healing; in the West the category of spiritual healing has widened to
encompass many techniques that might at one point have been con
nectedwithspecificreligioustraditionsbutthatarenowusedinsepara
tionfromtheiroriginalreligiouscontexttohealavarietyofailments(see
Cohen 200203). In the specific case of Chinese spiritual healing and
qigong,too,somepowerfulstudieshaveappeared,detailingthespecific
ityofChineseconceptionsofthebodyandhealing,aswellasthepoliti
cal implications ofthepractice ofqigong inChina (e.g.,Ots 1994; Chen
2003).
There are also some studies on the transfer of knowledge to the
West,notablyinthefieldofacupuncture.LindaBarnes,inher1998arti
cle on the Western adoption of Chinese healing techniques and espe
ciallyacupuncture,arguesthatthisindigenizationofChinesepractices
isacomplexsynthesiswhichcanbedescribedassimultaneouslymedical,
psychotherapeutic, and religious (1996, 1). She describes a process of
acculturization that is at first uncritical, then becomes more and more
inquisitive: Initially, there was a tendency among the nonChinese to
adopt these teachings uncritically. Over time, however, they began to
look for sources and methods through which to articulate questions,
which, in some instances,they themselveshad introduced into the Chi
nesepractices(1998,415).
The process of questioning that acupuncture has undergone over
thepastthreedecadeshasyettohappenforqigongpractices,especially
thosededicatedtowomen.Onlynowdocriticalviewsofsomepractices
andthequestioningofsourcesappearinAmericanqigongcircles.Where
do the practices come from? What is the affiliation of the people who
teachandwriteaboutthem?
Inmanywaysthetraditionalsecrecythathadcloudedthetransmis
sionofneidanandalsoqigonginChinahasbeenmoreaccentuatedwith
theirtransfertoWesternpractitioners.Booksoftendescribetheoriginsof
practices as often shrouded in mystery or too ancient to be verifiable.
Thisisentirelyunnecessary.BothChineseandWesternscholarsoutline
thehistoricaldevelopmentofneidanaswellasqigongtraditions,schools,
andtechniques(seeKohnandWang2009).Forthemodernperiod,espe
ciallytheworksofXunLiu(2009)DavidPalmer(2006)andNancyChen
(2003)tracethebirth and growth ofneidan and qigong duringthe Re
publican era and under Communism as a mixture of inner alchemical
techniques and Western medicine. For the premodern period, many
more monographs, aricles and books are now available. At this stage
Western practitioners should take these studies into consideration in
steadofdescribingtheChinesetraditionasanahistoricalcontinuumthat
containsalltechniques,schools,andteachers.Thevariouspresentations
of womensqigongdiscussedbelow would have greatly benefited from
suchconsideration.
Nzi Qigong
ThisDVDisbythephysicianandqigongteacherLiuYafei,thedaughter
of Liu Guizhen, the cadre responsible for the transition from neidan to
qigong. Liu Yafei works at the Beidaihesanatorium foundedby her fa
therandteacheswidelyabroad,mainlyinEurope,buthasnotyetpub
lishedWestern languagebooks onherpractice. Inher DVDandclasses
she keeps thepractice firmly within the realmofmedicine andhealing,
downplaying any spiritual or religious elements. This stance is partly
relatedtothetransformationthatalchemicaltechniquesunderwentdur
ing the Republican and Communist periods and partly due to the fact
thatherfatherhadbeenharshlycriticizedforhisinvolvementinthede
velopment of qigong. The repression of Falungong and various qigong
forms in China today and the limits of religious expression also play a
role.
Still, there are obvious similarities in Lius terminology and tradi
tionalndantexts, starting withthecosmologicalpositioning and defin
ingofmenandwomen.Menarestrongandrefinetheirqi,womenare
softandrefinetheirblood.Womenhaveinnersoftbeauty.Menarehigh
mountains,womenareflowingwater.Bothpracticespayspecificatten
tiontothebreasts,andespeciallytothepointbetweenthem,historically
consideredthestartingpointforfemalepracticeandtheactivatingpoint
forwomen.Bothalsoincludeextensiveandrepeatedbreastmassages.In
addition, they pay attention to the lower abdomen, and to the Meeting
Yin (huiyin)point at theperineum. All ofthesepoints are located on an
extraordinaryvessel(Renmai,Dumai,Chongmai,orDaimai).According
to Liu, they are essential for female health because they cross the front
part of the body and intersect on the abdomen. She thus applies ndan
knowledgetoChinesemedicalreadingsofthebody.
Another element essential in both practices is blood. However,
whereas ndan sees blood as a pool of energy to be transformed, nzi
qigongsupports its normal function. The exercises accordingly serve to
regulate menstruation and female hormones, to eliminate breast prob
lems likecysts, to help in recovery afterbreastcancer as wellas during
pregnancy andmenopause, and generally tomaintain and improve the
bloodandenergyflowinthebody.
Not all of nzi qigongderives from ndan, though. Many elements
also come from neiyang gong, internal nourishing, the other form of
qigong Liu teaches. Her language in all cases is eminently biomedical,
speakingofdifferenthealthproblemsandofhowthispracticecanhelp
solve them. The questions asked by the practitioners during classes are
equallyfocusedonhealthandhealing.Nomentionismadeofaspiritual
orreligiousdimensionofthispractice.
Radiant Lotus
Daisy Lee is aqigong instructorcertifiedby the NationalQigong Asso
ciation.TheDVD,aftershowingaclassofherstudentsperformingase
ries of exercises specific to female health, contains an interview on her
practice.LeenotesthatRadiantLotusisdesignedspecificallyforwomen
and addresses health issues unique to women like perimenopause,
menopause,hot flashes,painfulperiods, lowbackpain,swollen ankles,
intenseemotions,aswellasuterineandbreasttumors.Thisisachieved
through a series of movements, divided into four routines, all featured
ontheDVD:1.Shakingandcupping2.Selfmassage(ofbreastsandre
productiveorgans)2.Vibrationalsoundhealing4.KwanYinclosing.
The first series of movements starts by tapping the center of the
chest.Leedescribesthiscenterbiomedicallyasthethymusgland.Ndan
textscall it the milk stream (ruxi) andname itas the startingpoint of
practiceandasoneofthemainlocationswherethepracticereturns.The
next movements include cupping the breasts, the neck, face, and abdo
men,aswellasthelegs;specialattentionisgiventobreastsandovaries,
echoingndan materials.Thesecondsectiondescribesamassageroutine
which includes, among others: ovarian, abdominal, groin, vaginal, kid
neys, and breasts. All these areas are essential in ndan practice. The
movements,moreover,areperformedninetimes,whichisalsothetypi
calnumberofrepetitionsinthendan tradition.
Daisy Lee too uses biomedical language (thymus gland, ovaries,
perimenopause, etc.) totalk about the locations as well as the effects of
the practice, and she does not dwell on spiritual effects. However, the
factthatsheusesTibetanvibrationalsoundhealingaswellastheKwan
Yin(Guanyin)closing,reflectsthefactthatspiritualpracticeshavebeen
integrated into a health routine. She does not say who developed the
Radiant Lotus method nor does she discuss the mixing of Daoist
(ndan),ChineseBuddhist(Guanyin)andTibetanBuddhist(soundheal
ing)elements.
BothLeeandLiuYafei,speakofwomensyinnatureanddefineitin
asimilarwaytondan manuals,assoft,flowing,andinternallybeautiful.
Bothnotethatthisnaturemaybemoreattunedtonaturalprocessesand
therefore be better suited to accomplish a qigong routine. There is a
natural flow in a womens body that helps in how you move in
qigong. you find that women are more naturally drawn to qigong
(Lee,Intro.).Thisis,notsurprisingly,whatndantextsalreadysay,albeit
in different terms, in the eighteenth century. However, while Lee sees
this as a place of empowerment for women, the old texts uses the
specialpredispositionofwomentomaintainawomansplaceinsoci
ety:inthehomeandawayfromthepubliceye;notaplaceofempower
mentbutareiterationofthestatusquo.
ItisinterestingtonotethatbothLiuYafeisandDaisyLeesinstructional
DVDs repeat many exercises and focus on locations featured in ndan
texts yetdo not resemble eachother verymuch. Both techniques, it ap
pears, have a similar source, ,but have been refined and influenced by
othertraditions.
Mantak Chia
Mantak Chia was one of the first practitioners to bring neidan, or inner
alchemy,toAmericainthe1970s.Sincethen,hehastrainedmanyWest
ern practitioners to becoming full instructors while also publishingin
close cooperation with Michael Winna series of books that have
strongly influenced the field of spiritual healing. Chias teachings have
hadalargeimpactonhowChinesehealingandspiritualtechniquesare
understood and adapted in the West. This is how he is described on
manyonlinesitessellinghisbooks:
AstudentofseveralTaoistmasters,MantakChiafoundedthe
UniversalHealingTaoSystemin1979andhastaughtandcer
tified tens of thousands of students and instructors from all
over the world. He isthe director ofthe Tao Garden Integra
tiveMedicine Health Spaand Resorttraining center in north
ern Thailand and the author of 31 books,including Fusion of
the Five Elements, Cosmic Fusion, and the bestselling The
MultiOrgasmicMan.
Inhismanypublications,Chiatalksaboutinneralchemyandaboutthe
spiritualgoalsofthepractice.HisFusionoftheEightPsychicChannels:
Opening and Sealing the Energy Body describes the practice: Ad
vanced Inner Alchemy exercises that promote the free flow of energy
throughout the body in preparation for the Practice of the Immortal
Tao. He credits several teachers for his knowledge of neidanpractices,
amongwhomYiYunOneCloudHermitfromLoneWhiteMountain,
ChengYaolunandPanYu..Howeverhedoesnotgivedetailedexplana
tionoftheirhistoriesorofhowthetransmissionoftheirknowledge(oral
or written) to him took place.2 He does mention, however, that these
teachers were already mixing elements from Daoism , Buddhism and
Thai boxing in their teaching. To this knowledge, he added intensive
studyofWesternmedicineandanatomy.
Thus,whileChiaspublicationsmakefulluseoftheneidan ideology
bothinterminologyandinthesequenceofthepractice,healsoemploys
biomedical language. For example, When fully developed, the pineal
gland becomes the compass that guides the spirit to the primeval Tao
(2005, 116). Differently from traditionalneidanandndanmanuals,hepro
videsaprofusionofdetailsaboutthephysicalpracticeswithmanydia
grams of thebody, and especially of the genital area,andexplainsboth
practicesandexpectedphysicalreactionsinWesternmedicalterms.Yet,
he still describes the results in terms of transcendence, spirituality, and
spiritualunion.ThusChiasuccessfullymaintainstheesotericnatureand
appeal ofneidanwhile explaining its efficacy in a way that appeals to a
Westernaudience.
In his Healing Love through the Tao (2005) on female practice, the
technical language and description of the female body present several
similarities to ndan, starting with his use of language and the impor
tancegiventospecificbodylocations:breastsandbreastmassages,ova
ries,GoverningandConceptionVessels(DumaiandRenmai)allessen
tialtofemaleenergy.Healsopresentsanextensivediscussionofsexual
feelings; here is where his work differs significantly from traditional
ndanas well as from Liu Yafeis and Daisy Leesmodern take. Chias
goalistoteachhowtodevelopabettersexualrelationshipwithamale
partner through the strengthening of internal energy. Ndan teachings,
in contrast, acknowledge the emergence of sexual feelings during the
practice,butteachthepractitioner(whodoesnotpracticejointlywitha
partner)hownottodwellonthembutsublimatethem.
Last but not least, traditional ndan texts talk at length about the
practiceofSlayingtheRedDragon,atechniqueofbreastmassageand
2 Mantak
Chias student and collaborator Michael Winn, a teacher in his

