Language-Culture Education Revised Edition

Copyright 2015 Euro-Khaleeji Research and Publishing House, Oman
All rights reserved. This publication may not be reproduced for

commercial purposes without the express written permission of the
publisher except for brief quotations in book reviews, scholarly journals,
or educational textbooks. However, since Euro-Khaleeji Research and
Publishing House is committed to creating learning societies with
educational opportunities for all populations (UNESCO), it grants the
authors permission to allow the partial or total reproduction of their
articles.
Any websites referred to in this publication are in the public domain, and
their addresses are providde for information only. The publishers and
editors disclaim any responsibility for the content.
Cover photo
Splash Green by Idea go
www.freedigitalphotos.net
Revised edition: 2015

ISBN 978-1-329-10281-1
Euro-Khaleeji Research and Publishing House

Sultanate of Oman
www.euro-khaleeji.org
Table of Contents
FOREWORD
47
Ali Al-Hassnawi,1 Milton A. George,2
& Sergio Saleem Scatolini3
1
University of Buraimi, Oman

KU Leuven, Leuven & University of Buraimi, Oman
3
Al Musanna College of Technology, Oman
UNESCO: EDUCATION, DREAMS, AND REALITIES

814
Stijn Dhert
Leuven-Limburg University College, Belgium
THE CURSE OF BABEL

1520
Joris De Roy
SUPERDIVERSITY AS THE RECOGNITION OF THE ORDINARY

MISCHIEVOUS SACRED
2128
Francio Guadeloupe
University of St. Martin, Sint Maarten
SAINT PETERSBURG IN RUSSIAN LITERATURE

2940
Liesbeth Spanjers
THE PRODUCTION OF HISTORY

4145
Dima Bou Mosleh
KU Leuven, Belgium
[1]
EDUCATIONAL MODERNIZATION IN IRAN AND THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE

4570
Mitra Madani
KU Leuven, Belgium
EDUCATION AND LANGUAGE IN SINT MAARTEN

7199
Milton George
KU Leuven, Belgium
MISSION-COLONIAL COLLABORATION TOWARDS THE EDUCATION

ENTERPRISE IN UGANDA 1925-1962
99126
Lucia Wanjiku
KU Leuven, Belgium
CHALLENGES OF TEACHING AND TRAINING HEALTHCARE

INTERPRETERS IN UAE
127165
Yasmin Hannouna
EFFECTS OF EXPERIMENTAL LEARNING

AND KOLB LEARNING STYLE INVENTORY THEORIES ON LEARNING
166181
Mehmet Ozcan
Afyon-Kocatepe University, Turkey
BEYOND THE CULTURAL CAPITAL THEORY:

SOME UNEXPLORED DIMENSIONS OF WORKING CLASS LEARNING
182204
Akhtar Hassan Malik & Hyder Kamran
University of Toronto, Canada
[2]
ENGLISH LANGUAGE ACQUISITION AT ENGINEERING COLLEGES

IN ANDHRA PRADESH, INDIA
205220
Afsha Jamal
Al Musannah College of Technology, Oman
THE IMPACT OF EDUCATION FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT ON

LIFESTYLE: A CASE STUDY OF STUDENTS IN BELGIUM
221232
Michael Ugochukwu JOE
KU Leuven, Belgium
ENTREPRENEURSHIP EDUCATION IN OMAN:

DEFINITIONS AND STUDENTS PERCEPTIONS
233252
Sergio Saleem Scatolini
E-LEARNING FOR EFFECTIVE LEARNING

253258
Davis Daniel
[3]
FOREWORD
Ali Al-Hassnawi,1 Milton A. George,2
& Sergio Saleem Scatolini3
1

KU Leuven, Leuven & University of Buraimi, Oman
3
Recently, we have occasionally dwelt on the issues of culture, language,

and education as deeply interrelated dimensions of our own lives, not
only because we are language teachers, but because we are human
beings. We were born as biological human beings, but we can live as
existential humans thanks to factors such as culture, language, and
education. Without them, there would be no truly human communities.
They mark our kinds passage from biology to spirituality (as
encompassing both religious and non-religious aspirations and value
systems). This book brings together papers that focus on aspects of
these three dimensions, namely anthropological and literary issues; the
history, principles, and practices of education; Arabic-English translation;
engineering education; Education for Sustainable Development (ESD);
and Entrepreneurship Education (EE). Another feature of this book is
that it functions as a meeting point for writers from different cultures.
This enriches the rationale of this compilation which casts a realistic, yet
also hopeful, look at culture, language, and education.
Cultures constitute comprehensive language games encompassing rules,
strategies for self-expression, ideas, rituals, texts, hypertexts, products,
etc. Cultures are self-imposing domains. Through them, people learn to
describe, familiarize themselves with, interiorize, interact with, and rearrange reality or, better still, concrete, imaginary, virtual, personal and
shared realities. Spanjers article about three examples from the Russian
literature about Saint Petersburg shows that cities can be inhumane and
crash their citizens. In other words, although cultures humanize and
[4]
domesticate nature, this does not mean that all regions of the inhabited
world are homely to all.
Within these language games, languages play a key role. We mean not
only languages such as English, Arabic, Mandarin, and the like, but also
sign languages, as well, and other systems which are not usually thought
of as languages, like programming languages in IT, logic, mathematics,
and chemistry.
A key feature of all of these languages is being means of communication.
Without them, human beings would remain islands, and thought would
be practically impossible. Moreover, without them, no truly human
communities would exist. The notion of the inseparability of language
and culture, and the co-existence theory justify why these articles have
been bundled together in one publication. Nonetheless, the authors are
aware that the ability to communicate does not always lead to the
creation of grand communities capable of embracing differences.
Oftentimes, languages signal and cause miscommunication and
misunderstandings. As De Roy argues, languages at times work as
cultural dividers. They classify us simultaneously as peers to some, and
aliens to others; for example, as native speakers and foreign speakers;
tribal members and aliens.
History is plagued with instances of discrimination based on language. In
fact, as De Roy explains, this is such a typically human phenomenon that
it made its way into the Bible as the legendary curse of Babel. A look at
present-day Babylon, or Iraq, will probably make us wonder whether we
are doomed to continually regard speakers of another language,
including other cultural and religious languages, as barbarians whom
people who claim to be more civilized may combat, even do away with.
Are we ever going to be able to break the curse of Babel? Hannouna
argues that we must. The need to enhance the bridging dimension of
languages is deeply felt and acutely urgent in hospitals with multi-lingual
patients, where misunderstandings can potentially lead to death.
Furthermore, as Jamal shows, this also applies to other sectors, such as
engineering students in India. Fortunately, Guadeloupe underlines that
[5]
there are real everyday instances of genuine inter-human recognition in

situations where mental borders are crossed. At those culturally
mischievous moments, people surmount the socio-cultural realities that
turn them into aliens as they attempt together to deal with complex
realities.
As for education and all things educational, they are the means whereby
people invent, reinvent, and reinforce their identities as cultural
communities, and articulate their own identities as individual humans
within some groups and over against other groups. In other words,
education teaches men and women to identify with some people and, at
the same time, to distance themselves from others. This way, education
perpetuates US and THEM co-relational, co-creative and, occasionally codestructive binary oppositions. This dynamic was visibly at work in
colonial settings, such as the ones described by Wanjiku and George,
especially as the desire for freedom gained force and had to reassert its
self-worth in the presence of the colonial masters.
Be it the Biblical story of the curse of Babel, Russian literature, or our
official narrations of history, we must realize, as Bou Mosleh suggests,
that histories do more than merely describe past facts. Cultures,
languages, and education systems imagine the world, even alternative
worlds, in light of social institutions with their own rules and judges
(often economic, political, academic or religious elites). However, on a
hope-giving note, Dhert argues that education and we might add
culture and language exists thanks to the tension between dreams,
including nightmares, and reality. In addition, Madani gives examples
from Iran and the Ottoman Caliphate, where the governments realized
that military reforms could only be effective if the entire administrative
system was reconstructed and modern schools were established. Their
defensive modernization was an instance of culture, language, and
education channeling dreams into realities. Joe and Scatolini, too,
provide contemporary examples of the potentials of education for
positive change from the fields of Education for Sustainable
Development and Entrepreneurship Education, respectively.
[6]
To conclude, as Ozcan suggests, the perception is growing that

organizations and societies are learning systems, and that the process
whereby they are managed is a learning process. These learning systems
and processes are hubs on which culture, language, and education
converge. Furthermore, as Akhtar and Haydar plead, this process should
not be restricted to the official and formal framework of culture,
language, and education. Cultural capital is context specific, and its value
varies across the fields where the struggle for power and legitimization
exists. Moreover, as Davis shows, the Internet and other modern
technologies offer numerous opportunities to reshape the education
process and to create possibilities for continuous, collaborative, and selfmanaged learning.
In short, although the authors are aware that culture, language, and
education have often been used to alienate people and to render them
powerless, these very dimensions of human social and individual life
have also at times become the tools for empowering people from
different groups to create shared non-dominant cultural capital. This
mischievous bypassing of the borders established by the powers-that-be
helps human beings and human communities to become more humane.
[7]
UNESCO: EDUCATION, DREAMS, AND REALITIES

Stijn Dhert
University College Leuven-Limburg, Belgium
In memoriam Jaak Trips

To Jaak, wherever we meet again
I occasionally experience myself as a cluster of flowing
currents. I prefer this to the idea of a solid self, the
identity to which so many attach such significance. These
currents, like the themes of ones life, flow along during
the waking hours, and at their best, they require no
reconciling, no harmonizing. A form of freedom, Id like
to think, even if I am far from being totally convinced that
it is. Edward Said (1999). Out of place: A memoir. New
York: Knopf.
PART 1: PILLARS AND PARADOXES

Learning: The Treasure Within the 1996 Report to UNESCO of the
International Commission on Education for the Twenty-first Century,
chaired by Jacques Delors, proposed an integrated ambitious vision of
education. The report is widely considered to be a key reference for the
conceptualization of education and learning worldwide.
Education: Its Four Pillars
The Four Pillars of Education (learning to know, learning to do, learning to

live together, and learning to be) form the basis for Learning: The Treasure
Within. They cannot be defined separately. They form an integrated
whole, complementing and strengthening each other. This is logical, as
education is a total experience and, as teaching means more than
[8]
inculcating particular skills, education means teaching students to be

disposed to think and act creatively and critically in appropriate contexts.
The four pillars of education can thus be seen as four central and
intertwined goals for education all over the world. They focus on the
development of the person as a whole since the end of education is to
discover and open the talents hidden like a treasure within each human
being. Setting out these four pillars, the commission, makes clear that
[] formal education can no longer emphasize simply and solely the
acquisition of knowledge, neglecting other types of learning. It is vital to
conceive education in a more encompassing fashion. Such a vision
should inform and guide future educational reforms and policy, in
relation both to contents and to methods. In other words: education
should be re-reconceived in terms of educating, referring to the
development of the whole person.
Education: The Necessary Utopia
In the Introduction to the Learning: The Treasure Within, Jacques Delors

calls education The Necessary Utopia. In the introduction, the writer
enunciates the existence of seven tensions that re-emerge throughout
the report. They include the tension between:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
the global and the local

the universal and the individual
tradition and modernity
long-term and short-term considerations
the need for competition and the concern for equality of
opportunity
6. the expansion of knowledge and human beings capacity to
assimilate it
7. the material and the spiritual
The latter one refers to an underlying tension among the four pillars
themselves. Learning to do and learning to know, on the one hand, stress
the technological, scientific, economic and instrumental dimensions of
education; all of which are encompassed by the idea of globalization.
Learning to be and learning to live together, on the other hand,
[9]
emphasize values, civic responsibility, interdependence, and esthetics.

Their focus is on the moral, cultural, social and spiritual dimensions.
I agree with Teasdale, who stated in his 1999 seminar Implications of
the Delors Report for Schooling in South Australia that these tensions
must not be seen as oppositions or conflicts. They do not represent
tensions between opposing parties where only one can win. There is,
in fact, a second kind of tension that is creative and functional. It is the
tension in a harp string, producing beautiful music. It is the tension in the
great cables that hold the impressive new Glebe Island Bridge in place.
Without the tension in the cables the whole structure would collapse. It
is a necessary tension, a functional tension. It is a tension that produces
balance and harmony.
It is not easy to get the tension right to strike a functional balance
and to keep it that way, so Teasdale says. It may even be a utopia to
think that a harmonious and general balance can be found. Nevertheless,
I believe that tools must be given to education professionals to reflect
upon these tensions and paradoxes and to philosophize about the
harmony and unison of these tensions and paradoxes. In fact, it is a
paradox in itself.
In conclusion, theres one more tension that I would briefly like to
mention. It is the tension between dreams and reality. I believe that
education cannot exist but through this tension. It is through the act of
dreaming of and hoping for a better future that the teacher, as well as
the learner, can truly become engaged in the educational reality.
Education is about making dreams come true.
PART 2: SUPER HEROES AND YOU (AND ME)

Since wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of
men that the defenses of peace must be constructed.
UNESCO
UNESCOs countless actions spearheaded and sustained by so many
professionals and volunteers on so many different domains in all regions
[10]
of the world serve one goal: to build peace through education. Each of
UNESCOs major fields of work (i.e. Education, Natural Sciences, Social
and Human Sciences, Communication and Information and Culture) is
the space where UNESCO-minded people share one aspiration: to make
this world better and therefore also safer and more peaceful.
To actively and effectively build peace in the minds of men and women
all over the world, UNESCO summons all people and all peoples to join
forces. It asks dreamers and visionaries to step up and envision better
futures. It calls upon planners, architects, landscapers, designers etc. to
translate dreams and visions into workable, doable projects.
Subsequently, UNESCO invites contractors to gather the professionals
and equipment needed to translate its projects into action. It also
gathers construction workers (bricklayers, plumbers, carpenters,
electricians, painters, decorators, roofers, tillers, welders etc.) to give
form and content to the dreams and projects which were developed by
visionaries and planners. Without a concrete social form a body and
face, they would remain elusive figments of the imagination. Last but
not least, UNESCO also needs people willing to live in this world. People
who are willing to live together, willing to overcome conflicts, willing to
look at diversity as an asset for a more exciting life (not as a hazard for
possible fights). Indeed, peace-making educators and educationalists are
people willing to help with dreaming dreams of better futures and to
contribute to the realization of those dreams day in and day out.
The people that UNESCO seeks do not need to be super heroes. They do
not need to be saints. They do not have to radically change everything
they have done before in their lives. Every little bit counts. For the
greatest acts of peace can be found in the smallest human gestures.
Every water pump that is installed where water is needed can be

a tool for peace.
Every toilet that enhances hygiene can be a tool for peace.
Every project that increases peoples individual capacities can be
a tool for peace.
Every independent research on climate change, on wealth and
poverty, on equal opportunities, on intercultural dialogue and so
on, can be a tool for peace.
[11]
Every exchange of knowledge and expertise between

professionals, companies, institutes, regions, countries, can be a
tool for peace.
Every man and woman who has learned to read and write and to
think and act independently, creatively and critically can be a tool
for peace.
Every journalist that can do his or her job independently and
without fear of punishment or revenge can be a tool for peace.
Every newspaper that informs the public objectively of the
actions of politicians and decision makers can be a tool for peace.
Every school that is built can be a tool for peace.
Every lesson that is taught in these schools can be a tool for
peace.
Every educational professional that is being educated and
trained can be a tool for peace.
Every piece of music can be a tool for peace.
Every play can be a tool for peace.
Every art exhibition can be a tool for peace.
Every act of friendship can be a tool for peace.
Every act of care can be a tool for peace.
Every thought about compassion can be a tool for peace.
Every warmhearted, tenderhearted, softhearted initiative for
encounter, for respect, and for understanding can be a tool for
peace.
Every conversation in which people are truly interested in one
anothers thoughts, aspirations and hopes can be a tool for
peace
Building peace in the minds of men and women is thus a global challenge
that calls for joint efforts that can only be realized through simple, daily,
individual, local actions. It needs belief and commitment. And it needs
you and me.
By believing in making this world a better place, we make a commitment,
and we say that we are willing to make a change, to contribute actively
[12]
to world peace, and to be dreamers, planners, peace construction

workers. We make clear that we believe that we can make vital
contributions to making this world a better place for each and every one
of us, as well as for the generations to come.
As Nina Simone reminded us:
What've you got?
Why are you alive anyway?
Yeah, what've you got?
Nobody can take away.
You got your hair. You got your head.
You got your brains. You got your ears.
You got your eyes. You got your nose.
You got your mouth. You got your smile.
You got your tongue. You got your chin.
You got your neck. You got your boobs.
You got your heart. You got your soul.
You got your back. You got your sex.
You got your arms. You got your hands.
You got your fingers, got your legs.
You got your feet. You got your toes.
You got your liver. You got your blood.
You got your life. You got your freedom.
You got the life.
(Free interpretation of Ain't Got No...I've Got Life)
[13]
We have our hands and our feet, our dreams and our ideals, our
ambitions and our passions, our brains, our heart and our soul as our
working tools. Still, the road is long. With many a winding turnAnd we
dont know for sure where it will lead us -- you and me. But together, we
have high hopes. As tools of peace
[14]
THE CURSE OF BABEL

Joris De Roy
Gods in His heaven

Alls right with the world!
(Robert Browning, Pippa Passes)
By far the most interesting story in the Bible at least in my opinion is

that which recounts the history of the Tower of Babel. Even though the
tower is never actually named as such in the Bible, it has nevertheless
become one of those archetypal images that many people grow up with,
whether they are religious or not. Not only has this story inspired artists,
such as Pieter Breughel the Elder and Lucas van Valckenborgh, it has also
been a central image and a touchstone for countless linguists (see for
instance George Steiner in After Babel) who see it as a metaphor to
explain (the origin of) linguistic diversity in our world. I myself use the
image as well as a popularised version of the myth in my course
Language: Code & Culture, as a way of opening my students mental eye
to what diversity could mean and to how we can begin to overcome
global misunderstanding.
The story, as recounted in Genesis 11:4-9, is rather elliptical and at some
instances even cryptic, to say the least. It is only through many
retellings, and partly thanks to Hollywood interpretations of biblical
stories, that the story becomes clear. The main message that it delivers,
[15]
however, is that before Babel humankind was united by one common

language, and as long as they spoke the same language, there was
nothing they could not achieve. Twinned with this first message is that
of a most jealous god who, anxious that mankinds budding ambitions
and potential might make his own omnipotence look rather lame in
comparison, decides to thwart their plans to build a tower that reaches
up into the sky and in religious imagery infringes on his divine
territory. The rest is history. The god of the Old Testament sows
confusion by making all people speak a different language, effectively
separating them into tribes. Goodbye to communication; goodbye as
well to cooperation; goodbye to peace on earth.
If one now wishes to be smart and pursue dolloping religious images,
one could argue that this historical event coincides with the creation of
Hell. Life was pretty perfect until Babel, when god, out of sheer spite,
felt the need to interfere and spoil it for everybody, no quarter given. In
contrast to the image of Heaven as put forward by the church, i.e. a
place that is clearly distinct from earth, and that one can only reach by
leading an exemplary life, an image of heaven seen through a linguists
eyes would probably be the opposite. Linguistic heaven would very
much be based on earth and it would of needs be a human construct. It
would not be reached through exemplary behavior (whatever that may
mean), but would be actively created through unfailing attempts at
restoring mutual understanding, just as it was before Babel. Hence the
Curse of Babel.
But the curse of Babel does not stop just there; neither does the
influence of the story, which makes it so interesting. The very word
babel seems to have become part of the vocabulary of a number of
languages, mostly in ways where a strict etymological relationship may
be difficult to prove, but still so teasingly close that it makes a closer
examination of the assumed connection worthwhile. English has the
verb to babble, to indicate talking quickly in a way that is difficult to
understand. The noun babble, meaning talking that is confused or silly,
and therefore difficult to understand, but also the sound of many people
[16]
speaking at the same time1, is nearly identical to one of the meanings of

Dutch gebabbel and babbelen.
Even more telling could be the link of babel to the (classical) Greek
, which is a later form of the Mycenean pa-pa-ro. (Note that
the second bilabial was then not yet preceded by the later Greek rho.)
The website Palaeolexicon calls the etymology of this word uncertain 2,
but establishing a link with babel becomes extremely tempting,
especially when one takes into consideration the meaning of both
and pa-pa-ro. It is exactly the meaning the original one and
its later evolution of the word and the various adaptations
of the Greek original (such as English barbarian) that I would now like to
pursue.
What few people today seem to realise is that the original meaning of
the Greek barbarian did not necessarily imply something negative (at
least not in a way it obviously does today). When asked to describe a
barbarian, my students invariably come up with ideas and concepts such
as caveman, uncivilised, wild, warrior, unmannered, amoral, etc. Going
back to the initial meaning of the word, however, one soon discovers
that the term was used as an antonym to (a citizen), i.e. to
indicate someone who did not belong to the speakers tribe or, in the
later context of the Greek world, to the speakers ethno-political unit.
The most obvious trait that betrays whether one either belongs or does
not belong to a given community is, in most cases, ones language 3, both
ones pronunciation and ones choice of words. For the Greeks it was an
easy decision: either one spoke the same mother tongue as the other
members of the tribe, or one babbled, i.e. one produced a stream of
garbled speech that was unintelligible to the tribe. This precisely takes
us back to our original biblical story. Was it not gods express purpose to
1
2
3
Meanings based on Hornby et al. Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary, 8th edition.
http://www.palaeolexicon.com/ShowWord.aspx?Id=16902
Note another interesting passage in the Bible (Judges 12), from which the term shibboleth is taken,
used to indicate a linguistic nugget used to distinguish between people from different groups or
tribes. See for example the use of Derry or Londonderry to find out about a persons political and
religious leanings.
[17]
drive the united tribes apart by confusing their language and thus make
them less united? Turn them into each others competitors? Turn them
mutually unintelligible?
Language evidently works as a cultural divider. Purely on the basis of the
language a person speaks, one either belongs or does not belong to a
certain group. As long as this division into groups limits itself to linguistic
matters and does not turn into discrimination, one could rejoice at so
much variety and diversion. However, history is rife with examples of
discrimination and suppression based solely on language, so much so
that I can refrain from giving examples. Instead, let us revisit the Greek
term barbarian and investigate its later (and now current) meaning.
Once tribes have acquired a cultural identity (partly based on a shared
language, but equally on customs and traditions), they will compete with
other tribes at a cultural level as well, next to engaging in plain warfare.
Their own culture becomes a totem which is regarded as obviously more
developed, more civilised, more refined and more rewarding than and
superior to the cultures of surrounding tribes. Since language is by far
the most important transmitter of culture, it is self-evident that someone
who does not speak a certain language cannot possibly partake of the
culture behind that language. Consequently, a barbarian as the
speaker of unintelligible speech is forever excluded from the perceived
superior culture of ones own tribe and therefore has become a
barbarian in the new sense of being less civilised than members of that
culture.
Are we therefore doomed to regard speakers of another language as
less civilised? Is this the ultimate curse of Babel?
By and large this article is about mutual understanding or rather, about
the lack of it. This lack of understanding is attributable foremost to the
lack of a common language. By saying this I in no way wish to imply or
even give the impression that we should strive to create and start using a
unifying language. What we should aim for, is doing away with the
babble.
[18]
It would be pretty nave, of course, to attribute all worries of the world,

all friction and misunderstanding, war and strife, to the destruction of
the Tower of Babel and the concomitant scattering of the worlds tribes.
But just as the Tower has served as a metaphor for linguistic diversity,
another tower, yet to be built, may serve as a metaphor for mutual
understanding regained. If the god of the Bible found it necessary to
divide and scatter us all over the planet, maybe now is the time for
mankind to take the initiative in their own hands and work towards a
common project a new tower.
In a number of ways this project is what we are trying to achieve with
the International Education Classes (IEC) at UC Leuven-Limburg. Just like
music and the visual arts, education is a manifestation of culture, and
possibly the most vital manifestation for any society to allow it to
continue to exist. Unlike the former two examples, however, education
is a manifestation that cannot exist outside language, and how does one
tackle global education across borders in a linguistically diverse world?
By bringing together students from different cultures and guiding them
through a post-graduate programme covering a plethora of aspects and
facets of education in an international dimension, we have willy-nilly
committed ourselves to exploring the possibilities of finding that
common language to discuss values we all share4.
However, not happy with limiting our efforts towards mutual
understanding in an educational environment to a select group of
(mainly) post-graduate students, we at UC Leuven-Limburg have set
ourselves some further and wider-reaching goals. Realising that thinking
and language mutually influence each other and that cultures may
experience things differently depending on their governing language, we
now want to make foreign languages the medium through which
knowledge is acquired and thinking is stimulated. That is why we have
decided to start a new post-graduate programme in Content and
Language Integrated Learning (CLIL) as of September 2015. This
programme would induce secondary school teachers into the didactics
of CLIL-based education and hopefully implement it in their daily practice
4
For more information on the IEC, please consult

www.groept.be/www/voortgezette_opleidingen/piec/
[19]
with 12 to 18-year-olds. In this way we hope to contribute to renewed

global understanding in generations to come.
It is now time to conclude by revisiting the quote at the beginning of this
article. Without knowing which one the author intended, I sincerely
believe Brownings quote can have two rather contradictory readings. I
do realise that the most obvious reading implies that everything is as it
should be with the world as long as God is at the helm. Yet, I wish to
propose a different reading, partly based on the possessive adjective
his preceding heaven, and partly inspired by the story of the Curse of
Babel. Could Browning have meant that all will be well with the world as
long as God is in his heaven - and remains there, far removed from the
world? Maybe he also realised it was time for us, human beings, to take
the initiative in our own hands and start building a better world?
This article is dedicated to the fond memory of my dearly missed colleague,
Jacques Trips, who passed away in December 2014, much too soon.
[20]
SUPERDIVERSITY AS THE RECOGNITION OF THE ORDINARY

MISCHIEVOUS SACRED
Francio Guadeloupe
University of Saint Martin, Sint Maarten
University of the Amsterdam, the Netherlands
Are not all attempts at achieving genuine inter-human recognition

answers to questions of how to live in a world in which we can never be
almighty gods or goddesses? In other words, in a world in which others
continuously upset our mental creations of the way things were, the way
things are, and the way things will be. One could call this the inevitable
interruption of the self-divinizing dream of seeking to make the ought
of our dream worlds, the is of our actual Living! Only when two or more
individuals genuinely meet inter-subjectively due to a life-changing
experience, can an understanding of that which is of ultimate concern
or, said otherwise, that which will be deemed Sacred, emerge. I will
address this question of inter-human recognition by focusing on what
the anthropologist Steven Vertovec has termed superdiversity and
combining this analytical concept with an idiosyncratic rendition of the
Sacred (but then again are not all renditions of the Sacred idiosyncratic!).
Superdiversity is a concept that signals the bewildering multiplicity of
diversities that cannot be captured in the simplified schemata of first
came the postcolonial migrants from Indonesia, Papua, Suriname, and
the Dutch Antilles, with which the Netherlands had colonial ties and then
came the guest workers from Turkey, Morocco, and central and
southern Europethe latter being post-WO II replenishments of older
flows of worker migrants from countries outside of Europe such as the
Chineseboth of whom stayed. What this schema obfuscates is that
there has always been movement of peoples, cultural expressions, and
objects from within and without Europe. These crosspollinations haunt
any assertion of Dutch national homogeneity. Moreover, even those
seemingly emancipating ideologies, such as the feminist movement or
[21]
the workers movement, and national projects of an imagined

homogeneity cognizant of existent heterogeneities, have always been
informed by border crossings. There is no construction of the so-called
soul of a nation or ethnicity prior to the simultaneous construction of
intimate and faraway outsiders.
Coming to terms with superdiversity entails shifting the Dutch (and
wider European) discussion away from multiculturalism and the politicoethical question of dealing with racism, as well as from the primarily
secular xenophobia towards Islam that it implicitly engendered. If the
multicultural question is the question of how to deal with ethno-racial
and ethno-religious difference, the super diverse question in my radical
reading of it is how to stimulate the popular experiments of everyday
ethical-political senses of Sameness and the fidelities to these that
continuously render ethno-racialized and ethno-religious understandings
of difference inconsequential. Although these questions resemble each
otherthe multicultural one and the super diverse oneand although
many of us who dare still claim to be radical social democrats may feel an
affinity for both, they are not the same. Multiculturalism thinks the
multiple becoming of individuals (who are then conceived as belonging
to particular ethnic or religious groups, which are regarded as being
equally multiple) in terms of difference. Multiples are implicitly imagined
as a collection of Ones founded on a metaphysics of difference. Ethnoracial and ethno-religious difference is envisaged either as being an
indestructible presence and a great goodthe leitmotif of identity
politicsor as an absent-presencethe politics of the eternal
differentiation within ethnic and religious Ones encountering each other.
With multiculturalism any talk of human Sameness is suspected of being
simply a device of one of the collection of Ones, or the dominant One. In
the Netherlands, the dominant Ones go by the name of the
autochthons, who wish to turn the other Ones into carbon copies of
themselves (while retaining power).
I would like to invite you to appreciate that with superdiversity, senses of
Sameness are not colonial moves but the outcome of fidelitys to
ultimate concerns, to renditions of the Sacred, born of soul transforming
experiences. This is so because in the case of superdiversity, there is an
[22]
acknowledgement of the multiplicity of diversities within an individual or

groups without having recourse to difference. It is, in the spirit of the
philosopher Alain Badiou, an inconsistent multiplicity, an understanding
of a diverse reality without unifying these multiples in a collection of
Ones (founded on a metaphysics of difference that inevitably
differentiates within). Let me furnish an illustration of a super diverse
outlook: I can see people of Dutch Antillean extraction as inconsistent
multiples having something in common without thinking of them as
having a Dutch Antillean essence that differentiates them from others in
the Netherlands or, in other words, without thinking of them as a One. I
can do so by acknowledging the permanent inconsistency of each
individual that renders any group boundary or homogenous narrative of
Self a guiding fiction. From this follows that everyday political senses of
Sameness can emerge with superdiversity because there are no
collections Ones that pre-exist or are indestructibly grounded on
difference. Sameness is simply the outcome of an event that encourages
the emergence of a new inconsistent multiplicity around a Sacred that
renders older ones obsolete. It is the fidelity of individuals making a life
together and being struck by unforeseen circumstances together that
ruptures the accepted grounds of so called collections of Ones
struggling for power.
If we translate the super diversity question into the multicultural
question without any loss, we will have missed the opportunity to redescribe our contemporary living in a way that ushers in a new reality.
We will have missed the opportunity to see attempts at achieving
genuine inter-human recognition.
Now the super diversity question awakens us to what I, following the
cues of the theologian Erik Borgman and the anthropologist Richard
Pelton, would like to call the workings of Ordinary Mischievous Sacred in
the Netherlands. The super diversity question can lead us to recognize
how the Ordinary call it the profane and the Sacred call it the
holy are bound together by the Mischievous call it the ambiguity
element. Allow me to invite you to appreciate this point by furnishing an
illustration of what I consider a universalizing tendency in the super
[23]
diverse urbanities in the Netherlands: womens conversations about man

troubles in relation to the occult.
The infidelity of men and the belief in each others spirits and occult
traditions as an explanation for this behavior are the unforeseen threads
used to weave provisional seams of Sameness among women of
different ilk. A new inconsistent multiplicity is born rendering older ones
less important. I want to invite you to recognize with me that these
provisional seams of Sameness are answers to the super diversity
question. It is these forever unfinished experiments of everyday ethicalpolitical Sameness that ought to be occupying us as academics, public
intellectuals, artists, policy makers, social workers, and activists
struggling to exorcize racism and other modes of xenophobia out of
existence. These unfinished experiments are expressions of the Ordinary
Mischievous Sacred at work.
I came to this understanding of super diversity by witnessing how
provisional seams of Sameness are spun in the home of Ingrid, a 41 year
old homemaker, who was born in the Netherlands and lives in the low
income neighborhood of the Eeuwsels in the city of Helmond. She works
in the field of home care nursing for the elderly and lives together with
Wensely, who began his life on the island of Curaao. Wensely works as a
mechanic at the DAF factory in Eindhoven. I followed Ingrid and Wensely
for two years as part of my anthropological research on the politics of
belonging in the Netherlands.
An important method was doing what my interlocutors did. A way of
narrowing the gap between the way people live their life and the way
they explain it to temporary outsiders such as me.
Many afternoons Ingrid and I watched Oprah Winfrey together. She was
a big fan and according to her Oprah had taught her more than all the
schoolteachers she had had after leaving a school of domestic science.
Oprah had also taught her to be honest, loving, and accepting of people
regardless of their ethno-racial or ethno-religious differences. She told
me she used to be a straatmeid/a ghetto chick, but now she was a lady.
Thanks to Oprah.
[24]
Try as I may, at first I could not detect how Oprah had rubbed off on her.
Oprah is a debonair, well-spoken jet set. Ingrid was loud-mouthed and
had no qualms uttering the crudest of profanities to anyone who rubbed
her the wrong way. Oprah and Ingrid had nothing in common.
Then I saw it! The connection was the Ordinary Mischievous Sacred.
Let me elaborate.
One Friday afternoon Ingrid had invited her friends Diana and Husne
over to drink cheap wine and talk about the troubles she had been
having with her man Wensely. She simply could not understand why he
was not having sex with her anymore, and why he was threatening to
leave her for another. It made no sense. She was after all, in her own
estimation, all Wensely needed. She was perfect. She habitually goes
under the tanning machine he bought her to keep that bronze color that
turns him on and reminds him of the Curaao sun. She takes good care of
their daughter and cooks the Dutch Caribbean dishes he likes so much.
Wenseleys mother and the rest of the family love her. She has been to
the island several times to meet them. She was perfect! Wensely was a
konio, a sinvergenza/an asshole, a good for nothing.
In her self-scrutiny, Ingrid felt she had no faults, except that she loves to
smoke shags (which Wensley detests) and is an expert in profanities
(which Wensley also detests). Yes, Wensely and she have terrible fights,
and, yes, he has more than once caught her flirting with another man
and, yes, she has threatened several times to leave him, but that did not
give him any right to leave her for what she termed some Dutch
Antillean bitch that surely was less of a woman than she is. Wensely said
he needed time and that he wanted someone of his own culture. Culture
my ass! She knew Wensely and Dutch Antillean men: they do not
discriminate when it comes to kut/cunt. There had to be more behind
this, since the girl Wensely was leaving her for was not as beautiful as
she is. Wensely occasionally had affairs, but he had always come back
home; especially when she threatened to do the same. She knew there
had to be more to this situation since Wensely was not sleeping with her
anymore, and that was not like him. Wensely never refused her, not even
when he was tired and she knew he had been out fooling around. There
had to be more. Ingrid was heartbroken.
[25]
Her friends Diana and Husne, of Surinamese and Turkish extraction,

asked her to consider the supernatural. They recalled personal
experiences and those of family and acquaintances. All these anecdotes
and stories were combined into a meta-story: mens infidelity was
increasingly being caused by unscrupulous women using spiritual means.
As they spoke and exchanged views, I was witness to the weaving of
senses Sameness beyond ethnic boundaries by way of the esoteric.
Bakroes, Djins, Jumbies and Klop Geesten (extra-human creatures for
respectively Surinamese, Islamic, Caribbean, and native Dutch
extraction) began to be likened and linked to one another. Ingrid, Diana,
and Husne spoke about how hair, finger nails, Wenselys underwear, a
photograph on Facebook, and even an audio recording of his voice could
be used to bewitch him. How his mistress may have put something in his
food. How she may have rubbed a special lotion on her let us call it her
money maker to hook Wensely to her. It was decided that she had to
ask God to help her and that she should see a bonuman/a specialist in
Afro-Caribbean Obeah. However, before that, Husne would contact her
family in Turkey because there lived an Imam that was specialized in
these kinds of love matters. He would reverse the spell and if she was
willing to pay extra, he could send a spell to the bitch that would make
her never think again about taking someone elses man in that way. The
first thing was to go to Rotterdam to one of those special tokos to buy a
special lotion for Ingrid, which she then had to give to Wensely like she
had done the first time. She smiled and recalled that he had unthinkingly
said, Ik wist niet dat Nederlanders konden neuken zoals Antillianen/I did
not know that native Dutch could fuck like Antilleans. Ingrid got up from
her chair and gyrated like the women in a video clip of the Jamaican
dancehall artist Beenie Man. Yes, she was taking back her man, and
Husne and Diana vowed to help. The new Sacred was for women to
unite beyond cultural and religious boundaries to fight off this threat.
The supernatural had to be fought with the supernatural. By any means
necessary. The future belonged to good women.
Sadness gave way to laughter as the wine worked its wonders and the
topic of other men arose. If Wensely could fool around, so could Ingrid,
too. Husne asked Ingrid about a particular guy whom she had met at one
[26]
of the Salsa parties and she had frequent telephone contact with.
Perhaps, now was the time to plan a secret date. Ingrid gave Husne the
eye that such could not be spoken about in my presence. At least not
today! Today, she was a good woman who was losing her man. Such was
the script.
I pretended not to notice the mischievous But I did. Here was a clear
example of the Ordinary Mischievous Sacred.
And as the women laughed, I became aware of the fact that there
were five of us in the room. Oprah was key. Oprah is not solely Oprah.
Only a mind open to seduction, unfriendly to exclusivist secular realism
epitomized in dominant renditions of the human sciences
recognizes his/her/its presence in our Dutch metropolises where such
esoteric expressions of super diversity have become plain; habitual;
ordinary. So Ordinary, in fact, that few discern his/her/its Sacred
eminence radiating and doing his/her/its Mischievous dance within and
around us.
Who was he/she/it? It was none other than Bugs Bunny. Bugs Bunny, el
conejo de la suerte, the rabbit who every child knows stole Lady
Fortunas heart. Bugs Bunny, the slick, sly, and slim, good-bad rabbit that
made the mighty hunter Elmo armed with his rifle and all the modern
creature comforts seem like a dunce. Yes, Bugs Bunny, one of the secret
weapons of North American Cultural Imperialism, the converter of
children in Africa, Latin America, the Caribbean, Asia, and Europe into
wannabe Yankee doodles.
Today, Bugs Bunny was showing me a side of himself/herself/itself that I
did not know. As we were speaking, s/he was doing his/her stuff on the
cartoon network TV channel. Suddenly, my mind saw in him/her Compa
Nanzi, and from Nanzi s/he morphed into Legba, into Exu, into La
Fontaines fox, and finally into Oprah Winfrey. Yes, today Bugs Bunny
was playing Oprah. Oprah, the champion of ordinary women the world
over. Oprah, the ordinary womans friend. Oprah, the one who
understands the everyday plight of working class women despite her jets
and limousines and cribs, the urban lingo for mansions. Oprah she is just
like us!
[27]
Oprah who never forgot to remind us to show reverence to the power of

the unseen that touches us. Oprah, who, deep down, we know is goodbad, but we still like. Was Bugs Bunnys impersonation not a revelation
that Oprah was one of his/her imitators! Was she not One of those
tricksters who danced the Ordinary Mischievous Sacred dance of life
reminding us that those ethno-racial and ethno-religious differences
which we are so hooked on should not make a hell of a difference? And
were not Ingrid, Diana, Husne, and myself enactors and producers of the
Ordinary Mischievous Sacred? Fallible creatures. Good-bad, and,
therefore, simply ordinary.
Perhaps, you, the reader of this piece, care to join this ethical-political
dance beyond Manichean renditions of ethics and politics, which
hopefully may, one day, lead to genuine inter-human recognition.
[28]
SAINT PETERSBURG IN RUSSIAN LITERATURE

Liesbeth Spanjers

In remembrance of Jaak, an appreciated and appreciating
colleague, who passionately collected the world literature,
extended his house for his expanding collection, enjoyed
reading in his library, and loved to talk about the books which
he read. Jaak and I discussed a few Russian novels, and we
agreed to discuss some more. Unfortunately, that did not take
place. That is why I would like to share my thoughts on the
topic of SaintPetersburg in Russian literature posthumously.
Saint Petersburg, the city founded in 1703 by Peter the Great as a

window towards the West, is known for its planned construction, its
Western look, and the beauty of its palaces. It is a popular destination for
tourists who like to visit the Hermitage, the Peter and Paul Fortress, the
Palace Square, the canals, the parks, and many more. The Russian capital
since Peter the Greats reign until communism was built in unfavorable
conditions. First of all, it is a swampy, misty, humid place full of
mosquitoes. The air is damp, the winters are very cold. So many laborers,
forced to work on the construction sites, died. Russians often say that
the city is built on the laborers bones.
The idea of the beautiful, powerful, but inhumane city of
SaintPetersburg can also be found in Russian literature. This dualism will
be illustrated in Pushkins Eugene Onegin and The Bronze
Horseman, Gogols The Portrait, and Dostoevskys Crime and
punishment. The plots of all these stories are staged in SaintPetersburg.
[29]
Alexander SergeyevichPushkin(1799-1837), considered to be the founder

of Russian literature and modern language, poet and prosaic, wrote the
novel in verse Eugene Onegin, which takes place partly in
SaintPetersburg and which has been musicalized by Tchaikovsky. In this
work, the dualism (beauty inhumanity) cannot be found yet. In The
Bronze Horseman, a narrative poem, pity for the little man (again an
Eugene) is opposed to the power of the beautiful city.
EUGENE ONEGIN
Eugene Onegin, born in an impoverished noble family, leads a life full of
intrigues and pleasure in SaintPetersburg. This life makes him somber,
depressed. He moves to the province, where he meets Lensky,
aneighbour. Lensky is in love with Olga. Her thoughtful sister Tatyana
falls in love with Eugene, but he turns her down.During a birthday party,
Eugene wants to make Lensky jealous, and he tries to get Olgas
attention. After the deadly duel with Lensky, Eugene leaves the
province. Three years later, he meets Tatyana again, who is then married
to a general and living in Moscow. This time, he falls in love with her, and
she rejects him because she belongs to her husband. The novel ends
with Eugene in despair.
In the first chapter, verses 35, 37-38, the main character, Eugene, is
introduced. He is a snob, and nothing really impresses him.
SaintPetersburg is depicted as the center of the country where it all
happens.It is the city of the balls, the parties, the drinks, food and
women. But all that is boring in the eyes of Eugene.
XXXV
His malady, whose cause I ween

It now to investigate is time,
Was nothing but the British spleen
Transported to our Russian clime.
It gradually possessed his mind;
Though, God be praised! he ne'er designed
To slay himself with blade or ball,
[30]
Indifferent he became to all,

And like Childe Harold gloomily
He to the festival repairs,
Nor boston nor the world's affairs
Nor tender glance nor amorous sigh
Impressed him in the least degree,
Callous to all he seemed to be.
XXXVII
And you, my youthful damsels fair,

Whom latterly one often meets
Urging your droshkies swift as air
Along Saint Petersburg's paved streets,
From you too Eugene took to flight,
Abandoning insane delight,
And isolated from all men,
Yawning betook him to a pen.
He thought to write, but labour long
Inspired him with disgust and so
Nought from his pen did ever flow,
And thus he never fell among
That vicious set whom I don't blame
Because a member I became.
XXXVIII
Once more to idleness consigned,

He felt the laudable desire
From mere vacuity of mind
The wit of others to acquire.
A case of books he doth obtain
[31]
He reads at random, reads in vain.

