Professional Documents
Culture Documents
1990
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I. BEYONDRHETORIC:
POLITICAL
IMPLICATIONS
Fewgovernmentsexhibitmorethantokencommitmentto women'sequality
as a basic human rightin domestic or foreign policy. No governmentde-
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females are born even though naturalbirth ratios would produce more
females.3
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-In the United States, batteryis the leading cause of injuryto adult
women, and a rape is committedevery six minutes.8
-In Peru,70 percentof all crimes reportedto police involve women
who arebeatenby theirpartners;and in Lima(a cityof seven millionpeople),
168,970 rapeswere reportedin 1987 alone.9
- InIndia,eightout of ten wives arevictimsof violence, eitherdomestic
battery,dowry-relatedabuse, or, among the least fortunate,murder.10
- InFrance,95 percentof the victimsof violence arewomen; 51 percent
at the handsof a spouse or lover.Similarstatisticsfromplaces as diverseas
Bangladesh,Canada,Kenya,and Thailanddemonstratethat more than 50
percentof female homicideswere committedby familymembers."
Where recorded,domestic batteryfiguresrangefrom40 percentto 80
percentof women beaten, usually repeatedly,indicatingthat the home is
the mostdangerousplace for women and frequentlythe site of crueltyand
torture.As the CarolStuartmurderin Bostondemonstrated,sexist and racist
attitudesin the United States often cover up the real threatto women; a
woman is murderedin Massachusettsby a husbandor loverevery22 days.12
Such numbersdo not reflectthe full extent of the problemof violence
againstwomen, much of which remainshidden. Yet ratherthan receiving
recognitionas a majorworld conflict, this violence is accepted as normal
or even dismissedas an individualor culturalmatter.GeorginaAshworth
notes that:
Thegreatestrestriction
andatthesametime,
of liberty,dignityandmovement,
ofviolence.... However
directviolation
ofthepersonisthethreatandrealisation
violenceagainstthefemalesex,on a scalewhichfarexceedsthelistofAmnesty
International
victims,is toleratedpublicly;indeedsomeacts of violationare
in customor courtopinion,andmost
notcrimesin law,othersarelegitimized
areblamedon the victimsthemselves.13
Violence againstwomen is a touchstonethat illustratesthe limitedconcept of human rights and highlightsthe political natureof the abuse of
women. As LoriHeise states:"Thisis not randomviolence.... [T]he risk
factor is being female."'4Victimsare chosen because of theirgender.The
8. C. EverettKoop,M.D., "ViolenceAgainstWomen:A Global Problem,"presentationby
the SurgeonGeneralof the U.S., PublicHealthService,WashingtonD.C., 1989.
9. Ana MariaPortugal,"Cronicade Una ViolacionProvocada?",
Fempressespecial "Contraviolencia,"Santiago,1988; Seagerand Olson, note 5 above, 37.
10. Ashworth,note 2 above, 9.
11. "ViolenceAgainstWomeninthe Family,"CentreforSocialDevelopmentandHumanitarian
Affairs,UnitedNationsOfficeat Vienna,1989.
12. Bella English,"StereotypesLed Us Astray,"The BostonGlobe, 5 Jan. 1990, 17, col. 3.
See also the statisticsin Women's InternationalNetworkNews, 1989; United Nations
Office, note 11 above;Ashworth,note 2 above; Heise, note 3 above; and Fempress,note
9 above.
13. Ashworth,note 2 above, 8.
14. Heise, note 3 above, 3.
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and their children in exchange for sex. Revealingthis abuse led to new
policies that allocatedfood directlyto the women.20
The politicaland civil rightsapproachis a usefulstartingpointfor many
human rightsgroups; by consideringwomen's experiences, these groups
can expand theireffortsin areas where they are alreadyworking.This approach also raises contradictionsthat reveal the limits of a narrowcivil
libertiesview. One contradictionis to define rapeas a humanrightsabuse
only when it occurs in state custody but not on the streetsor in the home.