own right, has recently attempted to give a more thorough account of Chias
affiliationwithMasterOneCloud,aswellastodescribeopenlytheappropria
tionofDaoistInternalAlchemybyWesterners(Winn20090).Thisisawelcome
shift.
internal visualization that results in the gradual disappearance of the
menses.ThisisdefinitelynotthemessageinChiasbook.WhileSlaying
theRedDragonisthetitleofChiasvideowherehe,hiswifeManeewan,
and one of their female practitioners describe their version of female
practice., the video does not discuss the disappearance of the menses.
Instead, it focuses on a Taoist way to control menstruation attained
through the strengthening of female sexual power with specific tech
niques like meditation, breast massage, vaginal massage, and the
strengtheningoftheperinealmuscleswithexternaldevices.
Inotherwords,thevideopairsvisualizationtechniquesandbreast
massagesfromtraditionalndanwithsexualtechniquesthatwerenever
partof this traditionally solo technique to form an entirely new way of
femalesexualempowerment.Throughoutvideoandbook,hemaintains
agoodbalancebetweenspirituality,sexuality,andhealth.Theworkre
mainsapointofreferenceforalllaterbooksonneidan,qigong,andsex
ual health by other practitioners, providing a strong focus on exercises
forpelvicfloorhealth,ovarianandbreastmassage,andfemalesexuality.
His work differs from other recent books on female qigong, which all
give sound exercises for the female bodysome for specific illnesses,
othersforspecificlifephasesinthatthelatterhavefewspiritualover
tones.Somemanualsfocusonthephysicalbenefitsofthepracticealone,
whileothersonlytalkaboutsexuality.Yethehasincommonwiththem
his overall ahistorical perspective, which holds true for this kind of lit
eratureingeneral.
Earth Qigong for Women