This nonsense, that dishonest seems,
This wicked, that absurd he deems,
All are constrained and fetters bear,
Antiquity no pleasure gave,
The moderns of the ancients rave
Books he abandoned like the fair,
His book-shelf instantly doth drape
With taffety instead of crape.
(Pushkin, 2007)
THE BRONZE HORSEMAN

In the narrative poem titled The Bronze Horesemen, Eugene is a poor
resident of SaintPetersburg. He lives a very ordinary life. He is in love
with Parasha, a widows daughter. Parasha and her mother are living
close to the water. When the 1824 floods demolish their house, they
drown. Eugene goes crazy. One night as he is walking along the bronze
horseman, which is the statue of Peter the Great (on Senatskaia Square),
he threatens the statue because he blames Peter the Great guilty for his
misery; after all, it was Peter who built the city too close to the sea.
Afterwards, it seems to Eugene that the bronze horseman is angry with
him and chases after him on his horse. Is it true or is it just a hallucination
of a tormented person? A few months later Eugene also dies.
In the introduction, Pushkin describes SaintPetersburg in all its glory,
beauty, and power. The last six lines of the introduction form the
transition towards the story of Eugenes pitiful fate. The fate of the little
man Eugene symbolizes the inhumanity of the city. He loses his beloved
one and goes crazy because he is at the mercy of the city and the water.
Dis the statue of Peter the Great really chase after Eugene? Or was it all a
mere hallucination? In SaintPetersburg, nothing is what it seems.
INTRODUCTION
[32]
I love thee, city of Peter's making;

I love thy harmonies austere,
And Neva's sovran waters breaking
Along her banks of granite sheer;
Thy traceried iron gates; thy sparkling,
Yet moouless, meditative gloom
And thy transparent twilight darkling;
And when I write within my room
Or lampless, read--then, sunk in slumber,
The empty thoroughfares, past number,
Are piled, stand clear upon the night;
The Admiralty spire is bright;
Nor may the darkness mount, to smother
The golden cloudland of the light,
For soon one dawn succeeds another
With barely half-an-hour of night.
I love thy ruthless winter, lowering
With bitter frost and windless air;
The sledges along Neva scouring;
Girls' cheeks--no rose so bright and fair!
The flash and noise of balls, the chatter;
The bachelor's hour of feasting, too;
The cups that foam and hiss and spatter,
The punch that in the bowl burns blue.
I love the warlike animation
On playing-fields of Mars; to see
The troops of foot and horse in station,
And their superb monotony;
Their ordered, undulating muster;
Flags, tattered on the glorious day;
[33]
Those brazen helmets in their luster

Shot through and riddled in the fray.
I love thee, city of soldiers, blowing
Smoke from thy forts; thy booming gun;
-- Northern empress is bestowing
Upon the royal house a son!
Or when, another battle won,
Proud Russia holds her celebration;
Or when the Neva breaking free
Her dark-blue ice bears out to sea
And scents the spring, in exultation.
Now, city of Peter, stand thou fast,
Foursquare, like Russia; vaunt thy splendor!
The very element shall surrender
And make her peace with thee at last.
Their ancient bondage and their rancors
The Finnish waves shall bury deep
Nor vex with idle spite that cankers
Our Peter's everlasting sleep!
There was a dreadful time, we keep
Still freshly on our memories painted;
And you, my friends, shall be acquainted
By me, with all that history:
A grievous record it will be.
PART ONE
And Neva with her boisterous billow

Splashed on her shapely bounding-wall
[34]
And tossed in restless rise and fall

Like a sick man upon his pillow.
'Twas late, and dark had fallen; the rain
Beat fiercely on the windowpane;
A wind that howled and wailed was blowing.
'Twas then that young Yevgeny came
Home from a party--I am going
To call our hero by that name,
For it sounds pleasing, and moreover
My pen once liked it--why discover
The needless surname?--True, it may
Have been illustrious in past ages,
--Rung, through tradition, in the pages
Of Karamzin; and yet, today
That name is never recollected,
By Rumor and the World rejected.
Our hero--somewhere--served the State;
He shunned the presence of the great;
Lived in Kolomna; for the fate
Cared not of forbears dead and rotten,
Or antique matters long forgotten.
So, home Yevgeny came, and tossed
His cloak aside; undressed; and sinking
Sleepless upon his bed, was lost
In sundry meditations--thinking
Of what?--How poor he was; how pain
And toil might some day hope to gain
An honored, free, assured position;
How God, it might be, in addition
Would grant him better brains and pay.
[35]
Such idle folk there were, and they,

Lucky and lazy, not too brightly
Gifted, lived easily and lightly;
And he--was only in his second
Year at the desk. He further reckoned
That still the ugly weather held;
That still the river swelled and swelled;
That almost now from Neva's eddy
The bridges had been moved already;
That from Parasha he must be
Parted for some two days, or three.
And all that night, he lay, so dreaming,
And wishing sadly that the gale
Would bate its melancholy screaming
And that the rain would not assail
The glass so fiercely.... But sleep closes
His eyes at last, and he reposes.
But see, the mists of that rough night
Thin out, and the pale day grows bright;
That dreadful day!--For Neva, leaping
Seaward all night against the blast
Was beaten in the strife at last,
Against the frantic tempest sweeping;
And on her banks at break of day. (Lednicki, 1955)
THE PORTRAIT
Nikolai Vasilievich Gogol (1809-1852) is considered to be the first
important Russian / Ukrainian prosaic of the 19th century. He was born in
[36]
the Ukraine but knew Saint Petersburg well as he was a professor of

medieval history at the local university.
The portrait is the story of a poor, young artist, Andrey
PetrovichChartkov. He discovers a very realistic portrait in an art shop
and feels that he must buy it. The painting looks magical to him. It
presents him with a dilemma. Will he either struggle to find his own path
in life based on his talents or will he accept the help of the magical
painting to conquer wealth and fame? He chooses the last option, but
when he sees another portrait of a different artist, he understands that
he has made the wrong choice. He then dies from a fever.
In the story The Portrait, Gogol brings civil servants and poor people
on the stage, which was unseen until then in Russian literature, and he
describes them and their ordinary lives with humor. The Portrait is
staged in Saint Petersburg. In Gogols stories,the city is the place where
strange encounters and enigmatic adventures happen to its citizens. It is
there that citizens perish. Like in The Bronze Horseman, the city
overpowers the little man. However, Gogol, unlike Pushkin in The
Bronze Horseman, shows the citys vulgarity and banality rather than its
beauty.
In part two, Chartkov starts telling a story to the audience during an
auction. He describes Kolomna, a disctrict in SaintPetersburg.
"You know that portion of the city which is called
Kolomna," he began. "There everything is unlike anything
else in St. Petersburg. Retired officials remove thither to
live; widows; people not very well off, who have
acquaintances in the senate, and therefore condemn
themselves to this for nearly the whole of their lives; and,
in short, that whole list of people who can be described
by the words ash-coloured--people whose garments,
faces, hair, eyes, have a sort of ashy surface, like a day
when there is in the sky neither cloud nor sun. Among
them may be retired actors, retired titular councillors,
retired sons of Mars, with ruined eyes and swollen lips.
[37]
"Life in Kolomna is terribly dull: rarely does a carriage

appear, except, perhaps, one containing an actor, which
disturbs the universal stillness by its rumble, noise, and
jingling. You can get lodgings for five rubles a month,
coffee in the morning included. Widows with pensions
are the most aristocratic families there; they conduct
themselves well, sweep their rooms often, chatter with
their friends about the dearness of beef and cabbage,
and frequently have a young daughter, a taciturn, quiet,
sometimes pretty creature; an ugly dog, and wall-clocks
which strike in a melancholy fashion. Then come the
actors whose salaries do not permit them to desert
Kolomna, an independent folk, living, like all artists, for
pleasure. They sit in their dressing-gowns, cleaning their
pistols, gluing together all sorts of things out of
cardboard, playing draughts and cards with any friend
who chances to drop in, and so pass away the morning,
doing pretty nearly the same in the evening, with the
addition of punch now and then. After these great people
and aristocracy of Kolomna, come the rank and file. It is
as difficult to put a name to them as to remember the
multitude of insects which breed in stale vinegar. There
are old women who get drunk, who make a living by
incomprehensible means, like ants, dragging old clothes
and rags from the Kalinkin Bridge to the old clothes-mart,
in order to sell them for fifteen kopeks--in short, the very
dregs of mankind, whose conditions no beneficent,
political economist has devised any means of
ameliorating.(Gogol, 2011)
CRIME AND PUNISHMENT

Fyodor Mikhailovich Dostoyevsky (1821-1881), author of Crime and
Punishment, is a Russian novelist, author of short stories, essayist,
journalist and philosopher.
[38]
In Crime and Punishment, Dostoyevsky starts off with the idea of the
existence of a kind of bermensch. Raskolnikov, the main character,
suggests that some people are so good that laws made by average
people do not apply to them.
In this novel, Dostoyevski shows the city of the poor as a gloomy place
where hope vanishes. SaintPetersburg despises ordinary people. It is a
city of bureaucracy and banality.
In the first chapter of the first part, the main character, Raskolnikov, is
introduced. The weather conditions of the city have an influence on the
behavior of Raskolnikov. Again and throughout the novel,
SaintPetersburg has power over its citizens.
The heat in the street was terrible: and the airlessness,
the bustle and the plaster, scaffolding, bricks, and dust all
about him, and that special Petersburg stench, so familiar
to all who are unable to get out of town in summerall
worked painfully upon the young mans already
overwrought nerves. The insufferable stench from the
pothouses, which are particularly numerous in that part
of the town, and the drunken men whom he met
continually, although it was a working day, completed the
revolting misery of the picture. An expression of the
profoundest disgust gleamed for a moment in the young
mans refined face. (Dostoevsky, 2006)
Concluding observation
The three examples dealt with in this contribution show that the theme
of the inhumane city that crashes its citizens is typical for Russian
literature about Saint Petersburg. Furthermore, Saint Petersburgs role
in Russian literature continued during the Soviet period. Most
remarkable is Anna AkhmatovasPoem Without a Hero about the fate
of the individual in the 20th century.
[39]
Bibliography
Dostoevsky, F. M. (2006, March 28). Retrieved from Crime and Punishment:
http://www.gutenberg.org/files/2554/2554-h/2554-h.htm
Gogol, N. V. (2011). Retrieved from The Portrait:
http://www.readbookonline.net/readOnLine/1045/
Lednicki, W. (1955). Pushkin's Bronze Horseman. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Pushkin, A. S. (2007, December 27). Retrieved from Eugene Onegin:
http://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/23997/pg23997.html
[40]
THE PRODUCTION OF HISTORY

Dima Bou Mosleh
The production of history is a long standing art. Many historians, like

artists, paint their way through the past and into the future. What comes
on the way and how the events are being translated and represented
depends on the historians talent. They explore the past in order to find
out what men did and thought in the past (Becker, 1955), thus
establishing the facts of history. According to the American historian Carl
Becker, historians need only to deal with records and establish some
facts. But, at the same time, historians need to acknowledge that the
meaning and significance of a historical fact is difficult to agree upon
because the series of events in which it has a place cannot be enacted
again and again, in order to see what effect the variations would have
(Becker, 1955, p. 336). This implies that historians need to repeatedly use
their judgment in studying the significance of a set of events that took
place once at a certain moment and will never be repeated. Since the
records are incomplete and inadequate, this history will not be
completely known or confirmed (Becker, 1955, p. 336). Thus, into the
imagined facts and their meaning there enters the personal equation
(Becker, 1955, p. 336). The history of any happening is perceived
differently by different individuals and generations; every generation
writes about the same history in a different way and puts upon it a
different production (Becker, 1955). Each production of history represent
somewhat altered or fundamentally divergent attempts at restating the
past.
According to Becker (1955), the reason for the differences in how
different generations imagine the same event are determined by two
things: (1) by the actual event itself insofar as we can know something
about it; and (2) by our own current purposes, needs, presuppositions,
[41]
and biases all of which enter into the process of knowing it (Becker,
1955, p.336),i.e. knowing a given past event. Therefore, it is not only the
event that contributes to our imagined frame, but the mind capturing
this imagined frame does too (Becker, 1955, p. 337). This way, the
present influences our idea of the past, and, inversely, our idea of the
past influences the present. So we may say that the present is the
product of all the past (Becker, 1955, p. 337). However, what is history
writing? Is it objective and do historians show what actually happened?
According to Leopold von Ranke, the historian has been assigned the
office of judging the past, of instructing the present for the benefit of
future ages (Evans, 2001). Thus, the task of historians would be to show
what has happened; the German phrase that Ranke used
Wieeseigentlichgewesen - was translated in Evans writing as how it
essentially was. However, this was a misunderstanding; for Ranke, it
meant understanding the inner being of the past and not merely
collecting facts (Evan, 2001, p.9). Rankes confidence in historical facts
would at times be challenged by the realization that even though history
may be stuffed with facts, history writing is more than just mute and
dead events. Writing implies narrating, which brings the discussion into
the area of rhetoric.
The rhetoric of history focuses on the tropes, arguments, and other
means of language used to write history and to persuade audiences.
Some of the literature identifies rhetoric too closely with the pleasing
and seductive arts of fiction with tropes, with narrative, with the
multiple meanings of poetry (Nelson, Megill, McCloskey, 1987, p.221).
Moreover, rhetoric is not restricted to tropes and narratives: it is the art
of persuasion to attain things with words. Neither is it restricted to
individual illumination in the archives (Nelson, Megill, McCloskey, 1987,
p.221). Hence, the writing of history entails making use of language and
logic to sustain an argument. Nevertheless, not many historians
acknowledge the fact that their writing is rhetorical, and this has to do
with the decline of classical civilization. To many, rhetoric comes from
the mouths of bad politicians (heated rhetoric) or from our enemies
(mere rhetoric) (Nelson, Megill, McCloskey, 1987, p.222), not from the
mouth of historians! This way, by assuming that history writing is an
[42]
objective enterprise, people often lose sight of the fact that history
writing is built on argumentation and persuasion. They prefer to think
that history is written like scientists write their lab reports (Nelson,
Megill, McCloskey, 1987). In their opinion, the information which
historians use is found in archives, and their job is merely to cast it into
reports. Hence, they presume that history writing is more solid than
philosophy, which makes use of argumentation and persuasion. From
this perspective, a comparison can be made between the solid scientific
knowledge and the solid objective historiography found in archivism; by
this we mean the tendency of the historian to think that the most
important relation is not with the readers, the times, or the questions,
but with the archives with what the historian misleadingly calls the
sources of history (Nelson, Megill, McCloskey, 1987, p.222-223).
However important archives may be to history writing, Megill and
McCloskey have given several examples showing that the sources of
historians work are found everywhere and are not limited to the
archives. It is the present problems that give material to historians for
their writings. Such issues are related to the work of historians, and
many others like the womens movement which created a totally new
field (Nelson, Megill, McCloskey, 1987, p.221). Therefore, it is important
to explore the rhetorical and narrative dimensions of history writing. This
I shall do by highlighting some thoughts from the works of Paul Veyne,
Hayden White, and Michel de Certeau.
Paul Veyne affirms that history remains fundamentally an account, and
what is called explanation is nothing but the way in which the account is
arranged in a comprehensible plot (Veyne, 1984; White, 1973; De
Certeau, 1988). He contends that there is no scientific meaning in
historical explanations; they are pure unfoldings of a certain plot to
make it understandable. Veyne believes, therefore, that the historical
explanation is entirely sublunary and not scientific at all (Veyne, 1984,
p. 88). Hence, he prefers to describe it as comprehension instead. In
addition, the intentions of the actors need not be forgotten since history
writing includes deliberation. Consequently, the world of history is
accompanied by liberty, chance, causes, and ends, as opposed to the
world of science, which knows only laws (Veyne, 1984, p. 89).
[43]
Hayden White highlights the rhetorical and narrative dimensions of

history by identifying the deep structural forms of the historical
imagination including the four figures of classical rhetoric: metaphor,
metonymy, synecdoche, and irony (1973, p. ix). White addresses the
issue through the historical mindfulness of nineteenth-century Europe.
He focuses on the problem of historical knowledge by presenting an
explanation of the growth of historical thinking during a specific period
of its development and a general theory of the structure of historical
thinking (1973, p. 1). Several questions were debated throughout the
nineteenth century about the meaning of thinking historically and the
method of historical inquiry. However, in the twentieth century, there
was doubt about the possibility of finding answers to these questions.
White used continental European thinkers such as Heidegger and
Foucault, who had cast serious doubts on the value of a specifically
historical consciousness, stressed the fictive character of historical
reconstructions, and challenged historys claims to a place among the
sciences (1973, p. 1-2). He also referred to Anglo-American philosophers
who had written several works on the epistemological status and
cultural function of historical thinking. When such literature is taken as a
whole, it justifies serious doubts about historys status as either a
rigorous science or a genuine art (1973, p.2). It was, therefore,
conceivable to interpret historical consciousness as a specifically
Western prejudice by which the presumed superiority of modern,
industrial society can be retroactively substantiated (White, 1973, p. 2).
Michel de Certeau believes that the historical discourse claims to
provide a true content but in the form of a narration (1988, p. 93). De
Certeau states that when we think of history as an operation, we
understand its relation to a place (institution), analytical procedures
(discipline), and the construction of a text (a literature) (1988, 57). In
other words, writing history is a function of an institution, which
naturally demands both the obeisance to rules and the interrogation of
those very rules (De Certeau, 1988, p. 57). Thus, history writing is ruled
by constraints, bound to privileges, and rooted in a particular situation
(De Certeau, 1988, p. 58). The scientific process should not be alienated
from the social body. Consequently, as also Jrgen Habermas has
[44]
argued, there is a real need to repoliticalize the discourse in history. In

other words, the discourse should never be analyzed as being separate
from its discipline (De Certeau, 1988). A historical text is always a
product of a discipline and expresses an operation which is situated
within a totality of practices (De Certeau, 1988, p. 64).
In conclusion, the realization has been growing among historians and
philosophers of history that history writers do more than merely find
historical facts. In fact, they also imagine a history (or several
alternative histories) in light of a historiographical institution with its
own rules and judges. This new awareness has led to a crisis in the
discipline that (re-)writes history and has also had an impact on other
disciplines for which the past is an important factor (e.g. theology and
religious law).
References
Becker, C. L. (1955). What are historical facts? In The Western Political Quarterly, 8(3), 327340.
De Certeau, M. (1988). The writing of history. (translated by T. Conley.). New York: Columbia
University Press. (Original work published 1975).
Evans, R. J. (2001). In defence of history. History extension stage 6: Source book of
readings. Sydney: Board of Studies NSW. Retrieved from Board of Studies website:
http://www.board ofstudies.nsw.edu.au (Accessed on 10 February 2014).
Nelson, J. S., Megill, A., & McCloskey, D. N. (Eds.). (1987). The rhetoric of the human
sciences: Language and argument in scholarship and public affairs. University of Wisconsin
Press. p. 221.
Veyne, P. (1984; 1971). Writing history: essay on epistemology. (M. Moore-Rinvolucri,
Trans.). Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press.
White, H. (1973). Metahistory: the historical imagination in nineteenth-century Europe.
Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.
[45]
EDUCATIONAL MODERNIZATION IN IRAN

AND THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE
Mitra Madani
KU Leuven, Belgium
The foundation of every state is the education of its youth

- Diogenes
ABSTRACT
This paper is a comparative analysis of educational

modernization in Iran and the Ottoman Empire from mid19th century to the first decade of 20th century as this
period is historically significant for both countries. The
focus will be more on the primary level education, but the
indirect role of institutions of higher learning in promoting
public elementary education will be discussed when
needed.
The objective is to partially fill the gap in scholarship of
educational reform in this part of the world and also to
contribute to the histories of education by addressing the
functionalistic changes of institutions of knowledge in both
countries.
A brief literature review and document analysis will allow
us to see the simultaneity of the educational experiences in
two Muslim countries across a large geographic area that
contained such a multitude of ethnic groups and religious
minorities.
Keywords: Education, Iran, historical, curriculum, reform
[46]
INTRODUCTION
The industrial revolution in Europe in late 18th century brought about
rapid progress in all fields of science, newer and faster methods of
communication, expansion of commerce and modernization of military
that in turn necessitated not only a fundamental overhaul and
modernization of the existing infrastructures in the army, government
and in turn the education system but also affected the aims of education
and states involvement in many countries.
In early 19th century, both the Ottoman Empire and Iran were financially
bankrupt due to constant warfare. This was mostly due to European
expansionism and in part to internal conflicts in the countries.Both
countries became embroiled in wars with the Russian Empire and lost
vast parts of their territories. The Ottomans had to abandon their claim
to the territories north of the Danube River and Crimea in favor of Russia
in 1774.
Iran too became a crucial site for the Anglo-Russian rivalry (Balaghi,
n.d.) due to its geopolitical importance. The Russo-Persian wars of 1813
and 1826 had disastrous results. According to the treaties of Gulistan in
1813 and Turkemanchay in 1828, Iran lost its Caucasian territories
(Tavakoli-Targhi, 2001).
These significant losses made both states realize that to safeguard their
territorial integrity, modern technologies, and military reform were of
utmost importance. To develop the same circumstances that had
enabled Europeans to become so powerful in a relatively short period of
time, the states needed to modernize the instruments of central
administration and the military.To realize this goal, a new educational
system was needed to replace the traditional one with its traditional
emphasis on religious content. Thus, in 19th century both countries
beheld a great reform movement that was to give rise to a modern
society in all aspects of life.
EDUCATIONAL REFORMS
The aim of the educational reform in both countries was to supply a class
of educated officers for the army and a cadre of civil servants for the
[47]
government as a means of administrative centralization. However, it

soon became apparent that modernizing the army necessitated much
more comprehensive changes in the government apparatuses.
Both states realized that educational reform and the establishment of
European style schools were essential for success in this regard. The first
step in this process was sending more students to Europe and hiring
foreign advisors to supervise the reforms at home. These students and
others who were later sent to France played a significant role in
introducing modern sciences and European political thought in Iran
which contributed to the success of the constitutional revolution of
1906.
First, we will look at the traditional education system in Iran at the
primary level before the reforms.
Qajar period
The rapid urbanization of Iran in this period resulted in socio-economic

changes that led to a shift in the culture of education from a traditional
system that focused on religious and legal issues to a localized version of
an essentialist mode of education that not only provided spiritual and
religious education, but would also increase human capital by furnishing
the country with the trained artisans, teachers, administrators and
engineers that it needed. Thus, traditional schools that heretofore were
the domain of the clergy were gradually transformed from a sphere of
religious teaching to a more functionalist type of education.
Four types of school existed during this period:
1. Maktabs, or traditional elementary schools, usually funded by
waqf, or endowment
2. State funded schools established during the reign of Nasser al-Din
Shah (1848 1896) for the training of civil servants or military
personnel
3. Modern schools (Madares novin) whose pupils came from all strata
of society
4. Missionary and religious minority schools (Khaleghi Moghadam,
2010).
[48]
Maktabs in the Qajar Era
During the Qajar era (1785-1925), Irans educational system was based on
the same traditional method that had been the norm in previous
centuries. Classes took place in maktabs, usually in a room in the corner
of or adjacent to a mosques, which remained as hosts of the primary
school throughout the Qajar period. During this time, elementary schools
did not exist as an independent entity (Sultanzadah, 1985).
Literally, maktab means a place to read books or where writing is taught
under the tutelage of a mullah (clerical teacher) or a mualim (teacher).
Until reforms were introduced in the late 19th and 20th century, the
maktab system was the only educational center for literacy open to the
public.
Maktabs spread throughout the country in three types. One type was the
Akhundbajis Maktabs, which were presided over by semi-literate women
in their houses. The two other types were the Public and the Private
Maktabs (Noroozi, n.d.).
They were essentially the same in terms of administration:
1. There was no admission procedure or specific entrance
requirements that would prevent the students from enrollment.
2. There was no specific cut-off date for registration, and students
could join the maktab anytime.
3. Girls and boys studied together from the age of five to ten. The
girls whose parents permitted them to continue their education
were sent to separate girls maktabs. However, the education of
most girls ended at this point.
4. Similar to Akhundbajis Maktabs, there were no restrictions and
requirements for opening a Maktabkhaneh, and neither was there
a special license for it. In addition, there was no organization
regulating the maktabs. The jurisdiction or lack of it was
dependent on an individuals character, knowledge, and literacy,
and there was no authority to evaluate the owners knowledge
(Eghbal Ghasemi, 1998).
5. All three types of maktab were privately funded, the first two by
waqf and, in the case of private maktabs, by affluent members of
[49]
society, who hired a teacher to teach their children at home.

Often, children from other families would attend these maktabs,in
which case the expenses were still borne by the family that had
established the maktab. The children were later on sent to
madrassahs, or higher education institutions, to pursue their
education. Like the other two kinds of maktabs, there was no
regulation, specific curriculum or state supervision. (Khaleghi
Moghadam, 2010).
Curriculum and teaching method
The main educational activity in maktabs was to introduce children to

short verses and suras of the Quran, ethics, Sharia law, and the alphabet
so they could read the Quran. The curriculum of these maktabs did not
incorporate teaching and mathematics or other kinds of empirical
sciences. Learning was achieved by rote learning and verbatim
memorization of textbooks.
The method of instruction in these centers entailed the students
gathering around the teacher and memorizing verses and the alphabet in
a domestic setting. There was not a high level of instruction and
teachers were not monitored. No guidelines or directions were
established and anyone could open a Maktabkhaneh (Ringer, 2001).
The purpose of education in themaktabs was to teach the fundamentals
of Islam with an emphasis on societal values, all of which both derived
from and contributed to a traditional philosophy of education.
EVALUATION AND DISCIPLINE

There was not a standardized graded level system. Therefore, each pupil
regardless of academic ability started school at the same level on a
different date. Nor was there a periodic test administered to evaluate
the students scholastic progress. Starting a new topic, homework or
level was dependent on having learned the previous one. Though no age
for graduation has been indicated in the resources consulted, it was
assumed that every pupil had read the Qur'an from cover to cover at
least once in order to graduate.
[50]
Students learned and memorized the holy text by repeating it loudly

after the teacher, and showed their knowledge by repeating the subject
matter verbatim while kneeling in front of the teacher.The success or
failure of the student was dependent on his ability to recite the lesson
without error. If he failed, he would be punished by the teacher.
TRADITIONAL EDUCATION IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE

Until the 19th century and the Reform Period known as Tanzimat,
there were four types of school for formal education in the empire:
1. At the primary level, the counterparts of themaktabswere called
Sibyan schools.
2. Then, there were the madrasahs, which were institutions of higher
learning, and the Enderun schools, which were established and
controlled by the court to educate administrators and civil
servants.
3. In addition to the madrasahs, military colleges such as The Turkish
Military Academy (established in 1834) and The Ottoman Military
College were established to educate officers for the army.
4. Religious Minority (or Millet) schools.
Both Enderun schools and the academies were funded by the
government, whereas the Sibyan schools and madrasahs were funded by
Waqf. The Millet schools were established and maintained by their own
communities (Sonmez, 2013).
PRIMARY EDUCATION IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE

The Ottoman Empire inherited the primary school system (Sybian
Mektebi) from the Seljuks. They were very similar to Irans maktabs in
nature. Their educational scope, administration and physical space
mirrored the maktabs throughout the Middle East.
These were generally a large one-room construct usually located or
adjacent to a mosque and funded either by philanthropist members of
the society through waqf or by the Sultan. Because establishing such
schools did not require a lot of investment, they could be found in every
corner of the empire: in cities, towns and villages.
[51]
Teachers in these schools were called Hodja or Muallim for male

teachers or Muallimah for females. In larger Sibyan schools, there were
often two teachers assisted by one of the more senior students (Caliph).
There was no professional standard or licensure required for becoming a
teacher. Nor was there an organization to oversee the teachers prior to
the reform era, who were usually graduates of a madrasah.
CURRICULUM AND TEACHING METHOD

In the Seljuk era, besides literacy and religious matters, sciences were
taught, too, but over time they were replaced by religious content and
Quran recitation, which was compulsory during The Ottomans long
reign. The Ottomans had religion as the centre of gravity and maintained
a faade of Islamic orthodoxy.
Customarily boys and girls studied together unless otherwise specified in
the waqf charters. During this time, education was based on rote
memorization without giving much notice to the students
comprehension of the content. Memorization was achieved by repeating
after the teacher or the caliph in chorus or by reading from a paper.
Besides ethics and Sharia, children were also taught how to pray, which
Suras and verses of Quran to recite during prayer and the alphabet so
they could read the Quran (Celnek, 2009).
EVALUATION AND DISCIPLINE

Quite similar to Irans maktabs, in the Ottoman Caliphate, the process of
evaluation involved verbatim testing and corporal punishment. The new
learners would go to the teachers and sit down on their knees. The
teacher would ask them about the sections which they had been
studying, and the child would deliver the lesson verbatim. A childs
success was dependent on his or her being able to repeat the lesson
word by word. If there was a mistake in his or her responses, the teacher
would punish the student.
[52]
STATE FUNDED SCHOOLS IN IRAN

In 1851, with the active support of Mirza Taqi Khan Amir Kabir, Dar alFunun, the first modern school in Iran, was established in Tehran. Dar alFunun, a school fashioned after the French St. Cyr and the Ottoman
Mekteb-iUlum-iHarbiye, was established as a military college with a
modern curriculum designed to train staff for all the army corps. The
curriculum included subjects like military sciences, engineering,
mathematics, drafting, mining, physics, pharmacology, and medicine.
There were very few qualified native teachers or suitable textbooks, so
most of the teachers were recruited from Europe and taught in French.
Subsequently a department of languages was added to the faculties in
order to teach French, Russian, German and English to the students and
also to translate the textbooks for future pupils. As a result, a cadre of
army personneltrained in all aspects of modern military science and civil
service was produced to serve in governmental organizations. According
to the historian MurtizaRavandi, in a period of forty years, 1,100 students
graduated from Dar al-Funun (Arasteh, 1962). A large percentage of
distinguished names in the country, from prime ministers to writers and
scientists, were graduates of this college.
Dar al-Funun was followed by the Military College of Tehran (madreseh
nezamieh) in 1885 and the College of Political Sciences (madreseh
oloomeh siasi) in 1899 ("Higher Education in Iran," n.d.). With the
establishment of Daral-Funun and other colleges, it soon became
apparent that the students graduating from maktabs were not
academically equipped to deal with new subjects. They not only needed
a better foundation in mathematics and sciences, which were not
included in the maktabs curriculum, but also a change in instructional
methods from rote learning to a more analytical and critical approach
preparing students to apply what they had learned. This reinforced the
need for a more modern way of primary education in the country and
paved the way for the reforms that followed (Tavakoli Targhi, n.d.).
The establishment of Dar al-Funun in the educational reform period in
Iran was significant because for the first time in centuries, the
production of knowledge and culture shifted away from maktabs and
madrassahsunder the control of the Shia clerics. The students were
[53]
instructed in new sciences and crafts that were more secular in nature,
whereas the clerics concentrated solely on teaching religious subjects
and social norms, thus preserving the status quo.
STATE FUNDED SCHOOLS IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE

Military Colleges
The first state-sponsored schools were primarily military colleges whose

mission was to educate staff officers of the Ottoman army in modern
military strategies and warfare. The oldest one was the Naval
Mathematical College" (1776) later on renamed as the "Imperial Naval
Engineering School", which provided training in navigation and
cartography for officers of the deck and naval architecture and shipbuilding for naval engineers ("Naval Academy Turkey," n.d.).
The second one was the Imperial College of Military Engineering
established in 1790.Its curriculum included arithmetic, geometry,
trigonometry, algebra, mechanics, natural sciences, and civil engineering
(Irzk & Guzeldere, 2005).
Enderun Schools
The Enderun School was a palace school for the Christian Millet, which
primarily recruited students via a system for the the Islamization of
Christian children to serve in bureaucratic, managerial, and military
positions within the Ottoman Caliphate. The curriculum included Islamic
sciences, mathematics, geography, history, law, music, art and
languages, including Arabic, Turkish and Persian. At the end of the
Enderun school system, the graduates would be able to speak, read, and
write at least three languages and to understand the latest
developments in science. They would also be proficient in at least a craft
or art and excel in army command as well as in close combat skills (Corlu,
Burlbaw, Capraro, Corlu, & Sunyoung, 2010).
MODERN SCHOOLS (MADARESNOVIN) IN IRAN

Unlike their predecessors that were open only to the nobles and the
royal princes, modern schools were open to all strata of society. These
[54]
were schools established to meet the needs of the newly expanding

middle class, who wanted to have their children educated. The
educational goals of such schools were to educate and train the children
of merchants and artisans so they could prosper and succeed in the
rapidly changing society.
They were established by some of the more forward-thinking clergy,
affluent merchants, and well-educated elite who believed that public
education was necessary to modernize the country. The operating
expenses of these schools fell under the responsibility of the founder
and the small tuition fees which some of the pupils parents paid.
Beside the elite, members of society who established modern schools,
such as Sardar Afkham (governor of Rasht) and Ala al-Dowleh (governor
of Tehran), the first name that comes to mind is Mirza Hassan Tabrizi,
famously known as Mirza Hassan Roshdieh. He is widely known as the
founder of modern education in Iran. He was a Shia cleric at first, but
after reading an article in the Akhtar newspaper about the difficulties of
learning the Persian and Turkish alphabet (both were based on the
Arabic script), the course of his life changed. He went to Lebanon and
studied at the teachers College for two years and then traveled
extensively through Egypt and Turkey to study their education systems.
He is acknowledged as the first person to have introduced some modern
teaching methods in Iran, especially in teaching the alphabet using
sounds (phonic alphabet) instead of characters. His method is still used
throughout Iran to some degree. He also established the first modern
schools that used blackboards, instruction books and maps in Tabriz
(1887) and Tehran (1898), which later served as model schools ("Ali
Akbar Dehkhoda A Biographical Account," 2010).
Despite all these efforts, only a handful of elementary schools existed in
Tehran and even fewer in the provinces. Not even the establishment of
the Ministry of Science (later on renamed as Ministry of Culture) in 1855
led to the proliferation of modern schools. The maktabs continued to
provide basic education to the masses. What changed this situation was
the promulgation of compulsory education in the Constitution of 1906.
Article 33 of the Fundamental Law for the Advancement of Education
stipulated that these schools would be free of charge and provide
[55]
compulsory schooling for children between the ages of 7 and 13.

Although this law was not fully implemented till many decades later, the
very factthat provisions had been made for primary education in the
constitution gave it legitimacy in the eyes of the citizens. This law was
the first step towards the centralization of education,whereby the
Ministry of Culture would gradually take over the administration of
educational institutions from the Ulama (Arasteh, 1962).
Roshdieh Schools
In his first schools, before he had the budget to buy desks and chairs,
Roshdieh had his students sit in the traditional cross-legged manner.
However, he had also designed small tables which they could easily put
in front of them to write on comfortably. He taught them in a simple
direct way to read and write the alphabet.
In addition to the school in Tehran (1898), he established another
schoolwith the help of Amin-al-Dowleh, the Prime Minister. At this new
school, there were 40 orphan children who were sponsored by the
government. Subsequently, he opened a boarding school for orphans
whose budget was provided by prominent government officials and
private citizens. These initiatives were followed by three more schools in
rapid succession, all of them for educating the underprivileged and
downtrodden members of society.
Mirza Hassan trained new teachers for the new schools and added
history, geography and arithmetic to the religious subjects that were
traditionally taught. In addition, with the help of Sheikh HadiNajmabadi,
a prominent and progressive cleric, he also incorporated vocational
training in the form of carpet weaving, shoe making and paper making
into the new curriculum. The Prime Minister was so impressed with
Mirzas efforts that he allocated funds from the government budget
specifically to help these schools.
It should be noted that through all these years, both in Tabriz and
Tehran, conservative clerics, resenting his success, renounced these
schools as centers for leading children astray from the true path of Islam,
thus exciting the publics wrath against modern schools. Mirza had to
contend with his schools being destroyed by mobs, students injured,
[56]
assassination attempts on his life and later on a Fatwa against his

schools; nevertheless, he never gave up. He either rebuildt the schools
or opened new ones in other locations; sometimes, he did both (Arasteh,
1962).
MODERN SCHOOLS IN OTTOMAN EMPIRE

During Sultan Mahmd IIs reign, it had become apparent that the
graduates of Sibyan schools were not academically capable enough to
pursue higher education in the few colleges that existed in the country
at the time. Thus, the modernization of Sibyan schools that had
continued to follow the traditional Ottoman educational philosophy
gained importance. To rectify the situation, the Sultan issued an edict
outlining primary education and how it should be governed in 1824.This
edict was the foundation of the educational systems reform during
Tanzimat, or reorganization era, in the Ottoman Empire.In the next 45
years, various edicts and directives pertaining to the modernization of
the educational system were issued by successive Sultans. The important
points of these directives were:
1.
Nationalization of education
2. Primary cycle set at 4 years

3. Mandatory attendance
4. Hiring qualified subjects of the empire as teachers
5. Prescribed curriculum
6. At least one primary school per neighbourhood or village
All these edicts had two things in common:
A. The budget for these schools was to be provided through
endowment (waqf), the Ramadan tax (fitra) or the poor tax
(zakat).
B. Due to the influence that the madrasas had over the primary
schools, the administration of such schools was left to the office
of the Shaykh al-Islam. Therefore, not much was done in terms of
including more secular subjects or teaching methodology.
[57]
Despite the establishment of a Council of Public Instruction (1845) and

the Ministry of Education (1847), the reforms were not fully
implemented till 1869 and the Public Education Regulations. The Sibyan
schools continued to provide traditional education to a large extent and
functioned in parallel with modern schools whose curriculum and
teaching style were more secular and based on modern methodologies.
The first reorganized schools called ibtid (elementary in Arabic)
based on the Regulations of 1869 opened in 1870. As part of these
reforms, age and level appropriate textbooks were prepared and
published for the pupils, and the administration of these schools were
gradually turned over to local organizations.
In 1876, the question of primary education became a part of the
constitution. An article in the Constitution made primary education
mandatory: "All Ottoman youth shall be required to complete the first
stage of the educational system, and the steps and details with regard to
this shall be spelled out in special regulations.
In 1882, the Minister of Education tried to do away with this
dichotomous system by placing his weight behind the elementary
(ibtid) schools, and eventually the Sibyan schools were transformed
into elementary schools. By 1909, most of the primary schools had
adopted the new style curriculum (Ihsanoglu, n.d.).
MISSIONARY AND RELIGIOUS MINORITY SCHOOLS IN IRAN

The first Catholic missionaries arrived in Iran during 13th and 14th century
when Dominicans and Franciscans established the very first Christian
missions in the Persian Empire. But it was not until the early 17th century
that Shah Abbas Safavid, who eagerly sought European support in his
efforts to counter Ottoman expansionism, welcomed official
representatives of Christian religious orders. They were allowed to
establish missionary centers all through the land and to minister to the
Christians of the Realm. However, after his death, during Shah Sultan
Husseins and Nadir Shahs reigns, persecutions broke out, and the
missionaries were forced to flee.
[58]
Catholics were not the only missionaries interested in working in Iran.

