GROWING UP BICULTURAL: A QUALITATIVE STUDY OF ACCULTURATION

AND ETHNIC IDENTITY IN SECOND GENERATION INDIAN AMERICANS

by

Chhaya Nanu Maisuria

B.A., May, 1993, The College o f New Jersey

M.A., May, 1997, University o f Hartford

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Psy. D. Dissertation submitted to the

Graduate Institute of Professional Psychology
Doctoral Program in Clinical Psychology

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University o f Hartford

in partial fulfillment o f the

requirements for the degree of

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Doctor o f Psychology
2003

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Acknowledgements

I would like to first acknowledge my friends and family for their love, and support
throughout this process. I would like to thank my parents, Nanu and Lilavati Maisuria
for encouraging me to pursue my goals.
I would like to thank; all the participants in this project for sharing their opinions and
experiences with me. It is my hope that there will be a better understanding o f the
difficulties as well as the advantages o f growing up in two cultures.

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I would like to express special appreciation to Dr. David Singer who has been a
constant in my graduate school training; initially as my first year advisor and
concluding as my thesis advisor. I wish to thank Dr. Sarah Pearlman for being a part
o f my dissertation committee. I would like to thank them both for their guidance,
wisdom, and understanding throughout this process.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S .............................................................................

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L IS T O F T A B L E S ............................................................................................

I. IN T R O D U C T IO N ...........................................................................................

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Asian Indian Immigration to the United States........................................

Who Is an Indian American?......................................................................
The Importance o f Cultural Identity...........................................................
Prior Research on Ethnic Identity................................................................
Second Generation Issues and Concerns....................................................
Statement of Problem..................................................................................

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II. R E V IE W O F L IT E R A T U R E ......................................................................

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1
3
4
6
8
11
12
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The Influence of Race and Ethnicity on Identity.......................................

Models o f Ethnic Identity D evelopm ent................................:...............
Biculturalism... .What Is It?.........................................................................
Acculturation and Adjustment.....................................................................
Acculturative Stress.......................................................................................
Summary........................................................................................................

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Culture and Values........................................................................................

The Core o f the Asian-American Identity..................................................
Family.............................................................................................................
Acculturation and F am ily............................................................................
Marriage and Dating.................
Religion and Spirituality..............................................................................
Summary........................................................................................................

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34
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38
40

Intergenerational Conflict Amongst Indian Americans...........................

First Generation Indian American Issues and Concerns..........................
Second Generation Indian American W omen...........................................
College...........................................................................................................
M arriage.........................................................................................................
Conclusion.....................................................................................................

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III. METHODOLOGY

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Multi-Method Research & Design............................................................

The Qualitative Interview Method.............................................................
Participants....................................................................................................
Materials/Measures......................................................................................
Procedure for Data Collection...................................................................
Data Analysis...............................................................................................

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V . D IS C U S S IO N ..............................
Implications for counseling..........................................................................
v .................................
Therapeutic Perspectives...............................
Conclusion.....................................................................................................
R E F E R E N C E S ...................................

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A P P E N D IC E S

A:
B:
C:
D:
E:
F:
G:
H:
I:

INDIAN AMERICAN ORGANIZATIONS

EMAIL SOLICITATION OF PARTICIPANTS...
TELEPHONE INTERVIEW FORM .........................
COVER LETTER.......................................................
RESEARCH PARTICIPANT CONSENT FORM ...
DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION FO RM
GHUMAN ACCULTURATION SCALE................
INMAN CULTURAL VALUE CONFLICTS SCALE
QUALITATIVE INTERVIEW-TRANSCRIPTIONS

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APPENDIX
APPENDIX
APPENDIX
APPENDIX
APPENDIX
APPENDIX
APPENDIX
APPENDIX
APPENDIX

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IV . R E S U L T S ...............................................................................................

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LIST OF TABLES

Table
Degree o f ethnic identification...................................................................
Ego identity and ethnic identity.................................................................
Course o f acculturation and psychological responses............................
Demographics o f study sample & ANOVA results.................................
Rank ordered AS items and CYCS item s.................................................
MANOVA results........................................................................................
MANCOVA results....................................................................................

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1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.