TinaZhangsaysrightaway:EarthQigongisbasedonaspecialmedical
qigong developed andperfected overthecourse of 1,700 yearsby Dao
ists,TraditionalChinesemedicinedoctors,andqigong experts in China
to address the needs of a womans unique anatomy (2008, ix). She
thereby equalizes Daoists, Chinese medical doctors, and qigong practi
tioners,mixing traditions and timeperiods intoone unquestionedbun
dle.NordoessheexplainwherethetermEarthQigongcomesfromor
whatitmeans,whethershecoineditherselforwhetheritislinkedtoa
traditional Chinese school. Furthermore, the title of the book has the
Chinese subtitle Kungong, which can be translated as feminine prac
tice,butitnotexplainedeither.
Still, Zhang gives a general survey of the development of qigong
andhealingtechniquesinChina,thenfocusesspecificallyontechniques
forwomen.SheherselfdescribesEarthQigong:
This qigong program is designed to provide more movement
than other qigong sets, some of which are based on seated
meditationanddoverylittleinmotion.The basicgoalofthis
programistohelpwomencombatstiffnessandthesedentary
life thats become too common. Its gentle approach helps
womenrelax.Withinthispracticethedeeperqiworkwillgive
positiveenergytowomen,becauseithasthecultivationofthe
femalecenterofqiasitsmaingoal.(2008,48)
Zhang offers an apparently effective and comprehensive series of prac

ticesforwomen,calledTheEarthEnergy:CultivatingFemaleEnergy,
CreatingPelvicHealthandHelpingtheLiver,andTheSpiritofVital
ity:BringingouttheRealFemaleSpirit.Theseseriesfocusonthepelvic
area and on solving problems related to menstruation, breast swelling,
andpreandpostpartumcomplications.Hersequencescombinediffer
ent styles of qigong while focusing on areas of specific female interest.
She alsodiscusses the importance of acupoints for womenshealth,no
tablyMeetingYinattheperineum,OceanofQi(qihai) undertheumbili
cus,andGateofLife(mingmen)betweenthekidneysintheback.
Earth qigong includes several qi movements that exercise or
massage the internal and external organs of the female body,
someofwhicharenotaddressedinmostotherqigongroutines
orforms.Thesemovementpurposelymovethebloodandcul
tivatemoreofthefemaleenergythatwomennaturallyhavein
theirbodiesinordertogainmoreinnerpowertoeaseandar
rest uncomfortable symptoms during the different stages of
menstruation, pregnancy, perimenopause and menopause.
(2008,49)
Zhangsbookbetraysadeepknowledgeoffemalephysiologyandoffers
goodpracticaladvice,butasusuallacks historicalperspective.
For Health and Longevity