Protestants also started their missionary work in 1834, when the
American Board of Commissioners of Foreign Missions established a
mission in Urmiah amongst the Nestorians. From 1834 to 1871, some fiftytwo missionaries with several physicians were sent into Iran by this
organization. By 1895, the American missionaries managed to establish
117 schools in northwestern Iran alone, enrolling 2410 students. By late
1890s, they operated 147 schools throughout Iran for both sexes with a
total of 1000 girls enrolled (Rostam-Kolayi, 2002).
Religious Minorities Schools
Nowadays, educating their youth is not a major issue for religious

minorities, but this was of great importance to their communities in
previous centuries, especially during Muzaffar al-Din Shahs reign. In this
period, major changes and developments took place in their system of
education. These changes occurred at the same time as the reforms
during the Qajar reign, which led to the emergence of modern schools in
the country with the help of people like Roshdieh and the prime
minister, Amin al-Dowleh.
It is important to note that despite all the persecutions and restriction
imposed on religious minorities by the society, they were still ahead of
their Muslim counterparts in terms of education. A case in point is the
Armenian schools that were established in 1836, 17 years before Dar alFunun.
Armenian Schools in Tehran, Isfahan, and Azerbaijan
The history of Armenian education in Iran can be traced back to Shah

Abbas Safavis reign, who brought them to Isfahan from Nakhichevan,
Ganja and Jolfa in 1605. The Armenians built a small church and schools
for their childrens education after settling down. In fact, a room in the
church was set aside as a classroom and the priests taught the children.
The first somewhat modern school was established in 1834. Nasser al-Din
Shah issued a decree to the governor of Isfahan and the government to
pay a yearly stipend of 100 Tomans to the school and the Armenian
Church in 1879.
[59]
In 1899, with the help of Armenians from Jolfa, India and Java, a school
for girls was established in Isfahan. In 1907, another school was
established by Mrs. Varehkanian in memory of her husband who was the
principal of Lazarian College in Moscow. The furniture, educational aids,
maps, and blackboards were imported from Russia.
The next school to be established in Isfahan was a vocational school for
boys in 1908. The first professions to be taught in this school were
carpentry, shoemaking, and metal working. The required tools and
machinery were imported from abroad.
The Armenian school in Tehran was established in 1870 along with the
Armenian Church in the same year, in competition with the Protestant
missionary schools in the capital.
Zoroastrian Schools
Although Zoroastrianism was once the majority religion in Iran,

Zoroastrians are at present only in the ten thousands. They are the
oldest religious community of the nation, with a long history continuing
to the present day.
Under Islamic rule, religious minorities were subject to heavy minority
taxes, or jizya, which greatly curtailed their economic growth and
assimilation into the society. One major change for the minorities with
far-reaching results was revoking the jizya in 1882, years before the
constitutional revolution ("Jizya," 2007). This period was a turning point
for the minorities, especially the Zoroastrians and the Jews, because for
the first time in centuries they were able to connect with the outside
world and seek help in settling their problems with the government.
Since education is highly valued by Zoroastrians, they have always been
very diligent in educating their children. Even though they had to endure
persecutions and harassments from the state and society, they managed
to establish schools when there was none anywhere in the country. For
example, they founded schools, libraries and healthcare centers in
Kerman and Yazd .
Before the reform period, there were a handful of maktabs in each city
to educate the youth. In such traditional maktabs, reading and writing of
[60]
Persian, penmanship and verses from Avesta (the primary Zoroastrian

Sacred Texts) were taught by a master. Like the traditional maktabs, it
was a one-room space where the children sat on a sheepskin or a small
mat. The master wrote simple verses from Shahnameh, a long Persian
epic poem, on a piece of paper for each child and gave it to them to
study.
The Zoroastrians accepted the new system of education with
wholehearted support from Parsis of India. This trend had started
towards the end of Nasser al-Din Shahs rule and continued during
Mozafar al-Din Shahs reign.
Another form of their educational institutions was one that taught
literacy to adults (for a period of six months) and/or accounting for one
year. There were quite a few of these schools in Yazd and Kerman.During
the reform period, many schools for both girls and boys were
established in Iran. Among them were Rostami Abad Elementary in Taft
in 1900, which was the first school of any denomination in that city,
Goodarzi Elementary in Yazd in 1902, and Hormazd Elementary for boys
in Tehran (Akhjasteh & Advay, 2011).
Jewish schools
The education of Iranian Jews was conducted in traditional maktabs like

their Muslim counterparts. Students sat in several semicircles on the
floor of the synagogue before a mullah (Jewish cleric) and in chorus
recited back whatever he recited to them. In these maktbas, Hebrew
verses from the Torah, prayer books and sermons were taught. There
was no restriction for enrollment and students of different ages and
abilities studied together. The older students were expected to help the
younger ones. The salary of the mullah was paid by the families of the
students and depended on their economic ability.
This mode of education continued till 1865 when the Jews of Hamadan
and Tehran made contact with Alliance headquarters in Paris. But the
Alliances efforts to establish schools in Iran in the following years were
not successful till 1873, when members of the central committee of the
Alliance met Naseral-Din Shah in Paris during one of his visits. The Shah
was persuaded to lend patronage for establishing Alliance schools in Iran
[61]
and signed an agreement with the committee. Due to financial and

budgetary reasons, it took 25 years for this agreement to bear fruit.
During the reign of Mozaffaral-Din Shah, the Alliance informed the king
of the past agreement and obtained his consent to establish schools. In
1898, the first Alliance school opened in Tehran. The Shah indicated his
approval by awarding it two hundred Tomans through the minister of
foreign affairs. In the 1898-99 academic year, the number of students
enrolled in the elementary classes was 350 (421 by the end of the year),
out of a Jewish community of 6,000 in Tehran. The following year, an
Alliance school for girls opened, and evening classes were established
for adults. Yearly tuition at the school was 1,200 francs (approximately
240 Tomans at that time). Two-thirds of the student body was exempted
from monthly payments, and approximately sixty poor and orphan
students were given free meals (Yarshater, 1985).
The students were divided into 9 classes and sat at desks, and the
teachers supervised the hygiene of the students and the school. The
language of instruction was French from the beginning, and the
textbooks were based on French models. As a result, Jewish youths
gained little knowledge of the Persian or Hebrew languages and
cultures. Some Iranian Jews constantly fought against this method of
education. It was finally changed after 1921, with more emphasis being
given to Persian and, to a lesser extent, Hebrew. With the founding of
the Alliance schools in Iran, the traditional method of education was
gradually replaced by a European method unique in Iran (Akhjasteh &
Advay, 2011).
RELIGIOUS MINORITIES EDUCATION IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE

The Ottoman Empire was a multinational, multilingual, multi-ethnical and
multi-faith society. The Turks of the empire were Muslims based on
Islamic Sharia, but they recognized the other two major faiths (Christians
and Jews) as people of the book (ahl al-Kitab) and acknowledged them
as separate communities referred to as Millet. Millets were led by
religious chiefs, who served both as secular and as religious leaders.This
term was used in the Ottoman Empire for legally protected religious
minority groups, similar to the way other countries use the word nation.
[62]
All millets of the Empire had the right to open and run their own schools
and seminaries, teaching in their own languages.The minority schools in
the Ottoman Empire can be grouped into three: Greek Schools,
Armenian Schools, and Jewish Schools (Gokce & Oguz, 2011).
Greek Schools
The Greeks had established their first school in the Byzantine period in
Istanbul by the name of PhanarGreek School. It was controlled and
sponsored by the Patriarchate of Constantinople. Another important
school was the Heybeliada School of Parsons. It was opened in the 9th
century as a shrine under the name of Ayatiriyada Monastery; a school
was added to it after the conquest of Istanbul. The Greek, being by far
the most ethnocentric millet under Ottoman rule, continued to establish
schools all over the empire during the following centuries to keep their
culture alive. The education in these schools, like in most minority
schools in Turkey, had a secular bent, and subjects such as Greek
Language and Literature, Geometry, and Mathematics were taught in
them. By 1897, the largest number of elementary schools in the empire
was Greek Orthodox and consisted of 4390 schools out of a total of 5982
non-Muslim schools in 1897 (Gamm, 2013).
Armenian Schools
In the period between the conquest of Istanbul and the end of the 18th
century, there were no Armenian schools in the empire (Gokce & Oguz,
2011).
The Millet system in the empire enabled the Armenians to establish the
first school in 1790. Other religious community schools were founded in
all Armenian neighbourhoods of Istanbul and other parts of the empire
like Anatolia, where the Armenian population was dense. On Patriarch
Karabets instructions in 1824, schools were established almost
everywhere in the country. Establishing higher education institutions
was the next logical step, so the Cemeran School in Uskudar was built in
order to provide higher education to Armenian communities. According
to the Patriarchates data, there were 469 Armenian schools in Anatolia
in 1834.
[63]
Jewish Schools
There was a small Jewish minority of 150,000 in the 19th century in the
Ottoman Empire. The Jewish communities were mostly urban, and
generally lived in their own overcrowded neighborhoods (Ginio, n.d.).
For this reason, the Ottoman Jews were behind other millets in
benefitting from privileges granted to them by the state as they lived as
a somewhat closed society. However, with the establishment of Alliance
Israelite in 1860 in France, new horizons opened up for them in terms of
educational opportunities. They were encouraged by the Alliance to
assimilate the French culture by learning and speaking French. They
opened a school in Istanbul and educated the community without using
Turkish in any way. Theirdifference from other minority schools is that
they focused not only on good manners and language teaching, but also
on vocational training.
Missionary schools
Although both Catholic and Protestant missionaries had been present in

the empire from the 16th century, with the Second Great Awakening a
more organized and systematic endeavor in this regard was undertaken
by the Protestants, specifically the American Board of Commissioners for
Foreign Missions (ABCFM), based in Boston, and the Church Missionary
Society, based in London.
The empire, with its large Christian minority consisting of Armenians,
Maronite, Greeks, Bulgarians, Jacobites, Nestorians, Chaldeans and
Copts, attracted their attention for two reasons. Like their Catholic
counterparts , the Protestants with their firm belief in individual
salvation, not only wanted to bring Christianity to the Empire but also to
revitalize Eastern Christianity, which, they felt, was in dire need of
spiritual conversion through evangelization. This was to be achieved by
emphasizing Bible reading and Christian education. In addition, the
missionaries were attracted to the Holy Land (Agoston & Masters, n.d.).
In general, missionaries of all denominations, especially Americans,
believed that only through education and intellectual enlightenment
people would be receptive to their religious mission, so education
became an indirect tool for evangelization. The first requirement
[64]
towards achieving this goal was literacy. They established primary

schools for boys and girls all over the empire to introduce the populace
to modern education. In addition, they established printing presses to
publish schoolbooks, copies of the Bible, and other religious tracts.
American missionaries were of the opinion that it was better to
communicate and proselytize in the native language of the people they
administered to, so the published material and even the language of
instruction were in the predominant language of the millet.The ABCFM
founded its first school in Beirut in 1824. In the following decades, they
established an extensive network of schools at all levels in the Empire,
particularly in Anatolia. Besides teaching literacy, they included empirical
sciences and humanities in their syllabuses. In addition, most of the
missionaries whether male or female, were graduates of teaching
colleges of their native countries and were better equipped as trained
teachers in using modern methodologies of teaching in their schools.
Better trained teachers and a more practical curriculum resulted in a
higher quality of education than the Sibyan schools or most of the millet
schools could provide. Therefore, they attracted more and more
students from the ranks of Armenians, Jews, and even Muslims.
In addition to opening kindergartens and primary and secondary schools
in almost every city in the Empire, several colleges were founded to
provide higher education for the graduates of missionary schools, such
as the Robert College in Istanbul in 1863 and the Syrian Protestant
College in Beirut in 1866.The annual reports of the ABCFM and
Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions in 1914 stated that the American
missionaries in the Ottoman Empire directed 473 elementary, 54
secondary, and 4 theological schools, as well as 11 colleges, teaching a
total of 32,252 students (Agoston & Masters, n.d.).
CONCLUSION
By the early nineteenth century, it had become clear to both Iran and the
Ottoman Empire that military reforms could not happen in isolation. The
entire administrative system needed to be reconstructed, and modern
schools had to be established to accommodate these reforms. As a
[65]
result, both countries started what is widely referred to as defensive

modernization or defensive reforms.
The educational reforms started with establishing higher education
institutions in the form of military colleges to produce trained personnel
for the administrative bodies and officers for the army. However, the
graduates of traditional educational institutions did not possess the
academic background to study in these colleges, so the next step was to
modernize the existing primary education. For the first few decades
after the start of the reforms, this desired outcome was not achieved in
either country because of the influence and opposition of the ulama who
were traditionally the providers and administrators of public education.
Added to this opposition was the proliferation of missionary and
religious minority schools which had their own educational style and
curriculum. This situation resulted in a dichotomous educational system
at best. On the one hand, there were the traditional maktabs with their
emphasis on religious subjects with almost a complete disregard for
empirical sciences and, on the other hand, were the missionary, minority,
and modern schools with modern curricula and teaching methodology.
The primary level education in Iran and the Ottoman Empire in mid-19th
century had many similarities, such as:
1.
With the exception of a few, no state-funded schools existed

before the reforms
2. Primary education was under the ulamas administration

3. No modern curriculum or teaching method was implemented
into the maktabs system
4. The writing classes taught in the maktabs were based on the
Arabic script
5. Traditional schools operated parallel to newly established
modern schools
6. Missionary schools provided modern curriculum and teaching
methodology and were a source of free education for the public.
7. Iranian and Ottoman authorities established a secular, statefunded education system as a counterbalance to the missionary
schools (and to the millet schools in the case of the Ottomans)
[66]
Despite these similarities, there were major differences between the two
countries primary education systems too. To name a few:
1.
The first modern school in the Ottoman Empire was established

in 1839 to train a body of civil servants for the new administrative
structure (Somel, 2001), whereas the first modern school in Iran
was established in 1851.
2. Direct state involvement started much sooner in the Ottoman

Empire with the Regulation of Education in 1869.
3. A Ministry of Education was established in 1847 in Ottoman
Turkey, while there would not be one in Iran till 1855.
4. The inclusion of compulsory education in the constitution
happened in 1876 in Ottoman Turkey,whereas in Iran,
compulsory education was promulgated into the constitution
only in 1907.
5. Millet schools were much more numerous and provided a higher
level of education in the Ottoman Empire than their counterparts
in Iran.
6. Maktabs in Ottoman Turkey were all funded by enwoment (waqf)
or other forms of charitable donation, and students did not pay
tuition fees; however, in Iran although some of the maktabs
were funded by charitable endowments, the students were
expected to pay tuition in the privately owned maktabs.
To elucidate the reasons for these differences a more comprehensive
look at the socioeconomic and political system of the two countries is
needed, which is out of the scope of this article. However, the most
important reason i.e. the size and composition of the middle class
can be briefly examined here.
One of the main differences between the two countries was that
although the reforms started from the top, in the Ottoman Empire, they
were supported by the middle class. A large proportion of this class was
comprised of minorities, especially Christians. The merchants were
mainly Greek Orthodox or Armenian, so they were more involved in the
economy of the country and more active in the society. They had their
[67]
own schools and sent their children to Europe for higher education, so
the limited number of educated manpower in the Empire was mostly
Christian and wholeheartedly supported the reforms. This disparity
indirectly encouraged the authorities to hasten their efforts in
establishing a nationalized and secular education system.
Iran was still transforming from a feudalistic and tribal society into a
more modern and urban one; so there was no large middle class in the
country at the time. The middle class, comprised of merchants and
artisans, was traditionally Muslim with a very conservative worldview
because of its ties with the ulama and religious organizations. As a result,
with the exception of a few open-minded individuals, their stance was
that the traditional schools had served the society well for centuries and
viewed the educational reforms not only as a burden on the society, but
also as a threat to the Islamic culture of the country with their emphasis
on empirical sciences and a secular approach to education.
In addition, minorities in Iran constituted a smaller percentage of the
population than in the Ottoman Empire. Besides, they are not as
integrated into the society as their counterparts in Ottoman Turkey.
They were mostly autonomous in their civil affairs and education like
their neighbours, but did not have a robust presence in the economic
sphere like the millets in the Ottoman Empire. Hence, minorities in
Irancould not exert a strong influence on the society and the reforms
undertaken by the state.
In sum, rapid changes in technology and the sciences in Europe,
combined with the dismal economic and political situation of both Iran
and the Ottoman Empire led them to initiate reforms in order to keep
their borders secure and stop the western countries from increasing
encroachment into their affairs. The starting point was reconstructing
the army. That soon necessitated fundamental transformations in the
administrative and educational bodies. Not only was the educational
system revamped, but also the function and philosophy of education.
There was a movement from the traditional philosophy with its emphasis
on inculcating religious values among the population to a secular and
functionalistic view of the same, where producing trained manpower
while maintaining societys cultural integrity took centre stage.
[68]
Institutions of higher education were established, and primary

education, which had thus far been viewed as not having direct effects
on the reforms, was justifiably recognized as a necessity for the public
and put at the top of both governments agenda.
References
Agoston, G., & Masters, B. (n.d.). Missionary schools in the Ottoman Empire. In
Encyclopedia of the Ottoman Empire (pp. 385-386).
Akhjasteh, J., &Advay, M. (2011). A Study of Minorities Education DuringMuzaffar al-Din
Shahs Reign. PayamehBaharestan.
Ali Akbar Dehkhoda A Biographical Account. (2010, May 26). Http://www.iran-daily.com/.
Retrieved from http://old.irandaily.com/1389/3/5/MainPaper/3689/Page/6/MainPaper_3689_6.pdf
Arasteh, A. R. (1962). Education and social awakening in Iran. Leiden: E.J. Brill.
Balaghi, S. (n.d.). Colonialism and Constitutionalism: Iran at the Turn of the Century.
Retrieved from https://www.nyu.edu/greyart/exhibits/iran/briefhistory/body_index.html
Celnek, S. (2009). Secularization Process in the History of Turkish Education. Social Science
Journal,19(2), 101-108. Retrieved January 31, 2015, from http://www.krepublishers.com/02Journals/JSS/JSS-19-0-000-09-Web/JSS-19-2-000-09-Abst-PDF/JSS-19-2-101-2009-774Celenk-S/JSS-19-2-101-2009-774-Celenk-S-Tt.pdf
Corlu, S. M., Burlbaw, L. M., Capraro, R. M., Corlu, M. A., &Sunyoung, H. (2010). The
Ottoman Palace School Enderun and the Man with Multiple Talents, MatrakNasuh. Journal
of the Korea Society of Mathematical Education,14(1), d, 19-31. Retrieved January 31, 2015,
from
http://aggiestem.tamu.edu/sites/aggiestem.tamu.edu/files/drrobertmcapraro/The%20Ottoman
%20Palace%20School.pdf
EghbalGhasemi,1998 ( . ). The new schools in Qajarieh ; their founders and pioneers.
Tehran: MarkazNashrDaneshgahi.
Gamm, N. (2013, October 12). Istanbuls schools under the Ottomans. Hrriyet Daily News.
Ginio, E. (n.d.). Jews in the Ottoman Empire. Retrieved January 31, 2015, from
http://www.jbooks.com/secularculture/Ginio.htm
Gokce, F., &Oguz, N. (2011). Minority and foreign schools on the Ottoman education system
[Abstract]. E-International Journal of Educational Research,1(1), 42-57. Retrieved from
http://www.e-ijer.com/
Higher education in Iran. (n.d.). Retrieved January 31, 2015, from
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Higher_education_in_Iran
Ihsanoglu, E. (n.d.). Primary Schools under the Ottomans. Retrieved from
http://muslimheritage.com/article/primary-schools-under-ottomans
[69]
Irzk, G., & Guzeldere, G. (2005). Late Ottoman and Early Republican Science. In Turkish
studies in the history and philosophy of science (pp. 287-288). Dordrecht: Springer.
Jizya. (2007, May 29). Retrieved from
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jizya#Nineteenth_and_twentieth_centuries
KhaleghiMoghadam, M. (2010, October). Taghiir- foncionalisti- madares- doreh-Qajar [Web
log post]. Retrieved January 31, 2015, from http://drmkhm.blogfa.com/post-184.aspx
Nasiri, M. (n.d.). Mirza Hassan Roshdieh. Retrieved from
http%3A%2F%2Fanjom.ir%2Fbozorgdashtha%2F19-roshdye.html
Naval Academy Turkey. (n.d.). Retrieved January 31, 2015, from
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Naval_Academy_(Turkey)#History
Noroozi, N. (2010). Evolving philosophies of modern education in Iran examining the role of
wonder (Unpublished master's thesis).
[Preface]. (2001). In M. M. Ringer (Author), Education, religion, and the discourse of cultural
reform in Qajar Iran (pp. 8-9). Costa Mesa, CA: Mazda.
Rostam-Kolayi, J. (2002). Foreign education,the women's pres. In N. R. Keddie & R. P.
Matthee (Authors), Iran and the surrounding world: Interactions in culture and cultural politics
(pp. 186-187). Seattle: University of Washington Press.
Somel, S. A. (2001). The emergence of government primary education. In The modernization
of public education in the Ottoman Empire, 1839-1908: Islamization, autocracy, and
discipline (pp. 15-16). Leiden: Brill.
Sonmez, S. (2013). Primary Education System in Ottoman Empire. International Journal of
Humanities & Social Science,3(5), 163. Retrieved January 31, 2015, from
http://connection.ebscohost.com/c/articles/87976999/primary-education-system-ottomanempire
Sultanzadah, H. (1985). Trkh-imadris-irn, azahd-ibstnttass-iDr al-Funn (1st ed.,
Vol. 1, pp. 54-55). Tehran: Agah.
TavakoliTarghi, M. (n.d.). The Constitutionalist Language and Imaginary. Retrieved January
31, 2015, from
http%3A%2F%2Firanianstudies.ca%2FConst_Revolution%2Fbackground.html
TavakoliTarghi, M. (n.d.). The Constitutionalist Language and Imaginary. Retrieved January
31, 2015, from
http%3A%2F%2Firanianstudies.ca%2FConst_Revolution%2Fbackground.html
Tavakoli-Targhi, M. (2001). 7,Patriotic and Matriotic Nationalism. In Refashioning Iran
Orientalism, Occidentalisln and Historiography (pp. 114-115). New York: Palgrave.
Yarshater, E. (1985). Alliance Israelite Universelle, In EncyclopaediaIranica (pp. 893-895).
,Boston, MA: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Retrieved January 31, 2015, from
http://www.iranicaonline.org
[70]
EDUCATION AND LANGUAGE IN SINT MAARTEN

Milton George
KU Leuven, Belgium
ABSTRACT
One of the variables that are symptomatic of the

international impact on the Island of Sint Maarten is
language and, more particularly, the language of
instruction. That is why in this article, we shall turn our
attention to the language question in educational
discussions and practices. However, before we lay out the
chronological development of educational practice in St.
Maarten in relation to the language of instruction, we must
first speak of its context. The first element that must be
borne in mind is that between 1954 and 2000, the Island of
St. Maarten (NL)/ Saint Martin (FR) found itself in a sea of
political ambivalence and unequal relations. It was a postcolonial construct that had been engineered to redress the
colonial past, but which could not be rectified overnight or
by royal decree.
Keywords: Sint Maarten, Education, Historical, Caribbean, Language
INTRODUCTION
St. Maarten is a 37 square miles island, divided into two different political
entities. The Southern part is Dutch, called St. Maarten; the Northern
part is French, called Saint Martin.
The capital of Dutch St. Maarten is Philipsburg.Although English is
spoken everywhere, Dutch is the official language of St. Maarten, and
[71]
French of Saint Martin. There are 80 different nationalities, who reside

on the island. This shows the importance of migration for the island. The
islands past helps one to better understand the many influences that
have shaped the local community. Being that St. Maarten is a Caribbean
island, this implies several things. For example, we are talking about an
essentially mixed and cross-cultural environment. People have come and
gone from the region throughout the centuries. While some came in
search of a better future, others merely wished to colonize it and exploit
its resources. Nowadays, most visitors simply want to sunbathe and
chill. Even though all these people have not influenced the Island in the
same way, when we look at the longue dure (Braudel, 1972), we can see
patterns of influence.
In 1954, St. Maarten was part of a federal, insular country (the
Netherlands Antilles) within a composite constitutional structure called
the Kingdom of the Netherlands (made up of the Netherlands,
Suriname, the Netherlands Antilles and, later on, Aruba). All these
variables gave rise to a complex constitutional situation and a multitiered political hierarchy which, when combined with the demographics
of the Caribbean, help to explain why the efforts to draw up a consistent
and long-term language policy for St. Maarten was a challenge in itself.
COMPLEX LINGUISTIC REALITY

Although newcomers on the Island brought along their own languages,
they did not all shape the linguistic landscape in the same way. Language
use in education implies that there are sufficiently large groups of
speakers with which one can reckon. Language policies presuppose a
certain amount of power, both social and political, that allows a
particular language to cross the domestic threshold into the political
arena. In this respect, Martha Dijkhoff pointed out that there is a
geographical limitation to the languages spoken at home by most of its
population: English on the Windward Islands and Papiamentu on the
Leeward Islands (Declercq, E., &Dhulst, L. 2010). The languages spoken
at home have a different status and are granted a different amount of
social recognition in society. Dutch is the language of instruction in most
schools, an important language of communication for government, and
[72]
for written and business communication, whereas it is also the language

of communication within the kingdom (Dijkhoff, 2004:31-43).
The language issue on St. Maarten has always been a puzzling one. Will
Johnson words it admirably when he says: What divides us most and
makes us a strange peculiarity in the history of the Dutch Kingdom is the
fact that we have always been and still are an English speaking people.
Throughout the centuries Dutch historians, administrators and religious
leaders have all lamented the fact that they could not get us to abandon
the English language and to become proper Dutch speaking law abiding
citizens. On the contrary well established Dutch families such as the
Heyligers, Zeegers, VanRomondts all within a generation became
Anglicized. No one could defend our status as an English speaking entity
in the Dutch Kingdom, better and with more passion, than the van
Romondts or the Heyligers (Johnson, 1995: 1)
Even though English is often taken to be the local language of St.
Maarten, the current language landscape of the Island is far more
complex (CBS 2001). This linguistic complexity did not happen overnight.
When the European colonial powers forcefully engineered Caribbean
societies among other things, by introducing enslaved and indentured
workers, they created mixed, multi-lingual realities (crolit) which were
a reflection of the composite and syncretistic identity of the inhabitants
of the region. In this sense, the Caribbean was a forerunner of what
would be called the global village.
English is the predominant and universal language in St. Maarten, but by
no means the only one. Haitian residents speak Creole and French.
Colombians, Dominicanos and other Latin American residents speak
Spanish. Papiamento is spoken among the Antilleans from Curaao,
Bonaire and Aruba. The Surinamese speak Dutch and SrananTongo.
Some Chinese dialects are also commonplace in the Chinese community.
Urdu and Hindi are spoken among the Pakistani and Indian population,
especially those working in the diamond sector. Beside these linguistic
groups, there are also smaller ones, such as Arab speaking and Italian
group.
[73]
The position of Dutch in St. Maartens life is not the same as that of
Arabic in North Africa after the arrival of Islam, French in West Africa
colonies, English in East Africa, or even Dutch in Surinam. On the Island,
between 1954 and 2000, Dutch was considered the official language
(used in the government and in some schools), but it has never been the
language of daily life -- with the exception of groups such as the
European Dutch and Surinamese expats. Dutch has remained a foreign
language (probably even among St. Maarteners educated in the
Netherlands). Despite what official documents state, most people on the
Island have communicated and still do in English.
Still, we must underline that English can refer to different types of
World Englishes (a term that has now become commonplace in English
linguistics; Kachru, 1992). There is St. Maarten English, other types of
Caribbean English (e.g. Jamaican or Guyanese), Received Standard
English (spoken mainly by those,who have followed formal education
and expats, especially Americans, Brits and Canadians). This means that
the language question is still not solved by saying that St. Maartens real,
functional language is English. A. Fleming-Rogers warned that even
though English is purported to be the national language, it is not the
mother tongue of the people of the Windward Islands. Their mother
tongue is a variant of English (Fleming-Rogers, 1990).
P1 expressed this idea during our interview: Our mother tongue is not
Dutch, but its not English [either]. How will I look at the Dominican child
and say: Hey Jun, tumadertong is nglis? No, thats not right. We dont
have a mother tongue. You see, people here and at an international level
want to put that jacket to fit on St. Maarten. We have too much diversity
to focus on a mother tongue. What we have is our commercial
language because thats the language we do business in. Both on the
Dutch and French side, people understand English. We have an official
language and that is Dutch . In everyday life, St. Maarteners speak a
language that is neither Revised Standard English nor Dutch.
[74]
THE LANGUAGE PENDULUM IN EDUCATION

The legal framework
The language of instruction in St. Maarten education can be described as

a pendulum that sometimes sways towards Dutch and then towards
English. The shift between these two languages has been (and still is) a
debated topic, even at the language colloquium of all Dutch speaking
parts of the world, namely, The Netherlands, Flanders (Belgium),
Suriname, The Dutch Antilles and Aruba. Our research suggests that we
can map out this debate on the Island in a number of chronological
phases.
Between 1907 and 1935, many rules were made. The discussion
concerning the language of instruction and the position of foreign
languages in education became an important issue. According to Stanley
Lamp, there was a dispute between the Colonial Council and the School
Committee. The former argued in favor of a position for the mother
tongue, while the latter was of the opinion that: In every part of the
colony the knowledge of Dutch comes in the first place. To be able to
spread this knowledge everything can be used and anything that is in its
disadvantage must be eliminated. Speaking of Papiamentu the School
Committee stated: The existence of the language (Papiamentu) is
regrettable, because it impedes the learning of the mother tongue
(Dutch) .that is needed to increase the development and the
prosperity of the people (Lamp, 2004: 9).
With the implementation of the educational law of 1935, Dutch was
adopted as the language of instruction throughout the Netherlands
Antilles. This caused a problem, because neither the teachers nor the
students could reallyspeak the language. Therefore, the law was
modified so that children could be educated in English and learn Dutch
as a Second Language (Fleming-Rogers, 1990).
However, in the late nineteen-fifties, there were reasons to modify the
law again. Due to their insufficient knowledge of Dutch, students of the
Windward Islands were not able to successfully continue their education
[75]
in the Leeward Islands where Dutch was the language of instruction

(Wattman, 1974). Although the stress was laid on Dutch as the language
of instruction, once again, the actual school practice did not live up to
the ideals in both parts.
The next shift in the language debate took place in the seventies. At that
time, attempts were made to introduce Papiamentu in the Leeward
Islands and English in the Windward Islands as the languages of
instruction (Fleming-Rogers, 1990). In other words, people sought to
reflect the daily linguistic reality of the islandsin the classroom. It took
quite a long time for this discussion to get underway, but once it did, it
led to the adoption of a transitional bilingual system.
It is worth mentioning that during a conference held in the Windward
Islands in the 70s, information was presented on the opinion of the
people concerning their preference regarding the language of
instruction. The majority of the parents did not favor English (FlemingRogers, 1990).
One of the main influences in the transitional bilingual system was a pilot
project in the Windward Islands that had been implemented in 1973/74.
In this project, English would become the language of instruction for
Kindergarten and the first grades of the elementary schools. We also
cannot underestimate the influence of David MacKay (from the UK) in
St. Maarten who brought his method Breakthrough to Literacy to the
Island. Due to the importance of his project, we shall deal with it in more
detail below (Fleming-Rogers, 1990).
In 1979, a Federal Decree ratified that the implementation of the
transitional bilingual system should only take place once the necessary
preparations had been made.
In 1986, the arrival of a new Minister of Education Richardson
brought along changes. She believed in mother-tongue education,
especially at the elementary level. A protocol of Cooperation was signed
to ensure that English would be implemented as the language of
instruction in schools. This protocol was declared official policy in 1987.
[76]
Our interviews seem to indicate that the average resident on St. Maarten
had practical and emotional motives to not be completely behind this
decision.
At the practical level, parents were concerned with their childrens
further education. Seventh - day Adventist children, who can go from
Kindergarten to PhD. and study all the way through in English and in
[North-American] Adventists institutions, went for English-medium
schools (P2). For other children, who could not (and still cannot) afford
education in the USA or Canada nor would have the chance to do so (e.g.
by means of a scholarship), Dutch remained the preferred option. The
Dutch language was seen as a ticket to affordable tertiary education
either in Curaao or the Netherlands. A similar scenario was observed in
Curaao, where some feared that turning their back on Dutch would put
their children in a disadvantageous position if they decided to continue
their studies in The Netherlands, for which Dutch was essential (Lamp,
2004). At the emotional level, others felt that since they were (and still
are) Dutch nationals, they had some responsibility towards the Dutch
language.
The language of instruction continued to be a debated issue on two
accounts: (1) it called for much effort on the part of schools, teachers
and students and (2) the results were poor. On the one hand, it was
difficult to find Dutch-speaking teachers and teaching materialsthatwere
relevant to the Island. Furthermore, the lack of real-life situations for
using Dutch at an advanced level on the Island did little to motivate the
students to attempt to master the language. On the other hand, people
were aware that although most of those educated in St. Maarten had
undergone language education for many years, they could still not
function adequately in either language (English or Dutch) in contexts
where formal register, accuracy and correctness were required (Dijkhoff,
2004).
The people mentioned above were disadvantaged both in the labor
market and in higher education: neither their English nor their Dutch was
on a par with that of students educated in the USA or the Netherlands
[77]
respectively. In fact, their Dutch was often not much better than that of
foreigners who had never been in contact with the language before their
arrival in the Netherlands. P3, too, underlined that students taught in
Dutch in St. Maarten would end up translating the language all the time,
because they do not hear Dutch all the time. It is a foreign language.
They end up not being proficient in English and also not in Dutch. And
when they go to study in Holland, both types of children have the same
problems anyway. They dont know the slang, the accents , and are
stuck (P3).
DAVID MACKAY AND BREAKTHROUGH TO LITERACY (1972-1974)

The arrival of David MacKay during the 1970s left an indelible mark on
the people working in education at the time. He had developed a
method called Breakthrough to Literacy, which represented a holistic
approach to literacy and acknowledged the essential connection
between reading and writing. Breakthrough to Literacy enabled children
to compose their own texts using word tiles from a basic vocabulary and
on a magnetic board where the sentences were formed. This active
learning provided stimuli for using language in listening, speaking,
reading and writing (.Coles, M., Mackay, D. & Hall, C., 1970). The Christian
Hillside School and, in particular, Asha, played a key role in the
application of these new ideas.
P4 explained during our interview that English was used as the language
of instruction in Kindergarten (i.e. two years) and the two following
years in elementary school, meaning four years in total. David Mackay
was invited to the Island to give workshops. His stay and work were
funded by the Bernard Van Leer Foundation.Breakthrough to Literacy
was the answer to teach children how to read. The strength of the
method was that it departed from the idea that the sum is greater than
the parts. Children were helped to construct their own book based on
their own ideas. Apart from the Christian Hillside School, the Methodist
AgogicCenter (MAC) also favored the MacKay project as it focused on
instructing the students in their mother tongue in their early years, as
P5.
[78]
MacKays method was well received in St. Maarten. For P6, the
introduction of Breakthrough to Literacy marked the introduction of a
child-centered approach to education. In other words, the idea of
Education for All, with English as the language of instruction
fromKindergarten through primary school was finally applied. Children
were taught in English and exposed to Dutch. The English years were a
transitional period to Dutch, given that in Grade Three the instruction
switched from English to Dutch. This was based on MacKays belief that
a child best learned another language when he was 8 or 9 years old.
P5 found the experience both positive and influential, but he also saw its
flaws. Without undermining the virtues of the method, it was felt that
the teachers were not well prepared to apply it and the classes were too
chaotic. Indeed, the problem with the MacKays project seems to have
been the lack of structural, contextual and reflective planning.
Implementing innovative methods implies change but, as P7 argued in
hindsight during our interview, the changes had a lot to do with the
person, who was in charge, even in the area of the language of
instruction. He went on to suggest, as did others, that the innovative
intentions were subject to individual initiatives since there was no
structural plan and that bled them to death. He did not blame the
Kingdom for the failed attempts, since St. Maarten fell under federal
Antillean jurisdiction.
For P5, there were also other flaws related to the implementation of the
project: the measuring of projects like this was never really carried out.
There were rather assumptions about what the true results were instead
of looking at the students outcomes and say: Hey, we can see that it
has had some impacts, but real measuring was lacking.
The lack of structural planning and implementation became manifest
when MacKay was about to go into the third phase of the project. At
that moment, teachers protested that they had not been properly
coached to make the transition from Dutch to English. However, the
situation was not working in Dutch, because even thoughthe teachers
went into their classrooms with the intention to teach Dutch, they ended
[79]
up using English, since the children could not speak Dutch! Despite the
legal framework, Dutch was no longer as stressed as it had once been.
Thus, when MacKay left in 1974, the predictable outcome happened: the
project collapsed. Once the hub that held together the initiative was no
longer in St. Maarten, the lack of structural planning increased and,
according to P6 the project started to be watered down. Schools
started diverging and doing different things. Sometimes there were
parallel Dutch and English classes.
The situation in primary education in 1977 was as follows: Grades One
and Two were English-medium; Grade Three was a transition year from
English to Dutch; and from Grade Four onwards, pupils used Dutch as the
language of instruction. Personally, P8 was in favor of English
throughout and Dutch as a Second or Foreign language. For him, and
others like him, what was defective was not the language being used at
school, but the way in which it was taught. The language policy and
school practice had to be systematic, with a strong Dutch component so
that secondary students could choose whether to study in the
Netherlands or elsewhere. He pleaded for a realistic approach to Dutch
as a Second/Foreign language on the grounds that speaking is less
important than reading and comprehension. In the case of English,
Breakthrough to Literacy revised the philosophy behind the teaching of
English reading, but the same was not done with Dutch.
P9 elaborated further on the critique of how languages were taught,
rather than on the languages themselves: it is not a language-related
failure. We must find out what the real causes are. Even though a
Spanish child is born here and brought up here, they can speak Spanish.
They learn it though the media, like TV. The same applies to Chinese and
Indian students, even though they have never been to China or Hong
Kong. We should look at that success models since they succeed in
English and Chinese. Those parents teach their children. That is where
we are failing: in the teaching. St. Maarten is in a unique situation and
has the real good ingredients. You can make a nice rum cake, but you can
[80]
also ruin it. And she drew conclusions not only about the past, but also
the present. The policy makers are failing, she concluded.
Even though the MacKay initiative did not bear the expected fruit, and
finally waned, we were told that, indirectly, it had a positive impact on
the mentality of educators on the Island. In the words of P6, the positive
side of the MacKay project was that it helped people to appreciate their
own language. MacKay set the basis for any innovation. Learning in your
own language makes things easier. Translating from a foreign language
to yours and then the other way around, as is done in schools that do not
use the first language of the students for instruction, complicates
things.
THE LIVED EXPERIENCE

While discussing the issue of the language of instruction, we must not
forget the opinion of the people involved in the implementation of the
legal framework.
In 1890, when the Missionary Sisters of Voorschotenstarted their mission
on St. Maarten, the language of instruction in the schools was English. At
that time, only two sisters knew English, but after a while, the others
succeeded in learning the language so that they could teach.
In 1933, the situation was radically altered: Dutch lessons were
introduced in all the school years. In Grade Four, Dutch would grow until
it took over. In Grades 5 and 6, all lessons were to be taught in Dutch.
However, for subsidized, special primary schools, the ordinance for
education demanded that education be in the Dutch-medium as much
as possible. Higher education was in Dutch (Hart, 1992).
P5 remarked, for instance, that Priests, nuns, governors, doctors: they
were all Dutch. There were only a few Dutch in St. Maarten (unlike
Curaao). At school, they celebrated Sinterklaas, which was not common
on the island. Milton Peters (later Commissioner) decided that children
should learn Dutch from the start.
[81]
P10 remembered, during our interview that in 1953, in Grades One, Two
and Three, they taught arithmetic in English and Dutch. The language of
instruction was basically English, although the textbooks were in Dutch.
Since most teachers were local (either from St. Maarten or the Englishspeaking Caribbean), the explanations were in English. The level of
discomfort that the language gap occasioned was that all the teachers
spoke to the children in Dutch. It was difficult in the beginning, but they
got used to it. It encouraged them to listen well and sharpen your
listening skills.
In 1963, everything changed to English (George, 2010). Nonetheless,
there was no indication that the language issue had been settled. The
pros and cons of bilingual schools were numerous. But for many people
on the Island, it was clear: outside schools, and even within schools,
bilingualism was a fact, albeit not officially. Nothing was done as if Dutch
was going to stay as language of instruction for good. It was known that
English would eventually prevail.
St. Maarteners were conscious that Dutch was not their mother
tongue, but neither was Standard English. Given that Standard English
also felt foreign, the status given to Dutch managed to create the
impression that the language of the old colonizers could not be done
away with too swiftly.
From the above, it appears that the pro-English camp failed to conduct
an effective and convincing PR campaign in favor of English as the
mandatory, universal language of instruction.
Almost every interview showed that the pragmatic concerns to keep
Dutch were perceived to be more important in the eyes of many parents
than nationalistic sentiments or their attachment to English (for which
they would still have to wait about two decades).
Although not directly related to this research, the experience or shall we
say difficult experience of bi-lingual education in St. Maarten could be a
rich source for understanding the pros and cons of bi-lingual education in
general. In Europe and Asia, there is a growing trend to implement so[82]
called bi-lingual education in both primary and second schools. The

experience of St. Maarten raises questions of its effectiveness and its
sustainability (i.e. the need of qualified teachers, student and parental
motivation, but also funds). Furthermore, there continues to be an
upward trend in the proliferation of private English language education:
both American and British schools. In some schools, over 60% of the
student population is native, i.e. non-native speakers. The reason being
that parents believe that being able to speak English well will give their
children certain advantages later and provide them access to universities
in the United Kingdom or the USA. The St. Maarten experience shows
that although it is a good theory in practice, sometimes the results are
not what the parents except or desire. This research is also a rich
resource for those looking into those questions as well as students of
linguistics.
St. Maartens society was not ready yet to evolve from being a survival
economy (typical of colonial territories, which are not self-ruled and still
lack both a local intellectual echelon as well as an influential, local
commercial class) to being a (partially, though meaningfully) selfregulated economy. People were satisfied with being able to find a job
and educate their children, but they lacked the political will to claim the
reigns of their destiny. Nor did they seem yet to have a financial vision
for St. Maarten.
The 1970s was a time of change. English schools came into existence and
the student population attending English-medium schools grew and
eventually outnumbered those attending Dutch-medium schools.
The problem during the periodof language instruction transition was
that, according to the Sisters, the interest of the students for Dutch had
deteriorated because the lessons given in English in Grade One and Two
were repeated in Dutch in Grade Three. This awkward and meaningless
situation led some schools to opt for English as the only language of
instruction and other schools for Dutch. Students who preferred English
went to the St. Maarten Academy, where Dutch was only a subject.
[83]
Apart from this reason, at the time, the increase of students going for
English-medium education was also influenced by the enormous amount
of immigrants to St. Maarten from the English speaking Caribbean in
search of employment. Thus, even though Dutch remained the official
language, Caribbean English became reinforced as the real everyday
language in St. Maarten.
During this transition period, the lack of clear direction on the part of the
federal government gave schools room to experiment with language.
P8, who was an inspector at the time, revealed that On the one hand, he
had to implement Federal policy. On the other hand, he tolerated
developments towards English as language of instruction (e.g. at MAC).
Once thing was clear, namely that the transition was not clear. Some
schools started using Dutch at the beginning of Grade 3, while others
preferred to do it half way through, and others at the end.
Dutch was experienced as a passive language, since a real-life context for
its teaching was missing. P11 noticed when teaching that students were
forced to learn in a language that was not reinforced in their daily lives.
P12 confirmed this, saying that you did not really speak a lot of Dutch at
school. In her case, she mostly learned Dutch among the Dutch and
Surinamese in St. Maarten. For P3, it was logical that students could not
master Dutch, unless you are being bombarded all day with Dutch, it is
very difficult for you to express yourself sufficiently in Dutch. Children do
watch Dutch television. Their key figures their play figures (Batman
and so on) are not Dutch.
In 1986, the then minister of education signed a protocol that each island
territory could determine the language of instruction in elementary
education. At that time, Saba decided to go completely for English as the
language of instruction. In St. Maarten, where the MAC had already
started with English education, increasingly more schools switched to
English as the language of instruction.
Towards2000, P11 indicated that the reasons in favor of Dutch were (and
continue to be) practical rather than ideological. When you look at the
reasons why people want Dutch to be the language of instruction, you
[84]
will see that it is because parents do not have the means to send their
children to college or university in the USA. If their children speak Dutch
well enough, they can flow into the Dutch system where they are eligible
for the Dutch study financing. P4, too, spoke of the added-value of
Dutch as the language of instruction. When students want to continue
their education, higher education in Holland is one third of what it costs
in the USA. Holland also has an obligation to make room for the children
we send. For instance, my daughter, she did medicine there. Holland
ensures them a place. After that, our students have to prove themselves
in their studies. For many it was summed up as: The language issue, is
not consider an issue anymore. It has been discussed so often. If you
want your child to study, Holland is far cheaper.
In Europe, we may not think much of the parents practical
considerations to adopt a foreign language as language of instruction,
however, people, who are aware of the limitations living on a small
island brings, do not take pragmatic reasons lightly. P7 voiced this very
clearly: Ive always believed that we are born Dutch. There are also
many children, who cannot follow the Dutch stream. I think people
should be given a choice. You will always have kids who are not good in
something. No matter what you do, you dont want to lose that Dutch
passport. With that passport you can go anywhere in the world without
hassle. You can jump in a plane and go to USA. We are aware of the
problems Jamaicans and Dominicanos have. No matter what they tell
youyes, you want to have a lot of freedombut when you become a
little island, you are nothing. The world is growing together. The
problem is that the government has chosen English, but they have not
changed the system.
As P11 pointed out, however, recognizing the parental right to
language as a criterion for choosing their childrens school does
bring the debate on the language of instruction to a close. Hence,
asks: Is there a need to have so many schools with Dutch as
language of instruction?
[85]
use
not
she
the
P4 suggested that a compromise could be found. For him, education

should be in English, but as long as St. Maarten is part of the Kingdom of
the Netherlands, people should be able to speak Dutch, but not some
archaic language. It should be at a level that is practical and functional. In
Holland, there are so many good Dutch courses and nice programs for
non-Dutch speakers. There are so many ways we can get book quality for
those who want to learn Dutch. P3 also thinks along the same lines: I
have the example of my own children. They went to English language
schools and are in Holland doing courses. They need functional Dutch for
everyday.
The language debate is, therefore, not yet closed. As P3 put it, there are
some people on the Island who say, Ive made it in the Dutch system,
whereas others reply that In Holland, everybody wants to learn English,
because they understand that it is the global way of communication. Its
the language of business and commerce. Besides, a person who is
unable to express him or herself in the language that is closest to his or
her heart is a person that is curtailed by the language. Language is
something very emotional. If you cut your finger, your first reaction will
be in your first language. The other day, I remarked that my husband,
who is from Curaao and whose mother tongue is Papiamento, that once
or twice hes passed out, and the language that he speaks when he
comes back is Papiamento. That is the language that is in his psyche.
ANALYSIS OF LANGUAGE IN EDUCATION IN ST. MAARTEN

As suggested by Dijkhoff, a language of instruction policy in St. Maarten
ought to be worked out and justified from different angles (Dijkhoff,
2004). We shall now zoom into some of the elements implicit in the
overview discussed above and our interviews, namely: Policy, focus on
the language user in school, language teaching itself, the relationship
between the language of instruction and identity, vision for the future.
Policy
Language policies, planning, implementation and evaluation between

1954 and 2000 had Island, federal and kingdom dimensions. Even though
[86]
all these domains had their own jurisdictions, a certain degree of

collaboration was needed between them. As Dijkhoff put it, any
language policy in St. Martin needs to formulate the St. Martins
perspective on these levels and the necessary regulations, tasks and
procedures that need to be in place. This is because they influence each
other in rather complex ways by either creating problems or being
obstructive or by being aligned and creating opportunities for
synchronized actions (Dijkhoff, 2004: p. 37).
Looking at the figures on how many people can actually use Dutch in
their daily life, we could conclude that the Kingdom of the Netherlands
has never had a strong language policy in the Netherlands Antilles.
Fleming-Rogers already argued in her dissertation that the Dutch
language was only used by 4.5% of the Antillean population between the
ages of 0 and 24 years (Fleming-Rogers, 1990). Since she focused on
another aspect of language policy, she concluded that the Antillean
school system was an elitist one, since: Only a minority of the children
for whom Dutch is the mother tongue is able to benefit from having
Dutch as the language of instruction in the school system (FlemingRogers, 1990: p. 2).
It is worth noting at this juncture that despite the Kingdoms apparent
absence of interest in St. Maarten and the lack of real-life situations in
which Dutch was actually needed, Dutch was still given a major role in
education. We suspect that this was due to arguments coming from the
Netherlands Antilles rather than from the Kingdom. St. Maarteners,
together with the people of Saba and St. Eustatius, belonged to the
English-speaking minority within the Netherlands Antilles. The majority
of Dutch Antilleans spoke Papiamento, and both the Kingdom and the
Federal Government used Dutch as the language for administration and
legislation.
Focus on the language user in school
In education, the main user of the language is the pupil or student.