Anotheris to say that a violation of the rightto free speech occurs when
someone is jailed for defendinggay rights,but not when someone is jailed
or even torturedand killed for homosexuality.Thuswhile this approachof
addingwomen and stirringthem into existingfirstgenerationhumanrights
categoriesis useful, it is not enough by itself.
2. Women'sRightsas Socioeconomic Rights.The second approach
includesthe particularplightof women with regardto "secondgeneration"
humanrightssuch as the rightsto food, shelter,healthcare,and employment.
Thisis an approachfavoredby those who see the dominantWesternhuman
rightstraditionand internationallaw as too individualisticand identifywomen's oppressionas primarilyeconomic.
This tendency has its originsamong socialists and labor activistswho
have longarguedthatpoliticalhumanrightsaremeaninglessto manywithout
economic rightsas well. Itfocuseson the primacyof the needto end women's
economic subordinationas the key to other issues includingwomen's vulnerabilityto violence. This particularfocus has led to work on issues like
women's rightto organize as workersand opposition to violence in the
workplace, especially in situations like the free trade zones which have
targetedwomen as cheap, nonorganizedlabor.Anotherfocus of this approach has been highlightingthe feminizationof povertyor what might
betterbe called the increasingimpoverishmentof females. Povertyhas not
become strictlyfemale, but females now comprisea higherpercentageof
the poor.
Lookingat women's rightsin the contextof socioeconomicdevelopment
is anotherexample of this approach.Thirdworld peoples have called for
an understandingof socioeconomic developmentas a human rightsissue.
Within this demand, some have sought to integratewomen's rightsinto
developmentand haveexaminedwomen'sspecificneeds in relationto areas
like land ownershipor access to credit.Among those workingon women
in development,there is growinginterestin violence againstwomen as both
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states to include in their periodic reportsinformationabout statistics,legislation,and supportservices in this area.23The CommonwealthSecretariat
in its manualon the reportingprocessforthe Conventionalso interpretsthe
issue of violence againstwomen as "clearlyfundamentalto the spiritof the
Convention,"especiallyin Article5 which calls forthe modificationof social
and culturalpatterns,sex roles, and stereotypingthatare based on the idea
of the inferiorityor the superiorityof eithersex.24
TheConventionoutlinesa clearhumanrightsagendaforwomen which,
if accepted by governments,would markan enormousstep forward.It also
carriesthe limitationsof all such internationaldocuments in that there is
little power to demand its implementation.Withinthe United Nations, it is
not generally regardedas a convention with teeth, as illustratedby the
difficultythatCEDAWhas had in gettingcountriesto reporton compliance
with its provisions.Further,it is still treatedby governmentsand most nongovernmentalorganizationsas a document dealing with women's (read
"secondary")rights,not humanrights.Nevertheless,it is a usefulstatement
of principlesendorsed by the United Nations aroundwhich women can
organizeto achieve legal and politicalchange in theirregions.
4. FeministTransformation
the human
of HumanRights.Transforming
rightsconceptfroma feministperspective,so thatit will takegreateraccount
of women's lives, is the fourthapproach.This approachrelateswomen's
rightsand humanrights,lookingfirstat the violationsof women's lives and
then askinghow the humanrightsconcept can changeto be moreresponsive
to women. Forexample,the GABRIELA
women'scoalitionin the Philippines
stated
that
"Women's
are
Rights HumanRights"in launchinga camsimply
As
last
Ninotchka
Roscaexplained,coalition memberssaw that
year.
paign
"human rightsare not reducibleto a question of legal and due process.
... Inthe case of women, humanrightsare affectedby the entiresociety's
traditionalperceptionof whatis properor notproperforwomen."25Similarly,
a panel at the 1990 International
Women'sRightsActionWatchconference
assertedthat "Violence AgainstWomen is a Human RightsIssue."While
work in the three previousapproachesis often done from a feministperspective,this lastview is the mostdistinctlyfeministwith itswoman-centered
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