This book by Deborah Davis addresses women over forty and divides
intosectionsaccordingtoage(40to49;50to64;65andover).It,too,fo
cuses on specifically female concerns like premenstrual syndrome,
breasthealth, depression, menopause, insomnia, osteoporisis, heart
health, and sexual issues. Davis combines her extensive knowledge of
bothqigongandwomenshealthtoproduceamanualofgeneralqigong
exercisesthat are beneficial to a womansbody. Unlike both traditional
ndan,Liusnziqigong andChiasguidelines,herpracticesfocuslesson
specifically female areas of the body and instead devote practices to
wholebodyhealth.Still,evenDavisacknowledgesthattheUterinePal
ace(zigong)isfundamentalinthefemalebody,andhasexercisescalled
Soothing the Middle, Renmai Massage and Pelvic Floor Lift that
focusonthemiddleofthebody.
Qigong for Women

DominiqueFerraro,likeDeborahDavis,usesherextensiveknowledgeof
qigongandChinese healingtechniques, includingher profound under
standingofacupuncture,andappliesittothefemalebody.Thelasttwo
chaptersofherbookaredevotedtoQigongandSexualityandCom
monPhysicalProblemsofWomen.Thechapteronsexualityintroduces
theconceptofahealthysexualitybetweenmenandwomen,recallingthe
tradition of Chinese sexual manuals; it refers directly to Mantak Chias
work,thennotestheimportanceofbloodanditsproperflow.Thechap
ter on common ailments concentrates on bones, joints, teeth, memory,
andhearing; only at the enddoes itturn tomorespecific gynecological
problemsandpregnancy.Again,thisisagoodmanualforgeneralhealth,
buttheadviceisoftennotspecifictowomen.Plus,asDavisswork,her
bookiseminentlyinterestedinphysicalsequencesandeffectsandcares
lessaboutthehistoryorculturalbackground.
A Womans Qigong Guide

This book by Yangling Lee Johnson (2001), as noted in the title, is not
only about qigong but also about movement, diet, and herbsalbeit
withintheChinesetradition.Itprovidesafairlylonghistoricalintroduc
tion,however,itisoftenmarredbyanahistoricalperspectiveaboutthe
development of Chinese medicine and qigong . The introduction also
includes a personal perspective, and Johnson shares her story of self
healingduringtheCulturalRevolutionandthehardshipsheunderwent
whenrelocatingtotheU.S.
Unlikeotherbooksofthiskind,thisworkdoesnotconsistlargelyof
detailed descriptions of practice postures. Only in Chapter 5 does she
begintotalkaboutshortforms,i.e.,quickposturestodointhemorn
ing,inthecar,atwork,outside,etc.Thesequickformsdealwithprob
lems such as sterility,depression, weight loss, the flu, amenorrhea, and
the like. Johnsonsbookcontainsvariouspassages sheherself translates
from Daoist and Chinese medical texts, scattering advice about almost
everything: alcohol intake, work, nails, sexual activity, sleeping, sweat
ing, dieting, and more. The book concentrate on the physiology of
women oronspecificareas ofthe femalebody. In sum, it isnotquite a
qigong guide for women as advertised in the title, but rather a general
guide on wellbeing for women that mixes psychological, dietary, and
energeticaladvice.
The White Tigress