Between 1954 and 2000, English was undoubtedly the lingua franca on
both sides of the Island (Dutch and French). However, as noted,
[87]
everyday English in St. Martin is not really Standard English but a

Caribbean version of English (Dijkhoff, 2004: p. 36). This was also
pointed out in a study by Linda Richardson (Richardson, 1983).
The students knowledge of Caribbean English influenced their results at
school. A study of the Ministry of Education on this particular issue
recognized that students often enter the first grade with a limited
vocabulary in English, which is attributed to the many Caribbean-English
variants spoken at home. Their limited vocabulary has implications for
their understanding of English in school (Minow, 2002: p. 12).
When we take immigrationinto account, which since the 1970s has
gained importance in the social and political discourse on the Island, we
are led to the conclusion that for many students, both Standard English
and Dutch are foreign languages. When we compare this linguistic fact
with the data provided by our interviews and the literature, it appears
that language policies between 1954 and 2000 did not pay enough
attention to the direct language user at school. They were based rather
on political than pragmatic motives (Charles, 1995).
Language teaching
Apart from the political lack of decisiveness in choosing the language of

instruction, there were also other gaps that were essentially related to
language teaching and learning. For example,we repeatedly heard that
the fact that students used both English and Dutch in education
hindered them fromachieving fluency in either language.
For P9, the reason why language teaching failed was not political, but
educational. Students were never really taught to use the language
fluently and with accuracy. Everything was schriftelijk [written]. We
hardly had debates. Some of us can write perfect papers, but we were
not taught to speak. Believe you me, we werent trained structurally.
Furthermore, for her the end of the colonial period did not change the
situation in the field: Show me which school has a language lab? When I
went to Maria Immaculata, they had a language lab and all students
[88]
could use it for different languages. Have you ever seen a language lab at
MPC [Milton Peters College]?
P4 mentioned another educational variable why language learning was
not as successful as it could have been: Most books were from Holland,
transplanted here. All the texts and pictures were from and about
Holland. And the teaching was in Dutch. So from the beginning in the
First Grade, English was a subject, but the teaching was in Dutch. In the
end, we had a rather good result in Dutch, but bad ones in their own
language, whose negative consequences I can see now. Trying to adapt
the material to the island called for a lot of extra work on the part of the
teachers.
The European Dutch influence was not the only one. The Antillean
federal system, centered around Curaao as it was, did not help St.
Maarten education. P8 compared St. Maarten and Curaao students and
concluded that it was clear that a St. Maarten 2nd grade class was
better than their Curaao counterparts precisely because in St. Maarten,
they studied in English (mother tongue) and in Curaao in Dutch (NT2).
P11 reinforced this idea, saying that she became convinced in 1995 that
Dutch was not the right choice. It was not a language that was
reinforced: there were no newspapers, no TV, etc. It was a language
spoken at school and in some well-educated families. Furthermore,
Dutch was taught as if it was their mother tongue and English was
taught as if it was a foreign language. Furthermore, Standard English
might not have been the same as St. Maarten English, but it should not
have been taught as a foreign language. The English exams came from
Curaao, which is Papiamentu based, and were therefore far too easy for
St. Maarten students. So besides the question which should be the
language of instruction, they also needed to look how a language should
be taught: as a first language, a second language or a foreign language.
In the 1980s, nobody was talking about that, except in the MAC schools
elementary educational program, where they had decided to use
English.
[89]
For P12, some of the gaps that existed in education before the 1980s had
to do with the fact that the majority of the Sisters were not from the
Island, not even from the region. Their lifestyle meant that they
belonged to a different class within society. Furthermore, most Dutch
teachers, who came to teach on St. Maarten, did not integrate in the
local community, sometimes because they returned to the Netherlands
before they could really find their niche on the Island. This situation
entailed that they were transferring knowledge. They could not look
into the minds of the local persons. They could not say this is what local
persons are going to need at the end of the 20th Century and at the
beginning of the 21st Century. They could never say that because that is
what they knew. I think that it would be unfair to judge them, because
they did not know. Nonetheless, at another level, Buncamper still finds
that if you had to look back now, I would say Yes, because they should
have done it. They should have had that knowledge. If they didnt do it, it
is dependent on a number of factors. Thats the bottom line.
From our interviews, some conclusions are self-evident.
The Netherlands, as a country, did not influence St. Maartens education
directly. The Dutch Sisters and teachers did. The fact that some teachers
went to pursue their teacher education in the Netherlands also played an
indirect role.
Curaao, the seat of the Dutch Antillean federal government, exerted
both a structural and practical influence on St. Maartens education:
firstly, because the inspectorate was federal; secondly, because
textbooks used in Curaao were also used in St. Maarten; thirdly,
because some of the teachers did their secondary and/or teacher
education in Curaao.
Some of the teachers were born and/or educated in Aruba or Curaao,
which also influenced their linguistic background (whether their first
language was St. Maarten English or Papiamento, and whether they had
been seriously acquainted with Dutch).
[90]
The language privileged in school was reflected in the configuration of

the teaching staff. Dutch teachers came mostly from the Netherlands or
Suriname, and English teachers came from other Caribbean islands.
RELATION TO IDENTITY: MOTHER TONGUE IN ST. MAARTEN

The multi-dimensional nature of the territory of St. Maarten, its
inhabitants and others, who claim the Island as a part of their selfdefinition (e.g. the St. Maarten diaspora), also manifested itself in the
discourse about the language of instruction. Up until the 1970s, the main
poles of discussion were between English or Dutch instruction. From the
1970s onwards, the presence of a large number of foreigners and new
St. Maarteners, who had been born and raised on the Island, broadened
the debate.
On the one hand, the defenders of St. Maarten English pleaded for more
visibility of the local version of English in education. For P7, it would be
very unwise to speak of Standard and St. Maarten English in either-or
terms. St. Maarten is a small island. Stick with your Standard English and
you can move around the world. In your conversations, you can use your
St. Maarten English. P9 did not see why the local variation of English
should not be given some degree of visibility in the curriculum; for her,
both Englishes can exist side-by-side. According to her, you have to
show people more sides of the coin. It is good. That is our native
language in SXM. You have to know where you come from and where
you are going to. I dont feel that we should crush that movement. We
should encourage it to grow.
On the other hand, others pose the more radical question whether it is
still accurate to speak of one mother tongue in the context of pupils and
students. P11 thinks, for instance, that the language situation has
changed noticeably; English is no longer the language of all students.
We should switch to Spanish or Creole, probably.
[91]
VISION FOR THE FUTURE

Looking back, we might feel inclined to say that language has been a
cause of much debate among educators. Our interviews have shown
that there were clear advocates of English and of Dutch, respectively.
The pro-English position was representedby P3, originally from another
English-speaking island. She recognized that many parents have always
opted for Dutch out of pragmatic considerations, but she played down
the significance of the parents argument. Many persons from the
different islands want their children to learn Dutch, because they think
that it is a way to advance socially, but they cant help them with it. Not
realizing that in Europe, people who have Dutch as their first language
still want to learn English. Even in Amsterdam people speak English, but
people dont understand this until their child gets stuck in the Third or
Fourth Grade here. At St. Maarten Academy, they study in English and
the children can think in English; they can express themselves. But the
children in Dutch schools cant, no matter how hard they try.
The pro-Dutch stance was voiced, for instance, by P13, who justified his
option saying: Administration is in Dutch, education in The Netherlands
is cheaper than in USA and because I have a Dutch passport (say the
new, naturalized Caribbean Dutch citizens). Without knowing what P13
would say during our interview, P3 questioned the argument for Dutchmedium education in Catholic schools. She wondered whether their proDutch policy was a reaction to the fact that outsiders coming in like
Haitians, those from Santo Domingo, the Indians and the Chinese, for
whatever reason, choose for Dutch-speaking schools. The St.
Maarteners, however, are English-speaking at home and will more easily
choose for schools with English as the language of instruction. In the
future, you could have that people with Indian, Chinese and Anglophone
Caribbean backgrounds will have better access to posts in government
where Dutch is usedthan the St. Maarten population will have. So I
wonder whether that is the fear that Mr. P13 is endorsing with Dutch still
being a language of instruction on St. Maarten. Is it only the needto have
your children continue their education in the Netherlands, or is it to
[92]
secure jobs for a segment of the population as civil servants, because

they know Dutch?
P14 indicated in her study that even though some people in the Ministry
of Education think that by making English the universal language of
instruction in St. Maarten, the students school results would bebetter,
this idea has never been backed by the majority of parents, teachers,
principals or school board members. A lot of people were and are still
not convinced that changing the language of instruction alone would
have that big an impact on the academic achievement of the students.
Although the majority of the teachers speak English, they are not
qualified to teach in English. Moreover, the public and private schools do
not have the same level of support from the Island Government in this
matter.
P9 also challenged current critical standpoints and asked to not reduce
the whole matter of school results to the language of instruction.
According to her, the policy makers dont do enough research into why
they are going to discontinue a system. Why discontinue a system that
works? If you have 23 children and, lets say, 5 of them made it to HAVO,
15 made it to MAVO, and 3 made it to LTS, then, you have a perfect
percentage that youd like to build on. It is a myth that Dutch cannot be
taught to children that speak another language at home. It is not based
on research. They cannot prove that the main factor of failure in SXM is
language. When you can have a significant amount of Haitian and
Dominican children succeeding, then, language is not the main factor.
We should be the language Mecca of the Caribbean. People envy us.
When I go to conferences, I can understand French, Spanish, English and
Dutch and, in addition to that, Papiamento. We have such a good thing
going that we should cash in on that. We should increase the childrens
exposure to languages, not diminish it. The children themselves want to
communicate with each other in their different languages. They want to
greet the Jamaican boy in English and chat with the Dominican girl in
Spanish. What is wrong with teaching us French? We can use it when we
go to the French side. We have a unique opportunity here.
[93]
Between the above positions, there has also been a middle stance, which
was defended, for instance, by P5. He pleaded for a compromise on the
issue of the language of instruction in St. Maarten. He would like to see
both languages being used, albeit in unequal degrees. I personally think
that it should be English with a strong composition of Dutch. I dont
think that Dutch should be eliminated at all. Our ties with the Dutch
tradition (the Kingdom, the government), a lot of our official documents
are still in the Dutch language. I think that if you want to really have that
needed power, it would be beneficial to first master the English
language and Dutch at a level where you can also actually bargain with it.
I am not sure whether we have come to that stage yet of accepting that
that is possible. Unlike the rest of the Caribbean, we seem to be
struggling with what our language of instruction should be and whether
we should be bi-lingual or multi-lingual or pluri-lingual as is mentioned as
well. Most of the rest of the Caribbean and even the USA would wish
that they would have the opportunities that we do in the Netherlands
Antilles to be able to communicate in more than one language. But I
think that it is something that we should not forget. We should try and
capitalize on it, use it to our advantage. I see that St. Maarten can almost
become a sort of, I dont want to use the word trading post, but more
of a center in the Caribbean for language development, where people
can come and actually learn how we are able to instruct students to the
extent that they are able to survive or manage in more than one
language. But I think that it calls for some refinement of what we are
able to do at the moment.
However, given the considerable influx of immigrants since the
beginning of the 1970s, this resulted in having other first languages next
to St. Maarten English. The question is now whether schools should
embrace multilingual education. This comes at a time when the
importance of multilingual education is being corroborated by studies
conducted in the business world. English is used in written and oral
communication as well as for internal and external contacts. Spanish is
used in oral communication with colleagues and clients. The use of Dutch
is highly limited to certain areas such as oral contacts with clients and the
reading of instructions in Dutch. English, Spanish and Dutch are
[94]
furthermore important languages for general information and telephone

conversations. For internet, e-mail, meetings, scientific knowledge and
business correspondence, knowledge of English is eminent and for
information in reports Dutch is still important next to English. The
general trend is that the role of English and Spanish as a language of
communication is growing in all Antillean communities (Dijkhoff, 2004:
p. 34).
Of all our interviewees, P9 was not only completely critical about the
past, but also showed a keen interest in the future. She was adamantly
against monolingual education, saying: To streamline and say we are
going to use English as the language of instruction, to me, is wrong. The
parents should be given choice. A similar idea was put forward by P4: If
Chinese and Indian children can survive and do quite well here (and we
dont speak their language), then, so can our children. For parents who
can afford it, we have schools that do that, like the CIA. Parents who can
afford it can offer it to their children. The government should make sure
that the model is affordable to all children, regardless their social group.
In her opinion people are making it difficult. We have a unique setting in
education that has the right ingredients for success. The groups that are
failing are of a lesser intelligence and must probably be guided in a
different way. That traject is what we need. Instead of giving them too
many cognitive things, they should be given what they need. If you
narrow all to English, later on, SXM will suffer. We are a touristic island.
We should open it all up so that children can learn more languages.
There is a need to open up the debate beyond post-colonial traumas
about the past or nationalistic agendas. There is a real danger that, as P9
indicated, they are narrowing down this language issue too much. The
Dominican and Haitian children speak Patois or Spanish at home and
English or Dutch at school. I have seen the old version of the Ruby
Labega. We were forced into a situation where some of our teachers
were from the English-speaking Caribbean and others from Suriname (a
former Dutch colony). So we developed two streams: one English and
another Dutch. If you had been trained in the English system, you were
the teacher designated to give the primary subjects in English. However,
[95]
every day, there would be a switching between the languages. The

Dutch-speaking teachers taught Dutch to the children in the English
stream and vice-versa. Their level would be a bit lager in Dutch, but
definitely the Dutch stream was geared towards placement for the MPC
and the English was geared for the entrance exam at the Academy.
Wherever they came, their (second) language was better than the
average.
One of the variables that is often forgotten is that the students hardly
ever came across situations where they were required to use either
formal English or correct Dutch. It was not only a question of Dutch
being absent from the lived experience; the entire formal and academic
dimension of social life, in which many would have failed because of
language deficiency, was partially or completely absent. St. Maarten
constituted no exception. What observers have witnessed elsewhere in
the world also happened in St. Maarten: children from families with
better educational backgrounds (be it in English or Dutch or both) were
at an advantage in relation to the rest. This observation was confirmed
during our formal interviews and informal conversations. This would
somewhat change with the arrival of cable and satellite TV. The waves of
American and Canadian tourists would also bring St. Maarteners face-toface with other non-Caribbean Englishs, not only different, but also
more formal in their vocabulary and syntax.
Furthermore (and oddly enough), when Haddock compared the MacKay
initiative and the current changes in favor of Foundation-Based
Education (FBE), he suggested that the educational system in St.
Maarten changed precisely because people are following the
Netherlands now. The current link with the Netherlands (even though
the sense of the Kingdom is no longer present) has become an
innovative force. This may show that, as in regard to the relationship
between the Netherlands Antilles and the Kingdom, the Netherlands
cannot be blamed for having been too involved in the life of the Islands,
but, on the contrary, for not having been involved enough.
[96]
At the level of post-colonial critique, we have observed that St. Maarten

children were not taught to speak Dutch as well as their Surinamese
peers, nor were they taught Standard English as well as their other
English-speaking Caribbean counterparts. This would seem to reinforce
the hypothesis that the Netherlands did not enforce a clear colonial,
cultural policy in the Dutch Antilles. Furthermore, it is not clear whether
the Kingdom even had such a policy. On the other hand, our observation
may also show that there has never been a consensus among St.
Maarten politicians, educators and people at large as to what language
should have been used in schools.
When non-Catholic schools were founded, they opted for English as the
language of instruction. A first look may suggest that this indicated a
clear turn towards English and away from Dutch. However, this may
have been due more to chance than to vision. Unlike Surinamese nonCatholic Christians, Protestant and Evangelical St. Maarteners did not
have strong links with their European Dutch co-religionists, which would
have reinforced Dutch as the language. Instead, they had connections
with other English-speaking Caribbean and, especially, American
congregations. In a similar way that (mostly) Catholic schools wanted to
prepare their students to go on for further studies in the Netherlands,
which required Dutch as the language of instruction, Protestant and
Evangelical schools functioned as bridges to an education in the USA,
which required English.
CONCLUSION
Our presentation of the legal and linguistic complexities of St. Maarten
indicates that the issue of the language of instruction in St. Maarten
could be seen as a hub on which different elements converge: policy,
vision of education, teaching practice, identity and the questions raised
by the future.
The Kingdom of the Netherlands could be described as negligent in
relation to the Dutch Antilles and, especially, with respect to the three
English-speaking islands (Saba, St. Maarten andStatia). Furthermore,
the federal Dutch Antillean government did not seem to be more
[97]
interested in St. Maartens identity and culture than their European

Dutch partners.
Educators were not on the same line as to what had to happen in
relation to the language of instruction. In fact, they still disagree on this
point. It is interesting to see that some of our interviewees are starting
to envisage the issue no longer in light of the past but of the future. To
reduce the question to either English or Dutch would not respond
sufficiently to the present needs of St. Maarten or to its current
demographic and linguistic configuration.
References
Charles, H. (1995), Report on a UNDP/Unesco Mission to St. Maarten.
Coles, M., Mackay, D. & Hall, C. (1970), Breakthrough to Literacy. UK, Longman Schools
Division.
Declercq, E., &Dhulst, L., (2010), The fate of a migrant language in Northern France (18801914). International Journal of Multiculturalism, 7 (3), pp. 255-268.
Dijkhoff, M., (2004), A Language Policy for St. Martin, in The Education Summit 2004: An
Education Summit for the 21st Century, pp. 31-43.
Fleming-Rogers, A. K., (1990), The future of English as medium of instruction in the public
schools on St. Maarten. Boston: U.M.I.
George, M., (2010), Catholic Education in the Dutch Caribbean: The work of the Dominican
Sisters of Voorschoten in Sint Maarten, Netherlands Antilles. Saarbrcken : Lambert
Academic Publishing.
Hart, J., (1992), 150 jaar Rooms Katholiek Onderwijs op de Nederlandse Antillen: Een
gedenkboek ter herinnering aan de komst der Zusters 150 jaar geleden op de Nederlandse
Antillen. Scherpenheuvel: DrukkerijImprenta.
Johnson, W., (1995), The history of the Windward Islands, in Stichting ABC Advies. Berlicum,
pp. 1-9.
Lamp, S., (2004), The structure and evolution of the education system of the Netherlands
Antilles in The Education Summit 2004: An Education Summit for the 21st Century. Sint
Maarten, pp. 6-31.
Ministry of Education (2002), Over taal gesproken. Schooltaalbeleid in het voorgezet
onderwijs.
Watson-Richardson, J., (1996), Language in decision: What language policy offers the
majority of children the best chances of success on St. Maarten.Puerto Rico: Caribbean
Studies Association, pp. 1-23.
[98]
Wattman, F., (1974), Language and education in the Leeward Netherlands Antilles, in
Caribbean Studies (13: 3), pp. 111-117.
[99]
MISSION-COLONIAL COLLABORATION TOWARDS

THE EDUCATION ENTERPRISE IN UGANDA 1925-1962
Lucia Wanjiku
KU Leuven, Belgium
Abstract
This study examines the co-operation between the

missionaries and the Colonial Government in Ugandan
education. In the 19th Century, education was regarded as a
means to achieve mission-colonial goals primarily with a
social, economic and political agenda. This study observes
that the relationship between the mission and the colonial
overlords was always on perfect terms when it came to
common interests. Conversely, there were also conflicts,
especially when the missionaries realized that their
interests were being blocked. Nonetheless, the two parties
agreed that the native conversion to the Western ideal was
advantageous if they were destined to achieve their
objectives. The study further notes that although
missionaries were critical for promoting education, this
type of education did not develop the Ugandan childs
mind to conceptualize, think critically, and create
alternative world views. This educational offer did not go
down well with the Ugandans. Consequently, with the
advent of Independence, the mission education was
ousted and the new African leadership took on the
educational responsibilities.
Keywords: missionary, colonial education and indigenous
education
[100]
INTRODUCTION
The formal education in Uganda began with the Christian Missionaries,
who soon after their arrival established schools. Up until 1925, the
missionaries received no or little help from the Colonial Government. 5
The mission schools enhanced literacy and numeracy in the country. The
missionaries considered literacy as an important tool for the success of
their objective in evangelization. The first need they saw was to teach
the people how to read and write. Fafunwa, A.B of Nigeria, observed
that being able to read and write, the missionaries foresaw that the
converts would be able to read the Bible and understand the word of
God.6 In view of this, the ability to communicate orally and in writing was
considered essential for being a good Christian. Such ability enhanced
accessibility to the available religious material. On the other hand, Ado
noted that children were not only taught reading and writing, but were
also taught that Ugandan customs and traditions were wrong and
unacceptable to the new God.7
It is worth noting that before the arrival of the missionaries there was a
traditional educational system. Uganda was comprised of various ethnic
communities each with specific social and cultural educational features,
which were passed on to future generations. This was a process of
education that went on throughout life and was not limited to a
particular time or place.8 In this regard, Coleman pointed out that the
missionary was regarded as a revolutionary because to preach and plant
Christianity meant to make a frontal attack on the beliefs, the customs
and, particularly, the social structures of the primitive society.9 The
missionaries saw Ugandan traditional education and culture as
5
Ssekamwa, J.C. (1997). History and development of education in Uganda. Kampala: Fountain
Press, pp. 36-37.
Fafunwa, A.B. (1974). A history of education in Nigeria. London, Boston & Sydney: George Allen &
Unwin, p. 81
Ado, K. T. (1998). Missionary teachers as agent of colonialism in Uganda. Kampala: Fountain
publisher, p. 35.
Ocitt, J.P. (1975). An introduction to indigenous education in East Africa, Nairobi, East African
Publisher, 1975, p. 45.
Coleman, J. (1958). Nigerian background to nationalism. California: University of California Press,
p.97.
[101]
essentially backward, unenlightened and, therefore, in need of complete

transformation. This implied that the missionary enterprise had a
tendency to disregard other peoples culture. However, some scholars,
such as Stanley Brian, observed that the Christian model of civilization
followed the pattern set by the post-enlightenment age.10 This meant
that consciously or unconsciously the missionaries cherished the spirit of
the cultural superiority complex.
Therefore, the main contentious issue in this paper is that the concept of
racial superiority was the dominant influence at work in the formation
and formulation of colonial education policies. There is no attempt to
play down the importance of other influences, but these will be seen as
the major paradigm shift. Furthermore, linked to this, was introduction
of an inferior education system regarded as adaptation, which reflected
that Africans could not cope with the European capabilities. However,
behind this, an attempt will also be made to show that adaptation was
linked to the political fortunes of the West. There was no doubt that
such common interest created a bond between the Colonial Government
and the missionaries.
It is, therefore, to the interest of this article to explain in detail how far
this relationship helped mission - Colonial Government to contribute
towards the educational enterprise in Uganda. The paper is divided into
three sections: (i) The first part gives a brief explanation of the
penetration of missionaries and the Colonial Government into Uganda
and their close relations. (ii) The second aspect discusses how the
mission-Colonial Government parties worked towards educational
development. (iii) The third part deals with how the two of them
conflicted and reacted; it also discusses briefly the Ugandan response to
the new education being offered. Each section elaborates on a specific
aspect of educational development and how far it benefited the people
in the region.
10
Brian, S. (1990). The Bible and flag: Protestant Missions &British imperialism in Nineteenth &
Twentieth Centuries. Journal of Religion in Africa, 22(3), 269-271.
[102]
MISSIONARY AND COLONIAL GOVERNMENTAL PENETRATION AND THEIR

RELATIONSHIP
Uganda came under colonial control after a successful exploration by

the British explorers of the source of the River Nile and its surrounding
territories in 1882. This paved the way for the formal introduction of
colonial, commercial and religious activities in the area. It was through
this that the British Colonial power was able to establish its rule in
Uganda. As a political entity, Uganda is therefore a creation of British
socio-political ambitions. Uganda was officially made a British
Protectorate in 1894 after the amalgamation of all the vassal states
within the Kingdom of Buganda. All these small states were brought
under one administrative unit, which became known as todays Uganda.11
Britain like other Western countries, such as France, German, Portugal,
Belgium and Holland who had all began to explore various parts of the
African continent, and by the 19th Century they had colonized several
territories in Africa.12 It is worth noting that this period of colonization
facilitated the work of the missionaries. This was reflected in the Berlin
conference of 1884-1885, Article 6, which clearly stated that: The
governing power is to accord equal treatment to all recognized creeds
without regard to their country of origin.13 This implied that the
missionaries were given protection and support by the colonial power to
operate under their jurisdiction. However, this protection was viewed in
the spirit of a win-win situation by the Western Governments. A similar
support for missionaries in Uganda was expressed by the architect of
British colonialism, Frederick Lugard, in 1893, who stated: We have a
prescriptive right to East Africa and its Lakes. They were all discovered by
a British explorerOur missionaries first penetrated Uganda in the
11
Semakula, M.S K. (1977). A history of Buganda: From the foundation of the Kingdom to
1900.London: Longman, p.155.
12
Madeira, I.A (2005). Portuguese, French and British discourse on colonial education: Church State
relations, school expansion and missionary competition in Africa, 1890-1930. Paedagogica
Historica, 41 (1), pp.31-60. London: Routledge
Robinson, R., & Gallagher, J. (eds.). (1983). African and Victorians: the official mind of the
imperialism. London: Macmillan Press, p.47.
13
[103]
footsteps of our explorers.14 This makes it clear that the colonization of

Uganda was based on British imperialism.
The arrival of the first Christian Missionaries to Uganda was triggered by
an advertisement published by Henry Stanley in Londons Daily
Telegraphon 15 November 1875 in which he appealed to missionaries to
go to Uganda. By the 19th Century, several Christian Missionaries had
come to Buganda at the request of Mutesa 1, who was the King of the
Buganda Kingdom. In 1877, Protestant teachers of the Church Missionary
Society arrived from Britain, and in 1879 the French Catholic Missionary
Society, also known as White Fathers, were welcomed into the Kingdom.
They were much later joined by the Verona Missionaries from Italy. 15
These missions had come to Uganda to evangelize, but in this venture
they did not always work separately from the State. Mackenzie observed
that the missionaries from time to time they relied on the State with its
resources such as funding, protection, and law and order to achieve their
evangelization objectives.16 This implied that the two organs were
destined to work together.
The missionary education in Uganda meant the spread of Christianity
since education was part of their pastoral activity. However, Ado has
argued that the spread of Christianity may have also meant the spread of
colonialism. He noted that wherever the missionaries went, they
prepared the way for colonial rule.17 Similar sentiments were raised in
other colonial territories. For example, in Ghana, Kwame Nkrumah had
noted:
On the colonial scene, the stage opened with the appearance
of the missionaries, the traders and the colonial
administrators. While the missionaries implored the colonial
subjects to lay up their treasure in Heaven, where neither
14
15
16
17
P.G. Okoth, the creation of dependent culture, in J.A Mangan (ed.), imperial curriculum: racial
images and education in the British colonial experience, London, Routledge, 1993, pp.134 -145.
Ssekamwa, J.C. (1997). History and development of education, p.25.
Brian, S. (1990). The Bible and flag: Protestant Missions &British imperialism in Nineteenth &
Twentieth Centuries. Journal of Religion in Africa, 22(3) 269-271. Also, Mackenzie, C. G. (1993).
Demythologising the missionaries: A reassessment of functions & relationship of Christian
missionary education under colonialism. Comparative Education, 29 (1) 145-166.
Ado K. T. (1998). Missionary teachers as agents of colonialism, p.34.
[104]
moth nor rust doth corrupt, the traders and administrators

acquired his minerals and land.18
Further historical evidence by Mungazi D, cited Bishop Ralph Dodge, a
missionary to Africa from 1936 to 1972, discussed the negative impact of
the Victorian missionaries on the colonization of Africa when he wrote:
The participation of the Church in the slave trade and its
unwillingness at critical times to identify itself with the
indigenous people, made it often considered a European
colonial institution. This situation was accentuated by the close
identification of the Church with European Colonial
Government.19
This suggested that the Colonial Government and the missions were
inseparable bodies, and it was hard to believe that they were two
different organs as far as the colonization of Africa was concerned. This
does not mean, however, that the missionaries always had a good
relation with the colonial power. In most cases, the missionaries resisted
when their system was hampered. This will be discussed further in the
subsequent section. Having said that, the next discussion will also
examine how the mission-colonial power contributed to educational
progress.
THE CO-OPERATION BETWEEN THE MISSION AND THE COLONIAL GOVERNMENT

IN EDUCATION
As far as education was concerned, the Christian missionary together

with the colonial power promoted the colonial policies and practices that
were used to implement their schemes. McCulloch & Lowe noted that
the missionaries and the colonial power worked closely to pursue their
interests among the colonized territories. They used the concept of
center and periphery, whereby the center referred to colonial power,
whilst the periphery referred to colonized subjects. The concept of
center was viewed as powerful because it had all the potential to
18
19
Kwame, N. (1963). Africans must unite, p. 22.

Mungazi, D. (1999). Colonial education for Africans: George Starks policy in Zimbabwe. New
York: Praeger, p.98.
[105]
exercise political, social, economic and cultural power over the

colonized. A case in point was reflected in the sector of Western
education, whereby the center could decide to design, effect, and direct
colonial education practice on its colonized subject; such impositions
were in most cases directed towards the colonizers own benefits.20
Looking at it in a wider context, a similar strategy was initiated in other
territories, like in the French-African colonies. Education was believed to
be a means through which alien territories could be assimilated into the
expanding empire and the indigenous population into the Black French.
In Portuguese Mozambique, the colonizing doctrine considered all
indigenous peoples as Portuguese citizens. Education was to promote
the assimilation process by teaching in Portuguese and binding Africans
to their motherlands history and customs.21 This implied that formal
schools were the best tools used to perfect colonial motives in Africa. It
was no wonder that Cohen remarked that at the helm of the entire
colonizing ventures, there has always been the colonial agenda set to
foster the colonial interests and to accomplish their aims. Such colonial
agenda included the initiatives to establish colonial formal schools. 22
However, scholars like Boyle provide a different version of this alliance
between the church and the government in colonial Africa. He asserted
that conflicts were inevitable, he cited on how the Belgian Congo and its
colonial interests were in conflict with the mission interests.23 Similarly,
in Nigeria, the Colonial Government could for a time not see eye to eye
with the missions in matters of education. Also, in the French Sudan,
there was open opposition to mission schools.24
20
21
22
23
24
McCulloch, G. & Lowe, R. (2003). Networks, space & geography in the history of education. History
of Education, 32 (5), 457-594.
Madeira, A.I. (2005). Portuguese, French and British discourses on colonial education: Church
State relations, school expansion and missionary competition in Africa, 1890- 1930. Paedagogical
Historica, 41 (1&2), pp.31-60..
Cohen, C. (1993).The Natives must first become good workmen: formal educational provision in
German South West &East Africa Compared. Journal of Southern Africa studies 19 (1), pp. 115134.
Boyle, P.M. (1995). School wars: Church, State & death of Congo. Journal of Modern African
Studies, 33 (3), 451-468. .
Shorter, A. (2006). Cross and flag in Africa: The White Fathers during the colonial scrumble (18921914). New York: Orbis, p. 208.
[106]
The League of Nations highlighted the responsibility of the European

powers to act as trustees and tutors for their colonial subjects until
they could take responsibility for their own self-governance. A mandate
was given to Great Britain to take on a moral responsibility to prepare
and lead each territory towards gaining its independence and to be
internationally accountable for all their colonies and the former German
colonies.25 In short, this meant that they were fully involved with the
moral, social, political and economic development of these colonies. The
involvement of the British Colonial Government necessitated a full
participation in the educational enterprise and in the formulation of the
education policies. In keeping with the principle of trusteeship, the
Colonial Office in London encouraged some expert Commissions to go to
East Africa and to make a wider study of the problems of native
education. This mission was helped by an American Philanthropic known
as the Phelps-Stoke Commission of 1922 to 1924. Its specific term was to
discover how much educational work was being done for Africans. It also
wanted to ascertain to what extent their needs were being met. 26 The
Commission discovered that the inspection of schools was inadequate. It
was observed that the missionary inspectors were only concerned with
finding out whether the pupils were ready for baptism and confirmation.
The Commission attributed this weakness to a lack of Government
involvement in the education system in Uganda.27 It immediately
beseeched the Colonial Government not to leave the educational
administration entirely to the missionaries. However, much as these
findings were lauded in the House of Commons in London, on the other
hand, it was heart-breaking for the missionary body, who foresaw that
the Colonial Government would assume a greater role in education. To
create some balance, in 1923, the Education Committee of the
Conference of the Missionary Societies of Britain and Ireland requested
the Colonial Office to set up a permanent Education Advisory Committee
to explore possible avenues of closer co-operation between the
25
26
27
Mowat, C.L. (1968). (ed). The new Cambridge modern history: The shifting balance of world forces
1898-1945. Cambridge: University Press, pp. 242-244.
Lewis, L.J. (1962). Phelps-Stokes, reports on education in Africa.London: Oxford University Press,
p.56.
Jones, J.T. (1924). Education in East Africa, p. 164.
[107]
government and mission societies.28This impetus was further reinforced

by the events that had taken place in India. Seppo observed that the
bitter experiences in India in the 1890s where the educated class from
among the indigenous had become conscious of the contradictions and
exploitation by missionary and colonial authorities. The educated
graduates gradually formed organizations for fostering political
awareness, such as the Surendranath Banerjees Indian Association and
the Indian National Congress, which was a threat to British. What the
Colonial Government experienced was not only a warning to them, but
also to the status of the missions working in Africa and
elsewhere.29Consequently, this implied that the missions had to engage
the colonial officials both in London and in individual colonies in forging
for mission-government cooperation. It should also be noted that it was
against such background that the method of obstructing the expansion
of academic horizons of indigenous people in Uganda and entire Africa
became the order of the day in most parts of the British Empire. Schilling
observed that indeed by attempting to avoid the earlier mistakes made
in India, including the control of Western academic schooling, there was
an overtly political objective behind this Commission.30 This implied that
Ugandan educational policy was to be designed in line with the colonial
interests.
The Secretary for the State and Colonies responded to the above
challenge by setting up a Committee in 1923, known as the Advisory
Committee on education in tropical Africa, which was later changed to
the Advisory Committee on education for Colonies. The main aim of this
Committee was to advise the Secretary of State on any matters relating
to native education in the British Colonies and Protectorate in Africa. 31 It
was after a careful examination of educational activities in all the British
28
29
30
31
Watson, K. (1985). Colonialism and education development. In Watson, K. (ed), education in the
third World. pp. 1-37. Groome Helm: London & Sydney.
Seppo, S. (1995). White Collar or hoe handle? African education under British colonial policy
1920-1945. Helsinki: Suomen Historillnen Seura;p.45.
Shilling, D.G. (1972). British Policy for African education in Kenya 1895-1939. A Phd Thesis
University of Wisconsin. United States of America.
Colonial Office. (1925). Education Policy in British Tropical Africa: Memorandum submitted to
Secretary of State for Colonies by Advisory Committee on Native Education in British Africa
dependencies. London: His Majestys Stationary Office. (HMSO) Cmd 2374.
[108]
Colonies and Protectorate in East, West Africa and Central Africa, that
this Advisory Committee of 1923 came up with varied findings, which
became the basis of a published memorandum of 1925 on the
educational policy for the British Colonies in Africa, known as White
paper.32It should however, be noted in passing that the overall British
policies, like those of any other colonial power globally, were for the
purpose of expanding their colonial interests.
In 1925 the British Colonial administration, took up an active role in
education. They formed a partnership with the missionaries and adopted
the policy of running schools through the missions. In the same year, the
Department of Education was established in order to coordinate and
provide financial support for the churches educational activities whilst
increasing state control over education. They further supported the
missionaries work whilst seeking to change the focus of education:
primary schools were to emphasize technical training over literacy
education in order to serve economic interests.33 In the same year, the
British developed a document education policy in British tropical Africa.
Its aim was to adapt education to the local environment to strengthen
the feeling of responsibility among tribal communities and to raise moral
standards.34This view originated in 1847 during the British Privy Councils
Committee on education regarding colored people, which stated the
need for securing better conditions of life and development of the
African as a peasant on the land and to make local schools as a means of
improving conditions of peasantryto give them practical training in
cultivation of cottage garden, as well as those common handcrafts by
which labour can improve his domestic comfort.35In general terms, this
meant manual work. This does not imply that the training to be given
32
33
34
35
Ibid, p.11.
Ssekamwa, (1997). History and development of education, p. 27.
Colonial Office, (1925). Education policy in British tropical Africa: memorandum submitted to
Secretary of State for Colonies by Advisory Committee on Native Education in British Africa
dependencies, London, His Majestys Stationary Office. (HMSO), Cmd 2374.
Brief practical suggestion on the mode of organising &conducting day schools of industry, model
farm schools, & normal schools, as part of the system of education for the coloured races of the
British colonies. Foreign and Commonwealth Office Collection (1887), University of Manchester,
The John Rylands University Library.
http://www.jstor.org/stable/60232102, accessed on 20.
Dec 2014.
[109]
was not regarded as education in itself, but this new knowledge was
narrowly confined to practical skills. The concept of adapted education
was not only visible in the philosophy of British education for the
colored, but was also in the curriculum, textbooks, content and methods
of teaching in all the subjects, especially history, geography and
agriculture.36 In this way, by focusing on agricultural and manual training,
adapted education resulted in preventing Ugandans from pursuing life
outside their rural environment. This makes it clear that with the
emergence of the colonial administration in the field of education, the
Ugandan graduates were not suitably trained to address Ugandan
challenges to the development and improvement of their citizens
welfare.
In addition to creating the ideals for a perfect government, the Colonial
Government was committed to offering grants in aid for voluntary
agencies to improve the standards of training for the native teachers. It
is however, worth noting that although, these aims were expressed with
optimism, the British did lay interest on a small class of literate Ugandans
to fill the administrative posts, and educational policy was that they did
not seek to go beyond this rank. For example they supported the
education of the sons of kings and chiefs, who were groomed for
leadership positions in their areas.37 Bishop Streichers, a White fathers
educational report of 30th June, 1910, indicated that Lubaga School was
founded for the sons of chiefs and other promising Catholic boys to
prepare candidates for chieftainship and clerical work within the
administration.38 Kumar observed that such a school system mirrored
the British schools based on the 18th Century English political ideas,
which consisted of Bourgeois individuality, equality and security of
property.39 The implication was that by controlling the educational
36
37
38
39
State relations, school expansion and missionary competition in Africa 1890-1930.Paedagogical
Historica, 41 (1&2), pp.31-60.
Lugumba, S.M.E. & Ssekamwa, J.C. (2002).A history of education in East Africa, Kampala,
Fountain Publishers, p.25.
Henri Streicher, educational report, 30th June, 1910.WFA, C.13 (White Fathers Archives), Rome
Krishna,K. (2005).Political agenda of education a study of colonialists and nationalist ideas, New
Delhi, Sage Publication, p.23.
[110]
system the traditional ruling class had been able to preserve its power.
This similar view was reflected in other colonial colonies, in French Africa
in North-Senegal, Upper Volta and the Ivory Coast; schools were geared
towards the recruitment of the sons of chiefs. Also the pupils were
chosen with great care.40 This selective nature of education was not only
discriminative, but it also hampered and disorganized the local
indigenous system in communities. Oginga Odinga of Kenya observed
that such a Western education created tensions in creating classes, and
for undermining the power of the local leadership he categorically
stated:
The church created other rifts within the African society. The schools
were originally built mainly for the sons of the chiefs, and to train new
generation of chiefs and headmen. This meant that much of the
flexibility that the Luo society provided in the selection of the leadership
by prowess and the consensus of the tribal opinion was destroyed by a
system that monopolized leadership for the educated chief clan, usurped
the function of the clan elders, and made chiefs prone to bribery and
other pressures.41
This indicated that education was minimal in the sense that the number
of those who attended was small and selected. In fact, opening the
world of knowledge to Africans was highly suspect to many Europeans.
This was demonstrated in early correspondent of Rhodesia Herald who
wrote: I do not consider it right that we should educate the native in
any way that will make him unfit for the service. He is and should always
be a hewer of wood and a drawer of water for his master. 42 This
remark manifested that deep in the psychology of the colonial officials
their primary purpose for the colonization of Uganda, like any other
African territories, was to secure raw materials to meet demands for
their industrial revolution. For this purpose, they needed to give a form
of training, which could resonate with the demands of the colonial
interest. As such, one of the objectives of colonial education in Uganda
Madeira, A.I (2005). Portuguese, Britain and French discourse, p.31-60.
Odinga, O. (1967). Not yet Uhuru: Nairobi: Heinemann, p.64
42 Parker, F. (1957). Development and education in Southern Rhodesia. The University of Texas,
Kappa Delta Publication, p.72.
40
41
[111]
may have been to divide and weaken the subjects, by making them
subordinate to their rulers. Indeed Widel noted that the British Colonial
Government did not want to impart too much literary education to the
natives, which would reap a rebellious class of youth who would easily
be dissatisfied with its colonial rule.43 Based on such an education, John
K.M concluded that the educational adaptation was an educational
paradigm designed by colonialists and their collaborator to keep the
Africans in subservient position culturally, politically and economically.44
This mode of education was not exercised in Uganda alone, but was
widespread in other British colonies in Africa. Berman E.H noted that
institutions such as Jeans schools in Kenya, the Bo Government School in
Sierra-Leone, Malangali in Tanzania, Fort Hare in South Africa and
Achimota in Ghana were all built around the concept of educational
adaptation.45
A new program for the provision of grants in aid re-emerged through the
educational ordinance of 1926/27 and the 1942 Ordinance respectively.
This new regulation determined the new criteria for financial grants to all
the voluntary agencies in Uganda. This support was not only confined to
finance, but also in kind for example, land was donated to missions,
taxes were exempted, higher institutions established. All these policies
were fully initiated after 1925.46 However, Aaron argued that by virtue of
the missionaries acceptance of government aid, it meant a marked end
of the missions policies on the schools and self-reliance.47 This further
suggested that the grants in aid was provided to the mission schools in
return for the assurance that school lessons would focus on fitting
Ugandans with technical knowledge needed to work as artisans for the
43
Widel, A. (2008). British colonial education in Africa: policy and practice in the era of trusteeship.
History Compass, 7(1), 1-21.
44
Karefah, J.M. (1987). Educational adaptation & Pan-Africanism: Developmental trends in Africa.
Journal of Black Studies 17(4), 460-481.
Berman, E.H. (1972). Tuskegee-in-Africa. Journal of Negro Education, 41(2), pp.99-112. Published
by Journal of Negro Education.
Beck, A. (1966). Colonial Policy and Education in East Africa 1900-1950. Journal of British
Studies, 5 (.2),pp.115-138.
45
46
47
[112]
settlers. The missionaries and the Colonial Government therefore,

worked hand in hand to promote this ideal.
The Thomas Education Committee of 1940 reviewed Ugandas
educational system and made recommendations, which eventually led to
the adoption of policies that increased local control over education. The
system of a Board of Governors was established in order to promote
local involvement in school administration. Local governments were
given the responsibility for the financing of primary education.48 It is
however important to note that this support for the enhancement of
ethnic identity runs parallel with the colonial regimes other policies that
increased hostilities among the different ethnic groups of Uganda. It is
therefore, clear that the colonial regime implemented educational
policies to show that the local people were involved, but in actual fact
the irony was that these was to prevent the Ugandans from identifying
and collaborating with each other to oust the colonizers.
The climax of the mission-government alliance was reflected in the 1926
conference that was held at Le- Zoute in Belgium, where the missionary
societies rectified the outlook of the Phelps-Stock Commission and that
of the Colonial Office Advisory Committee to ensure the development of
African education with the help of Southern States of U.S.A.49 This
meant that in further pursuance of the adapted education, the Negro
education from America had a much great influence in the evolution of
the education policy of British Africa. It was jointly agreed that
everything that was good in African heritage was to be conserved,
enriched and ennobled by contact with the spirit of Christ. This was
motivated by the reasoning that the Africans would revive social
institution that had long since lost their importance to the people.
Similar resolutions were carried to Jerusalem in 1928 and Madras in
1938.50 On the other hand, Norman Ley was opposed to this point of
view he observed that those who embraced the doctrine of adaptation
48
Education report of the year ended 31st Dec 1940.WFA, C.13, (White Fathers Archives), Rome
49
King, J.K. (1969). Africa and Southern State of U.S.A: Notes on J.H Oldham and American Negro
Education for Africans, pp. 659-677.
Widel, A. (2008). British colonial education in Africa: policy and practice in the era of trusteeship.
History Compass, 7(1), 1-21.
50
[113]
avoided the real issues at stake in the relationship between the

European empire and African life, which for him had more to do with the
unequal distribution of land and wealth than with the lamentable loss of
traditional culture forms such, as tribal songs and dances that the newly
trained teachers were incorporating in the village schools lesson. 51
Despite this opposition, the idea of fundamentally religious education
adapted to African needs, was rigorously provided through missiongovernment co-operation. Although, the missionaries have been critical
for promoting education, on the other side they were not interested in
the intellectual growth of the Ugandans. Their education was not
broader enough and in the long run this system created further
problems. In the following section the study will discuss why conflicts
were inevitable among the two parties.
Missionsgovernment conflicts and reactions
After the creation of the Department of Education, Eric Hussey who had
worked in Sudan was appointed as the first Director of education. By this
time, the colonial government had shifted its attitude completely
towards the direct control of all schools. There was need to implement
the 1925 policies. Ssekamwa and Lumumba revealed that the enactment
of the 1926/27 Ordinance was necessitated by the need to control the
growth of the schools and institutions operated by the mission. There
was need to check the degree of quality and professionalism in
education; it was meant to empower the Director of Education to
register and classify all the institutions, and to create order within the
educational system. The other reasons were geared towards lessening
the inter-denominational conflict between Protestants and Catholics.
The guiding principles were gradually applied and the classifications of
the schools with adaptable syllabuses were put in place throughout the
country.52 The introduction of this Education Ordinance became a
landmark in the history of education in Uganda, since it gave the official
recognition to various participants in the field of education whose
schools met with the required conditions. However, Ssekamwa asserted
51
52
Norman, L. (1931). A last chance in Kenya.London: Hogarth Press, p.45.