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CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Most people are familiar with the options presented on standardized forms that
require one to check the box to delineate race and ethnicity. There is usually a box labeled
Asian or Asian/Pacific Islander. The category Asian includes: Chinese, Filipino,
Japanese, Asian-Indian, Korean, Vietnamese, Cambodian, Hmong, Laotian, Thai, and
Other Asian. The category Pacific Islander includes Polynesian, Hawaiian, Samoan,

Tongan, Other Polynesian, Micronesian, Guamanian, Other Micronesian, and Pacific

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Islander-not specified. However, these categories are misleading as they imply that all of
the aforementioned groups o f people are more similar than dissimilar. The term Asian-

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American is used to describe individuals from the Far East, Polynesia, and the SouthAsian continent. Although these people share similarities in some respects, i.e. family

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structure, their customs, traditions and languages vary from country to country and even
from state to state. Is it really appropriate to only study these groups in such broad and
general strokes and apply the findings to all?
In the introduction to a special issue o f the Journal o f Multicultural Counseling

and Development which focuses on Asian-Americans, Daya Singh Sandhu (1997) states
that Asians and Pacific Islanders have been the most neglected, mislabeled and
misunderstood ethnic group in the United States. He further indicates that this category
was created by the United States Census Bureau out of convenience rather than the
recognition of great similarities amongst the groups. Other researchers have also taken
issue with this simplistic classification o f Asians and Pacific Islanders as it fails to

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recognize the great diversity within the category (Kim, McLeod, & Shantzis, 1992;
Spickard & Fong, 1995; Sue & Sue, 1990; Takaki, 1989; Tanjasiri, Wallace, & Shiabata,
1995; Tweddell & Kimball, 1985).
Since the Chinese, Japanese, Koreans and Filipinos have a longer history in
America, much of the research, thus far, has focused primarily on those groups.

...a majority of studies conducted on Asians in America have focused almost exclusively
on Chinese and Japanese Americans. These studies have also been, for the most part,
focused on the large ethnic enclaves in the major metropolitan areas...though sharing
some commonalties, Asian-Americans can trace individuating and diverse strands of
development in their histories, religions, languages, nationalities, and cultural heritages.
These factors combine to undermine the formation o f a strong and unified AsianAmerican community. It would seem that the Asian-American category is more a
product of convenience than o f logic. (Nandi, 1980, p. 1-2)

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However, while it is not to say that the findings of this research have no

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applicability to other Asian groups, I want to stress that there is a need for more specific
studies into these other groups in order to explore and elucidate the nuances of their
experiences in America. Therefore, the intent of this dissertation has been to study the
Asian-Indian population living in the United States, particularly those individuals that
were raised here, in order to explore the effects o f a dual cultural background (i.e., Indian
and American) on their experiences o f making major life decisions (i.e., education,
career, marriage). The Asian-Indians residing in the United States will be referred to as
Indian-Americans throughout this dissertation. However, before discussing the current
issues and concerns o f Indian-Americans, let us first review the migration of AsianIndians to America.

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Asian-Indian Immigration to the United States

Asian-Indian immigration to the United States began in the early 1900s with most
o f those immigrants settling on the West Coast. These first immigrants, about 5,800
between 1901-1911, were mostly Sikhs and Punjabis because the railroad system in the
Punjab region afforded them the best opportunity to get to the seaports quickly, cheaply
and safely (Kakaiya, 2000; Kitano & Daniels, 1995; Koritala, 1997; Wakil, Siddique &
Wakil, 1981). After arriving in America, they initially obtained employment in
lumbering, railroads and agriculture. Most o f these immigrants were sojourners who

planned to stay in the country only long enough to make enough money to purchase land

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in India.

It is important to note that while the first group of immigrants were primarily

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sojourners who found employment as laborers, the next significant wave o f immigration
in the early 1970s brought many professionals (i.e., doctors, engineers, etc.) who planned

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to settle in this country with their families. The 1990 United States census data revealed
that Asians and Pacific Islanders were the.most rapidly increasing ethnic group in the
United States with more than 800,000 individuals o f Indian origin living in the United
States (Bell, 1996; Bennett & Martin, 2001; Kitano & Daneils, 1995; Ramisetty-Mikler,
1993). The 2000 United States census data reported that the Indian-American community
is the fastest growing in America with close to 1.7 million persons (an increase of 106%
over ten years) of Indian descent currently residing in the United States. Five states,
California, New York, New Jersey, Illinois and Texas, have the highest number o f AsianIndian residents (Narayan, 2001). As with the other aforementioned East Asian groups, as
Asian-Indians continue to gain representation in the larger context o f American society,

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there will be a greater need to be aware o f their issues and concerns politically,
economically and socially.
Who Is an Indian-American?
Before discussing the effects o f biculturalism on Indian-Americans, it is first
important to establish who is an Indian-American. Throughout this paper, the term
Indian-American will be used to refer to Indian immigrants and their descendants. The
children o f immigrant Asian-Indian parents who were raised in the United States during
their formative years will be referred to as second generation Indian-Americans and are

the focus o f this study. The second generation, rather than subsequent generations, is only

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one step removed from a pure traditional Indian upbringing and thereby represents best,
the group that will struggle the most with establishing a cultural or ethnic identity.