Hsi Lai is the Chinese pen name of Stuart Alve Olson, director of the
PhoenixTaoistCenter.AlongtermstudentoftaijiquanmasterT.T.Li
ang, he has also published variously on that subject. His two books on
womens practice (2001; 2006) are not about qigong for women, but
rather present a special sexual technique for women that the author
claims tobe ofChineseorigin. Despite this, noneof the socalled White
Tigress techniques described here matchat least to my knowledge
anything in Chinese traditional sexual techniques described in publicly
knownmanualssincetheHanperiod.
Likemanyotherpractitioners,HsiLaitoodoesnotprovideaclear
referencetoexistingChinesesourcesinthetraditionhemakeshisown,
and does not reveal the full names and affiliation of the people who
transmitted this tradition to him. He explains this by saying that these
texts are secret and have been made available only to him but then
proceedstomake theircontentspublic inbooks andworkshops. Inthe
introductiontobothvolumes,hegivesagenericexplanationofDaoism,
neidan, andsexualtechniquesasabackgroundtohisWhiteTigressprac
tice, then outlines various techniques that involve areas of the female
bodyalsothefocusinndanworksandwomensqigong:breasts,ovaries,
and perineum. However, this tradition and the techniques associated
withithaveverylittletodowithndan.
HsiLaisinterests,unlikeotherauthorsinthisfield,seemtolienot
inwomenshealthperse,butinwomensspiritualachievementthrough
sexual practices. The empowerment he offers, however, seems to have
verysexistovertones.
***
In sum, I find that the fieldof womensqigongpublications inWestern
Languageshasalotofroomtogrow.Someoftheabovepublicationsare
justbeginningtodiscusswhatitmeanstopracticeneidanandqigongas
awoman,whataretheimportantareastoconcentrateon,andwherethe
practice should take us. In most of the publications reviewed, there is
particularattentiontofemalephysiologyandtoailmentsthatarespecific
towomen,andthereareavarietyoftechniquesofferedtorelievethem.
Someconcentrateonhealth,otheronsexuality,othersagainmixhealing,
sexualityandspirituality.Somearemorethoroughthanothers,butallof
them,toacertainextent,lackhistoricalperspective.ThoughIrealizethat
not all aremeant to includehistorical introductions to the field,paying
attentiontothehistoricalsignificanceanddevelopmentofatradition,as
wellasdescribingonesaffiliationswithcontemporarymastersandand
onesplaceinthattradition,putsthephysicalpracticeinabettercontext
and allowsthepractitioner and student tobetter appreciate and under
stand what they aredoing and why. Ihopethatmorepractitioners will
opentoallofustheirprocessoflearning,appropriationandadaptation
of Chinese traditions. This will be beneficial to practitioners, students
andhistorians.
Bibliography
Barnes, Linda. 1998. The psychologyzing of Chinese Healing Practices in the
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Chen, Nancy N. 2003. Breathing Spaces:Qigong, Psychiatry,andHealingin China.
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Cohen,Michael.200203. Healing at the Borderland ofMedicine and Religion:
RegulatingPotentialAbuseofAuthoritybySpiritualHealers.JournalofLaw
andReligion.
Kohn, Livia, and Robin R. Wang. 2009. Internal Alchemy: Self, Society, and the
QuestforImmortality.Magdalena,NM:ThreePinesPress.
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Wudang Mountain
and the Modernization of Daoism1
JEAN DEBERNARDI
Both the modern nationstate and global networks and organizations
havecontributedtothemoderntransformationofreligions.Inparticular,
the development of global capitalism has provided unprecedented fi
nancial means and technologies of communication to religious leaders.
Thesehaveenabledentrepreneurialreligiousleadersofmanyreligions
including Christianity, Buddhism, and Islam, but also many other reli
gious groupsto rework their organizations, develop their networks,
and transform their practices. In this paper, I consider Wudang Moun
tain Daoism in light of these new organizational forms, networks, and
practices.IwilldiscussthecontributionthatWudangMountainDaoism
makestoChinascivilizationalculture,toworldculture,andtoreligious
culture.2
I base this paper on research conducted with support from the Chiang
ChingkuoFoundationandtheSocialScienceandHumanitiesResearchCouncil
ofCanada.SpecialthanksareduetomycollaboratorsinthisprojectProf.Dong
LuoandDr.WuXu,toAbbottLi,toDeanDengZhenglaiatFudanUniversity,to
theChineseTaoistAssociationandtheorganizersoftheInternationalForumon
theDaodejing,includingespeciallyLeongTakwah,andinSingaporetotheSin
gapore Taoist Federation, Chong Kwangtong (Weiyi), Xu Liying, and Victor
Yue. I presented an earlier version of this paper at a conference on the theme
ChineseSocialScienceinaGlobalAgeattheNationalInstituteforAdvanced
StudyintheSocialSciences,FudanUniversityDecember58,2008andpublished
atranslationin TheChineseJournalofSocialScience (DeBernardi2009).
2 Anthropologicalcontributionstothestudyofmodernityandtransnation
alismthathaveinfluencedthisresearchprojectincludeAppadurai(1996);Eisen
stadtandSchluchter(1998);Hannerz(1992;1996);andSahlins(1998;1999)
1
202
DeBernardi,WudangMountain /203
Civilizational Culture
AtpresentthereisadrivetobrandChinaasamodernandprogressive
place and to not place too much emphasis on its history. Nonetheless,
undoubtedlyChinaspoliticalleadersaremobilizingelementsofChinas
civilizational culture as a resource as a strategy to build stronger links
with Chinese in greater China. Although Maoism divided them from
theChineseinSoutheastAsia,forexample,whowereearlyparticipants
inthegrowthofthecapitalistworldsystem,Chinascivilizationaltradi
tionscanserveasapotentialsourceofsharedvalues.Confucianism,for
example, forms a supranational link with a number of Asian countries,
includingcountrieslikeSingaporeandTaiwanthathaveselfconsciously
soughttoteachandpromotemodernistformsofConfucianideology.
RecentlyChinaspoliticalleadershavealsomobilizedcivilizational
culture, using what Harvard professor Joseph Nye has called soft
powertogainglobalinfluence.Forexample,whenChinabuildsConfu
cius Institutes throughout the world, they use the name Confucius to
tap into the cosmopolitan prestige of their great sage and to symbolize
Chinesevalues.Atthesametime,theChinesegovernmentsgoalisnot
onlyculturebutalsoeconomic:toencourageChineselanguagelearning
outside China. Although this might be the final aim, nonetheless the
governmentisdrawingoncivilizationaltraditiontobuildthislink.
ThegovernmenthasalsorecentlyformedtheChinaReligiousCul
tureCommunicationAssociationasanonprofitsocialorganization.The
association was formed to strengthen and promote contacts and ex
changes between members of the religious sector in the Chinese
mainlandand theircounterparts inTaiwan,Hong Kong, and Macao, as
well as inothercountries and regions; to widelymake friends, increase
friendship and promote cooperation; to jointly unearth positive and
beneficial religious content; and to carry forward and promote Chinas
traditional culture. In cooperation with religious groups, this associa
tion has helped to organize and promote several international confer
ences, includingone on Buddhism, and the International Forum on the
Daodejingin2007thatIdiscussinmoredetailbelow.Ithinkitsignificant
that with few exceptions, the participants at this International Forum
were primarily Chinese from Mainland China and diaspore Chinese
from Greater Chinain particular Singapore and Taiwan, and North
America.
Undoubtedly,DaoismmakesanimportantcontributiontoChinas
civilizational culture, especially within Greater China. Modern Daoist
leadersoftenassertthatDaoismistherootofChinesecultureandclaim
certain symbols and practices as distinctive to their religion. The
yin/yang symbol is of course globally recognized. Inaddition, Wudang
MountainoffersvisitersDaoistteaculture,Daoistmusic,Daoistcalligra
phy,Daoistmartialarts,andavarietyofcommoditieslikeTaijisword.
Cosmopolitan Culture
In addition to Chinas civilizational culture, Daoism also engages mod
ern cosmopolitan world culture. Globalization in the period of early
modernityenabledscholarstoamassanencyclopedicknowledgeofthe
worldscultures.EuropeanEnlightenmentscholarstranslatedthesacred
texts of the worlds diversereligions.They promotedknowledge of the
worlds cultures, including religious cultures like Daoism, Buddhism,
andHinduism,asawaytoovercomelocalisminfavorofthenotionofa
universal human fellowship. Today, Daoisms contribution to world
cosmopolitancultureincludesitsmostfamoussacredtext,theDaodejing,
its sacred sites, including Wudang Mountain, and Taijiquan, which is
Wudang Mountains contribution to the global field of martial arts. Let
mebrieflydiscusseachofthese.
Starting in the 19th century, we find individuals and groups in
Europe that celebrated Asian religions, translating the socalled Sacred
Books of the East, including classic works of Confucius, Buddhism,
Hindusim,andDaoism.BooksliketheAnalects,theDaodejing,andthe
Buddhistsutrasare widely taught inChinese religionsclasses through
out Europe and North America. They are read not only to gain insight
intoChineseculture,butasclassicsofworldliterature.
Daoists are aware of the global importance of the Daode jing, and
manyDaoisttemplesnowofferfreecopiesoftheDaodejing.Inrecogni
tion of the global importance of this book, in 2007, the China Religious
CommunicationOfficetogetherwiththeChinaDaoistFederationorgan
ized an International ForumontheDaodejingin Xian and Hong Kong.
TheforumincludedaspecialceremonyatLouguantai,attheplace
where Laozi issaidto havecreated theDaodejing.The Forum included
participantsfromChinaandgreaterChina,butalsoNorthAmericaand
Europe, who in their lectures relatedtheDaodejingto the environment,
tosocialharmony,tohealthpracticesandtobusiness.Thetwocitycon
ferencealsoincludedanexhibitofeditionsandtranslationsoftheDaode
jing in Hong Kong.This event highlighted the importance of the Daode
jing asaclassicofworldliterature.
InadvanceoftheForum,DaoistsinHongKongorganizedaspecial
eventinastadiumamassrecitationoftheDaodejing.Insodoing,they
soughtrecognitionintheGuinnessBookofWorldRecordsforthemost
people reading aloud simultaneously in one location. The forum itself
closedwithamassrecitiationoftheDaodejing.Theseeventshighlighted
a fact not widely known inthe west, namely thatstudents of theDaode
jingmemorized andrecited it. Inthecosmopolitan field ofpractice, the
Daodejing hasglobalrenown,andDaoistsnowpromoteitatextonapar
withtheChristianBible.
World Heritage Sites