Ssekamwa, J.C & Lugumba, S.M.E. (2002). History of education in East Africa, p.48.
[114]
that the missionary viewed this undertaking as a threat to jeopardize

their religious outlook, which they wanted to maintain in their schools.
They hence, opposed the government, which allocated itself too much
power in the control of schools. Moreover, it became more stressful for
missionaries when Eric Hussey, the first Director of Education in Uganda
proposed to consolidate some mission schools into the Government
system. He had noted that: there were 300 mission schools of an
elementary type, whose standards in secular instruction were very low.
He decided that, fifty of these schools would be selected, twenty five
from each denomination, and would eventually be brought to the
standard prescribed for a vernacular school. The remainder of these
schools would be classified as sub-grade, and would not be recognized
officially. Thus, the sub-grade schools were not under the control of
Director of Education.53 On the other hand, Ssekamwa also observed
that the Colonial Office in London through the de la Warr Commission of
1937-38 on higher education was very uneasy with giving the
missionaries all the freedom in handling educational matters and
governmental policies. This Commission openly recommended that the
government should take a serious stand not to allow the missionaries to
interfere with governmental administrative policies, and that the
government should ensure that the work of the mission was regulated
and carefully controlled.54 In considering its move, the Colonial
Government acknowledged that the missionaries were interested in
stabilizing the faith of the converts, and in the development of a
Christian character. On the other hand, the Colonial Government needed
cheap labor more than anything else from the Africans.55
The missions did not want the British Government to dominate the
educational sector nor to employ Ugandans/Africans. 56 The missionaries
saw these as overstepped in their interests. Consequently, the
differences between the missions and the Colonial Government were
53
54
55
56
Hussey Eric, Minutes of meeting held on 10, Feb.1924, on future educational policy for Uganda
Protectorate, Rubaga Archives, Kampala. also see minutes of 23 rd Feb, from Husseys report of
educational findings
Ssekamwa, J.C.(1997). History and development of education, p.125
Ado, T.K. (1998). Missionary as agents of colonialism, p. 47.
Ssekamwa, J.C. (1997). History and development of education, p.123
[115]
inevitable. To some extent these conflicts blindfolded their ability to see

what was best for the natives. The immediate confusion erupted when
the missionaries did not applaud the new changes made by Eric Hussey.
The missionaries reacted by calling a meeting on native education in 1929
of all the heads of the Catholic Missions in Uganda. The aim of this
conference was to have a single united policy and action with regard to
matters pertaining to the Church in the Protectorate. They sought for
the re-amendment of the 1927 Ordinance and demanded a Catholic
representation on various educational bodies. In the meeting they
agreed that while they would be willing to accept the co-operation
between mission and the government, they would not however,
sacrifice their own rights as missionaries and the religious character of
their school system.57 The missionaries decided that while they
respected the views on inspection of schools, they equally requested for
the official control of their schools under care of their own education
secretary, who were synonymous to government school inspectors.
They requested that all the elementary vernacular schools, which
fulfilled the condition of the Ordinance, should receive an equal salary
scale for the teachers irrespective of the in which school they taught. 58
This paper discovered that the mission-government conflicts were not
only in Uganda, but that a similar experience manifested itself in other
colonial territories for example In French-West Africa the Catholic
Missionaries differed with the French Government over language
policies. The Catholics were fully convinced that evangelization could
only prosper through vernacular catechetical schools, while the French
government was seriously advocating for an assimilation system. 59
Extensive research has shown that these misunderstandings were not
only confined to mission and government agents in Uganda, but that
they were also found among the missionaries themselves, and that this
was reflected in the establishment of schools and in the social life of
Ugandans. for example, the 1902 education report obtained from
57
58
59
Minutes of meeting held on 22.Jan.1929 by Catholic Missions. Rubaga Archives, Kampala.

Minutes of meeting held on 22.Jan.1929 by Catholic Missions. Rubaga Archives, Kampala.
State relations, school expansion and missionary competition in Africa 1890-1930. Paedagogical
Historica, 41 (1&2), pp.31-60.
[116]
Rubaga archives revealed that Bishop Henri Stretcher, a White Father

missionary emphasized that Catholics should not allow their children to
attend Protestant schools and vice versa. The Protestants on the other
hand, blocked Catholics from evangelizing in certain areas like Buddu. 60
David low in his book Political Parties in Uganda has commented on the
CatholicProtestant relationship stating: If born of the Protestant
Church, an aspirant was educated in the Protestant school, and
therefore, automatically found himself in the Protestant party. 61 From
the close observation of this study what Professor Low said of
Protestants equally applied to Catholics. It also suggested that the
introduction of Western education and Christianity developed within a
situation of rife with conflicts. It therefore goes without saying that
although, education was the source of positive move in the direction of
progress, it was also a source of conflict and division. John Mugambi
noted that In Uganda, perhaps more clearly than in other countries in
Eastern Africa, the Churches have suffered from the tradition of hostility
and bitterness imported by Anglicans and Catholics.62 This implied that
the conflicts that were experienced during the reformation were
imported to Uganda. However, Luyimbazi Zake of Uganda had a
different opinion on these conflicts. He asserted that these wars were
not strictly religious wars, but that they were also political and economic
wars designed to determine which religious faction was going to
influence the political and economic destiny of Uganda.63 However, a
critical reflection on this missionary attitude towards one another leads
one to question their intentions. Considering that the Christian
teachings, which were supposed to promote love among the people
were used to promote mutual enmity between one another, and the fact
that the missionaries shifted sides by co-operating with the colonial
power in promoting this form of education, was a clear indication that
60
61
62
63
Henri to missionaries working at Villa Maria. Rubaga Archives, Kampala-Uganda.

Low, D. (1962). Political Parties in Uganda 1949-1962. London: Heinemann, p.11
Mugambi, J. (1982). Ecumenical Initiatives in Eastern Africa, AACC and AMCEA. Nairobi: Pauline
Press, p. 17.
Luyimbazi, Z.J. (1969). The Uganda teachers Association. In Musoke, D. (ed.),nationalism through
education. Kampala: Milton Obote Foundation Centre, p.14.
[117]
the missionaries had compromised their Christian message and

therefore, needed to re-consider their Christian stance.
Neill observed that despite the conflicts between the mission and
government, both parties realized that native conversion to Western
ideal was advantageous, if they were destined to achieve their objectives
of establishing Western education.64 It was also noted that the 1926/27
Ordinance had little impact since it did not cover all the requirements of
the schools and the educational objectives of the local population.
Despite this shortcoming, the missionaries and the Colonial Government
had to work together for the enhancement of their interests. So while in
most cases the missionaries in Uganda dominated the elementary
education and teacher training education, the government pursued the
technical education of the Ugandans. This was because the colonial
officials needed surveyors, lower and middle level medical personnel to
fill the position in the Government posts.
In Europe, such practical subjects as carpentry, blacksmithing and
farming were separated from academic subjects, Aristotle the famous
Greek philosopher thought that technical and intellectual training were
incompatible and that was why his philosophy on the system of
education regarded the practical arts as means fit for low classes.
However, in politics he stated that:
Men ought not to labour at the same time with their minds
and with their bodies, for the two kinds of labour are opposed
to one another- the labour of the body impedes the mind, and
labour of the mind, the body.65
This implied that education such as technical schools were not seen as
intellectual pursuit, because civilization was associated with writing and
reading and other academic subjects. Thus we can understand why the
Colonial Government put much emphasis on the technical and vocational
education. Several technical schools were established and it was hoped
that more of such technical school would be opened in every province,
but due to lack of funds, only one was opened in the Eastern Province, at
64
65
Neill, S. (1986). A history of Christian mission. Penguin Books. Penguin, p. 45.

Negri, P & Berseth, J. (eds) (2000). Aristotle politics, VIII. 4.1339a9. Dover publication Inc, p.306
[118]
Elgon School offering courses for carpenters, builders and mechanics all
lasting for four years, and that of tailoring lasting for three years. By 1935
about fifty men qualified from the government schools.66 On the part of
the missionary, technical schools were influenced more by the internal
needs of individual missions for buildings and technical work and the
difficulty in finding the trained personnel necessary to serve these needs.
By 1923, the White Fathers were running two technical establishments in
Uganda; one side by side with St. Marys Kisubi and the other near their
seminary at Bukalasa. These establishments were comprised of
departments for blacksmithing, woodworking, shoemaking, roof
molding, the manufacture of floor tiles, brick-making, bookbinding and
drawing.67 However, critics like Ann Julia Cooper, whose advocacy held
the broader notion of education argued that elementary students should
not be relegated/limited to a prescribed and narrow curriculum that
focused on a utilitarian motive with an overemphasis on technical
efficiency, and specialized functions.68 This suggested that this education
did nothing to improve the status of the African society; instead it held
the attitude of submissiveness.
Throughout this period, the Education Department was still persistent in
its attempt to make agricultural education effective. Consequently, in
1929 Eric Staple was appointed as the Agricultural Superintendent. Also
the archival material from Rubaga indicated that the conference of
Directors of Education held in 1929, observed that the collaboration of
the agricultural department was essential for the purpose of Teacher
Training. Thus, it was considered highly desirable that the training of
teachers should include agricultural instruction, not only during their
course in the training schools, but also during the period spent at the
end of their professional training.69 Similar courses were provided and
introduced at the government agricultural schools at Bukalasa in the
66
67
68
69
Felice, C. (1969). Education in Uganda 1894-1945. Kampala: Makerere University Press, p.241.
Fr. C. Robillard, report on the historical account of the development of education up to 1925, on
White Fathers Mission, File 22, Rubaga Archives, Kampala-Uganda
Derrick P. A. (2007). Victorianism civilization and progressivism. educational ideas of Ann Julia and
W.E.B Dubois, 1892-1940. History of Education Quarterly, 47, pp. 430-446. .
Minutes of Conference of Educationists held in Mar, 1929 at Dar-es-Salaam. Rubaga Archives,
Kampala- Uganda.
[119]
Central Province, and in Serere in the Eastern Province in 1931, in the

great hope that this would reinforce the improvement of the elementary
schools in agricultural activities.70
Although both the missionaries and the government accepted the
theories of the Ugandan education, Ugandans themselves were not
convinced by the Phelps-Stokes view. They opposed this view and made
it difficult for the government to make agricultural and technical
education the basis of all the elementary and secondary education.
There grew a demand from all the levels of Ugandan society for the
greater and better education for all. People agitated for improved
facilities and urged that more money should be made available for the
better provision of education. Ssekamwa asserted that the students
themselves were the main force against the policy of adaptation of
education. For the most of the students who went to school, learning of
English was important for them because they were able to get into
clerical jobs.71 In 1939, a missionary head teacher in Uganda was
challenged by chiefs, who stated:
We sent children to Mbarara High School not to enable them
become better labourers. We want them to become chiefs to
lead their people. They can learn digging and wood cutting at
homes because we have hoes and axes. We pay you to teach
them new knowledge, which you and other Europeans have
brought here. That is why we sent them to you.72
Similar view was observed by historian Mazrui Ali of Kenya who
remarked that the cultural discontinuity explained the linkage of
education in the rural-urban divide he remarked that: Western
education in the African condition was a process of psychological deruralization. The educated African becamemisfit in his own
village.when he graduatedhis parents did not expect him to
70
71
72

Ibid, p. 61.
Chiefs to Headmaster, a letter dated 7th Feb. 1939, MbararaHigh School, Rubaga Archives,
Kampala-Uganda
[120]
continue living with them, tending the cattle or cultivating the land.73
This implied that the Africans were supposed to have acquired better
skills than remaining in the village to till. However, labor was given a
very unfortunate label by the colonial powers. It was associated with
slavery and even low pay. This implies that the attitude towards work as
slavery has deep- seated roots, which perhaps need attention and
examination.
It was clear that the schools that were set up to boost the technical
education never helped the students and the parents to respect the
practical education. This was mainly because of the approach given by
the colonial officers towards this educational system, which reflected
that these schools were meant for the most average students who could
not attain a higher level of education. The failure of the initiative to
impart literary education was blamed on the Africans inability and their
low mental power. Gordon, H.L in his study of the mental capacity of
Africans observed that the African natives have been found to be inferior
to their European counterparts, not only in brain capacity, but also in
reaction to mental tests used by inquiry. 74 Marah K.J argued that
although, mental tests were no longer an inclination, the Europeans had
long held attitude that they had a superior culture, language, religion
and that they were highly intellectual. This standpoint can therefore, not
be wiped out overnight.75 Indeed Depaepe noted that the old idea and
opinion of Africans as primitive, which went from the outset, together
with European superiority complex in regard to Western culture, gave
way to further scientific discourse on the psychology of some African
communities.76 This entire attitude towards subordination reflected that
the natives were not as mentally capable as the European settlers. It was
such an attitude, which drew resistance and criticism in Uganda.
73
74
75
76
Ali, M. (1978): Political values and the educated class in Africa. Berkeley: University of California,
p. 16.
Gordon, H.L.(1887). The mental capacity of African: A paper presented Before the African Cycle.
Journal of Royal African Society, 33(132), pp.226-242.
Marah, K.J (1987). Educational Adaptation and Pan-Africanism Trends in Africa, pp.460-481.
Depaepe, M. (2008) Belgian Images of the Psycho- Pedagogical Potential of the Congolese during
the Colonial Era (1908-1960). pp. 1-18.
[121]
Also this education failed because the Ugandans had no say, or were
allowed to make decisions themselves. As R.J Masona a contemporary
observer put it: I think. A successful adaptation can be made only by
Africans themselves; an alien people, and a ruling one, however, well
intentioned they may be, can only take people so far along the road.
Thereafter, they must find their own way, seeking such guidance as they
themselves feel the need.77 The same view was expressed by H.M Grace
a missionary, educator and the principle of Kings College Budo in
Uganda, who critically on failure of the advisory boards to give the tribal
leaders a chance to express themselves on educational problems. He
felt that without the natives participation on the boards, the, selfsacrificing effort of the educational officers was incomplete.78
From the above discussion one can conclude that, education was literally
meant to reduce the financial burden, it was also meant to forestall
political movements that would threaten the colonial order.
From 1945 -1962 there was a change in attitude and tone as far as the
missions and colonial education was concerned. This was echoed in the
opening remark of Binnss Commission in 1952 as stating: We are
persuaded that Uganda is ripe for the bold advance in education and in
that belief we have not hesitated to state what we feel to be the present
needs.79 It was noted that the education had still proved insufficient to
meet the post-war demands. This implied that the recent expansion and
growth of education and the manner in which education had developed
meant that both regional and denominational differences were still a
loophole. Ssekamwa and Lugumba observed that to reinforce the
educational policies and close gaps, the British Government continued to
establish educational laws, Commissions and Committees, which were
set up from time to time to oversee the validity of education in Uganda.
These laws were meant to regulate the education system, ensure order
and standardise the education system in terms of infrastructure,
77
78
79
Madson, R.J. (1959). British education in Africa. London: Rou, p.72.

Grace, H.M to Edinburgh written in 1930, Namirembe Archives, Kampala-Uganda.
De Bunsen, B. (1953). African education in Uganda the report of the Committee. Entebbe:
Government Printer archives
[122]
curriculum, and professionalism.80 This desire prompted the Colonial

Office in London, to call the Conference of 1952 at Kings College
Cambridge.81Allan noted that the aim of this meeting was to discuss and
to carefully review the educational affairs in Africa and to reconsider
whether African education was on the right path.82 The question, which
comes to mind, is why did the British suddenly change their tone? Was
this new outlook on education going to be different from other colonial
programs? One thing which is clear from this study is that British
Government policies on Ugandan education could not possibly have
been designed to go against colonial interests. They were formulated in
the interest of the British Colonial office by colonialists without involving
one single Ugandan. Pearce noted that the statement of July 1943,
made by Oliver Stanley, Colonial Secretary of the State, when he
pledged Britain to guide colonial peoples along the road to selfgovernment within the framework of the British Empire', had a note of
insincerity and unreality in his declaration: it was very much designed for
international consumption, to appease American critics of British
imperialism, and Oliver himself doubted that the majority of the colonies
would ever be capable of full self-governance.83It is therefore, evident
that the policies which governed the development of education in
Uganda between 1925 and 1961 were not intended to promote the
interests of Ugandans. The motive behind the re-considering whether
education was on the right path was to ensure and safeguard the
domestic policy along lines supportive of colonial governments
dominant, social and economic interest.84 This suggested that the
reforms in the Ugandan educational system were conceived and
implemented within the framework of this relationship. Although, there
80
81
82
83
84
Ssekamwa J.C & Lugumba, S.M.E. (2002). A history of education in East Africa, p.67.
Ssekamwa J.C & Lugumba, S.M.E. (2002). A history of education in East Africa, p.67.
Allan, P. (1965). Educational reform in colonial Africa. African Affairs, 64 (256), pp. 210-216.
Oxford University Press.
Pearce, R. (1984). The colonial office and the planned decolonization in Africa. African Affairs, 83,
(330), 1984, pp. 77-93.
Berman, E. (1984). Foundations, philanthropy and neo-colonialism, in Gail, P.A & Gail, P.K (eds.),
Education and colonial experience, New Brunswick & London, transaction books, p.253-256.
[123]
was a lot of enthusiasm on the part of the Ugandan public, there were
nevertheless, strings attached to this educational program.
It is also, important to note that behind this renewed colonial attitude
was the fear of rising nationalistic movements, which were widespread
everywhere, an indication that African Independence was inevitable.
Arthur Creech observed that such speedy independence of Uganda was
not the dream of the white man.85 Unfortunately, forces continued to
work against the missionary hold on schools. Some of the Christians
formed a lay opposition demanding the missionaries to quit educational
administration. Ssekamwa noted one of the colonial representatives
who rebuffed the Ugandan members on the missionary hold on all
educational matters clearly stated: The missionaries have got an
honesty and self-denial and devote more time in education than lay
people could have done. The churches poured into education directly or
indirectly an amount of money which I am incapable of estimating, and
therefore an attack on the missionaries from any quarter is difficult to
support by the government.86 The Colonial Government backed up the
missions to the end, but this support was not to endure.
The 1961 Conference for African States held in Addis-Ababa on African
education came up with a different approach towards the African
education. Charged with limited resources, limited finance, a limited style
of selection of students, which created scarcity of manpower and
prevailing high illiteracy, the responsibility of education fell into the
hands of the new African leadership. As independence was nearing, the
Churches were forced to re-consider their position.87 This resulted in the
integration of missionary schools, the missions lost influence over the
evolution and central direction of their schools. A new education act
was passed, and all the grant aided schools, which belonged to religious
groups were nationalized by the state. The voluntary agencies lost their
powers in the recruitment and posting of teachers and even in the
85
86
87
Creech, A. J. (1951). British Policy with particular reference to Africa. Journal of Royal Institute of
International affairs; 27, (2), pp.176-183. Wiley & Sons.
Ssekamwa, J.C. (1997). History of education, p.127.
Beck, A. (1966). Colonial policy and education in East Africa 1900-1950. Journal of British Studies,
5 (.2), pp.115-138.
[124]
admission of pupils and eventually the mission had to abandon their

concept of cooperation. When Uganda got independence from the
British on 9th October 1962, this ushered in great jubilation and high
expectations, but it also occasioned challenges in the field of education.
All in all, the efforts made by the colonial administration and the missions
in promoting Western education in Uganda encountered some mixed
reactions at some points. However, whether the Ugandans resisted or
collaborated what is clear is that Christian missionaries pioneered the
development of education in Uganda, on which their entire educational
system is built upon.
CONCLUSION
This study revealed that the planning of the Ugandan education, and its
aims were in close connection to the background event in the colonial
politics of the time. The rise of Indian Independence and other
threatening factors in international politics forced the British
government to set their educational policy straight and, in turn, to
support their political agenda in Africa. However, this study also revealed
that these threats were not only a warning to the Colonial Government
of the time, but also to the missions working in Africa.
The study unveiled that aids were granted to the mission schools in
return for the assurance that school lessons would focus on fitting
Ugandans with technical knowledge needed to work as artisans for the
settlers. It, therefore, goes without saying that though missionaries have
been critical for promoting education, with full support of the Colonial
Government regarding policy framework, this type of education did not
develop the Ugandan childs mind to conceptualize, think critically and
create alternative worldviews. Instead, the agricultural bias imposed on
Ugandans was continued in an attempt to force on them inferior forms
of education, which many Ugandans resisted.
More so, further manifestation indicated that the lack of Ugandan
participation in educational decision making drew the attention of
Ugandan leaders and reinforced their conviction that education in both
mission-colonial education and mission schools was set to perpetuate
colonial supremacy. This new nationalistic mood and attitude widened
[125]
the horizon for the greater re-assessment of the goals of education. As a

result, the new leaders would present their goals for truly Ugandan
education. Nevertheless, it would be unjust to judge the missionaries
and Colonial Government using anachronistic criteria and expect that
they should adjust to our post-colonial values. Their own circumstances
and cultural background conditioned their decisions.
[126]
CHALLENGES OF TEACHING AND TRAINING

HEALTHCARE INTERPRETERS IN UAE
Yasmin Hannouna
Abstract
The number of expatriates residing in Al-Ain in United Arab
Emirates (UAE) has recently increased creating a multilingual
community. This has lead to a great need for professional
interpreters in various public service settings. In order to ensure
high quality medical services, healthcare (HC) interpreters must
be well-trained and professionalized. It should be the
responsibility of the universities and the HC institutions to
contribute significantly in preparing courses and training
programmes for students and interpreters working in hospitals.
The present paper, therefore, reviews and evaluates the
teaching of Community interpreting and the training programmes
in the UAE University. It also focuses on the analysis and
discussion of the students HC interpreting problems. The results
show that the students have various kinds of linguistic and
interpreting problems. In addition, there is a severe luck of
educational and training programmes necessary to prepare welltrained HC interpreters for UAE hospitals. Consequently,
awareness rising among the involved parties and sample
curriculums has been suggested to improve the quality of HC
interpreting services offered.
Keywords: Multicultural societies; healthcare settings; teaching
HC interpreting; training interpreters; evaluation; curriculum
design.
INTRODUCTION
The need for HC interpreters (HCIs) has sharply risen in recent years in
many countries with multicultural communities and expanding foreign[127]
based workforce. It is also expected that the demand for accurate and
professional interpreters will continue to grow. Therefore, many
universities and HC institutions have understood the vital need for
having professionally-trained interpreters in the medical field and have
designed courses to train interpreters to fill the gap of language services
in the labor market.
The UAE has continuously enlarged free movement of workers around
the Emirates more specifically in the capital Abu Dhabi (where Al-Ain city
belongs) and Dubai. As it has increasingly become a multicultural
community, properly trained interpreters working in public services
especially in medical settings is a basic need. It has been observed that
the professional and legal status of interpreters working in the HC sector
is rather vague and no endeavours have taken place to professionalize it.
Increasing levels of Emiratis and expatriates who are in need of medical
services combined with a shortage of trained interpreters have led to
many problems in HC settings (Hannouna, 2012).
So, with regard to the constantly increasing demand of professional
HCIs, interpreting courses and relevant training programmes have
become urgent to fulfil the needs of this society. Therefore, new
materials for an undergraduate community interpreting course have
been suggested. In addition, an MA programme has been proposed to
help in developing and improving the current state of HC interpreting in
the UAE. These programmes could be of use to any academic institution
around the world too.
EDUCATION AND TRAINING OF HEALTHCARE INTERPRETERS: OVERVIEW

Medical language services should be provided by well-trained
interpreters to guarantee high quality HC services to patients who
usually do not speak the language of the HC providers. Angelelli (2004)
explores the role of HCIs indicating that they help to make
communication possible between HC providers and patients who do not
speak the same language. According to NCICH (2012), a well-trained
interpreter is one who has been assessed for professional skills,
demonstrates a high level of proficiency in at least two languages and
has the appropriate training and experience to interpret with accuracy
[128]
and skill while adhering to the code of ethics and standards of practice. A
bilingual employee may provide direct services in both languages, but is
not qualified to serve as an interpreter without additional training.
This review focuses on the HCIs and student interpreters education and
training. It presents medical errors and some limitations of utilizing
family and friends and even HC providers who are untrained in
interpreting. On the other hand, it shows the effect of good practices
and training of interpreters on the quality of the services provided by the
HC institutions. In addition, it reports the issues and challenges facing a
HCI and sheds light on the content and requirements of HC interpreting
curricula and training programmes and the ideas behind them.
Although training is often regarded as the key to the provision of
adequate interpreting services (Kalina, 2002), it is still lacking or not fullydeveloped in many countries except in a few "pioneering" countries
(e.g., Australia, Canada, America and Sweden) where community
interpreting (CI ) has advanced to the state of a fully-fledged profession
(Ozolins, 1995 ; Ozolins, 2000). As Gile (2009) points out, formal training
can perform at least two functions. The first is to help professional
interpreters or translators enhance their performance to the full
realization of their potential, while the second is to help them develop
their skills more rapidly than through field experience and selfinstruction.
The scientific evidence suggests that providing patients with trained,
professional interpreters leads to optimal communication, the best
outcomes, the fewest errors with clinical consequence occur and the
highest satisfaction (Flores, 2005; Interpreter Services Working Group,
2010).Unfortunately, the literature does not use a common standard for
trained or professional. However, it is clear that using trained
interpreters generally produces higher quality results than using ad hoc
ones. Errors made by untrained bilingual staff or family serving as
interpreters include: (a) adding material, (b) omitting material, (c) false
fluency, (d) substitution, giving opinions and (e) changing messages
(Schapira, et al., 2008). Moreover, Hoen, Nielsen & Sasso (2006) identify
the issues that inhibit the development of the field of HC interpreting.
These include: (a) lack of HC interpreting employment opportunities, (b)
[129]
absence of a professional body, (c) lack of standards, (d) limited

available training and (e) low student enrolment. In addition, the lack of
CI training programmes can be linked to the lack of skilled trainers. This
is why train-the-trainer courses are being called for by a number of
researchers (Englund-Dimitrova, 2002 ; Corsellis, 2008). The problem of
finding adequate instructors as Murray (2004) maintains, refers to the
fact that many training courses are relatively new and that many
practitioners may have never undergone adequate interpreting training
themselves. Other problems that need to be addressed when it comes to
developing CI training measures concern lack of awareness of the
importance of using skilled interpreters (Pchhacker, 2007) and lack of
efficient ways of using interpreters and organizing interpreting services
(Ozolins, 2000). Further, Hale (2007) outlines four broad areas of
problematic issues relevant to training:
1. Lack of recognition for the need for training ;

2. Absence of a compulsory pre-service training requirement for
practicing interpreters;
3. Shortage of adequate training programmes; and

4. Quality and effectiveness of the training.
Training in some very few countries is a prerequisite official system of
accreditation for interpreters (Bell, 1997; Lascar, 1997). In this respect,
Ozolins (2010) points out to a comprehensive approach that is best
exemplified by Australia and Sweden that involves not only widespread
provision of language services, but also a certification system, a training
regime, and a degree of policy planning and evaluation. He states that
accreditation can be gained through one-off tests or passing an
approved course, but the lack of compulsory training to gain
accreditation is a weakness. Joe (2007) confirms that accreditation or
certification systems are critical to establish a profession and to give
confidence to users in working with interpreters, but even after several
decades of their implementation there are significant gaps in the reach
of certification programmes. This is brought about largely by the
increased language diversity and the still weak link between the
requirement for accreditation and the ability to practice, or a missing link
between accreditation and training. Most practitioners, on the other
[130]
hand, have undergone training and are able to practice without the
formal accreditation.
Ozolins (2000) states while CI training programmes in the pioneering
countries are fully institutionalized full-scale training, in many other
countries they take place in non-academic settings as CI has not yet
achieved the status of a profession that merits full-scale academic
training. Moreover, undergraduate or postgraduate university training
programmes are largely underrepresented in the range of existing CI
training options (e.g. Ozolins, 1995; Roat &Okahara, 1998; Ozolins, 2000;
Kalina, 2002). In addition, Roberts (2002) indicates that most training is
offered at postgraduate level or as part of continuing education
programmes. Besides, most of these university-based training
programmes do not lead to an official and internationally accepted
degree (e.g. BA, MA). Instead, they are often limited in scope, highly
diverse as regards their content and often lead to participants receiving
only a certificate at best.
Concerning the design of a training programme, a review of the relevant
literature shows that there exists a large array of highly divergent
training concepts whether at university level or outside academic
institutions (Phelan, 2001). According to Hale (2007) and Ertl &
Pllabauer (2010), they differ with respect to content (e.g. languagespecific, language-independent, theory-based, combination of theorybased and practical training, different views on interpreter roles and
'cultural mediation'), duration (e.g. short-term training to full-scale
academic programmes), teaching methods (e.g. 'traditional' vs. 'new'
teaching methods), language combinations (e.g. 'Western' languages vs.
'rare' languages) qualification certificates or 'degrees' (e.g. proof of
attendance, 'certificates,' internationally recognized academic degrees),
selection/admission criteria, testing procedures (e.g. no testing to fullscale final exams leading to accreditation), etc. Hala (2007) emphasizes
that training providers have to decide which stance will be taken on their
particular course. This needs to be communicated adequately to
students, trainers and users.
Gentile, Ozolins & Vasilakakos (1996) confirm that it will be difficult for
the state of CI to advance in the absence of compulsory formal training
[131]
(p. 69). Indeed, without appropriate support, continuing education and

quality assurance, even professional interpreters can make a significant
number of clinically important errors (Kohen, Stubblefield-Tave & Seifert,
2004; Moore & Swabey, 2007). Therefore, bilingual staff should ideally
receive training in interpreting, as bilingualism is insufficient to ensure
adequate interpreting skills. Erasmus (2000) and Explore Health Careers
(2011) maintain that the use of untrained, unprofessional and ad hoc
interpreters creates more problems than it solves. Moreover, Niska
(2005) believes that a pre-service compulsory university training and
acquiring a university degree is so important.
A major catalyst of professional socialization is a course of training that
qualifies graduates for entry into the profession. Schapira et al. (2008) &
Office of Minority Health (2012) maintain that the content of a HC
training programme should focus on the role of the medical interpreter,
interpreting skills, ethics of interpreting, cross-cultural communication,
awareness of biomedical culture, standards of professionalism, and
medical terminology. Regarding the length of the training programmes,
some experts in the field feel that 40 hours may represent a reasonable
minimum length of initial training. On the other hand, training could be
an introductory training programme (e.g. of 15 hours) or a
comprehensive training programme (e.g. of 54 hours). Universities
regularly offer long programmes designed for ordinary students and
beginning interpreters over several months or 2-4 years. These are not
suitable to the needs of professionals. In-service professionals often
attend short courses and workshops held in the form of evening classes
and offered by the medical institutions, local government agencies or
interpreting services. The content and approach of courses, standards
and certification mainly focus on strengthening practicing professionals'
skills and expertise. For instance, individual courses and workshops for
professionals may concentrate on note-taking in consecutive or
professional code of ethics for interpreters, etc. (Gile, 2009).
In the education of HCIs, Angelelli (2008) supports a dialogue"
between researchers and practitioners to be able to simulate
interpreting scenarios in training which are close to real-life situations. In
addition, focus should be on the training of HCI in specific skills such as
[132]
memory enhancement and terminology. She emphasizes training of

interpreters should be triggered by pragmatic need to ensure that
communication between HC providers and patients is plausible. Further,
she (ibid.) indicates that students need to learn how to analyse meaning
and they could benefit from courses that deal with the different issues
that arise from the HC settings in which they practice. She also points
out that students could benefit from courses that deal specifically with
the different issues that arise from the HC settings in which they practice
(e.g., hospital culture, ethics, protocol, etc) and believes that each of
these educational opportunities would betterequip the student
interpreter for a career as a visible, powerful, culturally-sensitive
professional. Roy (2000) emphasizes that student interpreters should
learn how to use their interpersonal skills effectively and the
responsibilities and duties that arise from their tasks. According to Gile
(2009), although interpreting and translation exercises always make the
core of the curriculum, theoretical courses are a necessary part of
academic programmes leading to BA or higher degree. They can help
future interpreters and translators advance better and faster toward
mastery of their professional skills and maintain appropriate strategies.
Angelelli (2008) believes that many of the curricular decisions are made
on the basis of trial and error and confirms that institutions of
higher education need to take a lead in promoting interaction between a
researcher and a practitioner as a perfect solution.
The teaching of HC interpreting should focus mostly on cognitive skills,
ethics and terminology. ValeroGarcs (2008) states that great emphasis
should be put on issues of register, terminology and specific vocabulary.
The ethics of confidentiality and impartiality are important in the training
of students in the classroom and when acting as interpreters in the
workplace as part of their internship. In discussing the results of the
studies he conducted on trainees in class and in the hospitals where they
had their internship, ValeroGarcs (ibid.) indicates that students need
to incorporate some training of dealing with traumatic situations and
those with heavy emotional load and how to overcome them (e.g., heart
surgery, traffic accidents, breaking sad news about AIDS infection or
cancer, etc).
[133]
In the above review, basic issues of HCIs education and training have
been identified and discussed. The next sections present an overview of
the current teaching and training reality of HC interpreting in the UAE.
REQUIREMENTS OF HC INTERPRETERS
As the present paper focuses on HC interpreting, it is worth emphasizing
that qualified professional HC interpreters need institutional support
including continuing education and quality assurance to perform their
work. Hospitals, health centres and other providers must assure quality
interpretation services to assure quality patient care. Most HC
institutions prefer their HC interpreters to have a certificate of successful
completion from a recognized educational institution or training
programme (whether through a private institution, a two-year college or
a four-year college). A certificate attesting to language proficiency in all
of the interpreter's working languages, skills testing in HC interpreting
and proof of mastery of medical terminology in all working languages
are the most essential academic qualifications. The only other typical
prerequisites are general education and experience (Explore Health
Careers, 2015).
In a previous study, Hannouna (2012) confirmed that most of the
interviewees (i.e., university teachers, HC providers and patients)
believed that the universities are the primary responsible institutions to
graduate qualified HC interpreters. Their programmes should include
effective interpreting courses and sufficient training for this purpose. In
addition, there should be a kind of cooperation and coordination
between the university and the HC institutions to continuously provide
training courses, seminars and workshop to improve the quality of HCI of
the fresh graduates and the staff of medical interpreters in these
institutions.
Many theorist and researchers have pointed out to the numerous
competencies and background knowledge that are commonly deemed
necessary for community interpreters. These include: knowledge of
professional issues, advanced language competencies, mastery of
different registers in both languages, a wide mastery of general and
specialized terminology, adequate pronunciation in both languages,
[134]
excellent listening and comprehension skills, excellent memory skills,

adequate public speaking skills, adequate note-taking skills, advanced
interpreting skills, good management skills (i.e., the ability to coordinate
and control the interpreted situation), a knowledge of the context and
subject matter, an understanding of the goals of the institutions where
the interpreting is taking place and knowledge of the theories that
underpin the practice (Hale, 2007; Utilization of Interpreters, 2012).
These areas of knowledge and skills are indeed crucial elements in any CI
course.
Valero-Garces (2003) maintains if someone speaks two languages, it is
still widely believed that he / she must be able to translate and interpret.
This misconception is often adopted by service providers who do not
understand the complexity of interpreting and rely on bilinguals to
interpret for them and expect accurate renditions. Hale (2007) refers to
the practicing interpreters who oppose training either because they feel
that there is nothing further for them to learn or because of the poor
remuneration and working conditions that do not warrant the
investment of money , time and efforts on their part to improve their
skills, knowledge and performance.
In a survey carried out by Hale and Luzardo in 1997, they discovered that
more than 78 % of the respondents admitted interpreters should be
university trained. However, the other respondents maintained that ad
hoc volunteers can adequately perform the tasks assigned to them even
if most believe a professional would do a better job. Another issue is that
public-sector institutions are often unable or unwilling to pay for
professionally trained interpreters as they are not perceived to be
necessary (ibid.).
Thus, education is needed for interpreters and for those who speak
through them to achieve optimum results. Interpreters need preparation
before working in HC setting. Preparation involves both formal training
and education, and knowledge needed for a specific medical encounter.
CHALLENGES OF TEACHING COMMUNITY INTERPRETING COURSES

According to Hale (2007), CI courses vary significantly. They could be
general including translation or specialized in either court or HC
[135]
interpreting. Others may combine as many specialisations as the course

time will permit. Some courses are short orientation (approximately 20
hours) run by hospitals or other employers while others are longer, more
structured and permanent offered by tertiary institutions (approximately
60 hours) as part of their syllabus of regular courses. Single elective
subjects could also be undertaken at university as non-award courses
(approximately 60 hours). In addition, full-degree courses at both
undergraduate and post graduate levels (1-4 years) could be offered by
universities too. The shortest courses tend to be non-language specific,
while the longer ones are more practical and include language-specific
classes. In addition, university courses include theory and practice.
Professional community interpreters either graduate with formal
university degree courses combining theory with practice or obtain
external accreditation or certification. However, the majority of
CI courses are unfortunately short and superficial. Moreover, the training
time is not enough for theoretical materials and practical skills to be
dealt with adequately. Benmaman (1999) maintains that more
permanent and comprehensive courses are needed than short and
informal ones which may be counterproductive, creating a sense of
complacency in governments that such courses are sufficient to ensure
quality in interpreting services" (p.112).
One of the major challenges is to find highly qualified staff with the
relevant academic and research background to teach CI courses. In
addition, students with adequate bilingual and bicultural competence
and skills may not be attracted to the profession because of low
payment, limited work opportunities and unfavourable working
conditions. Further, the absence of research makes it difficult to course
designers to prioritise what to include in these courses (Hale 2007).
In short, the trained community interpreter should not only be proficient
in the target language(s), but universities and educational institutions
should educate students and untrained interpreters about their role and
the constraints of that role.
HC INTERPRETING IN UAE: BACKGROUND

No previous studies, except the one carried out by Hannouna (2012),
have investigated the state of HC interpreting in UAE hospitals. It is
found that in UAE there are no professional HCIs in HC settings to help in
communicating with clients who are not fluent in English (the language
spoken by most of the HC providers in hospitals). Interlinguistic
[136]
communication is carried out by ad hoc interpreters who do not have

any training. In addition, HC interpreting is not given its due significance,
although there is a growing need for this kind of interpreting in this
country. Further, neither the universities nor any existing professional
organization fully satisfy the needs of the interpreting market
(Hannouna, 2012).
On the other hand, throughout the UAE, no college offers HC
interpreting teaching and training programmes that cover such topics as
ethics, cultural sensitivity and standards of practice. In the UAE
University (UAEU) in Al-Ain, interpreting is introduced in one course
entitled Translation in the community. It is the only interpreting course in
the plan of the Department of Translation Studies. It is a four months'
programme. The current course, however, with the lack of any other
interpreting courses or interpreting training programmes is not valid for
preparing qualified HCIs for the labour market.
The university as an educational institution engaged in translation
training in the UAE has to rise to the challenge to fulfil the needs of the
society. It has really become important to prepare and train professional
HCIs in the medical institutions in the UAE for the risky consequences of
unprofessional conduct of those engaged in the job.
TEACHING INTERPRETING IN UAEU

Teaching interpreting is introduced in the course of Translation in the
Community in the UAEU. This course is not a Department Requirement
Course. Rather, it is one among twelve courses that are classified as
Elective Courses. Students of the Department of Translation Studies can
only select three courses (each of 3 credit hours) among these for their
graduation. The list of Elective Courses includes only three from the
Department of Translation Studies and the other nine belong to Arabic,
Linguistic and Mass Communication Departments. So, many translation
students graduate without taking this course.
It is the only interpreting course in the current plan of the Department of
Translation Studies. It is short in duration (a four months' course of
approximately 48 hours), so that the training time is not enough to allow
students to acquire the proper linguistic and interpreting skills and even
[137]
for building solid theoretical underpinnings in the field. It is a general

course emphasizing translating in various communities, commercial, and
public contexts such as offices, hospitals, courts and in situations of
political negotiations and press interviews. It is meant to prepare
students for these interpreting situations by developing their ability to
understand and analyze a message in the source language (SL) and
convey it in the target language (TL) quickly, clearly, and correctly.
Taibi and Martin (2006) indicate that in short and superficial CI courses,
the training time is not enough to deal adequately with theoretical issues
and practical skills. The author of the present research taught the course
of Translation in the Community (Department of Translation Studies /
UAEU) in three different semesters (i.e., Spring 2009, Spring 2010 and
Fall 2012) and faced this challenge indeed. The main problem was in
deciding the amount of theory and practice the students should take
including: the appropriate course material to cover, the interpreting
techniques and methodology to be used and the amount of training the
students needed within such a short duration. Moreover, the standard
course syllabus of the department was not concerned with a particular
community interpreting area. Thus, time constraints, the many course
requirements and the students limited bilingual and bicultural
competencies were the main obstacles that impinged the effectiveness
of the course.
Teaching community interpreting in UAEU: A classroom methodology
In teaching the course of CI, the researcher focused only on two areas of
CI, i.e., court interpreting and HC interpreting. These genres are
necessary for students to learn based on the needs of the job market in
the UAE (Hannouna, 2012). First, the aim was to awaken the students
awareness of the role of an interpreter within the community services.
This involves acting as a link between those citizens who either do not
know the language of the community in which they live and the public or
private services they wish to access, or who do not understand the
language of the HC providers working in the local hospitals. In the UAE,
this is due to the varieties of nationalities in this society. Therefore, a
great number of citizens require linguistic support in order to have
[138]
access to basic services and communicate with institutions. The second

aim was to help in developing the professional skills of the students who
wish to act as linguistic mediators between the English-speaking foreign
community in the public institutions (i.e., the majority of HC providers in
UAE hospitals) and the clients (i.e., Emirate or other patients who only
speak Arabic or Urdu especially old women and men or children (for
more information see, Hannouna, 2012) who have no or very limited
knowledge of English. The course is primarily expected to develop and
improve the native Arabic students interpreting skills from and into
English in a number of specialized fields in styles appropriate to the
source text content and function.
The author (i.e., the teacher of the course) spent the first two weeks of
the course in introducing the students (who had no previous background
in the field of interpreting, in general, and CI, in particular) to the general
features of translation and interpreting, the role of an interpreter, how
to interpret, tips for accurate and adequate interpreting, types and
essential modes of interpreting, interpreting ethics and requirements
and interpreting skills development. The remaining weeks were equally
divided between court and police station interpreting and HC
interpreting. With each area very few theoretical materials were given as
much time was needed for students actual practice. Yet, the 18-20 hours
to practice each genre were not sufficient at all to prepare well-trained
professional interpreters. Therefore, considering the time limitations and
the students' background knowledge in the field, it was just taken as an
introductory course to make the students aware of the context in which
they were going to do their internship and to help them apply the
theories and skills they had learnt.
Due to the lack of adequate textbooks as this is a new field, the author
prepared her own handouts and teaching material according to the time
she devoted for theory and practice. Special links to have access to
online special-domain dictionaries and Internet material were made
available to the students. Some of the teacher's own electronic
dictionaries were provided to the students which they installed on their
personal laptops. In addition, one of the methodologies used was to put
the very complex terminologies extracted from various resources on
[139]
power point (PPT) slides along with the texts in which they occurred to
facilitate interpreting and save much of the classroom time. Lists of
terminologies, definitions and glossaries were constantly provided to the
students. As for the texts that were given to the students to interpret,
the focus was on real-life situations and dialogues like, courtroom
proceedings, crime scenes scenarios, police interviews, medical patients
reports, medical tests reports, description of diseases and symptoms,
patient-doctor / provider dialogues that the teacher downloaded from
special web sites or took from different books on these fields.
The classroom was equipped with a projector, a computer and speakers
with an amplifying system in addition to a Smart board. However, no
interpreting lab with booths, headphones and microphones was
available. These tools are necessary in the classroom for practicing
various interpreting modes and techniques and for recording the
students' performance for feedback. It had Internet connection and the
students brought their laptops / IPods, electronic dictionaries, mobile
phones and hardcover dictionaries to class. The teacher brought her own
recorder to the class for recording the students interpreting in order to
analyze their interpretation and give them the necessary feedback. It
was also used in measuring the time the students spent in interpreting a
text. Students were shown videos on court and medical interpreting.
Many other videos concerning the training of interpreting students ,
scenarios of real-life experiences showing ethical dilemmas and
solutions, the difference between professional and a bilingual
interpreters (i.e., ad hoc and non-professional interpreters) , how tests in
various community interpreting settings are given and how to practice
different interpreting modes. All the students were given the chance to
comment on certain relevant issues in an open and active class
discussion.
Group-work was encouraged and all the students were asked to
participate in various class activities and assignments. The class was
separated into small groups and students were asked to discuss how
best to interpret the texts presented into the target language. Group
interpretations were compared and students' errors were identified and
discussed. Students were given the chance to provide feedback for their
[140]
colleagues under the monitoring and guidance of the teacher. Two

modes of interpreting were emphasized in that class of Translation in the
Community, i.e., consecutive interpreting and sight translation. One of
the teaching techniques and methodologies used was to put crime scene
scenarios, part of a court proceeding, a medical or patient report or a
patient-doctor / provider dialogue on PPT slides that were displayed on
the board using a projector and the students were given the time the
teacher felt sufficient for sight translating the text (only in English). After
minimizing the text (by using the computer in order not to make the text
appear on the Smart board), each student was asked to give the TL
interpretation (in Arabic) of the text even if it was a repetition of other
students' interpretation. Further, by the students' repetition of
segments in the same language and by asking them to paraphrase and
give the gist or summary of the original English texts, the teacher helped
them to develop their memory, comprehension, fluency and other
linguistic competencies.
In addition, the other methodology concerned consecutive interpreting
practice. The text (e.g., a court proceeding and hearing or a medical
dialogue) was either displayed on the board or distributed among
students as printed handouts. Then, two students in a role-playing
technique were asked to directly read the original text aloud, while a
third student was asked to take notes and reproduce in the TL short or
long spoken forms playing the role of a linguistic mediator between the
two speakers after each pause. During the interpreting process, the
instructor and the other students in class were asked to write down the
mistakes for feedback on many linguistic, discoursal, pragmatic, stylistic
and cultural issues. All the students were given the chance to practice
these techniques, although they found them challenging and very
difficult especially at the beginning. This made them frustrated and
disappointed. However, they enjoyed facing challenging situations,
realized the stress and the complexity of this interpreting specialty,
understood the requirements of the profession and learnt a lot of
linguistic and interpreting skills. This is what they indicated in the course
evaluation conducted at the end of the semester
[141]
Unfortunately, there was not enough time for practice and development
of the students abilities and skills in such a short course especially it was
the only interpreting course in their academic programme. It was just
when they began to be familiar with some skills and mastered others,
the semester finished. The course, in fact, does not qualify them to be
community interpreters in medical or other fields especially they do not
have any previous interpreting background.
METHODS AND DATA