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Studies indicate that the magnitude o f intergenerational conflict is highest for firstgeneration immigrants from a distant culture and their second-generation children, who
were bom and socialized in the host culture (Bhattacharya, 1998, p. 177).

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Since their parents have come from a traditional upbringing in India, second
generation children will have the opportunity to maintain a strong connection to their
ethnic heritage. However, since these children have also spent most o f their formative life
in the American host culture through academic, social and residential associations, they
will also have a strong identification and connection with the American culture.
The desire to maintain a distant ethnic and cultural identity is strong in the first
generation. They manage to maintain this identity through a variety o f means, (i.e.,
temples, dance academies, celebration o f religious festivals). Through acculturating to
American society, they also gradually acquire a partially American identity and most
South-Asians are able to function with a dual identity, or develop a fused identity as
Asian-Americans. (Das & Kemp, 1997, p. 28)

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This researcher proposes that, since the American and Indian cultures are very
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different, if not antithetical, in their beliefs, values and norms, these children will face a
greater challenge in establishing their identities and making life choices as adolescents
and young adults. This disparity in value systems may be experienced by some as an
identity crisis. In other words, an individual, especially during adolescence, may
experience psychosocial confusion or maladjustment resulting from the inability to
identify with a particular group due to conflicting demands or pressures. For bicultural
individuals, they may feel that they are a part o f more than one group and thus, their

identification may also be with more than one group. Establishing an identity within this

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context can be more difficult if the ideals and expectations o f the two cultures are
opposing.

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Children o f South-Asian immigrants are socialized into two cultures, the culture of the
family and the culture of the larger American society. Most parents try to inculcate
ethnic pride and awareness o f their cultural heritage in their children. For young schoolage children, this sometimes poses a problem. They stand out because of their physical
appearance and for that reason are often teased or rejected by other children. Most young
children lack the inner resources to deal with such hostility and to base their self-esteem
on their ethnic heritage. They want to be like everyone else so they can fit in with the
crowd and shed any cultural trait that sets them apart. ...Ethnic pride and cultural
awareness come with intellectual maturity and strong familial support. (Das & Kemp,
1997 p. 28-29)

The resolution to this identity crisis will result in one o f the following:
a) the individual will identify with one culture and totally reject the other culture
b) the individual will be able to accept and identify with both cultures and establish an
integrated and well-balanced identity.
c) the individual will have a conflicted identity status in which he/she will not be able to
choose with which culture to identify.

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The Importance o f Cultural Identity

Researchers Ibrahim, Ohnishi, & Sandhu (1997) assert that prior theory and
research on identity development with regard to minorities is lacking. From a review of
the literature, they concluded that research on cultural and ethnic identity in the United
States was limited to comparisons o f immigrant identity with mainstream ethnic identity
in which cultural identity is not clearly defined nor discussed in depth with regard to
specific ethnic or cultural groups. Due to the multidimensionality o f the Asian-American
identity, Ibrahim et al. contend that it would be difficult for a therapist to understand and

thereby counsel an Asian-American client who is struggling with identity issues.

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With the introduction o f multicultural counseling, theories o f identity formation in

minorities have been presented in the literature. A universal feature of the models

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proposed for ethnic identity in the United States has been that minority identity
development occurs within the context o f the majority white Anglo culture. That is,
minority individuals must come to include some aspects of the dominant culture if they

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are to be included in the majority society. For example, most immigrants will adopt
American attire if they wish to be accepted by American society in public situations such
as work and school, but will maintain other facets o f their ethnic culture, such as food
preferences, in their home life.
According to Das & Kemp (1997), a strong ethnic identity, in which behavior,
affect and cognition are aligned, results in positive acculturative adjustment. For example,
a person who has some knowledge and positive feeling about his/her ethnic group, but
little knowledge about his/her heritage will have a weak ethnic identification which may
result in acculturative adjustment difficulties. Bacon (1999) conducted an ethnographic

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study of the collective identity of second-generation Indian-Americans in which she

concluded that instead of taking the best of both worlds, second generation IndianAmericans on an organizational level are more concerned with distinguishing themselves
from the first generation. In essence, the second generation adapts their persona
depending on their situational context. Some will be better able to achieve this
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adaptability, however, for those who experience difficulty, counseling may be helpful.