Withthecreationof theUNESCOWorld Heritageprogram,cosmopoli
tanworldculturenowalsoincludeshistoricsitesliketheAncientBuild
ing Complex at Wudang Mountain. The United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) World Heritage Pro
gram promotes a sense of cosmopolitan citizenship not limited to the
nation state. When a country adds a site like Wudang Mountain to the
UNESCO world heritage list, they identify it as important not just as a
national treasure but also as a global treasure. Being on the list should
mean that the place is preserved and sheltered against the pressures of
global capitalism, whose developers see more profit in building new
structuresthanpreservingoldones.
CulturalhistorianThomasMachoobservedthatculturesareislands
intheoceanofoblivion(Assmann2006,81).Asaformofculturalmem
ory,religioustraditionsseektoperpetuatememoriesofthepastandex
pectations of the future through text, story, the preservation of sacred
sites, and above all ritual. As civilizations change, we also find wilful
acts of forgetting. And people undoubtedly remake their traditions for
newgenerations.
What, then,dowemakeoftherecentreconstructionofJinglePalace
inDanjiangkou?TheoriginalJinglePalace,oneofeightgrandpalacesat
Wudang Mountain, no longer exists. The new Jingle Palace, a replica
built in a new location, is something quite different from the building
that it replaces. Some might regard it as an anachronism, or an expres
sionofnostalgia,orevenkitsch.IspeculatethatmanyWesternerswould
conclude that the reconstruction was a fake, forgetting perhaps that
many heritage buildings in European cities were rebuilt after being de
stroyedbybombsinWorldWarII.
Others would see it as acommercial rather than religious venture.
Theywouldnotbeentirelymistaken: peoplespokeofpotentialrevenues
from charging an admission fee, and anticipated that it would enhance
tourism inthe smallcity, which isbest know for Danjiankou Dam. But
despite all this, the use of the temple is traditional: when the Daoist
priestperformtheirrituals,whenlocalpeoplefillthetempleandcollect
oracles, when local officials willingly participate in elaborate ritual
events,andwhenbusinessmenofferfinancialpatronage,thistemplere
semblesChinesetemplesthroughouttheworld.
Martial Arts
Finally, Wudang Mountains physical culturemartial artsis a major
contributiontocosmopolitanworldculture.Indeed,inthelasttwodec
ades, Wudang Mountain martial arts has extended its influence world
wide.
In the late 1970s, a small handful of students went to Wudang
Mountain to study martial arts with a resident master. They formed a
schoolnexttothemaintemple,andin2002,theWudangMountainper
formance group made their first trip to North America. By 2007, the
school had many more international students and the performance
grouptraveledwidelyinAsiaandNorthAmerica.(Isawthemperform,
forexample,inHongKongattheInternationalConferenceontheDaode
jing,andalsoinSingaporeatthe90thAnniversaryoftheSingaporeCity
God Temple.)Theydisplay theperformance style that theyhavedevel
oped on a global stage,andtheir form of Taijiquanrepresents Wudang
Mountainmartialartstotheworld.WudangMountainsDaoistsarejus
tifiablyproudofthefactthattheDaoistreligionhasmadeacontribution
to cosmopolitan world culture and also aware of the global fame and
popularityofChinesemartialarts.
Wudang Mountain and the Fujian Diaspora