Based on the CI classroom observations of the students' interpretations
and the analyses of the audio-recordings of these interpretations,
various problems have been identified, classified and discussed.
The researcher transcribed the audio recorded interpretations of her
own students in the course of CI (Spring, 2012). The transcriptions
represented the students' classroom practical interpretations and the
renditions of tests. The analyses of the students' interpretations of
various HC settings aim at evaluating their performance based on the
identification and description of their problems.
As the present work is more concerned with HC interpreting, the
students' interpretations of crime scenes scenarios and court
proceedings were excluded from the data. Therefore, a total of 44
transcriptions of students' interpretations of various doctorpatient or
nurse-doctor dialogues and other medical texts (e.g., description of
patient's disease symptoms, telephone conversations between patient
and doctor's secretary or patient and doctor) formed the data of the
study. Only some of these transcripts were chosen for the purpose of
analysis and investigation. There were only nine students in the class
who interpreted the texts without any prior preparation or interpreting
training. Their practical experience in interpreting was only based on the
videos they had watched and the teacher's examples of practical
renditions. They basically used consecutive / dialogue interpretation
when one student read the English ST while the other took notes and
then interpreted the text into Arabic as a TL. They also sight translated
the texts from English into Arabic and occasionally from Arabic to
[142]
English. The students' renditions were transliterated in the examples of

the next section.
Analysis and discussion of problematic issues
Analyses of the data showed that CI students in UAEU had various

problems in interpreting medical texts between English to Arabic. These
problems, however, are interrelated. Some of these problems are
cognitive like, lack of the ability to understand and comprehend the
English SL text. This badly affected the accuracy and fidelity of their
interpretations. They also had problems in memory. They could not, for
example, produce a good interpretation in Arabic (TL) that was faithful
and accurate as they forgot many important details of the ST (usually
English). They also deleted certain parts of the ST (i.e. omit material),
added material, repeated certain parts of the text, gave their opinion or
changed the message. For instance, the following text could not be
interpreted by most of the students although the teacher supplied the
Arabic equivalents of the words and terminologies that appear in bold.
As most of these terms are Greek-Latin expressions, the teacher
understood that they would be problematic for the student to render.
Nevertheless, the teacher expected the student to be able to interpret
the text if terms were known.
(1) Nurse:
Doctor, can you look at Mr. Sickly? Im worried about

his oxygenation.
Doctor: Sure. What is his respiratory rate? Is he on

supplemental oxygen?
Nurse: His respirations are 20 a minute. He is on nasal cannula
oxygen, but he appears to be having trouble with his
inspiration and expirations and he appears to be
breathing from his diaphragm
Doctor: OK. His chest x-ray shows pulmonary oedema, worse
in the lower lobes. He may be developing pleural
effusions as well from his cardiopulmonary failure.
Before we run into problems with deoxygenation and
carbon dioxide retentio, I think we should intubate him
with an endotracheal tube.
[143]
Nurse:
Doctor:
Nurse:
OK. Ill send a blood gas to make sure there isnt

metabolic acidosis.
Good idea. After the intubation, well give him some
diureticto improve the ventilation in the alveoli, and
well be able to suction the mucus from his bronchi and
bronchioles. Hopefully that will help as well.
Thanks.
In the second example, the student's lack of recognition of the idiomatic

expression 'under the weather' and its exact meaning led to inaccurate
interpretation, as seen below:
(2) Doctor:
Patient:
Are you having any other problems like weakness,

fatigue or headaches?
Well I've certainly felt under the weather.
Instead of providing a functional rendering of the idiomatic expression

as 'Laqad Shaa'rtu bi ani mareedhan', the student interpreted it literally as
' Asha'ru fia'lan bi ani taht al jaw', i.e., 'I feel I am under the atmosphere'.
The result showed odd meaning that was out of the medical context.
The literal rendering of the idiomatic expression did not at all made any
sense.
In the third example, the student did not render important parts in the
ST. Some parts of the ST were intentionally deleted as the student might
have thought they were not important to render or the student might
have forgotten to render them. As a result, the interpretation of the text
was unfaithful, as seen below:
(3) Doctor:
Patient:
How strong is the pain exactly? On a scale of one to

ten, how would you describe the intensity of the pain?
Well, I'd say the pain is about a two on a scale of one to
ten. Like I say, it's not really bad. It just keeps coming
back...
The student's interpretation is given below:

[144]
Al tabeeb:
Al Mareedh:
Ma Shidat Al Alam a'ndak bil dhabt?

Kama Qultu laka al alam yathhab wa yaa'wood.
In this interpretation, the student did not render one of the most
important parts of the ST concerning the intensity of the pain on a scale
of one to ten. Such information was so important for the doctor to
exactly diagnose the patient's physical status. The deletions in the
student's interpretation of this example show inaccurate and unfaithful
rendition of the ST message.
When the students were asked first to restate the English text to test
their comprehension of the ST, they made many linguistic mistakes in
grammar, word choice and meaning. Inability to find the right Arabic
equivalent to the English medical terminology in addition to difficulties in
pronouncing the medical terminologies (especially the Latin and the very
long ones) were other problems. Even when they understand the
message in English SL, they were unable to convert it into the Arabic TL
adequately. As a result of low linguistic competence, the students' TL
(whether English or Arabic) texts were poorly interpreted and reflected
problems in the clarity and coherence of the message. The result of
reading comprehension given by one of the students of the following
text (after minimizing the text displayed on Smart board) illustrates
these problems:
(4) Doctor: Damien, I have put the plaster on to keep your bone in
the right position. Its very important that you do not
get the plaster wet, because then it will become soft
and the bone may move. I would also like you to come
back to hospital straight away if your fingertips feel
tingly or numb or if your fingers go pale or blue. This
would suggest that the plaster is too tight and we
would need to split it to relieve the pressure. In order
to avoid swelling within the plaster, I recommend that
you keep your hand elevated so that the swelling can
drain away. Youll need to be in the plaster for six
[145]
weeks altogether, but well need some X-rays done

before then, to make sure the bones havent moved.
The student stated this text as:
Doctor:
He put the plaster plaster keep bone good

positionin plaster ... Its very important [4 seconds
pause]that in plaster... that....it is important [another
3 seconds pause] do not keep the bone wet, .[5
seconds pause] bonebones these bonesthat...
move [9 seconds pause]... I, He also like you [3
seconds pause] go to hospital .. if your fingers[ 8
seconds pause].. if your fingers thatblue fingers ...
That is ... [5 seconds pause] plaster tight .because it
of pressure. He become to keep the plaster for [the
student paused and asked the teacher about the time
period] six weeks, yes six weeks you sure
X-rays
It is apparent how the student's memory problems and limited linguistic

abilities led to misinterpretation of the text. In the student's rendering,
in addition to the many grammatical problems (e.g., using the third
person pronoun, using the wrong tense, using two different subjects for
the same verb and producing incomplete sentences), there are other
problems that affected the clarity and cohesion of the text like, omission
of important words and parts of the text, unnecessary repetition,
changing the message based on personal opinion and long pauses.
Another example below shows similar problems in the Arabic TL text and
demonstrates how the literal rendering of the English ST gives an
inadequate interpretation in Arabic:
(5) Doctor: We've been slightly behind schedule, but as soon as
the operating theatre is ready, we'll take you through.
The current operation is finishing soon. Before you go
in for your operation, the nurse will prepare you. Is
[146]
Patient:
Doctor:
there anything else you would like to ask at this stage

about your appendices operation?
Yes, you told me last week it would be keyhole surgery,
you are sure I won't be left with a big scar.
Don't worry Ms Brightly, unless there are complications
you will just have 2 tiny marks.
The student's rendering of the ST into Arabic is transliterated below:

Tabbeb:
Mareedh:
Tabeeb:
Anti khalf al jadwal, Wa A'ndama yajhaz masrah al

amaliyaat, sawfa najri laki al a'maliyah. Wa stujahzuki al
mumaridhah wa .wa [7 seconds pause] wa a'ndama
tajhazi sawfa tujahizuki al mumaridha li masrah al
amaliyaat [5 secons pause] baa'dah thalik a'nadaki
sua'aal?
Naa'm [3 seconds pause] Hal statruk al amaliyah
ndbah?
[8 seconds pause] Sawfa la tatruk al Amaliyak nudab.
The back translation of the student's Arabic rendition, in which many

linguistic and discourse problems could be recognized, is given below:
Doctor:
Patient:
You are behind the schedule, and when the operating

theatre is ready, we'll do the operation for you. The
nurse will prepare youandand [7 seconds pause]
and when you are ready, the nurse will prepare you for
the operation theatre [5 seconds pause] after that
do you have a question?
Yes, 3 seconds pause].Will the operation leave scars?
Doctor:
[8 seconds pause] The operation won't leave scars.
In the student's rendition above, there is misuse of lexical items. The

noun phrase 'operation theatre' was rendered literally into 'masrah
alamaliyaat' which is not used in Arabic in this context. In other words,
the two nouns do not collocate in Arabic as they are in English. The
sound /p/ in the word operation was also pronounced as /b/. Most
[147]
students had this problem as the phoneme /p/ does not exist in Arabic. In
addition, there are examples of misinterpretation of the right tense (e.g.
You have been slightly behind the schedule was rendered into You are
behind the schedule). There were also examples of omission of
important words and parts of sentences that were not rendered into
Arabic and which affected the accuracy, fidelity and clarity of the Arabic
text (e.g., keyhole surgery, your appendices operation and complications).
Further, the repetition of certain words or expressions and the many
pauses during the interpretation process pointed out to the student's
linguistic and cognitive problems.
Another problem concerns inability to form passive constructions. In the
reading comprehension test and after the following text was minimized
(i.e., did not appear on the smart board),
(6) Patient: Yes, he was taken to the special care unit because he
was very small and he was getting cold and needed to
be given oxygen.
The student restated the text as:
Patient: He taken to the special care unit because he very
small and getting cold and
The student did not produce correct passive constructions. It was
noticeable that students did not include verb to be when forming the
passive constructions and the present or past continuous tenses in most
cases. They also had problems in using the correct forms of irregular
verbs and they shifted from the past to the present and had problems in
subject-verb agreement when they interpret sentences. In addition, they
inappropriately chose contextual meanings of words. They rendered
sentences literally following the word order of the SL text. The listening/
reading comprehension tests were so important indeed to identify the
students problems in English as they needed to interpret from Arabic to
English too.
[148]
Students were also very slow in interpretation. They were unable to

deconstruct and reconstruct the message quickly. For instance, when
the instructor displayed a text that should normally be rendered in 2-3
minutes for sight translation on the Smart board, they took 11-15 minutes
to look at the text before rendering it even when they were supplied
with the Arabic equivalents of the English terminology. Moreover, most
of the students paused during the interpreting process .The length of
pauses varied (i.e., between 2 seconds to16 continuous seconds or even
more of the interpreting time) depending on the level of complexity of
the text and the student's limited cognitive (i.e., memory) and linguistic
abilities. In most cases, the students did not remember the details and
important parts of the texts and they were unable to find the suitable
word or expression when rendering the text. The teacher (author of this
article) needed to give them much practice in listening and reading
comprehension in the SL (English in most cases) to develop their
memory and comprehension abilities. By doing so, the students showed
some improvement in the ability to understand the English ST before
they were asked to sight translate it or interpret it into the TL (Arabic in
most cases). In short, their interpreting education and practice was
widely affected by their low linguistic competence and their instructor
could not use many interpreting techniques and classroom
methodologies accordingly.
Some pragmatic problems (e.g., inappropriate transfer of speech acts to
serve the same language functions of the original English text in Arabic)
were identified in the students' renditions. In the following example
extracted from a doctor-patient conversation:
(7) D:
What seems to be the problem at the moment?
P:
D:
Well, Ive been feeling so poorly recently.

I see. Feeling poorly. What do you mean by that?
P:
Ive been getting very short of breath.
The student interpreted 'feeling so poorly' as 'Asha'ru bi dhua'uf shadeed'

in Arabic which means 'I feel very weak' in English; whereas in the
original English text the patient meant by this expression ' got very short
[149]
of breath'. Thus, the student's interpretation did not serve the same
language function of the original expression. This problem is attributed
to lack of awareness of how native speakers of English use their
language to serve certain functions in different contexts.
Another pragmatic problem concerns register. Students used the local
Emirate dialect and colloquial and informal expressions when
interpreting into Arabic and were unaware of the need to preserve the
same level of formality of the original English text in the TL text. For
instance, the students rendered the texts below in a consecutive
interpreting test using local colloquial and informal language (see, the
words and expressions in bold)
(8) Patient: I vomit in the morning starting on and off since
September. I have been tested for pregnancy. I am
nauseous most of the day. I am bipolar and have
anxiety and have a few other medical problems, i.e.
gastritis and haemorrhoids.
as:
Al Mareedh: Ana auraja' kul sabaah fee September. Wa
akhtubirtu lil hamil wa ana wa musadaa'a kul
yaum[7seconds pause]wa asha'uru bi [4
seconds pause and the student asked the teacher
about the meaning of 'bipolar'] qalaq wa aua'ni min
mashakil aukhra [2 seconds pause] .. wa batni
youa'wirni wa aua'ni mi al bwaseer.
And the following text was rendered
(9) Nurse: Good morning, Mr. Adams. How are you doing today?
Patient: Horrible! I can't eat anything! I just feel sick to my
stomach. Take the tray away.
as:
[150]
Al Mareedh:
Al Mareedh:
Sabaah Al-Khayr. Shhaalak sayeed Adam al youm?

Fadheea'! Batni youa'wirni.
Another example given below

(10) Doctor: Mrs. White, could we talk about your childs weight?
What are your thoughts about his weight right now?
Im really concerned about your childs weight because
I think it is starting to cause health problems for her.
What do you think about your childs weight?
was rendered as:
Al Tabeeb: Sayidah White, naqdar natakalam an wazin tiflik?
Mahiya afkaarik an wazin tiflik alheen? Ana qaliq
haqan an wazin tiflik li anani aatakid anahu saar
yusabib mashakil sihiya lahu. Madha taataqideen
hawla wazin tiflik?
Regardless of the other linguistic problems like wrong choice of lexical
items and meanings and the grammatical problems in the students'
renditions of these texts, the Arabic equivalents to the English words
and expressions (appeared in bold in both texts) were all given in the
local Emirate dialect. This is an indication of informal usage of language.
It also affected the accuracy and fidelity of the TL texts for not
preserving the same level of formality of the SL texts when rendering
them into Arabic.
Other students problems are attributed to lose of self-confidence,
frustration, hesitation, shyness, low voice, poor communication skills and
communication apprehension. These problems prevented them from
participating in class interpreting exercises and inadequately affected
the quality of their interpretations. With the help and encouragement of
their instructor, they showed some improvement in overcoming these
problems by the end of the semester. This required the teacher's
constant encouragement, a lot of classroom practice, group work and
participation in discussions. The teacher also noticed that the students
[151]
needed a course to familiarize them with many of the cultural aspects of

the languages involved in HC settings. For instance, differences between
patients and doctors cultural beliefs and values may hinder the
establishment of the cooperative partnership. Finally, the students, in
general, lack world knowledge and are reticent to make judgments
about the world around them. They need to expand their background
knowledge especially in fields relevant to their specialization.
The teacher faced a situation that required her to teach the students
many basic language skills at the expense of using the class time in
learning and practicing many new interpreting skills. The students'
attention was drawn to those problems and how to overcome them by
writing them on the Smart board while they were interpreting. Further,
the students were advised to do a lot of external reading, to watch
movies and listen to the news to improve their linguistic competence in
both languages Arabic and English. The students really found translating
and interpreting medical texts between Arabic and English as a big
challenge and they realized the importance of taking intensive linguistic
courses .Further, students need to acquire many basic language skills
before they register in this course and even before they enrol in the
major of Translation Studies.
Overall, more long, comprehensive and formal university courses are
needed to prepare the students in the UAEU to the professional
requirements of HC interpreting in the labour market.
IMPLICATIONS FOR TEACHING AND TRAINING MEDICAL INTERPRETING IN UAE

As there are no sufficient and effective interpreting courses in the
programme of the Department of Translation Studies in the UAEU, the
researcher has suggested introducing interpreting courses to the
undergraduate and the post-graduate programmes (students-oriented
programmes). It is definitely worrisome to see the relatively limited
training opportunities for interpreters of the university-based
programmes. Clearly, there needs to be improvement in both the
quantity and the quality of the training available to students and
interpreters. The goal of these courses should be to bring new
[152]
interpreters to a level of skill that would allow them to interpret

adequately in various medical settings.
The nature of the undergraduate community interpreting course
Two interpreting courses (i.e., Interpreting 1 and Interpreting 2) in

addition to Translation in the Community should now be included in the
plan of the Department of Translation Studies in the UAEU.
In general interpreting courses, students could be exposed to the basic
issues and requirements of interpreting, the types and modes of
interpreting (e.g., sight translation), ethics of the profession (e.g.,
understand the concept of confidentiality and impartiality), respectful
and tactful conduct, positive relationship to people, and good judgment,
the different interpreting techniques, note-taking skills, comprehension
and memory exercises, in addition to other aspects of the field. The
tuition should mainly be devoted to practical exercises in interpreting
and translation. Gile (2009) indicates that while interpreting and
translation exercises make up the core of the curriculum, other subjectmatters and activities, enhancement and thematic courses in economics,
political
sciences,
technical
subjects,
etc.,
skills
around
translation/interpreting, public speaking, documentary and terminology
work, writing courses, linguistic courses and theories of interpreting and
translation should be found in an increasing number of syllabi. On the
other hand, he (ibid) maintains that in academic programmes as
opposed to professional translation skills, theory is obviously central.
Moreover, the theoretical components should ideally be: directly
relevant to the students' needs, easy to grasp, taught after sensitization
and recalled repeatedly during comments on hands-on translation work.
Focusing on HC interpreting teaching and training, Dower (2003)
indicates that typical courses should include role and ethics, basic
interpreting techniques, controlling the flow of the session, medical
terminology, professional development and the impact of culture in
medical interpreting. Longer programmes, on the other hand, include
more practice interpreting and more analysis of the conversation
process.
[153]
Therefore, I suggest that a well-run CI course provided by the UAEU

should consist of the following units that mainly concentrate on HC and
court interpreting:
1. Overview of CI, modes of interpreting and definitions of terms.
2. The role of a community interpreter and the skills (e.g., memory,
turns-taking, interpersonal, rhetorical, etc.) required to carry out
that work.
3. The linguistic, cultural, situational, and professional tasks of CI.
4. Professional code of ethics.
5. How the students can interpret confidently and accurately in a
straightforward interpreting situation (e.g. patient-doctor
conversation) and how they can select and apply appropriate
interpreting techniques in an interpreting situation (e.g.
consecutive, sight translation, first person, visualization, etc.),
identify a range of jargon commonly used by service providers in
public services (e.g., health service).
6. Interpreting processes: asking for clarification, public speaking),
note-taking, efficient delivery (e.g., speed, emphasis, etc.).
7. Overview of interpreting in medical and legal settings.
8. Introduction to medical / legal language, abbreviations and
terminology.
9. Managing and practicing interpreting in various real medical and
/ or court settings under the guidance of the instructor.
10. Professional development.
Taking the above-mentioned items into consideration, this course should
provide undergraduate students with the necessary background
knowledge and practice that will prepare them to work as community
interpreters and to the more specialized post-graduate programmes in
HC or court interpreting too.
Practicum in medical interpreting
Two types of medical interpreting training programmes could be

established and designed: 1.) academic training at the UAEU or better in
[154]
collaboration with the HC institutions where students usually have their

practicum (both on the undergraduate and post graduate level), and
2.) vocational training (especially for newly appointed and beginning
interpreters) at the Educational Unit and Continuing Education Centre in
the HC institutions or at the specialized professional associations. In
addition, the content of the programmes could be evolved as a result of
the interaction between the university and the HC institutions or the
state authorities concerned.
In the UAEU, students in their last academic year should have a four
months practicum in any local public or private sector institution or
organization. More than 50% of the students at the Department of
Translation Studies have their internship in hospitals in Al-Ain or in other
Emirates. Without having any background and practice in interpreting in
general and in medical interpreting in particular, many of them are
assigned various interpreting tasks (e.g., telephone interpreting, doctorpatient conversation, sight translation of medical reports, etc.) during
this period which are great challenges for most of them.
Therefore, the university should have the overriding responsibility for
organising with the medical institutions special training programmes
that provide the interns with the knowledge and practice necessary for
improving and developing their interpreting qualifications in this field.
These programmes should be given by well-trained professional
interpreters specialized in this type of interpreting and must be
supervised by both the university and the HC institution involved. The
basic training can then be supplemented with special courses and
further training in, for instance, dental care, psychology, women's
diseases and interpreting for special categories of clients, e.g. children
and disabled. The objectives of the training programmes at this stage
could be:
1.
to develop the trainees language proficiency and knowledge of

technical terminology and special phrases in the field,
2. to practice the various theories , interpreting techniques ,
interpreting modes and learn the code of ethics of the
profession,
[155]
3. to understand many cultural issues between the languages

involved and to learn how to maintain social relations and
develop their interpersonal and communication skills,
4. to obtain knowledge of the relevant field and expand the
knowledge of the other fields,
5. to develop the trainees practical knowledge and interpreting
abilities in various medical settings.
According to Ertl and Pllabauer (2010), it is advisable to confront
students with their future working environment by involving them in
real-life situations where they will have to interpret dialogues that
actually take place in HC settings. This gives them the opportunity to
apply the skills and techniques they have acquired in practice and carry
out professional duties under appropriate supervision and guidance. It
also helps them to bridge the gap between theory and practice. Their
field supervisors will give them in-depth feedback on their performance.
Thus, fieldwork and classroom debriefing meetings are required to
complete the course. The internship represents an excellent opportunity
to enable both interpreting students and HC professionals to learn more
about each other and their respective professions
It is worth noticing that the trainees should have completed introductory
courses in interpreting and CI before they take their practicum , so that a
mutual benefit could be achieved on the level of the trainee and the
medical organization where he/ she has his training. In addition, the
universitybased training programmes developed in collaboration with
the medical organizations involved should lend themselves well to be
adapted to different contexts and implemented within non-academic
settings (e.g., training fresh graduates and beginning interpreters in
various HC settings).
A Post graduate curriculum in HC interpreting
In many countries, where CI has become a well-recognized discipline and

there is a need for well-trained professional community interpreters in
the labour market, undergraduate and postgraduate university-based
training programmes and courses in CI are offered. Other adult and
[156]
continuing education institutes, academic institutes and interpreting

agencies also offer CI training and services in these countries (Ertl and
Pllabauer, 2010).
Ideally, students who join the HC interpreting M.A programme should
have completed a BA degree in translation and interpreting studies first
and have excellent bilingual and bicultural competence and a wide
general knowledge (Hale, 2007). This will provide them with the
necessary theoretical background in linguistics and in interpreting to
peruse their post-graduate studies in a more specialized field.
As a basic requirement for the M.A students in HC interpreting, they
need to be exposed to medical discourse to see the connections
between settings, expectations and actual performance. Metzger (1999)
indicates that one way to prepare students for their future career would
be a team effort between an interpreter education programme and a
medical education programme that pairs interpreting students with
medical students. Thus, HC interpreting students could be introduced to
:basic medical knowledge ( e.g. , body parts and organs, diseases and
symptoms , emergency cases and conditions, laboratory tests and
diagnostic procedures, medical treatment procedures, medications ,
medical equipment and supplies, etc.) , terminology and idiomatic
expressions , doctor-patient interactions and dialogues , and a variety of
HC settings. Angelelli (2006) recommends that students might benefit
from HC communication courses offered in medical schools. She
suggests the following courses for interpreting students: introduction to
medical interpreting, language enhancement for medical interpreting,
strategies for medical interpreting, the role of the medical interpreter,
and a practicum in medical interpreting. These are indispensable courses
for these students. Practicing special techniques of HC interpreters (e.g.,
transmitting, intervening, mediating and representing, see, NV AHEC,
2011) is also one of the essential requirements.
In UAE and most of the Arab countries, no or hardly any CI training is
offered. In addition there is a clear lack of experts and skilled trainers
who are specialized in CI especially in the medical sector both on the
academic and vocational level. This has negative consequences on the
training programmes and the development of CI as a profession too.
[157]
Here, I suggest a two year M.A academic and training programme (see,
Appendix A) to prepare professionally certified well-trained HC
interpreters who are able to produce adequate language services in HC
institutions for Al-Ain / UAE labour market. The programme
encompasses eight courses given in the first two semesters; each lasts
for four months (i.e., the programme covers minimally 384 contact
hours, i.e., classroom meetings and corresponds to 24 credit hours i.e., 3
for each course). The contact hours in the practicum course range from
288 to 480 (corresponding to 3 credit hours) depending on the training
institutions requirements, i.e., whether the students training is 3 or 5
days a week (for 6 hours per day) in four months. The third semester in
the programme is devoted to this training. It comprises contextual
knowledge about the settings and techniques for interpreting and
mediation in the medical field. The main objective of the course is to
prepare qualified HCIs who can develop the quality of language services
offered in the HC institutions and improve the quality of the training
situation as well. Finally, the students have to submit an M.A thesis (e.g.,
case study) corresponding to 3 credit hours at the end of the last
semester (i.e., the fourth semester in a period of four months).
The suggested HC Interpreting M.A programme should enable medical
interpreters to act confidently and flexibly in different settings. Students
should be offered courses specific to the medical setting. These include:
Human Anatomy and Physiology, General Psychology, Lifespan
Development and Medical Terminology. Other courses should replace
these in the curriculum depending on the course objectives and the
general course requirements. In addition to language and interpreting
skills courses typical of most programmes, courses like: Introduction to
HC Interpreter Settings, Introduction to Intercultural Communication
and Introduction to Professional Ethics are essential too. The course of
Introduction to Medical Interpreting should include real-life situational
dialogues relevant to various HC settings with the necessary vocabulary
and role-plays related to the topic. Further, modules dealing with mental
diseases and problems should consist of topics as: therapy, domestic
violence, and chemical dependency. The last course in the M.A
programme is the Practicum and interpreting training which should
[158]
focus on training and practical tasks, tours and observations of medical

interpreters and should help students to improve their interpersonal
communication skills and understand the HC system. It should be
designed, organized and supervised in a kind of collaboration between
the university and the HC institution administrators to provide an
opportunity for students to gain hands-on experience while they
continue to learn about the HC system. Students should complete at
least 288 practicum hours with a working medical interpreter who must
familiarize them with the legal background of medical interpreting and
the responsibilities and rights of an interpreter. Trainees should also be
exposed to job stress, and learn about medication and safety issues.
A successful completion of this programme awards students with the
vocational qualification of M.A in HC interpreting which enables them to
work as certified professional HC interpreters in various medical settings
in the HC institutions and organizations around the country.
CONCLUSION
Overall, this research discusses that the global movement of populations
and the resulting increase in the number of multicultural societies has set
in motion a process of CI professionalization that is being reflected in the
emergence of educational programmes, interpreters associations and
accreditation systems. Interpreting in the medical setting is a complex,
challenging and crucial task, and one that requires intensive preparation
and education.
Trained interpreters need institutional support including continuing
education and quality assurance to perform their work. Health centres
and hospitals must assure quality interpretation services to assure
quality patient care.
CI has not been given its due significance in the UAE. The Ministry of
Health has no interpreting policy and HCIs receive no training and are not
tested. Medical interpreting is performed, in most cases, by ad hoc
interpreters whose competence is unknown, and who have had no
exposure to the ethical issues inherent in this type of interpreting. In
addition, they are not members of any relevant professional
associations. As a result, this has badly affected the quality of language
[159]
services provided to clients in hospitals. Thus, in the UAE there is a need

to raise the awareness of health professionals on the advantages of
having access to trained interpreters.
In conclusion, the authorities , decision makers and HC providers in UAE
should understand and must reach a consensus about the significant role
and function of community interpreters in general and HC interpreters in
particular. Formal compulsory training programmes should be instituted,
which means that competent interpreter trainers must be identified and
cultivated. As these training programmes become established,
professional associations should emerge to represent the interests of
the interpreters, preserve their rights and enforce the code of ethics. In
addition, as these associations grow stronger, they should strive to
educate the public and potential clients about the role of the community
interpreter and the importance of hiring a trained professional. In the
HC sector, a credible certification programme should be established to
encourage practitioners to obtain proper training and to instil public
trust in the profession.
More long, comprehensive and formal interpreting university courses are
also needed to prepare the students in the UAEU for the professional
requirements of interpreting in the labour market.
Consequently, it is hoped that much improvement and progress will be
achieved on the level of HC interpreting in the country and it will be a
more respected profession with a recognized body of knowledge and
credentialing process.
It was found that the UAEU students' interpretations reflect various
problems. Therefore, the new programmes suggested in this paper can
support the development of HC interpreters' education and training in
this institution and across the Emirates. The purpose is both to serve as a
resource for those seeking training and to provide an analysis of recent
trends in interpreter training.
Finally, I hope that the suggested teaching and training programmes and
the findings of this research will be useful for the syllabus designers,
trainers, CI students, interns, the interpreters and the HC providers in the
[160]
training programmes, courses and workshops they organize for future

professional interpreters.
References
Angelelli, C.V. (2004).Revising the Interpreter's Role. Amsterdam/ Philadelphia: John
Benjamins.
----------------- . (2006). Designing curriculum for health care interpreting education: A
principles approach. In C. B. Roy (Ed.), New approaches to interpreter education
(pp. 23-45).Washington, DC: Gallaudet University Press.
-----------------. (2008). The Role of the Interpreter in the Healthcare Setting. In C. Valero
Garcs & A.Martin (Eds.). Crossing Boarders in Community Interpreting:
Definitions andDilemmas (pp.147-63).Amsterdam &Philadelphia: John Benjamins,
Benmaman,V. (1999).Bilingual legal interpreter education. Forensic Linguistics, 6 (1), 109114.
Bell, S. J. (1997). The Challenges of Setting and Monitoring the Standards of Community
Interpreting: An Australian Perspective. In S.A.Carr, E.Roberts, P.Roda, A.Dufour
& D.Steyn(Eds.). The Critical Link 1: Interpreters in the Community. Papers from
the 1st International Conference on Interpreting in Legal, Health, and Social
Service Settings, Geneva Park, Canada,1-4, 1995(pp.93108).Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
Corsellis, A. (2008). Public Service Interpreting: The First Steps. Basingstoke: Palgrave.
Dower,C. (2003). Health Care Interpreters in California, San Francisco: UCSF Center for the
Health Professions.
Englund-Dimitrova, B. (2002).Training and educating the trainers - a key issue in translator's
training.In E.Hung (Ed.). Teaching Translation and Interpreting 4: Building bridges
(pp.73-).Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
Erasmus,M. (2000). Community Interpreting in South Africa: Current Trends and Future
Prospects. In R.Roberts, S.Carr, D.Abraham & A.Dufour (Eds.).The Critical Link 2:
in the Community. (pp.191-206).Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
Ertl, A & Pllabauer, S. (2010).Training (Medical) Interpretersthe Key to Good Practice.
MedInt: A Joint European Training Perspective. JoSTrans:The Journal of
SpecialisedTranslation,14, 165-93.
Explore Health Careers.(2015).Health care Interpreter. Retrieved January 22, 2015,
fromhttp://www.explorehealthcareers.org/en/career.81.aspx
Flores, G. (2005). The impact of medical interpreter services on the quality of health care
systematic review. Medical Care Research and Review, 62, 255-299.
[161]
Gentile, A., Ozolins,U. & Vasilakakos, M. (1996). Liaison Interpreting. Melbourne:

Melbourne, University Press.
Gile, D. (2009). Basic Concepts and Models for Interpreter and Translator Training.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
Hale, S. B. (2007). Community Interpreting. Houndsmills: Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke,
UK.
Hale, S. B. & Luzardo, C. (1997). What am I expected to do? The Interpreter's ethical
dilemma. A Study of Arabic, Spanish and Vietnamese speaker's perceptions and
expectations of interpreters. Antipodean: The Australian Translation Journal, 1, 1016.
Hannouna, Y. (2012). The Need of Adequate Community Interpreting Services in Healthcare
Multilingual Settings: A Case Study in Al-Ain UAE. Translation and Interpreting
Studies,7, (1), 72-95.
Hoen, B., Nielsen, K. & Sasso,A. (2006). Health Care Interpreter Services: Strengthening
Access to Primary Health Care National Report. Retrieved January 6, 2013,
fromhttp://www.accessalliance.ca/media/SAPHCNationalReport.pdf
Interpreter Services Working Group. Medical Interpreter Services in the Commonwealth of
Massachusetts. (2010). Standards Certification, and Financing. Retrieved January
14, 2015,fromhttp://www.mass.gov/portal/
Joe, Y. K. (2007). Labour Market Research for Translating & Interpreting Professionals in
Sweden. January 12, 2013,
fromhttp://www.ling.mq.edu.au/translation/lmtip_sweden.htm
Kalina, S.(2002).
187.
Interpreters as Professionals. Across Languages and Cultures,3, 169-
Kohn, N.,Stubblefield-Tave, B. & Seifert, R. (2004).Assessing Language Interpretation

Capacity Among New Hampshire Health Care Providers. Retrieved October 9,
2013, from
http://www.accessproject.org/downloads/Interpreter%20Capacity%20Report.pdf
Lascar,E.(1997).Accreditation in Australia: An Alternative Means. In S. A. Carr, E. Roberts,
P. Roda,A.Dufour, &D. Steyn (Eds.). The Critical Link 1: Interpreters in the
Community. Papers from the 1st International Conference on Interpreting in Legal,
Health, and Social Service Settings, Geneva Park, Canada, June 1-4, 1995
(pp.119-130). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
Metzger,M.(1999). Sign Language Interpreting: Deconstructing the Myth of Neutrality.
Washington, DC: Gallaudet University Press.
[162]
Moore, J. & Swabey,L.(2007).Medical Interpreting: A Review of the Literature DRAFT

2007CATIE, College of St. Catherine /NCIEC. Retrieved February 3, 2011,
fromhttp://www.medicalinterpreting.org/PDF/DRAFTLitReview.pdf
Murray, A. (2004). Training the trainers: a post-graduate certificate in Public Service
Interpreter training. Examinations Newsletter. Retrieved February 22, 2012,
fromhttp://www.iol.org.uk/qualifications/IoL-Exams-Newsletter-2004.pdf
NCIHC [National Council for Interpreting in Health Care]. (2011). National Standards for
Healthcare Interpreter Training. Retrieved March 16, 2013
fromhttp://data.memberclicks.com/site/ncihc/National_Standards_5-09-11.pdf.
Niska, H. (2005). Training Interpreters: Programs, Curricula, Practices .In M .Tennet (Ed.).
Training for the New Millennium (pp.34-64). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John
Benjamins.
NV AHEC. (2011).Interpretation Translation Simplified. Retrieved September 23, 2011,
fromhttp://www.nvahec.org/
Office of Minority Health, Massachusetts Department of Public Health. (2012). Best Practice
Recommendations for Hospital-Based Interpreter Services. Retrieved January 11,
2015,
fromhttp://www.hablamosjuntos.org/pdf_files/Best_Practice_Recommendations_Fe
b2004.pdf
Ozolins, U. (1995). Liaison interpreting: theoretical challenges and practical problems around
the world. Perspectives: Studies in Translatology, 2, 153-60.
-------------. (2000). Communication needs and interpreting in multilingual settings. In
Roberts, R. P.,E. Carr, D. Abraham & A. Dufour (Eds.).The Critical Link 2:
Interpreters in the Community. Selected papers from the Second International
Conference on Interpreting in legal, health and social service settings, Vancouver,
BC, Canada, 1923 May 1998 (pp. 21-33). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John
Benjamins.
---------------. (2010). Factors that determine the provision of Public Service Interpreting:
Comparative perspectives on government motivation and language service
implementation. Journal of Specialised Translation, 14, Online. Retrieved January
15, 2015, fromhttp://www.jostrans.org/issue14/art_ozolins.php
Phelan, M. (2001). The Interpreter's Resource. Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Retrieved
January 28, 2015, fromhttp://books.google.com.om/books?hl=en&lr=&id=WbVgDEk_U0C&oi=fnd&pg=PR11&dq=Phelan,+M.+(2001).+Community+Interpreting+in+Ir
eland.+In+Interpreting+in+the+Community:+the&ots=ECpxqsKKy_&sig=YcYDqRjY
M57Rp604hNzXHKN_Gug&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q&f=false
Pchhacker, F.(1997). Is There Anybody Out There? Community Interpreting in Austria. In S.
A. Carr, E. Roberts, P. Roda, A. Dufour, & D. Steyn (Eds.).The Critical Link 1:
Interpreters in the Community. Papers from the 1st International Conference on
[163]
Interpreting in Legal, Health, and Social Service Settings, Geneva Park, Canada,
June 1-4, 1995 (pp. 215-225).Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins.
Roat,C. E. & Okahara, L. (1998). Survey of Twenty-Three Medical Interpreter Training
Programs in the United States and Canada. Seattle, WA: Cross Cultural Health
Care Program, and Oakland, CA: Asian Health Services.
Roberts, Roda P. (2002). Community interpreting: a profession in search of its identity. In E.
Hung, (Ed.). Teaching Translation and Interpreting 4: Building bridges (pp.157175). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
Roy, C. (Ed.). (2000). Training Interpreters- past, present and future. In C. Roy (Ed.),
Innovative Practices for Teaching Sign Language Interpreters (pp.1-14).
Washington, DC: Gallaudet University Press.
Schapira, L., Vargas, E., Hidalgo, R., Brier, M., Sanchez, L., Hobrecker, K., Lynch, T. &
Chabner, B. (2008). Lost in translation: integrating medical interpreters into the
multidisciplinary team. Oncologist ,13, 586-92.
Taibi, M. and Martin, A.(2006). Training Public Service Translators and Interpreters:
Difficulties in an Uncharted Field. In J. Kearns (Ed.). Translation Ireland. Special
Issue: New Vistas in Translator and Interpreter Training, Dublin: Irish Translators
and Interpreters Association, 17, 193-107. Utilization of Interpreters. Retrieved
January 20, 2015, fromhttp://doa.alaska.gov/vccb/pdf/interpreters.pdf
Valero Garces, C. (2003). Responding to communication needs: Current issues and
Challenges in Community Interpreting and Translation in Spain. In L. Brunette, G.
Bastin, I. Hemlin & H. (Eds.). The Critical Link 3 (pp.175-92).
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
----------------------.(2008). Hospital Interpreting Practice in the Classroom and the Workplace.
Inc. Valero Garcs and A. Martin (Eds.), Crossing Boarders in Community
Interpreting:Definitions and Dilemmas (pp.165-85).Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John
Benjamins.
[164]
APPENDIX (A)
A New Suggested curriculum for an M.A Programme in Healthcare
Interpreting
Semester
Contact
Hours
Credit
Hours
(including :the role of a medical

interpreter)
2. Terminology and language
enhancement(language spoken by the
healthcare providers in hospitals) for
medical interpreting
48
48
3. Strategies for medical interpreting

4. Professional ethics (including: the
48
48
48
48
48
48
Course Unit Name
1. Introduction to Medical Interpreting
First
legal rights of the medical interpreter

& Background to the Healthcare
system)
5. Human Anatomy and Physiology

6. Introduction to interpersonal and
Second
Third
Fourth
intercultural communication skills

7. Introduction to HC Interpreter Settings
8. Interpreting of mental diseases and
problems (e.g., including : therapy,
sexual abuse and domestic violence,
and chemical dependency)
Practicum in medical interpreting
(including : Interpreting training /
practical training )
Master Thesis
288-480
4
months
[165]
EFFECTS OF EXPERIMENTAL LEARNING AND KOLB LEARNING

STYLE INVENTORY THEORIES ON LEARNING
Mehmet Ozcan
Afyon-Kocatepe University, Turkey
Abstract
The following study examines the role of culture in education

and learning differences. In order to thoroughly assess
learning differences, Experimental Learning and Kolb Learning
Style Inventory were the theories applied in this study. The
present research looks at regional clusters and individual
differences, such as variations in birthplace, childhood
upbringing, and style of education. Using the Global
Leadership and Organizational Effectiveness (GLOBE)
framework categorizing cultural differences, cultures are
observed in terms of regional culture clusters and individual
cultural dimensions. The first theory applied, Experimental
Learning, describes the learning process. Later, the second
theory, the Kolb Learning Style Inventory, assesses the
differences in learning styles. Researchers have applied the
Experimental Learning Theory in order to examine the
learning process in cross-cultural adaptation as well as the
Kolb Learning Style Inventory to examine cultural patterns.
Key words: Experimental Learning, Kolb Learning Style Inventory, GLOBE
[166]
INTRODUCTION
The fields of organizational behavior and management have for many
years focused on performance as the primary validation touchstone for
their theories and concepts. In the twenty-first century, however, people
have begun to see a shift in focus away from measures of organizational
and managerial performance, which are often limited and subject to
short term manipulation at the expense of long term sustainability. In
the new perspective, organizations are seen as learning systems, and the
management process is viewed as a process of learning. Learning lies at
the core of the management process when learning is defined holistically
as the basic process of human adaptation. This broad definition
subsumes more specialized managerial processes, such as
entrepreneurial learning (Corbett, 2005, 2007; Poltis, 2005), strategy
formulation (Ramnarayan & Reddy, 1989; Van Der Heijden, 1996; Kolb,
Lublin, Spoth, & Baker, 1986), creativity (Brennan & Dooley, 2005; Boyle,
Geiger & Pinto, 1991;Ogot & Okudan, 2006; Potgieter, 1999), problem
solving and decision making (Donoghue, 1994; Jervis, 1983; Kolb, 1983;
Selby et. al., 2004) and leadership (Robinson, 2005; Kayes, Kayes & Kolb,
2005).
For over thirty-five years research based on experiential learning theory
(Kolb 1984; Kolb and Kolb 2007a & b) has been an advocate for and
contributor to this shift in perspective. The Experiential Learning Theory
draws on the work of prominent 20th century scholars who gave
experience a central role in their theories of human learning and
development notably John Dewey, Kurt Lewin, Jean Piaget, William
James, Carl Jung, Paulo Freire, Carl Rogers and others to develop a
dynamic, holistic model of the process of learning from experience and a
multi-linear model of adult development.
As for ELT, it is a dynamic view of learning based on a learning cycle
driven by the resolution of thedual dialectics of action/reflection and
experience/abstraction. It is a holistic theory that defines learning as the
major process of human adaptation involving the whole person. As such,
ELT is applicable not only in the formal education classroom, but also in
other areas of life. The process of learning from experience is ubiquitous,
present in human activity everywhere all the time. The holistic nature of
[167]
the learning process means that it operates at all levels of human society
from the individual, to the group, to organizations, and to society as a
whole. Research based on ELT has been conducted all around the world
supporting the cross-cultural applicability of the model.
Research on experiential learning in management has used ELT to
describe the management process as a process of learning by managers,
teams, and organizations for problem solving and decision making,
entrepreneurial opportunity seeking and strategy formulation. It has also
had a major influence on the design and conduct of educational
programs in management training and development and formal
management education. After a review of the basic concepts of
experiential learning theory, the cycle of experiential learning, learning
style and learning space will be viewed as a learning process. Research
on the use of ELT to study managerial behavior, teams, and
organizations is also reviewed. Next applications to training and
development and formal management education are described. The final
section includes a summary, evaluation of the theory, and future
directions for research and application of ELT.
CULTURAL DIFFERENCES
In the twenty-first century (Friedman, 2006), educators are finding their
classrooms filled with students with different cultural backgrounds.
Many observe that these cultural differences among students have a
significant impact on the learning process. It is believed that individuals
from high uncertainty avoidance cultures can appear cautious and
systematic in their approach to problems while those from low
uncertainty avoidance cultures seem more comfortable with risk and
trial and error problem solving. Are these perceived cultural influences
on the learning/problem solving process empirically verifiable or are
these perceptions just cultural stereotypes? In the unit these questions
are addressed by examining how individuals born and currently living in
different cultures vary in their approaches to learning.
Using the framework for categorizing cultural differences from the
Global Leadership and Organizational Effectiveness (GLOBE) study
(House et al., 2004), cultures are examined by regional culture clusters,
[168]
and individual cultural dimensions. The Experiential Learning Theory