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For second generation Asian-Indians at least, the rhetoric tells us that the solution is to
take the best of both worlds. However, this does not mean freely utilizing the tools of
each culture, Indian and American, to realize ones personal potential. There is instead a
very clear picture of exactly which parts o f each world are to be chosen. As the public
rhetoric goes, the second generation is supposed to take advantage o f the opportunities
for education and economic advancement offered by American society and master the
performance o f American ethnic attributes to facilitate educational and economic
success. The core of ones self is to remain Indian. The American persona is appropriate
for school, but the Indian s e lf, the true self, should govern ones behavior at home
and in the community. Members o f the second generation are, like the parents, truly
Indian, but are able to be adaptably American when the situation requires. The
adaptability includes all manner o f traits -persona, clothing, food, language, even
religion -associated with ethnic identity
There are two distinct identities at play, and
for well-adjusted individuals the identities brush by each other at the margins, but remain
clearly distinct. Poorly adjusted individuals in contrast are plagued by confusion between
the two identities. They suffer from identity crises, unable to successfully segregate their
American and Indian selves. (Bacon, 1999, p. 146)

Some researchers have proposed that there are great individual differences with

regard to ones identification with ones ethnic group (Ibrahim et al, 1997; Phinney, 1990;
Uba, 1994). Sodowsky, Kwan, & Pannu (1995) proposed that identity formation occurs in
a bi-directional rather than a linear fashion which is dependent upon ones level of
identification with ones ethnic group as well as ones level o f acculturation in the
mainstream white culture. This model allows for four possible outcomes of ethnic
identity: a) a strong bicultural identity; b) a strong ethnic identity but a weak
identification with mainstream culture; c) a weak ethnic identity but a strong
identification with mainstream culture, d) a weak or conflicted identification with both

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cultures. Sodowsky et al hypothesized that most educated South-Asians immigrants

probably fall in category (a) with a small number in (b) & (c) and only a few in (d).
Prior Research on Ethnic Identity

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Regarding Indian-American identity development, Ibrahim et al (1997) assert that

first generation Indian-Americans will be socially and culturally closer to traditional
Indian culture rather than to the American culture and that each successive generation
bom and raised in the United States will become more acculturated to the mainstream
culture. Ibrahim et al assert that this variable is critical to understanding and counseling

South-Asians, yet it is this variable that prior ethnic and cultural identity models failed to

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address.

What are the implications o f these identity choices when it comes to major life

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decisions such as education, career and marriage? For the individual who has chosen to
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accept one at the expense of rejecting the other, s/he will follow the established norms
and beliefs of the identified culture. However, for the individual who has chosen to
accept both cultures as part of his/her identity, s/he will have to negotiate with themselves
what their personal best choices are in terms o f each major life decision because there are
no set norms and beliefs.. .or are there? This dissertation is an exploratory qualitative
study o f the norms, values and beliefs systems o f the individuals that are bicultural, that is
they identify with both their American and Indian cultures.
Much research has been conducted regarding the Asian-American experience, and
although some of it may be applicable to Indian-Americans, there is a need for specific
research into the second generation Indian-American experience. Despite the
representation of Indian-Americans in the general population, very little information is

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9
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available with regard to their quality o f life, stress and strains o f daily life, their mental
health needs, and utilization of mental health services (Steiner & Bansil, 1989). This need
for research is evidenced by the popularity and prevalence of literature, music, a r t, news
media and film that reflect the difficulty o f establishing and maintaining a bicultural
Indian-American identity. Many o f these works have been well-received by secondgeneration Indian-Americans because these artists and authors are able to speak to their
experience of growing up as an Indian and an American. A few examples from these
different artistic mediums are described below.