Wudang Mountain is a historic site of national and global interest. But
Wudang Mountain also enjoys special popularity among Chinese from
Fujian,Taiwan,andtheFujiandiasporainSoutheastAsia.Globalization
allows them an unprecedented opportunity to visit Wudang Mountain,
whichforsomeDaoistsisasimportantasacredsiteastheHolyLandis
for Christians or Bodhgayathe place where Buddha reached enlight
enmentis for Buddhists. Consequently it ispredictablethatmany pil
grimgroupscomefromFujian,TaiwanandSoutheastAsia.
For the Taiwanese, the veneration of Zhenwu has deep historical
roots. MingloyalistZhengChenggongbuiltaZhenwutemplenexttohis
headquarters at Fort Provintia in what is today Tainan City.3Many
temples throughout Taiwan are dedicated to him, and his veneration
alsoiswidespreadinSoutheastAsia,wheresomecallhimShangdiGong.
Some Nine Emperor God temples regard him as the elder of the Nine
Emperor Gods, who are the focus of a distinctive temple tradition in
Thailand,MalaysiaandSingapore(seeDeBernardi2004;WangN.d.).4
Althoughtheydonotliveinasingleterritorialregion,nonetheless
diaspora Fujianese share linguistic, cultural and historical traditions
stemmingfromtheirhomelandinFujianProvince.Fujianspeakingpeo
ples are like the Jewish people in recognizing their shared traditions
while living in diaspora. Fujian regional language is not a written lan
guage;theirreligiouscultureisamongtheirmostimportantsharedcul
tural practices, including a range of performing arts from opera and
Aproject of modernization ledtothe demolition ofthe originalZhenwu
temple inTainan.Whenthegovernmentdemolishedthetempletobuildaschool,
a smaller temple was built nearby to replace the original temple. A small sign
identifies it as a cultural relic, but no mention is made ofthe demolition of the
originaltemple,astorythattemplemembersrecountedinconversation.
4 IspeculatethatXuantian shangdiistheHeavenandEarthSocietysGreat
Ancestor,adeitywhoseidentityismysterious,butwhodiedontheninthday
of the ninth lunar month, just like the god, who is said to have ascended to
heavenonthatday.SeeDeBernardi2004, ch. 8.
3
puppettheatretoexorcisticdramas.Theymayexplorethosesharedtra
ditions through religious pilgrimage. Although the overseas pilgrims
destination ismost likely tobe Fujianprovince,nonetheless they some
timesmakethemoredifficultjourneytoWudangMountain.Theydoso
because they regard this templecomplex asthemothertempleforven
eration of one of their most important deities, Zhenwu (also known as
Xuantiandadi). Increasingly,wealsofindritualperformersandWudang
martialartistsvisitingChinesetemplesintemplesinSoutheastAsiaand
Taiwan.
Wudang Daoism in a Global Era