(Kolb, 1984) is used to describe the learning process, and the Kolb
Learning Style Inventory (Kolb, 2005, Kolb & Kolb, 2005) is used to assess
differences in how individuals learn. ELT has been used by many
researchers to examine the learning process in cross-cultural adaptation
(Van Vianen, 2004; Yamazaki, 2003, 2004; Yamazaki & Kayes, 2004), and
the Kolb Learning Inventory has been used in many studies to examine
cultural patterns.
Research on culture spans many disciplines such as Anthropology
(Benedict, 1946; Kluckhohn 1962; Hall, 1976), Psychology (Markus &
Kitayama, 1991; Triandis, 1995) and Management (Hofstede, 1980; House
et al., 2004). Irrespective of the discipline, the scholars have come to
more or less a common ground with respect to defining culture. Culture
can be conceptualized as shared motives, values, beliefs, identities, and
interpretations or meanings of significant events that result from
common experiences of members of collectives that are transmitted
across generations (House et al., 2004).
This common understanding notwithstanding, the units of analysis
chosen by culture researchers vary. The earlier researchers on culture,
especially in the field of Anthropology, studied societies or
communities.For example, Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck (1961) studied five
communities in America discovering differences in their value
orientations. There have been studies that focused on countries like
Benedicts (1949) research on the Japanese culture. Research in the
latter half of the 20th century increasingly focused on country
differences in culture, perhaps resulting from the development of nation
states that defined boundaries for governing structures, law, and social
institutions that paved the way for increased cultural homogeneity
within nations. Hofstedes (2001) research on differentiating between
the culturesof around 40 countries reinforced the use of country names
as the surrogates to represent culture. The more recent Global
Leadership and Organizational Behavior Effectiveness (GLOBE) study
(House et al., 2004) followed suit. There have also been scholars who
looked at the historical evolution of different regions of the world and
suggested the possibility for cultural clusters that transcend national
[169]
boundaries. Huntingtons (1996) classification of the world cultures into

Western, Latin America, African, Islamic, Sikh, Hindu, Orthodox, Buddhist
and Japanese is an example. The GLOBE study empirically arrives at ten
cultural clustersAnglo, Latin Europe, Nordic Europe, Germanic Europe,
Eastern Europe, Latin America, Sub-Saharan Africa, Middle East,
Southern Asia and Confucian Asia wherein the countries within a
cluster are more similar to each other while being significantly different
from countries in other clusters.
Culture researchers have endeavored to build in-depth understanding of
the customs and practices within certain cultures and also to develop
meaningful ways to enable comparison between cultures. This has
resulted in a number of cultural typologies based on the salient features
identified by the researchers. Some examples include high context and
low context cultures (Hall, 1976) based on the amount of dependence on
the context used to determine the meaning of messages, low trust and
high trust cultures (Fukuyama, 1995) based on the relationship between
trust and social structures, independent and interdependent selfcultures (Markus and Kitayama, 1991) based on the extent to which
definition of self is in relation to the larger society, and shame and guilt
cultures (Benedict, 1946) based on whether the standards for behavior
are internal or external to the individual. These typologies tend to be
dichotomous in nature. Hofestede (2001) introduced the concept of
continuous cultural dimensions as the basis for comparison. Dimensions
are various categories into which the salient features of the cultures are
grouped. Hofestede identified power distance, uncertainty avoidance,
individualism-collectivism and masculinity-femininity (later long vs. short
term orientations) as the major aspects on which cultures differ. The
GLOBE study (House et al 2004) refined Hofestedes work suggesting
nine dimensions: in-group collectivism, institutional collectivism, power
distance, uncertainty avoidance, future orientation, performance
orientation, humane orientation, assertiveness and gender
egalitarianism. The proponents of the cultural dimensions approach
introduced the practice of calculating scores on each dimension for each
culture enabling relative ranking among them. These typologies and
dimensions are especially useful in providing explanations when
[170]
encountered differences in outcomes that seem to originate from the

differences in cultural values and practices. Researchers in a variety of
fields that range from education to epidemiology have explored the
potential impact of cultural variables on outcomes that vary from
educational accomplishments to depression.
EXPERIENTIAL LEARNING THEORY

The Experiential Learning Theory draws on the work of prominent 20th
century scholars who gave experience a central role in their theories of
human learning and development. ELT defines learning as the process
whereby knowledge is created through the transformation of
experience (Kolb 1984: 41).
The ELT model portrays two dialectically related modes of grasping
experience: Concrete Experience (CE) and Abstract Conceptualization
(AC), as well as two dialectically related modes of transforming
experience: Reflective Observation (RO) and Active Experimentation
(AE). The experiential learning process is portrayed as an idealized
learning cycle or spiral where the learner touchesall the bases experiencing, reflecting, thinking, and acting - in a recursive process that
is responsive to the learning situation and what is being learned.
Immediate or concrete experiences give rise to observations and
reflections, that are assimilated and distilled into abstract concepts from
which new implications for action are drawn. When these implications
are actively tested new experiences are created again.
It is not necessary that each person starts his/her learning cycle in the
same mode (for example, Concrete Experience) and goes through all
other modes in a uniform manner. Because of our heritage in terms of
equipment, our particular life experiences, and the demands of our
present environment, develop a preferred way of choosing among the
four learning modes. Those who rely on Concrete Experience for
grasping are open to new experiences, depend on people contact for
gathering information, are intuitive and make feeling-based judgments
(Kolb and Kolb, 2005;Barmeyer, 2004). Those who rely on Abstract
Conceptualization are logical and analytical in their approach to a
learning situation and seek theories and generalizations (Auyeung&
[171]
Sands, 1996). A person may transform the experience either through

Reflective Observation or Active Experimentation. Those who prefer
Reflective Observation watch and observe all sides of an issue in order to
understand its meaning and take time to act. Those who prefer Active
Experimentation like to try things out, are more willing to take risks and
are practical and application oriented (Kolb & Kolb 2005;Barmeyer,
2004).
The concept of Learning Style refers to the individual differences in
approaches to learning based on an individuals preference for using a
combination from these dialectic modes.The four basic learning style
types are Diverging, Assimilating, Converging and Accommodating.
Diverginglearners prefer to make more use of Concrete

Experience and Reflective Observation.An individual with a
divergingstyle has CE and RO as dominant learning abilities.
People with this learning style are best at viewing concrete
situations from many different points of view. It is labeled
Diverging because a person with it performs better in
situations that call for generation of ideas, such as a
brainstorming session. People with a diverging learning style
have broad cultural interests and like to gather information. They
are interested in people, tend to be imaginative and emotional,
have broad cultural interests, and tend to specialize in the arts. In
formal learning situations, people with the Diverging style prefer
to work in groups, listening with an open mind and receiving
personalized feedback.
Assimilating types prefer to learn through Reflective Observation
and Abstract Conceptualization. An individual with an
assimilating style has AC and RO as dominant learning abilities.
People with this learning style are best at understanding a wide
range of information and putting it into concise, logical form.
Individuals with an Assimilating style are less focused on people
and more interested in ideas and abstract concepts. Generally,
people with this style find it more important that a theory have
logical soundness than practical value. The Assimilating learning
style is important for effectiveness in information and science
[172]
careers. In formal learning situations, people with this style

prefer readings, lectures, exploring analytical models, and having
time to think things through.
Converging types rely on Abstract Conceptualization and Active
Experimentation. An individual with a converging style has AC
and AE as dominant learning abilities. People with this learning
style are best at finding practical uses for ideas and theories.
They have the ability to solve problems and make decisions
based on finding solutions to questions or problems. Individuals
with a Converging learning style prefer to deal with technical
tasks and problems rather than with social issues and
interpersonal issues. These learning skills are important for
effectiveness in specialist and technology careers. In formal
learning situations, people with this style prefer to experiment
with new ideas, simulations, laboratory assignments, and
practical applications.
Accommodating types use Active Experimentation and Concrete
Experience.An individual with an accommodating style has CE
and AE as dominant learning abilities. People with this learning
style have the ability to learn from primarily hands-on
experience. They enjoy carrying out plans and involving
themselves in new and challenging experiences. Their tendency
may be to act on gut feelings rather than on logical analysis. In
solving problems, individuals with an Accommodating learning
style rely more heavily on people for information than on their
own technical analysis. This learning style is important for
effectiveness in action-oriented careers such as marketing or
sales. In formal learning situations, people with the
Accommodating learning style prefer to work with others to get
assignments done, to set goals, to do field work, and to test out
different approaches to completing a project.
The Kolb Learning Style Inventory (Kolb, 2005) is an instrument

designed to measure the degree to which individuals display different
learning styles.
[173]
It contains 12 items, and the respondents are asked to rank four

sentence endings that correspond to the four learning modes CE, RO,
AC and AE. This forced choice format makes it possible to assess the
relative preferences among the dialectic modes. The combination score
AC-CE (i.e. cumulative rank for CE subtracted from the cumulative rank
for AC) represents the preference for Abstract Conceptualization over
Concrete Experience and AE-RO (i.e. cumulative rank for RO subtracted
from the cumulative rank for AE) the preference for Active
Experimentation over Reflective Observation. The combination scores
may range from -36 to +36. A higher AC-CE score implies a relatively
greater inclination for Abstractness (AC) and lesser inclination for
concreteness (CE), whereas a lower AC-CE implies the opposite.
Similarly, a higher AE-RO score would mean preference for action (AE)
over reflection (RO) and a lower score the reverse. Ones learning style
type can be determined by taking both combination scores together and
comparing them with the cut-off values from the normative group.
ELT emphasizes that learning style is not a psychological trait but a
dynamic state resulting from synergistic transactions between the
person and the environment. The stability and endurance of these
dynamic states depends not only on the genetic qualities or
characteristicsof human beings but also from the demands of the
environment they are in. The way we process each emerging event
determines our choices and decisions, which in turn determine the
future events we will live through. The environment within which this
process of self-creation takes place is shaped by the pervasive influence
of culture (Kolb, 1984).
In addition, ELT integrates the works of the foundational experiential
learning scholars around six propositions which they all share:Learning is
best conceived as a process, not in terms of outcomes. To improve
learning in higher education, the primary focus should be on engaging
students in a process that best enhances their learning a process that
includes feedback on the effectiveness of their learning efforts.
education must be conceived as a continuing reconstruction of
experience: the process and goal of education are one and the same
thing. (Dewey, 1897)
[174]
All learning is re-learning
Learning is best facilitated by a process that draws out the students

beliefs and ideas about a topic so that they can be examined, tested and
integrated with new, more refined ideas.
Learning requires the resolution of conflicts between dialectically
opposed modes of adaptation to the world. Conflict, differences, and
disagreement are what drive the learning process. In the process of
learning one is called upon to move back and forth between opposing
modes of reflection and action and feeling and thinking.
Learning is a holistic process of adaptation.
It is not just the result of cognition but involves the integrated

functioning of the total personthinking, feeling, perceiving and
behaving. It encompasses other specialized models of adaptation from
the scientific method to problems solving, decision making and
creativity.
Learning results from synergetic transactions between the person and
the environment. Stable and enduring patterns of human learning arise
from consistent patterns of transaction between the individual and his
or her environment. The way we process the possibilities of each new
experience determines the range of choices and decisions we see. The
choices and decisions we make to some extent determine the events we
live through, and these events influence our future choices. Thus, people
create themselves through the choice of actual occasions they live
through.
Learning is the process of creating knowledge. ELT proposes a
constructivist theory of learning whereby social knowledge is created
and recreated in the personal knowledge of the learner. This stands in
contrast to the transmission model on which much current
educational practice is based where pre-existing fixed ideas are
transmitted to the learner.
[175]
Learning Space
The concept of learning space elaborates further the holistic, dynamic

nature of learning style and its formation through transactions between
the person and environment. The idea of learning space builds on Kurt
Lewins field theory and his concept of life space. For Lewin, person and
environment are interdependent variables. Lewin introduced a number
of concepts for analysis of the life space and a persons relationship to it
that are applicable to the study of learning spaces, including position,
region, locomotion, equilibrium of forces, positive and negative valence,
barriers in the person and the world, conflict, and goal.Three other
theoretical frameworks inform the ELT concept of learning space.
UrieBronfrenbrenners (1977, 1979) work on the ecology of human
development has made significant sociological contributions to Lewins
life space concept. He defines the ecology of learning/development
spaces as a topologically nested arrangement of structures each
contained within the next. The learners immediate setting such as a
course or classroom is called the microsystem, while other concurrent
settings in the persons life such as other courses, the dorm or family are
referred to as the mesosystem. The exosystem encompasses the formal
and informal social structures that influence the persons immediate
environment, such as institutional policies and procedures andcampus
culture. Finally, the macrosystem refers to the overarching institutional
patterns and values of the wider culture, such as cultural values favoring
abstract knowledge over practical knowledge, that influence actors in
the persons immediate microsystem and mesosystem. This theory
provides a framework for analysis of the social system factors that
influence learners experience of their learning spaces.
Another important contribution to the learning space concept is the
Situated Learning Theory (Lave and Wenger, 1991). Like ELT situated
learning theory draws on Vygotskys (1978) activity theory of social
cognition for a conception of social knowledge that conceives of
learning as a transaction between the person and the social
environment. Situations in situated learning theory like life space and
learning space are not necessarily physical places but constructs of the
persons experience in the social environment. These situations are
[176]
embedded in communities of practice that have a history, norms, tools,

and traditions of practice. Knowledge resides, not in the individuals
head, but in communities of practice. Learning is thus a process of
becoming a member of a community of practice through legitimate
peripheral participation (e.g. apprenticeship). Situated learning theory
enriches the learning space concept by reminding us that learning spaces
extend beyond the teacher and the classroom. They include socialization
into a wider community of practice that involves membership, identity
formation, transitioning from novice to expert through mentorship and
experience in the activities of the practice, as well as the reproduction
and development of the community of practice itself as newcomers
replace old-timers.
Finally, in their theory of knowledge creation, Nonaka and Konno (1998)
introduce the Japanese concept of ba, a context that harbors
meaning, which is ashared space that is the foundation for knowledge
creation. Knowledge is embedded in ba, where it is then acquired
through ones own experience or reflections on the experiences of
others. (Nonaka and Konno 1998) Knowledge embedded in ba is tacit
and can only be made explicit through sharing of feelings, thoughts and
experiences of persons in the space. For this to happen, the ba space
requires that individuals remove barriers between one another in a
climate that emphasizes care, love, trust, and commitment. Learning
spaces similarly require norms of psychological safety, serious purpose,
and respect to promote learning. In ELT the experiential learning space is
defined by the attracting and repelling forces (positive and negative
valences) of the two poles of the dual dialectics of action/reflection and
experiencing/conceptualizing, creating a two dimensional map of the
regions of the learning space. An individuals learning style positions
them in one of these regions depending on the equilibrium of forces
among action, reflection, experiencing and conceptualizing. As with the
concept of life space, this position is determined by a combination of
individual disposition and characteristics of the learning environment.
The LSI measures an individuals preference for a particular region of the
learning space, their home region so to speak. The regions of the ELT
learning space offer a typology of the different types of learning based
[177]
on the extent to which they require action vs. reflection, experiencing vs.
thinking thereby emphasizing some stages of the learning cycle over
others.
The ELT learning space concept emphasizes that learning is not one
universal process but a map of learning territories, a frame of reference
within which many different ways of learning can flourish and
interrelate. It is a holistic framework thatorients the many different ways
of learning to one another. The process of experiential learning can be
viewed as a process of locomotion through the learning regions that is
influenced by a persons position in the learning space. Ones position in
the learning space defines their experience and thus defines their
reality.
CONCLUSION
The fields of organizational behavior and management have focused for
many years on performance as the primary validation touchstone for
their theories and concepts. In the twenty-first century, however, people
have begun to see a shift in focus away from measures of organizational
and managerial performance that are often limited and subject to short
term manipulation at the expense of long term sustainability. In the new
perspective organizations are seen as learning systems and the
management process is viewed as a process of learning. Learning lies at
the core of the management process where learning is defined
holistically as the basic process of human adaptation. Research on
experiential learning in management has used ELT to describe the
management process as a process of learning by managers, teams and
organizations for problem solving and decision making, entrepreneurial
opportunity seeking and strategy formulation. It has also had a major
influence on the design and conduct of educational programs in
management training and development and formal management
education. After a review of the basic concepts of experiential learning
theory-the cycle of experiential learning, learning style and learning
space viewed as a learning process. Research on the use of ELT to study
managerial behavior, teams, and organizations was reviewed. Next
applications to training and development and formal management
[178]
education were described. The final section included a summary,

evaluation of the theory and future directions for research and
application of ELT.
References
Benedict, R., (1946). The chrysanthemum and the sword: Patterns of Japanese culture.
Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin.
Boyle, E. J., Geiger, M. A., & Pinto, J. K. (1991).Empirical note on creativity as a covariate of
learning style preference. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 73, 265-266.
Brennan, A. & Dooley, L. (2005). Networked creativity: A structured management framework
for stimulating management innovation. Technovation. 25: 1388-1399
Corbett, A. C. (2005). Experiential learning within the process of opportunity identification and
exploitation.Entrepreneurship Theory and Practice. 29 (4): 473-491
Corbett, A. C. (2007). Learning asymmetries and the discovery of entrepreneurial
opportunities. Journal of Business Venturing 22: 97-118
Donoghue, M. L. (1994). Problem solving effectiveness: The relationship of divergent and
convergent thinking. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Massachusetts.
Fukuyama, F. (1995). Trust: The social virtues and creation of prosperity. Hamsih Hamilton,
London.
Hall, E. T. (1976). Beyond Culture. Anchor Press, New York.
Hofstede, G. (2001). Cultures Consequences: Comparing Values, Behaviors, Institutions and
Organizations Across nations.2nd Edition.Sage, London.
House, R. J., Hanges, P. J., Javidan, M., Dorfman, P. W., Gupta, V. (2004). Culture,
Leadership and Organizations: The GLOBE Study of 62 Societies. Sage Publications, Inc.
Huntington, S.P. (1996). The clash of civilizations and the remaking of world order. Simon &
Schuster, New York.
Jervis, P. (1983). Analyzing decision behavior: Learning models and learning styles as
diagnostic aids. Personnel Review, 12, 26-38.
Kayes, A. B., Kayes D. C. & Kolb, D. A. (2005a).Experiential learning in teams.Simulation
and Gaming. 36 (3): 330-354
Kluckhohn, C. (1962). Culture and Behavior. The Free Press, New Yok.
Kluckhohn, F. R., Strodtbeck, F. L. (1961). Variations in Value Orientations. Row, Peterson
and Company, Evanston, Illinois.
Kolb, D. A., Lublin, S., Spoth, J., & Baker, R. (1986). Strategic management development:
Using experiential learning theory to assess and develop managerial competence. The
Journal of Management Development, 5(3), 13-24.
[179]
Kolb, D. A. (1983). Problem management: Learning from experience. In S. Srivastva (Ed.),

The Executive Mind . San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Kolb, A. Y. & Kolb, D. A. (2007a). Experiential Learning Theory Bibliography: 1971-2005.
www.learningfromexperience.com
Kolb, A. Y. & Kolb, D. A. (2007b). Experiential Learning Theory Bibliography: Recent
Research 2005-2007. www.learningfromexperience.com
Kolb, D. A. (1984). Experiential Learning: Experience as the source of learning and
development. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall.
Kolb, D. A. (2005). The Kolb learning style inventoryversion 3.1: self scoring and
interpretation booklet. Boston, MA: Hay Group Transforming Learning.
Kolb, A. Y., Kolb, D. A. (2005). The Kolb Learning Style Inventory-Version 3.1 2005
Technical specifications. Boston, MA: Hay Group Transforming Learning.
www.learningfromexperience.com
Markus, H. R., &Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the Self: Implications for Cognition,
Emotion, and Motivation. Psychological Review, 98, 224-253.
Nonaka, I. and Konno, N. (1998). The concept of ba: Building a foundation for knowledge
creation. California Management Review. 40(3):40-54
Ogot, M. &Okudan, G. E. (2006). Systematic creativity methods in engineering education: A
learning styles perspective. International Journal of Engineering Education. 22 (3): 566-576.
Poltis, D. (2005). The process of entrepreneurial learning: A conceptual framework.
Entrepreneurship Theory and Practice. 29 (4): 399-424
Potgieter, E. (1999). Relationship between the Whole-Brain Creativity Model and Kolbs
Experiential Learning Model.Curationis , 22(4), 9-14.
Ramnarayan, S., & Reddy, N. M. (1989). Institutional learning: The essence of strategic
management. Vikalpa. 14 (1): 21-33
Robinson, J. (2005). Individual learning styles and their relationship to leadership
styles.Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation Claremont Graduate School.*
Selby, E. C., Treffinger, D. J. Isakson, S. G. et. al. (2004). Defining and assessing problem
solving style: Design and development of a new tool. Journal of Creative Behavior. 38 (4):
221-243
Triandis, H. C. (1994). Culture and Social Behavior.McGraw-Hill, Inc., New York.
Van Der Heijden, K. (1996). Scenarios. The art of strategic conversation: John Wiley & Sons.
Van Vianen A. E. M., De Pater, I. E., Kristof-Brown, A. L. & Johnson E. C. (2004). Fitting in:
Surface and deep level cultural differences and expatriatesadjustment.Academy of
Management Journal. 47 (5): 697-709.
Yamazaki, Y. (2004). An experiential approach to cross-cultural adaptation: a study of
Japanese expatriates learning styles, learning skills, and job satisfaction in the United
[180]
States. Unpublished doctoral dissertation.Department of Organizational Behavior, Case

Western Reserve University, Cleveland, OH.
Yamazaki, Y., Kayes, D. C. (2005) Expatriate learning: Exploring how Japanese managers
adapt in the United States. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Academy of
Management, Honolulu, Hawaii.
[181]
BEYOND THE CULTURAL CAPITAL THEORY:

SOME UNEXPLORED DIMENSIONS
OF WORKING CLASS LEARNING
Akhtar Hassan Malik & Hyder Kamran
University of Toronto, Canada
Abstract
This article presents a critique of cultural capital theory

after identifying its limitations. The eminent scholars who
proposed this theory generally argue that cultural
competence and a broad knowledge of culture belongs to
the members of the upper classes and is found much less
frequently among the lower classes. Thus, their discussion
and analysis largely remains one-dimensional and
functionalist descriptions of the status quo rather than real
explanation of social and cultural reproduction. Conversely,
our research study indicates that the working class agents,
too, have cultural capital, because they are as active as
adult learners beyond formal schooling as any of the
affluent and highly schooled classes. They are dynamic in
creating knowledge and updating their social, economic,
job-related, and educational awareness through informal
training, general interest and self-directed or tacit learning
activities. We argue that the cultural capital theorists
grossly missed the collective capacity for creative cultural
production and critical learning of working classes in their
analysis as they had generally been preoccupied with
delineating the cultural reproduction of inequality within
institutions of formal education. The data in this study are
based on participatory action research with several groups
[182]
of organized workers in Pakistan and are illustrated here

with evidence from ethnographic studies as well as a
related survey.
Keywords: cultural capital, working class, learning, class bias
The Indian peoples of Oaxaca in southern Mexico, to take one

example, have flourished, as have their places, because of their
traditions of teaching and learning. Their diverse cultures have
continued to be enriched despite the abuses and interventions they
have suffered from all kinds of Outsiders... [They] have kept
regenerating their language and culture, while coexisting with, as
well as resisting, their colonizers' universalizable truths. Their
evolving modes of cultural coexistence protect their pluriverse,
adapting to each new condition of oppression and domination
without losing their historical continuity....When studied from up
close, we discover with others that those who become addicted to
classroom instruction end up losing real opportunities for gaining
the knowledge and skills with which communities endure and
flourish.
Prakash and Esteva, 1998, as quoted by Livingstone & Sawchuk 1999
INTRODUCTION
This research paper is greatly influenced by the theoretical ideas of our
respected professor David Livingstone and his research associates.
These esteemed scholars identified the hidden bias in contemporary
"cultural capital" theory and argue that it has been largely developed
within bourgeois dominated academies, and mostly in isolation from
organized working class practices. As a result, the academic portrayal of
working class cultural practices have generally missed the creative
agency and original features of the class culture, or at best conveyed
them in disembodied and fragmented ways. Most recent contributions
to critical cultural theory by Marxist and other scholars have generally
been produced in academic settings without sustained practical
engagement with the organized working classes. Certainly strong social
[183]
forces, including capitalist control of increasingly pervasive mass media

and the disruption of working class communities, have threatened the
working class capacity for concerted collective representation. But
sympathetic academic analysts continued remoteness from the working
class's own collective agencies has also aided and abetted the
undermining of positive working class self-perceptions through their
production of excessively disembodied and fragmented versions of
current working class cultural practices. Livingstone & Sawchuk (2000)
explain that among the most influential examples in the field of
education and learning are the cultural capital theories of the
reproduction of social inequalities through schooling developed by
Pierre Bourdieu and Basil Bernstein. Both of these eminent scholars have
drawn lightly on the Marxist tradition in developing their conceptions.
Bourdieu's notion of cultural capital was developed by analogy with
Marx's analysis of capital as an accumulation and reproduction process.
For Bourdieu, one could say, the children of what he calls the dominant
class are momentously advantaged over the children of subordinate
classes in that they enter the educational system already well equipped
to succeed and excel within it (See: Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977). In their
case, a clear continuity exists between the culture of their home and that
of the school. These children generally share a common mode of speech,
style of social interaction and aesthetic orientation with their teachers,
and neither the content of what they are taught nor the manner in which
they are taught are likely to appear strange to them. In contrast, for
children from other class backgrounds, and especially for those of
working-class or peasant origins, the school represents an alien and
indeed a antagonistic environment a cultural and social world set apart
from that of their family and community, and one in which they are likely
to feel out of place. Thus, while the children of the dominant class
progressively benefit from a positive interplay between the influences of
home and school, children from underprivileged class backgrounds face
difficulties, and probably increasing difficulties, of adjustment. The
working-class children subsequently other than in a few special cases
fail to reach the higher levels of the educational attainment, either
because they are excluded by inadequate performance or because they
[184]
in fact exclude themselves (ibid). Described in these terms, Bourdieus

account of how class inequalities in educational attainment are actually
generated could be seen as having a good deal in common with those
advanced in other well-known studies of the period. For example, from
Britain one could cite Bernsteins work [Bernstein 1961; 1965; 1996] who
put the case that the form of language use of working class (who speak
a restricted code) as contrasted with middle class students (who speak
an elaborated code), greatly explain the ways in which the dynamics of
social class affects the learner's outcomes in school. In the case of an
elaborated code, the speaker will select from a relatively extensive range
of alternatives. Conversely, in the case of a restricted code the number
of these alternatives is often severely limited. On a psychological level
the codes may be distinguished by the extent to which each facilitates
(elaborated code) or inhibits (restricted code) an orientation to
symbolize intent in a verbally explicit form. In sum, both Bourdieu and
Bernstein in their discourses place the primary emphasis on the general
cultural knowledge, sophisticated vocabularies and precise information
about how schools work that children from higher status origins acquire
from their families. The possession of these cultural tools leads to their
greater success in school relations than their working class counterparts.
Livingstone & Sawchuk (2000) argue that while a great deal of
contemporary learning theory takes a class-blind and individualist
perspective, both of these social analysts (i.e. Bourdieu and Bernstein)
have developed structurally grounded models of class differences in
cultural sensibilities and linked them to differential social effects of
schooling processes. However, a critical appreciation of their
contributions is needed in order to move beyond the limits of cultural
capital theory.
METHODOLOGY
Contrary to Dr. David Livingstone and his associates who conducted their
study in Canada, we selected the context of Pakistan in order to verify
and/or acquire greater understanding of and insight into the valuable
perspective which these distinguished scholars have put forth. Besides,
we deliberately selected a different research context as it would
[185]
potentially add to the validity of Livingstone's findings as well as add

diversity in the existing literature that deals with such issues. Moreover,
working in Pakistan was also cost-efficient for us as we have some family
members and friends residing there. Basically, in this research we used
the participatory action research method (Fals-Borda, 1991; Creswell,
2002). The main aim of this worker-centred research project was to
document the full array of learning practices in embodied,
contextualized terms, through a combination of open-ended and semistructured interviews, and participant observation methods of inquiry.
The participants were encouraged to express their learning activities in a
friendly way in the interviews, most of which took place either in their
homes, at workplace, in local libraries, and in available union halls. A
simple survey was also conducted among members of different
occupational classes to understand their formal university education,
participation in work related seminars or workshops, and time spent in
other informal, tacit or general interest learning activities. The findings
of this survey have been presented in next section. However, in this
article, we will generally discuss and analyze several of the hidden
dimensions of working class learning that the participants articulated.
WORKING CLASS LEARNING CAPACITY

AN INITIAL UNDERSTANDING
Our study suggests that formal schooling is generally distributed in class

hierarchical terms, and educational institutions do remain very effective
sites to reproduce class-based credentialed knowledge privileges. A
notable percentage of corporate executives, managers, and
professionals have university degrees which reveals that dominant
classes effectively use quality higher education as a tool to safeguard
and reproduce their privileged positions. The working class, in contrast,
cannot afford the expenses of higher education and generally remain
underprivileged to compete for better economic opportunities.
However, a small minority of those from working class origins who have
obtained the university degree still remained in their socioeconomic class
to reap the benefits of this knowledge, which obviously are not too
[186]
many. A huge gap is also apparent between the affluent and the working
classes to participate in organized job-related learning activities in form
of seminars and workshops, which are mostly meant to enhance jobrelated competence. Privileged classes have a monopoly over such
company-sponsored opportunities to acquire the latest skills which they
use to further consolidate their already privileged position.
Table: A Comparative Study of Formal and In-formal Learning Initiatives between different
Occupational Classes
Occupational Class
University
Degree
(%)
Corporate executives
Small-business
owners
Self-employed
Managers
Professionals
Service workers
Industrial workers
No of Job-related
seminars/ Workshops
Attended During Last
Year
Informal Learning
(Hrs/week)
88
40
57
43
13
11
39
40
13
100
100
9
3
49
46
19
17
14
16
11
10
However, in the domain of informal adult learning activities, we see

insignificant variance between different social classes. This indicates that
colossal and egalitarian learning practices are hidden beneath the
pyramidal class-based structured forms of schooling and further
education. These need to be explored further and understood properly.
It appears that informal learning practices among the working class are
at least as great as among more affluent and highly schooled classes.
Such practices are also not solely confined to job-related knowledge, but
encompass many aspects of tacit and general interest learning. This will
be analysed in the subsequent sections. However, the findings of our
study indicate that unionized workers are more likely to get better jobrelated informal learning than non-unionized workers. This suggests the
[187]
existence of previously unexplored links between knowledge and power

in workers learning practices. Where worker-controlled education
programs are readily available, workers may be more likely in both
material and motivational terms to integrate their further education and
informal job-related learning.
HIDDEN DIMENSIONS
The analysis in this study regarding the working class participants

learning beyond formal schooling mainly attempts to understand the
nature of their non-formal or further education, informal training, and
self-directed or tacit informal learning (Livingstone, 2000, p. 142). We
have included evidence of relevant learning at the workplace, through
involvement in religio-political domains, and through general interest
and hobby activities. Livingstone (1999) argues that learning is a
dynamic, inherently social process that cannot be isolated from the rest
of social life in any simple way. Also, by virtually every measure, people
are now spending more time acquiring knowledge than ever before in
the history of our continually learning species. Hence, the escalation of
numerous knowledge disseminating channels, such as electronic and
print media, internet, public libraries, trade union and political platforms,
have increased opportunities for individuals to broaden their awareness.
My respondents ethnographies generally reveal their substantial
interest in gaining knowledge and desires for greater self-esteem,
despite certain systemic barriers to further learning. Two middle-aged
male leather goods workers explain:
I was an intelligent student in school and my teachers
encouraged me a lot to keep going. () but unfortunately
my dad refused to support me financially. Instead he needed
my help to support an extended family of 14. () so I had to
sacrifice my education to do the menial work... () it was so
frustrating as I wanted to carry on with my
education.....However, my love for learning cannot be
chained. () I use whatever I can afford to advance my
knowledge ().
[188]
() if formal schooling is not for people like us... we cannot

be deprived from getting awareness. () I regularly watch
media, read newspapers, go to library. () and can discuss
any issue with anybody who claims to be the highly
educated. () sometimes they cannot properly answer to
my queries which makes me proud of my wisdom.
These perspectives negate the stereotype that those who remain unable
to get formal schooling retain little or no interest in further learning.
Instead, the working class agents employ various informal learning
strategies to fulfill their thrust for knowledge. Such channels are not only
affordable, but also easily accessible for them.
DISCOUSES OF RESISTANCE AMONG WORKING CLASS AGENTS

The discourses of conflict and resistance among working-class agents
greatly reveal the kind of wisdom they have about real life issues. This is
not possible without higher levels of analysis and self-perception as
being the victim of an exploitative system. Their rejection of status
quo and elite control is evident in two domains. First, they use political
and trade union platforms to become part of the political struggle for
transition into a democratic and more just state, which would redefine
the distribution of political and economic resources. Second, some
respondents perceive that an effective use of available educational
opportunities can provide them immediate relief, at least to some
extent, from the reproduction of a cycle of destitution within the family.
Therefore, as regards to a major change in the political system, one
working class parent who is also an active member of an Islamist political
party argues, the unjust state policies can only be reversed through
political and social revolution as enunciated by Islam and through
enforcing the Sharia laws in the country, which would guarantee an
equal distribution of resources. Another respondent argues, Creating
a truly democratic and egalitarian socialist society in Pakistan largely
depends on ability of the working classes to accomplish a political
revolution. Hence, it appears that the working class agents perceive
that a political revolution to counter capitalist can only ensure the
[189]
termination of elite exploitation and the fair distribution of political and

economic resources.
The working class ethnographies also reveal their profound awareness
of the national education system. This is evident when they argue that
the ruling-class has deliberately maintained an apartheid schooling
system in the country, in which only the selected few can get good
formal education and skills and rest of the populace is supposed to be
subservient to them. Thus, on one side of this blatantly two-tier
education system is the high-quality education for children of the
privileged elites and on the other is the public sector education which,
although is free, is of markedly lesser quality. The private schools are
allowed to charge exorbitant fees and, thus, exclude the majority from
their population. The fault generally lies along the economic divide and,
unfortunately, the state connives to perpetuate such barriers. Moreover,
the respondents of this study understand that another barrier comes in
the form of English, which is the language of power in Pakistan. Since
the ruling elites do not want to share their power, they ensure their
children achieve excellent training in English through schooling
experiences as well as at home. This provides them with an immense
advantage to access the power echelons and preserve the privilege of
the few. Conversely, Urdu and other regional languages remain the
dominant languages of the masses and of the public schools, which are
highly dependent on the state. The state, thus, perpetuates dependence
on these less empowering languages. This makes working class children
relatively disadvantaged in being able to access the better-paid job
positions. The following working class respondents statement presents
this standpoint:
The state has been investing heavily in maintaining a
parallel schooling system for the privileged, which
provides quality education to those who would
presumably run top positions in the higher echelons.
Only the elites of wealth or that of power can access
these schools. Conversely, the public schools get a stepmotherly treatment from the state in allocation of
funds, quality of teachers, provision of goods and
[190]
services. In addition, the public schools function in

regional languages which means their students would
have greater difficulty to access better job positions.
Therefore, the working class respondents generally perceive that
education in Pakistan has been used as one of the tools to reproduce
those who are rulers and those who are ruled. By holding the key to
areas of power and, hence, monopoly over policy making mechanisms,
the dominant-class has ensured separate schools to preserve their
status. Simultaneously, by ensuring the low standards of mass
education, the ruling elite has deliberately perpetuated the cycle of
poverty and subservience for dominated classes. This kind of critical
reflection represents the level of wisdom which the working class
participants have.
The working class agents also articulate a desire for basic shift in the
education system, which entails moving from apartheid, classist, and
exclusive elite education to more inclusive, anti-class, and unbiased
education. For instance, a working class participant argues, the system
of superior and inferior schools does not fit in with principles of equality
and social justice, and suggests for a uniform schooling system in which
the rich and the poor get similar kind of education. However, most
parents perceive that this sort of a major shift requires many drastic
changes with regards to philosophy, structure, and practices, which is
both time consuming and requires persistent efforts. Hence, besides an
active effort for an entire change to the system, these agents
understand that an immediate alternative to break the shackles of their
economic plight is to make the most of the available educational
opportunities. For them, education is the last and only resort to provide
better life opportunities to their children than were available for
themselves. Therefore, most working class respondents expect their
children to get good education to expand their opportunities in
employment and possibly to become skilled resource personnel.
Emotional support appeared to be abundant in working class families.
Parents would share their own educational limitations with their children
of as well as their prime desire for them to remain in the school,
complete their education, and go beyond what they had accomplished.
[191]
Therefore, parents would constantly remind their children to take full

advantage of their educational opportunity. The following working class
parents statement reflects this mindset:
We tell them [our children] that we did not have enough
educational opportunities in the village. The solitary
high school in the area was about 5-miles away and
almost hard to access due to unpaved streets. Besides,
we had to work in the family farm for hours in the
afternoon to help our parents to earn bread and
butter... also...we did not have computers, internet and
other electronic learning resources...we believe such
reminders are effective to constantly motivate them
[our children] to work hard in education in order to
achieve a good job, better than what we have right
now...likewise, when our children prefer to play outside
or watch favorite TV programs till late in night. () we,
again, remind them how important education is for their
future lives.
Therefore, it appears that working class people are at least as active as
adult learners beyond schooling as those in the affluent classes, and that
the collective capacity for creative cultural production and critical
learning is alive and well in the organized core of the working class in
advanced capitalist societies as well as emerging economies like
Pakistan.
LEARNING BEYOND FORMAL SCHOOLING: WORKING CLASS NARRATIVES

In most sociological literature, working class people are generally
presented as thoughtless and marginalized in the production of
knowledge. Both Bourdieu (1984, 1991, 1993) and Bernstein (1990, 1996)
greatly supported such perspectives through their extensive empirical
studies. However, such discourses are also immensely disputed by some
eminent scholars. For instance, Fowler (1997) explains that Bourdieu has
exaggerated the cultural dispossession of the masses and excluded any
popular art in his category of consecrated culture, constructing a
canonical closure which is too complete and which blinds him to the
[192]
existence of authorship within these popular art-forms. In stark contrast,

sustained engagement with working class-based organizations has
typically provided an alternative perspective on their cultural sensibilities
and learning capacities. Livingstone (1999) argues that the socialization
of the forces of knowledge production (especially through the
availability of free voluntary forms such as public libraries, trade union
schools, and now electronic information networks) is a major source of
autonomous cultural production by subordinate social groups. The
increasing availability to working class people of such socialized forces of
knowledge production represents a continual challenge to private
capitalist efforts (via conglomerate ownership of mass media,
commodified information packages) to appropriate the social relations
of knowledge production. This opposition between socialized forces and
privatized relations of knowledge production is the fundamental
contradiction of knowledge development and learning in capitalist
societies. My study, too, supports such useful perspectives which are
antagonistic to the cultural capital theory and greatly challenge it. In the
following, I have included the three narratives of my respondents which
underscore their ability of critical learning and cultural production.
Narrative One
The first narrative illustrates the working class agents learning

advancements within work-related, general interest, and religio-political
domains. It also endorses that powerful learning instances do exist in
non-pedagogical modes of social interactions and evidently outside the
conventional schooling models. The participant is a 40-year-old male, a
gas station attendant, who had to quit formal schooling immediately
after middle-school graduation, because his father died and no one else
was ready to financially support him. The realities of life compelled the
participant to find an employment and assist his elder brother in
supporting an extended family of twelve. It was not easy to find an
appropriate job without connections in a highly saturated labor market.
Hence, at first, he had to work on daily waged basis, and sometimes on
temporary contracts as well. Finally, he could find a job at a gas station,
which provided him with breathing space. He started his job with a
[193]
scanty pre-service training with a mentor, as structured non-formal

training was not available, and subsequently learned the complexities of
the job with experience and day-to-day activities. With the help of his
coworkers and through learning by watching and doing and dealings
with the customers, the participant eventually gained essential
knowhow of related finances, language, and interpersonal skills (e.g.
dealing effectively with difficult, demanding, and unruly customers).
While recollecting his memories the participant said,
[Initially] I would become anxious while handling some
difficult clients, but now with experience, I am confident
to tackle any kind of situation, no matter how
challenging it might be.
This kind of self-esteem and social knowhow, which this participant has
achieved through extensive everyday activities, are significant markers
of his cultural capital. In addition, he had a strong craving to achieve as
much faith-centered knowledge as was possible for him. This thrust was
created in his mind and heart initially in his home/family setting, where,
through various daily interrelationships, his parents/elders inducted him
to Islamic social and cultural life and instilled an awareness of what his
religion primarily required from him. The family had spiritual orientations
and belonged to lively Sufi (mystic) traditions.
This initial faith-based training was subsequently strengthened by a
teacher of Islamic studies at school, whom this participant greatly
credited for his lifelong pursuits of Islamic religio-political awareness.
The teacher effectively disseminated Islamic concepts of education,
wherein it is a religious obligation for every Muslim man and woman to
seek knowledge from cradle to grave. The teacher also illustrated certain
selected hadith (the Prophets sayings) to underscore the importance of
ilm (knowledge) and urged his students to critically analyze the current
social and political issues in the light of Islamic teachings. Some of the
initial questions that were raised during the everyday class-work haunted
the participants mind in the subsequent years. For instance: why are
significant number of contemporary Muslims not dedicated towards
acquiring ilm, even if it is a divine decree for all of them? Why have they
not committed to the straight path, which Allah had assigned for
[194]
them? Are these the main reasons for their plight and oppression in the
modern age, or is something else? Such kinds of questions urged the
participant to make a promise to Allah, the Prophet, and to himself to
devote his life to acquiring and disseminating Islamic knowledge to his
fellow Muslims. Hence, subsequent to realizing his religious obligations,
the participant started an informal academic journey based on learning
the correct recitation of the Quran in Arabic with the help of a local
imam. After completing the recitation and memorization of certain
selected parts of the text, the participants quest for further Islamic
knowledge directed him to explore ways of having a precise
understanding of the complex concepts contained in the Quranic verses.
He organized his informal academic activities in two domains. First, he
started to attend a series of erudite lectures of a renowned Islamic
scholar, who would explain the Quranic verses to the general audience
free of cost. In addition, he regularly attended the religious sermons,
lectures, symposiums, Manazras (religious debate), and workshops
arranged at different religious platforms. Second, his passion for learning
guided him to frequently visit public libraries and choose relevant books.
Hence, he read some outstanding volumes of religious knowledge, such
as Tafhim al-Quran , Seerat-ul-Nabi , Sahih Muslim, Sahih Al-Bukhari, and
the Rubayyat of Omar Khayyam, etc.
These classical books contain elevated knowledge and discussions and
are generally taught at the higher-levels in madaris (plural of madrassah
an Islamic school). Therefore, initially the participant had difficulty
understanding these books through independent reading. He had to
seek help from educated friends, the local imam, and religious scholars.
However, his motivation, patience, and hard work eventually helped him
understand these books and also achieve a deep-seated knowledge of
Islam as a religion and the precise application of its teachings in the
personal as well as social life. Hence, at the time of this study, the
participant was actively involved in delivering Friday sermons to share his
religious awareness with the general audience. This part-time
assignment also provided him with certain financial benefits, which he
was saving with a plan to rent a place and start his own academy, where
he could deliver real Islam to the youth. The participant perceived that
[195]
many contemporary madaris have blended their education with

misinterpretations and were disseminating narrow-minded and onesided sectarian ideologies. He explained his disenchantment with formal
education in madaris as follows:
It is generally discussed in media, and scholars also
endorse, that our madrassahs teach the sectarian
interpretations of Islam and make their students
intolerant, which is evident in the level of sectarian
violence that we have every year. Besides, the wrongful
dissemination of Jihad has also earned bad name for
Islam and Muslims in general...In addition, our
madrassahs have badly failed to exert an effective role,
nationally as well as globally, to wipe out the notoriety
that had been afflicted on our religion. () I think it is
the right time to teach our youth the real Islam, which
must be free from misinterpretations and distortions.
()
Thus, the participant understands that the message of Islam has been
distorted and misunderstood in current geo-political life. This message is
increasingly being viewed in a negative light and has reached the point
where people are not sure of what the religion actually stands for.
Moreover, the disappointment with madaris education, their ineffective
role in defending Islam, and a passion to disseminate true Islamic
messages, free from distortions and sectarian [mis]interpretations,
underscore the striking features of this participants analytic capabilities.
Moreover, the ethnographic interaction with the participant also
demonstrated his awareness of the global issues and a concern to devise
fresh solutions to contemporary problems in the light of the Quran and
Sunnah (life of the prophet). He perceives:
Weaker religious faith among Muslims, lack of Islamic
form of governments in Muslim majority countries, low
literacy rates, unequal distribution of material resources
and division of Muslims on the basis of nationalities and
sects are the leading challenges of Muslim ummah in the
current era.
[196]
He argues that a great deal of changes have become apparent in the

realms of economics, science, and global politics. Yet, the old books of
Islamic fiqha (jurisprudence) do not provide precise guidelines about
current issues, such as the banking system, IMF, how to manage
inflation, capitalism, communism, and sales tax. Hence, it has become
inevitable to reassess the leading issues of Muslim ummah, evaluate the
depth and dimensions of each crisis, and put forth solutions to current
issues while initiating the methodology of Ijtihad and maintaining
centrality of the Quranic precepts.
To conclude, I would like to mention that a passion for Islamic
knowledge is not uncommon within the Muslim majority population of
Pakistan. The efforts for independent learning; which this participant
had done to achieve a high level of understanding Islam as a religion,
culture, and lifestyle; are very creditable. His multiple year struggle to
understand the meaning of certain questions, which his teacher had
posed for him and a conviction to raise similar questions for the youth to
get them involved in acquiring and disseminating faith-based knowledge,
suggests that working class agents are also active in the creation of
knowledge.
The next two narratives illustrate the informal learning instances in the
workplace, including both self-directed, tacit learning and informal
training by mentors, which appears to be highly relevant to the workers
needs and job-related demands. These instances also suggest that
working class agents are currently engaged in substantial ongoing
informal learning and acquiring a broad range of knowledge and skills,
which provides them with valuable wisdom to effectively handle daily
social, economic, and employment-related issues.
Narrative Two
This participant is a 43-year-old male and presently working as a plumber.