The film, American Desi [Indian-American], by Piyush Dinker Pandya (2001),

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relays the experience o f one Indian-American who, prior to his*first semester at college,
rejected his Indian culture while embracing his American culture. Through the

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experiences of the central characters, who represent different types o f Asian-Indians in

America, many stereotypes of Asian-Indians and Indian-Americans are presented in both

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a positive and negative light, allowing the viewer to obtain a better understanding of the
realities of the various stereotypes. The viewer is also introduced to some aspects o f the
Indian culture such as the importance o f family and parental approval, religion and social
customs, gender and family roles, education and career, and regional diversity within
India. Other films released with similar themes include American Chai, ABCD, and
Monsoon Wedding.
In a theatrical production in 2001 by the group Princeton South-Asian Theatrics of
Princeton University, Chasing Anjali, explored the generational issues revolving
around education and career choices for South-Asian college students. The conflicts

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relating to parental expectations and students wishes for their education, career and
dating preferences were presented in a comedic fashion.
Vinta Nanda has introduced a new television series to the Indian audience called
Sansaar which explores the strengths and pitfalls of Indian culture exported abroad,
throwing into stark relief the clash between long-held traditions and liberal new
surroundings (Abraham, 2001). Nanda, who spent much time in the United States,
United Kingdom and France researching Indian families living .abroad, strives to show the
strength and power of the Indian family under various circumstances that arise as the

result of living in a western culture. Some o f the issues addressed include raising children

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with Indian values, arranged marriages, and generational issues between parents and
children.

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Artist, Meera Desai feels that the bicultural aspects o f her identity are expressed in
her murals through the colors she chooses, the subject matter, and tools and mediums.

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I am Indian. It comes through via food, behavior, beliefs, cultural upbringing,

education, etc. ...I love to visit India but it is not a place I would choose to
live.. .only to visit. In that way, I am very American. I dont think I would want to
live anywhere else...Like skin, my paintings are sites where inner and outer
worlds collide. (Sitaraman, 1999, p. 31)
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In an oil painting entitled, Union, Soumya Sitaraman express her feelings about

arranged marriages and choice marriages: There is merit in both choices. The question
for the viewer is, which is appropriate given the time and place and situation o f the
individuals involved? (Sitaraman, 1999, p. 32)
The voices of the second generation are becoming clearer and louder, as evidenced by
growing numbers o f articles in Indian newspapers addressing intergenerational conflict.
Biculturalism is prominent as a theme in the India Journal through the integration of
Indian value systems into the discussions relating to marriage and dating (e.g., Pros and
Cons o f Arranged Marriage, Dating Indian Style). (Kakaiya, 2000, p. 146)

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Second Generation Issues and Concerns

Conflicts arise for both first and second generation Indian-Americans with regard
to bicultural issues. For example, the parents find themselves in a precarious position
because they are faced with the challenge of raising Indian children in a cultural
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environment that is foreign and at times conflicting to that in which they were raised. To
counteract those variables, first generation Indian-Americans have established strong
community networks that will foster the continuation of their ethnic heritage, culture and
religions. Conflict may arise for children in trying to mediate between meeting the

traditional expectations o f their parents and maintaining an American identity.

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As the second generation began to enter their teens, parents were suddenly
confronted with a whole host o f issues with which they themselves had had no
experience dating, school dances, clothing and hairstyles, wide ranging
educational choices and extracurricular activities. Anxiety over these imminent
decisions led to community workshops and forums for the second generation
intended, from the parents perspective, to help their children negotiate what they
themselves perceived as two worlds (Bacon, 1999, p. 158).
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These intergenerational conflicts may reach critical mass when it comes time to
select a mate for the child. For most parents in the first generation, their marriages were
likely to have been family arranged. However, in the case o f the second generation, they
have also been exposed to a society that believes in love before marriage. Tensions arise
when children want to a) date within or outside the ethnic group and b) marry outside the
ethnic group or c) select their own spouse.
The desire on the part o f parents to select the mate for their children, especially
daughters, leads to restriction, sometimes totally prohibiting dating and any expression of
sexuality. This further complicates the lives o f young people who are brought up to love
and obey their parents, yet want to assimilate into mainstream American culture by
dating. (Das & Kemp, 1997, p. 31)

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12

Statement o f the Problem

As discussed earlier, the term, Asian-American 'includes a wide variety of
ethnicities. Due to their longer history in the United States, much research has been done
regarding the experience of East Asians (i.e., Chinese-Americans, Japanese-Americans)
with little research on other specific groups (i.e., Indian-Americans). The need for
scientific exploration into the experiences o f Indian-Americans, particularly the second
generation, is evidenced by the prevalence of bicultural themes in popular IndianAmerican media (i.e., newspaper articles, cinema, literature, music, art). Thus, this

dissertation has studied the Asian-Indian population living in the United States,

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particularly the second generation who were raised in America, in order to explore the
effects of a dual cultural background (i.e., Indian and American) on their experiences of
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making major life decisions (i.e., education, career, marriage).