Finally,IwishtodiscussthecontemporarysituationoftheDaoistrelig
ionandspecificallythepriests,nunsandmartialartsperformersofWu
dangMountain ina globalcontext.WudangMountain is one of a wide
network of Daoist sacred sites, and a popular destination for pilgrims
andtourists.ButtheworldretreatingDaoistsofWudangMountainalso
goesoutintotheworld.Thepriestandnunsarelinkedintonationaland
international networks of Daoist practitioners and they often travel to
displaytheirritualsandtoperformmartialarts.
Their visits have made an important contribution to the revival of
Daoism in Southeast Asia. In Singapore and Malaysia, Daoism has
waned in popularity among educated Chinese for decades due to the
stigma that attaches to Chinese popular religion. In modern societies,
governmentshaveoftenlabelledpopularreligiouspracticesassupersti
tious, backward, and wasteful. At the same time, many Chinese have
hadnoopportunitytostudythefoundationsofphilosophicalDaoism.
ManyliterateChineseMalaysiansandSingaporeanshaveelectedto
participate in rationalized forms of Buddhist religious practice, to con
verttoChristianity (manyjoiningcharismaticChristianchurches), or to
become free thinkers (DeBernardi 2008a). With increasing contact be
tween Daoists in SoutheastAsia andChina,however, this situation ap
pears to be changing. Chinese in Southeast Asia have long purchased
andreadreligiousliteratureproducedinTaiwanandHongKong.Daoist
priestsandnunsinChinanowrecognizetheneedforeducation,public
outreachandevenproselytism. Theirbooks andteachingsnowinfluence
a growingnumberofChinese educated Daoists in SoutheastAsia, who
are themselves seeking to reform the practices of religious Daoism in
theirowncommunities(DeBernardi2008b).
Massmediaalsodevelopedintoapowerfultoolforglobalizingthe
influence of new forms of Daoist practice. These include VCDs, picture
albums,andscholarlyandpopularbooks.ManyareforsaleatWudang
Mountain,wherevisitorsmaybuythematavarietyofsmallstores.We
also find for sale martial arts paraphernalia like Taiji quan swords but
alsoitemsregardedashavingspecialpotencybecausetheyareboughtat
a sacred site, including statues of deities and incense. Some of these
commoditiesaredistributedor sold outsideChina, as when performers
fromtheMainlandwhoareengagedtoperformatfestivalsinSingapore
orMalaysiaoffer VCDsforsale.
Conclusion
Inthispaper,IhaveusedthemodernizationofWudangMountainDao
ist as an example of religious modernity in a global era. Using that ex
ample,IhavesoughttodemonstratethatDaoismhasnewsignificancein
a globalized world. Wudang Mountain Daoism contributes to diverse
modern projects, from world cosmopolitan culture to the promotion of
civilizational values. At the same time, Daoist symbols and practices
transmitculturalmemoriesandtraditionsindiasporiccultures.Through
the study of Wudang Mountain, we can learn what complex network
relationships modern Daoists create and maintain in this remarkable
globalera.
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JDS 3 (2010)

SHIHSHAN SUSAN HUANG

Forum on Contemporary Practice

News of the Field

Affectivity and the Nature of the Sage

The Attainability of Sagehood

1 This, as all other essaysstudied here, iscontained inWu Yunscollected

3 Yang Bojun,Lunyuyizhu(Beijing:Zhonghua, 1980), 181.

The Problem of Qing

8 For example,the concept ofwucould be interpreted metaphysically as a

The Workings of the Mind

jingzhushubuzheng ed. (Taipei:Shijieshuju,1963),37.3a.

18 In XGL 7, the perfectstate of inborn nature is also described as che, em

Religion and Legitimation

Rothschild,WuZhao andtheQueenMotheroftheWest /31

Rothschild,WuZhao andtheQueenMotheroftheWest /33

From Primitive Spirit to Daoist Monarch

Rothschild,WuZhao andtheQueenMotheroftheWest /35

Shared Rites and Symbols

Rothschild,WuZhao andtheQueenMotheroftheWest /37

Connected by Celestial Light

Rothschild,WuZhao andtheQueenMotheroftheWest /39

Aware ofthe greatpoliticalcurrency invested in auspicious icons,men

Rothschild,WuZhao andtheQueenMotheroftheWest /41

Ageless, Timeless, Beautiful

Rothschild,WuZhao andtheQueenMotheroftheWest /43

Creating a Daoist Paradise on Earth

The Lesser Room is a peak on Mount Song . Significantly, both in

20 I have changed Cahills translation of the peak name from Minor

Rothschild,WuZhao andtheQueenMotheroftheWest /45

Rothschild,WuZhao andtheQueenMotheroftheWest /47

Rothschild,WuZhao andtheQueenMotheroftheWest /49

Rothschild,WuZhao andtheQueenMotheroftheWest /51

In her tone, one readily detects Wu Zhaos delight in escaping to the

32 The commentary in theQuanTangshisuggeststhatthispoemshould be

Rothschild,WuZhao andtheQueenMotheroftheWest /53

Rothschild,WuZhao andtheQueenMotheroftheWest /55

Daoist Imagery of Body and Cosmos

The Invisibility of Daoist Images

Fig. 1: Altar diagram

This shows abirdseye view of a square ritual spacedefinedby a

1 For a recent study of Laozi iconography applying this concept, see Wu

Early Body Gods

7 For Taipingjingstudies,see Lin 2009, 21920;Hendrischke2006. The text

Elsewhere in the same text, the Method of Fasting and Meditating on

Planets and Bureaucrats

(DZ 332) and an outer one, the Huangtingneijingyujing

Fig. 2e: Visualization picture

Fig. 3: Amidas Pure Land. Southern Song

Most early sources have the tendency to picture higher Daoist di

Acolophonaccompanying each image identifiesthedeitys title, styles,

Fig. 5: Daoist mural from the

Journeys to the Dipper

A prime example appears in the Wudou sanyi tujue

Fig. 9: Rubbing of a King Riding on a Chariot in the Shape of the Dipper. Wu

Stellar Imagery in the Body

A forerunner of this technique is the Method of Reclining in the

23 For a similar description of the Reclining in the Dipper (Wodou)

The Iconic Form of the Dipper

24Cf. the iconography of thesesevenstar deities in the forms of perfected

Fig. 16:TheDivinitiesoftheDippera. DZ221,4:129b130b;b.DZ220,4:10a11a;c.

Fig.17: Deities of the Dipper.

The seven longhaireddeities aredressed in white,collars and up