The focus o f this dissertation is to survey second generation Indian-Americans in

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an effort to: 1) determine the presence o f a bicultural identification as a group 2) identify

the specific social constructs (i.e., values, norms, and beliefs) and describe the various
ways in which they manifest themselves and 3) explore the subjective nature o f bicultural
identification.

The following research question(s) are investigated:

How do second generation Indian-Americans identify and conform to the norms
of the American or Indian culture with regard to making major life decisions (i.e.,
marriage, education, career)? Is there a second generation Indian-American subculture
with its own norms, values and belief system? If so, what are its defining characteristics?

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How and to what extent is the process of establishing a bicultural identity a unique and
subjective experience with no parallels or similarities to the experiences of others?
Question #1: While some subjects may identify more with the host culture and
others with the ethnic culture, what number o f second generation IndianAmericans subjects will identify themselves as bicultural?
Question #2: Is there an Indian-American subculture with its own norms, value
and belief system?
Question #3: Are closeness to family and religion important determining factors

bicultural identity development?

in establishing a bicultural identity? If so, how do these factors influence

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Question #4: What are the gender differences, if any? Do women identify more

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with a bicultural identity and do they also experience greater tensions/conflicts in

establishing a bicultural identity.

It is anticipated that the results of this multimethod study will add to the already

existing body o f knowledge o f Asian-Americans and inspire further research on IndianAmericans. It is also intended that the survey instruments and narrative interviewing will
validate and normalize the experiences of many individuals who may struggle with
maintaining a balance between these two worlds. Furthermore, it is expected that the
results will inform counselors about the issues and concerns facing Indian-Americans,
particularly the second generation, so that their counseling needs can be addressed
adequately and with cultural sensitivity

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CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF LITERATURE

The Influence o f Race & Ethnicity on Identity

One may wonder why the study o f identity development is important. Erik
Erikson (1963) proposed a life-span stage theory of development in which he considered
identity development to be one of the most important tasks of adolescence. Other tasks of
adolescence included establishing a personal identity, becoming autonomous and

independent, developing healthy social relationships with members o f the same and

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opposite sex, and establishing a commitment to a career choice. The development of a

healthy identity is associated with a combination o f strong emotional attachment to

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parents as well as parental encouragement for striving for independence (Beatman, 1996).
The lack of a healthy identity development leads to psychological disorders such as
borderline personality disorder and identity disorder (Poston, 1990). However, many of
the earlier theories and research on identity development have failed to recognize the
impact o f factors such as race and ethnicity on identity (Ibrahim, et. al., 1997; Phinney,
1990).

Much of the psychological research thus far has focused on the majority
experience, (i.e., Caucasians, males, etc.) with little research on minority experiences
outside of the majority reference viewpoint. Phinney (1990) concluded that much of the
research on ethnic identity has been theoretical rather than empirical in nature. She also
noted that White ethnic groups (i.e., Italians, Greeks, Jewish) have been the most studied
groups, followed by African-Americans. A small percentage o f studies have been

14

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conducted on Hispanics while only a few studies focus on Asians. Theories of ethnic and
biracial identity development have been proposed to address thb feelings o f marginality
that may be experienced by some minorities and biracial individuals in American society
(Bacon, 1999; Cross, 1971 & 1987; Cross, Parham & Helms, 1991; Fukuyama, 1999;
Gibbs, 1989; Herring, 1995; Kerwin, Ponterotto, Jackson, Harris, 1993, Poston, 1990;
Root, 1992; Stonequist, 1937; Tizzard & Phoenix, 1995; Williams, 1999; Xie & Goyette,
1997). For example, some researchers have proposed that Hispanic children may suffer
from multiple marginalities where too much cultural dissonance and role confusion can

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identity (Parilla de Kokal, 1999, p. 28).

result in intense cultural conflict and may compromise the development o f their sense of

Some researchers have defined racial identity as having pride in ones racial and

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cultural identity (Sue, 1981) or the psychological relationship of ethnic and racial
minority members with their own group (Phinney, 1990, p. 499). Other researchers make

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a distinction between race and ethnicity in that they define race as based on the
differences inherent in physical appearance, whereas ethnicity is based on differences
inherent in cultural features (i.e., country o f origin, language, religion, and food) (Ibrahim
et al, 1997; Mittleberg & Waters , 1992 as cited by Xie & Goyette, 1997). Regardless of
the distinctions, all o f these factors, race, ethnicity and culture, are important components
of personal identity and self-concept for minorities because they greatly influence an
individuals thinking, perspective, and perception of their environment and themselves.
For example, an individual gains a cognitive framework for developing an understanding
of values, beliefs, and expectations about oneself as well as other members o f his/her
racial/ethnic/cultural group. One may be better able to develop a perspective about those

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outside that particular ethnic group as well as those in the majority culture. An individual
has a cognitive schema with which to interpret objects, people, situations, and events in
their environment that subsequently enables one to engage in appropriate behavioral
interactions. All of these factors help to challenge the myth o f cultural conformity (i.e.,
that all members of a certain racial or ethnic group have the same attitudes, preferences,
etc.) (Cross et. al., 1991, Phinney, 1990; Sue, 1981; Uba, 1994).
But how does this pertain to an individual who is part o f more than one ethnicity
or culture? Researchers have found that individuals who perceive themselves to be a part

of a multicultural society adopt a multicultural or transnational identity (Ho, 1995;

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Lessinger, 1995 as cited by Das & Kemp, 1997). In addition, it seems that identity
formation is influenced by how negatively or positively the particular ethnic minority is

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perceived by the dominant white culture. The degree to which this perception o f ethnicity
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by the majority culture affects an individual is subjective (Das & Kemp, 1997). In the
following section, an overview o f theories on e tM c identity and biculturalism will be
presented.

Models o f Ethnic Identity Development

With regard to the theoretical schema for studying ethnic identity, Phinney (1990)

found the following perspectives to be the basis for most studies: social identity theory,
acculturation/culture conflict, and identity formation. With regard to social identity
theory, social psychologists were among the first to stress an individuals need for group
identification and its impact on the psychological well-being o f the individual (Lewin,
1948; Tajfel & Turner, 1979 as cited by Phinney, 1990). Thus, much o f the research by
social identity theorists focused more on how ones self-concept and self-esteem are

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17

impacted by being part of a group that is perceived negatively by mainstream society (i.e.,
African-Americans). These theorists (Cross et al, 1991; Gibbs, 1987; Morten & Atkinson,
1983; Root, 1992; Stonequist, 1937) proposed that identification with more than one
group, especially if the attitudes and values were conflicting, would be problematic as it
could result in an identity crisis. The individual would have to either identify with only
one culture over the other or strive to establish a bicultural identity which may be more
challenging as it requires more awareness, energy and adaptability.
With regard to the stages proposed by Cross (1971), Uba (1994) theorizes that

Asians and Asian-Americans develop their ethnic identity in the following manner:

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The immigrant generation accepts cultural differences. There is no pre-encounter or

conformity stage. The acceptance of cultural differences is a reality o f life for this group.
In this stage, most Asian Americans are proud o f their identity and do not consider it a
hindrance. They believe that hard work will overcome all differences and [they] enter the
Dissonance stage when they realize that hard work is not enough to overcome cultural
differences and be accepted by mainstream Americans or American bom ethnic
minorities. In the third stage, Resistance & Immersion, the immigrant generation faces a
crisis and seeks solace in their Asian heritage while rejecting the mainstream culture. In
the Introspection stage, they feel secure enough in their identity to question previous
strong beliefs. In the final stage, Synergistic Articulation and Awareness, they come to
accept or reject the cultural values o f the dominant and minority groups on an objective
basis and gain a sense o f self-worth and individuality. There is recognition that accepting
and valuing ones own ethnic group does not mean that other groups do not also have
positive attributes, (p. 43)

From an acculturation perspective, the focus of the research has been on the
changes that occur over time in the values, attitudes and beliefs o f an immigrant group
that has been exposed to the dominant host culture. Thus, changes in culture or in ethnic
identity are experienced on both the individual level as well as group level. Two models
that have been used as the basis for most o f the research in this area are the unidirectional
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model and the bi-directional model. According to the unidirectional model, the more one

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