He had to quit school at Grade 8 due to the familys financial situation
and instead volunteered as a helper to an experienced and selfemployed plumber. His aim was to learn the profession and
subsequently make it his livelihood. This training-led learning continued
for over two years, in which the mentor imparted job-related knowledge
[197]
and skills as well as some basic accounting and bookkeeping skills.

Afterwards, the participant acquired social skills, correct mannerism, and
appropriate dealing with costumers through independent efforts and
trial and error methods. The participant explained that with day after day
job-related activities he learned that displaying refined manners,
pleasant and welcoming attitude, and courteous language always helps
to win over customers. The participant demonstrated his workplace
learning of social skills as follows:
Every client has a different personality, so to begin with
it is important to understand him as well as his needs. It
always helps to develop a relationship of mutual
trust...my experiences have taught me that if a
customer is satisfied, he would refer many more to me.
Therefore, it appears that workers learn and expand their expertise
almost every day while engaged in job-related responsibilities. They are
also quite mindful of current developments and innovations in their
profession. This respondent explains that plumbing has now involved
many new technologies and equipment, which require a continuous
updating of knowledge. For instance, the latest gadgets are mostly
sensor-operated because people would prefer not to touch handles and
surfaces in washrooms, new storage tank water heaters are hybrid, and
the latest cooling/heating appliances operate on solar energy. Similarly,
more efficient tabs, toilets, and showers are being inducted almost every
day. These facts have made it inevitable to continuously learn and
modernize skills. Hence, due to non-availability of relevant structured
formal courses in the afterhours, the participant mostly learns new
technologies through instruction manuals and learning modules that
come with the products, other relevant self-reading materials, internet
resources, and through discussions with coworkers and senior
colleagues. The participant perceives that discussion with colleagues is
one of the most effective channel to learn new skills, exchange
awareness and share expertise. The participant further argues that, in
the current age, plumbers must be aware of customers various
aesthetic preferences. Most customers now require appropriate
matching or contrast with their washroom or kitchen color schemes and
[198]
select the most suitable gadgets from a wide range of available options,
which obviously have different designs and colors. The participant
learned the art of aligning his work with customers aesthetic
requirements through extensive discussions with them and through a
method of trial and error, which is laborious and time consuming as,
sometimes, all of the gadgets are to be replaced. Therefore, to conclude,
I argue that while, for some reason, skill formation, which can be workled, informal training-led, or acquired through tacit informal ways (such
as, observing or trial and error) could not find place in Bourdieus
analysis, it is out there as an irrefutable reality in the field of workplace.
Narrative Three
This next participant, a 34-years old skilled factory worker, argues his
workplace training was more beneficial for him as compared to his
formal schooling. His education until secondary school was irrelevant to
his job needs. After being hired, he had to pass through a difficult threemonth probation period, in which different supervisors trained him to
operate the production machinery, properly handle tools, basic repairs,
and maintenance. The participant explained that some supervisors had
tough standards and would never compromise. They required every
recruited worker to follow their procedures precisely. However, he liked
the supervisors who had a more democratic orientation and encouraged
questioning and discussions. This helped him gain an in-depth
understanding of structured learning modules. During the probation
period, the mentors continuously monitored every workers efficiency,
use of proper skills and procedures, and, if they found anything lacking in
a workers professional conduct, they would attach him to a new
supervisor for further training. However, with multiple years of
experience and workplace learning, the participant is now critical of
initial workers training programs and refers to its many loopholes:
Initial workers training programs give sufficient
knowledge about mechanics and procedures to operate
machinery...but they give no insight about workplace
politics, social skills, team-work, and communication
[199]
skills, which, I believe, are as important aspects of

workplace expertise as the learning of mechanics...
This kind of analysis emphasizes that the work place is as effective of a
site for learning and creation of knowledge as any of the formally
organized extensive educational programs. Besides, knowledge
economy is much wider and deeper than many product and profitcentered training programs would otherwise suggest. Hence, to fill in
certain gaps in initial training programs, the participant had to employ
many informal and formal learning activities. For instance, through
everyday socialization and observation of the methods of relatively
experienced colleagues and immediate coworkers, the participant
learned workplace politics, proper demeanor, communication skills, and
workplace ethics. To learn occupational health and safety, workers
responsibilities, rights and benefits, the participant largely relied on selfreading materials, which he obtained from the Ministry of Labor and
Manpower and labor union offices. However, to learn First-Aid and
principles of quality control, the participant took formal courses in
after work hours.
At the time of this study, with a desire of becoming a supervisor, the
participant had applied for a company-sponsored management course.
However, he explained that quality management courses are not easily
accessible for workers and low-ranked officials, because these courses
are usually distributed among top-managers. Likewise, senior officials
have complete monopoly over company-sponsored computer/internet
learning resources and software. For their professional development,
the company provides senior officials with both the authority and capital
to purchase any kind of software or enroll themselves in the latest
formal computer-based training courses, while grossly ignoring their
workers. The participant called such inequitable practices monkey
business. Despite inequality, uneven access, and restrictions, the
working-class thrust for learning cannot be contained. It is, perhaps, one
of the strongest biological instincts that Allah Almighty has bestowed on
human beings. Hence, this participant, after heavily criticizing in-service
workers professional development workshops as being largely
mechanical and a repetitive exercise of already well-known concepts,
[200]
suggests many improvements that could satisfy his, as well as his

communitys, learning needs. For instance, he suggests that the topicrange of these workshops should be expanded to include social skills,
management skills, quality control skills, computer/internet skills,
workplace safety procedures, and First-Aid and also that the latest
learning materials need to be included. At the previous labor union
meeting, this participant outlined his suggestions and the union leaders
agreed to put this matter before higher management during the next
formal meeting for necessary action.
CONCLUSION
The above narratives illustrate the working-class participants eagerness
for self-directed learning, the striking features of their reflective and
analytic capabilities, active efforts to create knowledge, and social skills
largely achieved through everyday life activities. In addition, informal
adult learning has also provided them large degrees of wisdom to
amicably handle their workplace, social and economic issues. Therefore,
we argue that if we expand the discourses that cultural capital theory
has put forth, and include informal adult learning, it would provide a
better standpoint to understand the creative cultural practices of the
working class agents. The cultural capital is context specific because its
currency can vary across different social fields where the struggle for
power and legitimization exists. Hence, in the context of Pakistan the
working class agents adult learning beyond formal schooling emphasize
an existence of cultural capital which may well be defined as nondominant cultural capital (See: Carter, 2003, p. 86).
We argue that no matter how greatly the cultural capital of the working
classes may be devalued in the job market, its existence must not be
ignored. However, the scholars who contributed to the cultural capital
theory have grossly ignored it in their analysis. Livingstone & Sawchuk
(2000) presented the reason why they did, and argued that these
scholars were mostly preoccupied with delineating the cultural
reproduction of inequality within fixed institutional forms. Thus, their
accounts remained one-dimensional, functionalist descriptions of the
status quo rather than real explanations of it. Bourdieu's and Bernstein's
[201]
theories of class cultures have grossly ignored a central rule of

sociological investigation promulgated by one of the founding fathers of
sociology they both build on, Emile Durkheim: to understand any social
fact, we must study it through the full range of its variation. They never
tried to comprehend the creative cultural practices, independent
education and learning activities, or collective cultural agency of the
organized working classes. Livingstone (1997), Livingstone & Sawchuk
(1999), and Sawchuk (1999) have argued that learning is an embodied
dimension of ongoing cultural material life. It is inseparable from the
interactive historical conditions of its production in local settings. It
includes practices and experiences that are not typically framed as
learning. This expanded conception of learning rejects the pervasive
notion of learning as a moment of internalization, of cognitive
processing by the universalized free-floating individual, and of
transference of "knowledge/skill" from some type of expert/pedagogue.
Instead, "learning" can better be located in the process of participation
in the creation and reproduction of systems of activity in the sense first
developed by Leont'ev (1978) in the cultural historical school tradition.
These activity systems include not only capitalist-dominated school and
labor markets, but worker-controlled social institutions such as trade
unions, the household and the neighbourhood. These processes of
participation are subject to limits and pressures which shape but do not
determine actual learning and its outcomes.
As broad as our approach is, it permits an empirical research program
that can provide meaningful and relevant accounts of working class
learning which go beyond the narrow hegemonic scope of cultural
capital theory, and which, rather than reasserting dominant institutional
forms of schooling, can contribute to the challenging of these forms by
subordinated groups themselves. Livingstone & Sawchuk (2000) have
further argued that the creative cultural practices and extensive informal
learning expressed from within worker-organized settings should serve
as a stiff antidote to the cultural capital bias for any researcher or
teacher who cares to look. The working class culture expressed in these
settings should not be romanticized; it remains full of contradictions and
reactionary aspects. However, in spite of much academic opinion to the
[202]
contrary, it is from these most concentrated and independent sites of

collective expressions of this class culture that struggles against
bourgeois cultural hegemony and for democracy and economic justice
are likely to be sustained.
References
Bernstein, B. (1996). Pedagogy, Symbolic Control and Identity. London: Taylor and Francis.
Bernstein, B. (1990). Class, Codes and Control, vol 4: The structuring of pedagogic
discourse. London: Routledge.
Bernstein, B. (1965). A Socio-Linguistic Approach to Social Learning. In Penguin Survey of
the Social Sciences, edited by J. Gould. Harmondsworth: Penguin.
Bernstein, B.(1961). Social Class and Linguistic Development: A Theory of Social Learning.
In Education, Economy and Society, edited by A.H. Halsey, J. Floud and C.A. Anderson.
New York: Free Press.
Bourdieu, P. (1993). La Misere du Monde. Paris: Seuil.
Bourdieu, P. (1991). Language and Symbolic Power. London: Polity.
Bourdieu, P. (1984). Distinction. London: Routledge.
Bourdieu, P. and J-C. Passeron. (1977). Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture.
London: Sage.
Carter, P. L. (2003). Black cultural capital, status positioning, and schooling conflicts for
low-income African American youth, Social Problems, 50(1), pp. 136-155
Creswell, J. W. (2002). Educational research: Planning, conducting, and evaluating
quantitative and qualitative research, New Jersey: Merrill Prentice Hall
Fals-Borda, O. (1991) Knowledge and Social Movements. Santa Cruz, CA: Merrill Publishing.
Fowler, B (1997) Pierre Bourdieu and Cultural Theory. London: Sage
Livingstone, D.W. (2000). Exploring the icebergs of adult learning: Findings of the first
Canadian survey of informal learning practices. Canadian Journal for the Study of Adult
Education. 14:1.
Livingstone, D.W. (1999) The Education-Jobs Gap: Underemployment or economic
democracy. Boulder, CO: Westview Press; and Toronto: Garamond Press.
Livingstone, D.W. (1997). The limits of human capital theory: expanding knowledge, informal
learning and underemployment. Policy Options. 18:6.
Livingstone, D. W., & Sawchuk, P. H. (2000). Beyond cultural capital theory: Hidden
dimensions of working class learning. The Review of Education/Pedagogy/Cultural Studies,
Vol. 22, No. 2, pp. 121-146.
Livingstone, D.W., Peter H. Sawchuk (1999). Final Report of the Working Class Learning
Strategies Project. Toronto: Centre for the Study of Education and Work.
[203]
Leont'ev, A.N. (1978). Activity, consciousness, and personality. Englewood Cliffs: PrenticeHall.
Prakesh, M.S. and G. Esteva. (1998). Escaping Education: Living as learning within
grassroots cultures. New York: Peter Lang.
Sawchuk, Peter H. (1999) "Workplace Learning in the Everyday: Structured participation from
an emancipatory perspective". Paper presented at the International Conference on Work and
Learning. Leeds, UK: University of Leeds.
[204]
ENGLISH LANGUAGE ACQUISITION AT ENGINEERING COLLEGES

IN ANDHRA PRADESH, INDIA
Afsha Jamal
Al Musannah College of Technology, Oman
Abstract
This article briefly looks at some principles of Second/Foreign

Language Acquisition and at how the Indian engineering colleges
affiliated to Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University, Kakinada
(JNTUK) and Acharya Nagarjuna University (ANU), in Andhra
Pradesh, seek to shape their English language curriculum in light of
said principles.
Keywords: SLA, FLA, ESL, EFL, English for engineering students, Andhra
Pradesh
Teaching is considered an active skill, while learning is seen as a passive

skill (Crystal). When learners do not acquire a second language within
the expected time, it is assumed that there is something wrong with
them or with the educational program they are being exposed to.
The aim of learning English in Indian Technical Colleges is to help
students to acquire both receptive and productive skills so they can
confidently and correctly use English both in college and in their future
workplace. The students are expected to acquire both theoretical and
practical mastery of the language. They must be able to understand
spoken English (Listening) and speak it fluently (Speaking), as well as
read (Reading) and write English texts (Writing). Listening and Reading
are termed the receptive skills, while speaking and writing are spoken of
as the productive skills.
[205]
The present paper briefly deals with some general principles of Second
Language Acquisition (SLA), especially in the areas of the four skills and
assessment, including self-evaluation. Subsequently, it describes both
the student profile of engineering students in Andhra Pradesh (A.P.) and
their curricular exposure to English both as a Second Language and as a
language for Academic and Specific Purposes. In this paper, I give two
concrete examples of how this is done in the engineering colleges in
Krishna, Guntur, and Prakasam associated to two universities of A.P.,
namely Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University Kakinada (JNTUK)
and Acharya Nagarjuna University (ANU).
SOME KEY PRINCIPLES IN SLA

It is essential that teachers and learners be able to identify the occasions
when learning takes place as collaborative development. A deep
understanding of the learning process, which is self-regulatory, is
essential to develop students language learning and proficiency. It is
assumed that all evaluation should ultimately aim at self-evaluation,
especially if learners are to be empowered to make learning choices and
become lifelong learners. Therefore, learner-centred curricula and
evaluation mechanisms should be in keeping with the specificity of the
four basic language skills.
Vocabulary
Given the importance of speaking, reading, and writing in everyday

college life, it is clear that vocabulary is necessary for all learners,
including Indian engineering students. It is accepted that it is highly
impossible for even the native speakers to master all the words of their
language. In settings where English is not only a second/foreign
language but also the language of instruction and work (English for
Academic and Specific Purposes), students are obliged to reach a basic
threshold proficiency level in English not only in general, but also
academically and professionally. During the early stages of acquisition,
they must listen to the language and become engaged in interactive
activities. As a result, they will (hopefully) learn to gradually identify the
forms and meanings of new words and, in due course, use them
[206]
accurately and appropriately. The primary focus cannot merely be on

memorizing word lists, above all on correctly using the words in
speaking and writing.
In order to make their learning easier and more systematic, learners
must learn mnemonic, retention strategies (Cohen: 1990) to incorporate
active (productive), passive (receptive), and ad hoc (incidental)
vocabulary. They can study keywords, learn accompanying new words by
means of reading and comprehension exercises (Dupay and Krashen:
1993), and other techniques for vocabulary acquisition. Moreover,
Palmberg suggests that in the early stages, learners learn nouns rather
than verbs or adjectives and that, in contrast to L1 acquisition, words are
acquired at a fairly steady rate (98).
The vocabulary to be learned in English for Academic and Specific
Purposes is usually classified into four categories: high-frequency words,
low-frequency words, academic words, and technical words.
High-Frequency Words
These are structure and content words which are often used in written
and spoken communication. For example, the word chair is used more
frequently in an Indian college or engineering company than penguin.
Low Frequency Words:
These words are several in numbers. They are circumstantial terms,

which will therefore become necessary only if and when students are
working on a given topics.
Academic words
These words are very common in different kinds of academic texts

comprising 9% of the running words in a given text.
Technical Words
These words are very closely related to the topic and subject area of the
texts covering 5% of the running words in a text. However, words that
[207]
may be considered as low-frequency terms for a business students can

be high-frequency, technical terms for engineering students.
Furthermore, researchers in SLA are of opinion that words are gradually
learned over a period of time from numerous sources of exposure.
Hence there are different aspects of learning a word. Vocabulary
knowledge implies a broad range of dimensions, such as word forms,
meaning, collocations, connotations, synonyms, antonyms, register
(spoken and written variants), associations, and frequency. All these
items are interrelated and necessary for students to use a word
appropriately and adequately.
Speaking
Similarly to mother tongue(s) learning, ESL programs should find ways

to record the progress of what students can do, rather than mark them
down for what they cannot do. Speech progress can be scaffolded and
assessed from a one-word, mostly nouns, stage to the production of
multi-word sentences with verbs, auxiliaries, determiners, adjectives,
and prepositions, perhaps through a two-word stage. To do that,
portfolios and diaries can be used, which is being taken up in newly
produced ESL/EFL textbooks.
Reading
Students are generally more proficient in decoding written information

than then are in spoken English. In other words, learners often read
faster real-life English texts with fewer mistakes than they do when they
have to listen to a native speaker or an advanced English speaker during
a conversation.
In order to stay close to real-life English, reading sessions should include
opportunities to scan manuscripts such as catalogs, telephone
directories, and advertisements. The stress would be on reading for
finding and reproducing information. The next step should aim at
reading for inference. This is an essential component of reading since all
texts call for cultural or technical background information that is not in
the texts because it has been presuposed by the writers. One way to
[208]
enhance learners background knowledge is extended reading, which

should never be dismissed as irrelevant, not even in engineering
colleges.
Assessing reading should therefore reflect the all-comprehensive view of
reading suggested above, first and foremost to help the learners realize
what they already can and what they have not yet mastered.
Writing and Listening
The teaching and testing of writing and listening can similarly be broken
up into sub-skills. This can be complemented with integrated language
activities and tests (beginning with cloze exercises, for example). A subskills approach reflects the teachers intuitions that particular students
may have particular strengths. The instructor can make out areas of
strength as well as areas where help is needed (Vijaya: 2005).
The overall objective of whole skill-based teaching and evaluation is that
learners learn to steer their own learning process, i.e. that they learn to
learn continuously thoughtout their lives (Crystal, 48; Chamot, 1990;
Cook 1991). Norman summarizes this as follows,
It is strange that we expect students to learn yet seldom
teach them about learning. It is time that we made up
for this lack, time that we developed the applied
disciplines of learning, problem solving and memory. We
need to develop the general principles of how to learn,
how to remember and how to solve problems and then
to develop practical courses, and then to commence the
position of these methods in academic curriculum.
(Crystal, 97)
Consequently, the cognitive approach views learning as an active
process that occurs within the learners and which can be influenced by
the learner. Instead of viewing the outcome of learning as depending
mainly on what the teacher presents, the outcome of learning is
supposed to depend jointly on what information is presented and on
how the learner processes that information. Weinstein and Mayer state,
[209]
The use of particular learning strategies during learning

can affect the encoding process, which in turn effect
the learning outcome and performance. (Crystal, 11-22).
Evaluation
Language evaluation helps the instructors to find out the causes that
hinder the all-round development of SL/FL learners. A study by Sharma
revealed that objectives, learning experiences, and evaluation are
interrelated with each other. Systematic evaluation provides learners
with opportunities to express their views, increases creativity, and
develops students language skills. Moreover, this study suggested that
ongoing evaluation can become significant only when teachers and
learners become accountable for their own progress, rather than for
merely abiding by real or imagined formal external benchmarks.
It is how one evaluates that decides whether a student wants to be
evaluated. Although even the most child-centered methods of
evaluation cause anxiety, there is no question that a system of
evaluation must be put in place. It is thus a question of both how and
how much that matters. Learners participate in evaluations more
comfortably when the experience is not always a failure and the
outcomes can be seen as a legitimate and appropriate way toward the
next step in learning. Unfortunately, for most students the immediate
role played by current evaluation methods within the learning process is
not clear.
Continuous evaluation should facilitate and guide teaching by influencing
the learners existing phase of growth or attainment in order to
recognize his/her sector of proximal improvement. Since learning
attainments are results of language opportunities, learners should be
provided with longer time to express themselves in the target language,
as well as with sustained language input which reflects and supports
their growth in output through visuals and media. Teachers must avid
rigidly taught classes where the learners remain inarticulate, or produce
single words, mostly nouns, in response to prompts. Quizzes, tests,
exams and other forms of evaluation ought therefore to give teachers
[210]
and learners a sense of language growth at regular intervals (e.g. every

three or four months).
Self Evaluation and benchmarking
In continuous or permanent evaluation settings, students are supposed

to evaluate their own learning. This gives them a sense of involvement in
the learning process. Nevertheless, in formal education, learners selfevaluation presupposes an educational context that has been critically
and systematically engineered to scaffold learning. The reading and
listening materials should be age appropriate. The speaking classes
should tap into the interests of the students and make them aware of
other important social issues. The same is valid for writing. Setting the
scene for learning through reading, listening, speaking, and writing will
require control over the necessary vocabulary. In other words, selfevaluation becomes meaningful when it is part of a comprehensive
approach to SLA/FLA.
Thus, national benchmarks for language proficiency need to be
developed by first gathering reliable descriptive data in all these respects
from representative all-India samples. Such benchmarking of national
norms or averages is well known as a precursor to the adoption of
support initiatives where necessary in the social sciences and education.
It also balances the curricular freedom provided during the learning
process, with the standardization of evaluation that certification
ultimately requires.
Benchmarking leads to a set of National English Language Tests, a stock
of tests that students and instructors can use for self-evaluation. These
tests should allow for a much greater measure of proficiency than a
broad overall grade or score. It is a robust teacher intuition that not all
learners are equally at home in all the four skills; thus, good speakers
may not be good writers, as there may be a trade-off between accuracy
and fluency in the learning process. Neither are all skills equally
important for all professions.
Scores that reflect differential learner aptitudes and strengths enhance
employment potential, and have a washback effect on the curriculum.
[211]
Importantly, a set of National English Language Tests serves to counter

the current problem of SLA.
Standardized national benchmarks for language skills should (1) allow
individual students to get a sense of where they stand, their strengths
and weaknesses, and how to progress, and (2) balance freedom of
learning with standardization of assessment.
Language learning is complete only when one has mastered all the four
language skills. Hence, there is a need for a more controlled research on
second language learning strategies, especially when language
acquisition is viewed as a cognitive skill.
ENGINEERING COLLEGES IN KRISHNA, GUNTUR, AND PRAKASAN

The present study is concerned with the students belonging to the three
major districts of Andhra Pradesh: Krishna, Guntur and Prakasam. The
table below illustrates the detail list of Engineering colleges in the three
districts.
District
Krishna
Guntur
Prakasam
Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University

Kakinada (JNTUK)
38
37
Acharya Nagarjuna University (ANU)
Nil
Total
43
45
21
Thus, there are a hundred and nine engineering colleges offering

technical courses to the students in the three districts. Out of these
hundred and nine technical institutes, thirty eight engineering colleges
are located in Krishna, while thirty seven are in Guntur, and twenty one
are in Prakasam. All of them are affiliated to JNTUK. The number of
engineering colleges affiliated to ANU is considerably lower: only five in
Krishna and eight in Guntur.
In addition, there are a few other colleges which are also affiliated to
these two universities; however, they are run by an autonomous
administration. Such engineering colleges design their own curricula and
[212]
examinations. Furthermore, Vignans Foundation of Science, Technology

& Research and Koneru Lakshmaiah Education Foundation are declared
as Deemed Universities by the Ministry of Human Resource
Development in A.P.
Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University Kakinada (JNTUK)
Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University (JNTU) was called The

College of Engineering, Vizagapatam at the time of its inception in 1946.
It has now an expansive campus located at the port city of Kakinada, on
the East coast of India. Kakinada has a rich political literacy and cultural
heritage passed on through generations. This college became a
constituent of the Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University (w.e.f 0210-1972) through an act of legislature, along with other sister institutions
under the control of the then Director of Technical Education
Administration of Andhra Pradesh. Earlier, it was associated to Andhra
University. The college became autonomous in 2003 (JNTUK: 2011)
Due to the rapid expansion of Technical Education in A.P., about 165
Engineering colleges are affiliated to Jawaharlal Nehru Technological
University Kakinada (JNTUK). Moreover, this university campus college
bears the responsibility of conducting the examinations in all the 165
colleges in this zone in the capacity of a Nodal Centre. Some of its
activities are to conduct End-Semester examinations, mark the answer
scripts in different centers, and announce the results.
Acharya Nagarjuna University (ANU)
Acharya Nagarjuna University was established in 1976 by Act 43 of the

A.P. State Legislature. Since then, it has achieved tremendous progress
through quantitative expansion and qualitative improvement on various
academic fronts. It offers graduate and post-graduate courses on and off
campus. ANU College of Engineering & Technology was established in
the 2009-2010 academic year on the university campus. It started with
the aim of imparting technical values in the students, who would
hopefully learn to make their own contributions to engineering. Apart
from the campus college, there exist five engineering colleges affiliated
to ANU in Krishna and eight in Guntur.
[213]
Profile of Engineering Students in Andhra Pradesh
The students in the Engineering sector in the colleges studies are

learners at the tertiary level. They exhibit a wide variety in their
capacities of achievement and ability of learning. Hence, there is a need
to be aware of the profile of the average student of Engineering and his
or her proficiency in English.
After completing their secondary and Board examinations, they get
admitted into the engineering colleges having qualified for the EAMCET.
The admission registers of the two universities mentioned in my study
reveal that the entrants into the engineering stream come from varying
backgrounds. Some enter the Professional colleges with a rural
background, while others come from urban areas (Kumar Raj: 2007). The
students also present different levels of proficiency in Telugu (the
regional language). In fact, the variation in their proficiency levels is
striking. This is a common feature at the tertiary level almost in every
field of higher education in India.
ENGLISH IN THE ENGINEERING COLLEGES OF ANDHRA PRADESH

The medium of instruction in the Engineering colleges of Andhra Pradesh
is English. As the lectures are in English, students must be able to use the
language in the classroom. The textbooks and the reference books are
also in English. Hence, English is essential for success in college. It is an
academic and library language (Kumar Raj). Therefore, students must be
able to understand ordinary lectures, guest lectures, and seminars;
answer questions in class and participate in seminars; read textbooks,
reference books, and journals; and take notes and write assignments,
reports and examinations.
However, the role of English is not limited to the college. In their job
situation, engineers will also need English to communicate with
superiors and colleagues; write emails, memos, reports, and technical
instructions; and read emails, memos, reports, and manuals (Kumar Raj,
86-87).
[214]
English Curriculum in Engineering Colleges
The curricula and course materials for English language learning are
currently being revised in in the two universities under study, namely
JNTUK and ANU. Mainly, the focus of these revisions is to enable the
students to:
Extend the vocabulary of the students in light of their future needs
Understand verbal English during lectures
Understand written English as used in the prescribed textbooks.
Use the jargon, idioms, and phrases employed in the technical
literature
Know the meaning of new words by analyzing their structure and
context
Correctly spell difficult words
Create grammatically accurate sentences
Comprehend specialized lectures in technical subjects
Practice spoken communication suited to their professional
situations, such as group discussions, board meetings, seminars, and
conferences (Kumar Raj, 89-90).
As for the curricular contents, the focus is mainly on improving the four
skills of language use in situations akin to their own lived experience in
college and in the workplace.
English is prescribed for the I B. Tech students only till the 2009-2010
batches. From 2010-2011 academic batches, English is prescribed for all
five semesters. The reason is till then the first B. Tech academic plan has
been yearly pattern. The JNTUK has revised the academic pattern for the
I B. Tech students by introducing Semesters system.
The course material for English consists of two textbooks for the four
semesters and communication practice in the fifth semester. The books
incorporates vocabulary, grammar, reading and writing exercises as a
special focus with listening and speaking integrated into the exercises in
the texts. The activities in the textbook show a strong leaning to an
interactive methodology.
[215]
Both universities focus on the usual components but with a clear

orientation towards college skills and workplace-related competences in
terms of vocabulary and grammar, language skills, and communication
strategies.
In the colleges affiliated to ANU, English is introduced for the I. B. Tech
students only. The course material envisages the development of
cognitive competencies, language skills and social communication. The
prefaces of the textbooks elaborate the general objectives of the
curriculum. The expected scheme of work is a maximum of 54 contact
hours of English per semester for each B. Tech. course and 54 periods for
practical classes.
Overview of the Textbooks
An analysis of the overview of the textbook shows that the course

material incorporates some of the linguistic features listed by the
register approach to EST. Ewer and Hughes-Davis (1972) identified
certain structures that they felt were found in science texts and the
same features are found in the prescribed textbooks of English for
engineering students. These textbooks are prepared for use in the
classrooms to achieve the objectives mentioned earlier. Although
passages are used to provide appropriate context for developing the
competencies listed, they provide only the background from where the
students are expected to initially achieve the cognitive objective to gain
proficiency in the use of English language only for becoming competent
engineers.
In the note to the teacher, the teaching principles on which the course
material has been prepared is stated clearly. Teachers of English have to
use the textbooks as a teaching aid to help students to acquire
knowledge and skills for application in real life.
Teachers are free to use passages of their choice as and when required
while using the prescribed textbooks. More interactive sessions enabling
the students to adopt task learning are advised. Hence, teachers have to
formulate appropriate tasks as additional or alternative learning
experiences for the students.
The material in the textbooks is includes the following topics:
[216]
Vocabulary
Synonyms, antonyms, list of 100 basic

words, technical terms, idioms, oneword substitutes
Sentence writing
Formation of sentences, word order,

error correction
Grammar
Parts of speech, articles, punctuation,

kinds of sentences,
Reading
Reading comprehension
Writing
Letter writing,
argumentation
Listening & Speaking
Situational dialogues
emails,
essays
&
(Refer Annexure: 1&2)

Evaluation
Students are assessed by means of tests. Most of the tests are

conducted to evaluate student learning at the end of each semester. The
pattern of evaluation followed by the two universities varies to a certain
extent.
JNTUK
ANU
Two Mid Exams
Three Mid Exams
Best of the two 20M
Best of the two 20M
Attendance 5M
Attendance 5M
Internal Total 25M
Internal Total 30M
Externals Exam 75
Externals Exam 75
English Language Communication Skills Lab
Lab manuals are prescribed for the Engineering students to help them to
practice listening, speaking, and reading skills. The practical sessions are
introduced to remedy the two often neglected area of language skills,
namely listening and speaking. They build the confidence of the students
to use English, and help them to loosen up when the they have to speak.
The students learn the rules of pronunciation and practice different
sounds of the English language through the study of sounds, or
[217]
phonetics. Fluency is encouraged more than accuracy in the practical

sessions to lessen the inhibition of the students. Real-life situations are
created so they negotiate meaning and social interaction and hone their
communicative competencies.
Objectives of Practical Classes
The practical sessions in the English lab incorporate the principles of the
communicative approach. The students learn a lot by practicing several
oral activities and thereby enhance their speaking skills. The activities are
task based and skill oriented. A range of language functions of particular
relevance to Engineering and Technology are exemplified in the manuals
for reading and listening.
Listening practice is provided in the laboratory wherein the students fill
in spaces while listening to the conversations or lectures played on the
CDs. The learners are somewhere between the beginner and the
intermediate stage. The functional approach is found in the manuals
prescribed by both the two universities under study.
The following are the main topics and activities covered in the language
lab.
Listening
Phonetics, dialogues
Speaking
Phonetics, Speeches, role plays, group

discussions, mock interviews, debates, ex
tempore presentations, presentations of a
paper, interview skills, telephone skills
Reading
Reading skills, comprehension of passages,

observation books
Writing
Records,
exam
practice,
observation books, records
resumes,
Evaluation of Practical Work
The evaluation of the performance of the students takes into

consideration the students fluency and the accuracy and
appropriateness of their language use in its functional aspect. Evaluation
is done during the course of their studies, and the marks are internal
[218]
evaluation marks. The end examination is conducted in the presence of

an external examiner. The evaluation pattern adopted by both the
universities is the same.
The evaluation is done in batches of students in different sessions. The
external examiner overviews the examination process and allots marks
to the students based on their performance.
The students listening skills are tested by having the students listen to a
speech or a dialogue from the software installed in the lab. The students
have to fill in their responses on their task sheet.
The students reading skills are tested by making the students read aloud
a passage picked randomly by the examiner. As they read out, they show
their their comprehension of the passage.
The students speaking skills are evaluated by making them participate in
group discussions, role plays, and debates.
As for the laboratories, it is left to each institution to plan and establish
its own laboratory with whatever facilities are available to them. Much is
left to the ingenuity of the English teachers. As a result, variations to the
planning and the execution of the practical sessions are often observed.
FINAL REMARKS
Therefore, a review of the ELT situation in the Engineering colleges of
Andhra Pradesh is done to understand the conditions under which the
English teachers and the students function. English is used as the
medium of instruction. Factors like vernacular background, poor
previous training in the use of English, the age of the students and their
proficiency levels influence the vocabulary standards of the engineering
students. The curriculum of the B. Tech students in the colleges of the
two universities under study was looked into. It is evident that ample
importance is laid on the acquisition of vocabulary for the students
through their syllabus and on students real-life needs, both in college
and in their future workplace.
[219]
References
Acharya Nagarjuna University-History. Web. 4 June, 2009.
<http://www.nagarjunauniversity.ac.in/aboutus.asp>
Chamot, Anna Uhl (1990). Learning Strategies in Second Language Acquisition. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Cohen, A.D. (1990). Language Learning: Insights for Learners, Teachers and Researchers.
New York: Newbury House.
Cook, Vivian (1991). Universal Grammar and Second Language Acquisition. New York:
Chapman and Hall Inc.
Crystal, David (ed) (1997). Cambridge Encyclopedia of Second Language Education. United
Kingdom: Cambridge University Press.
Dupay, B. and Krashen, S. (1993). Incidental Vocabulary Acquisition. Rowley: Newbury
House.
Ewer, J.R & E. Hughes-Davis (1972). Further Notes on Developing an English Programme
for Students of Science and Technology. English Language Teaching Journal, 26 (3).
JNTUK. Course Structure- R10 B.Tech. 2011. Web. 19 September, 2011.
<www.jntu.edu.in>
Kumar Raj, G. (2007). Evolving Strategies for Teaching Basic Vocabulary in L2 through
Meaningful Input: An Ethnographic Study with First Generation Learners. An M. Phil Thesis.
EFLU, Hyderabad.
Mayer, R. (1998). Learning Strategies: An overview. In Weinstein, C., E. Goetz, & P.
Alexander (Eds.), Learning and Study Strategies: Issues in Assessment, Instruction, and
Evaluation. New York: Academic Press.
Nation, I. S. P. (2009). How Large a Vocabulary is Needed for Reading and Listening? The
Canadian Modern Language Review, 63(1), (2006): 59-82. Web. 22 June. <
http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cmlr.63.1.59>
Norman, D.A. (1980). Cognitive Engineering and Education. In M.C. Witrock (Ed). Handbook
of Research on Teaching. New York: McMillan Publications.
Vijaya K.R. (2010). A Micro- Case Study of Vocabulary Acquisition among First Year
Engineering Students. In Language in India. Strength for Today and bright Hope for
Tomorrow Volume 10: 10 October. ISSN 1930-2940.n.d.
Yoshida,M. (1978). Acquisition of English Vocabulary by a Japanese Speaking Child. In
E.M. Hatch (ed). Second Language Acquisition. Rowley, M A: New Bury House.
[220]
THE IMPACT OF EDUCATION FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT

ON LIFESTYLE: A CASE STUDY OF STUDENTS IN BELGIUM
Michael Ugochukwu JOE
KU Leuven, Belgium
Abstract
Without doubt, the need to address the problem of climate

change has become an important issue. Besides, it is
necessary to consciously adapt our resource use systems to
solve todays problems without creating new ones.
This research project seeks to capture education for
sustainable development as a way to empower young
people to consciously combat climate change by adopting
eco-friendly/sustainable lifestyles. Thus, the main target of
this research project is to explain the crucial relevance of
sustainable education and also to provide data on the way
young people in Belgium live their lives (from an ESD point
of view).
This research project is of a quantitative nature and has,
therefore, employed the positivist approach. Correlational
research methodology was utilized in an attempt to answer
the research questions, and questionnaires were used to
obtain results. Said results generated were summarized in
table 1.0. Approximately 68% of the participants
acknowledged that they were aware of climate change,
and 24% of them acknowledged these problems as the
most important global problem in need of urgent
attention.
Keywords: Climate change; Education for sustainable
development; Eco-friendly / sustainable lifestyle
[221]
INTRODUCTION
Since the Brundtland Commissions report on the global environment
and development in 1987, the term sustainable development has
become commonplace among policy makers (Redclift, 2005). An
educational curriculum that is designed to address the issue of
sustainable development holds a great promise in creating awareness
amongst the populace, as well as fostering change towards sustainable
living.
Sustainable development can be said to be solving todays problems
without simultaneously creating future ones. Without doubt, the need to
address the problem of climate change has become an issue of great
importance to the nations of the Earth. Moreover whether or not
humans are directly the cause of global warming has been long debated
in congresses around the world. Sustainable development is made up of
three intersected entities, namely environment, society and the
economy. Although the politicl powers give greater Importance to the
economy than to the environment or the human factor, every economy
depends on one or more societies and their physical environment. Most,
if not all, human our activities are conducted on this planet. The Earth
does not depend on us; we depend on the Earth. This is why it is of
paramount importance that we all realize that our actions (understood
as part of a lifestyle) have an impact on the environment (Giddings,
Hopwood, & OBrien, 2002). Eco-friendly lifestyles are cardinal when it
comes to sustainable consumption. To this end, the well-informed
Europeans have made sustainable consumption a major attribute of their
lifestyle (Abeliotis, Koniari, & Sardianou, 2010). Black & Cherrier (2010)
examined anti-consumption practices, motivations and values within
attempts to live a more sustainable lifestyle and highlighted that this
perspective moves sustainable consumption away from a rational
information processing and environmentally motivated choice to
incorporate various subjective and individualistic needs and values.
Hence, the challenge for sustainable marketers is to position sustainable
[222]
practices alongside self-interested notions such as independence,

beauty, quality or value for money (Black & Cherrier, 2010).
Lifestyle adaptation can be defined as adjustments in ecological, social or
economic approaches to daily life activities to reduce impacts on the
environment. Hence the need for humans to consciously adapt their
resource use systems is arisen(Smit & Pilifosova, 2003). One of the most
effective ways to combat climate change is by getting citizens properly
informed at the grass root level, and this can be achieved by introducing
education for sustainable development into the academic curricula.
Climate change is happening now and it has become impossible to
ignore since it poses treat to the existence of humans and their bio
diversities. This research has become relevant because it seeks to
capture education for sustainable development as a ray of light needed
in our effort to address climate change.
According to the third assessment report of working group 1 of the
International Panel on Climate change (IPCC), 0.6 degree increase in
global average temperature has occurred in the last 100 years. There
have been drastic reduction in snow cover as well as ice extends. Sea
level and temperature have risen. This report specified that the root of
this happenings is traceable to emission of greenhouse gases and
aerosols as a result of human activities. Mankindby reason of adopted
lifestyle is altering the atmosphere in ways that can affect the climate
(Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, 2001). As reported by IPCC
(2007): Warming of the climate system is undisputable, as is now
evident from observations of increases in global average air and ocean
temperatures, widespread melting of snow and ice, and rising global
average sea level (Intergovernmental Panel On Climate Change, 2007).
This research project seeks to capture education for sustainable
development as the ray of light needed for the empowerment of young
people to consciously combat this terrific monster called climate change
by way of adopting sustainable lifestyle. Thus, the main target of this
research project is to explain the crucial relevance of sustainable
education and also provide data on the way young in Belgium people live
their livesespecially students in Leuven. The independent variable in this
research is education for sustainable development, the dependent
[223]
variable is sustainable lifestyle and the intermediate/moderating variable

is motivation.
Aiding students with education for sustainable development should be
able to place them on the right footings toward sustainable living.
Motivation of students to adopt a sustainable lifestyle is dependent on
their level of education and information about sustainable
development.This research is designed to answer specific questions that
provide the bases of this research project. Based on this therefore, the
key questions of this research are:What is the relationship between
sustainable education and sustainable lifestyle amongst students?Can
sustainable education serve as a tool of motivation towards a
sustainable lifestyle?To what extent does information explains
differences in living behaviour of students?What is the level of their
knowledge on sustainable education?
METHODOLOGY
This research work followed the quantitative research methodology
thus, employing the positivism approach. Therefore correlational
research methodology was utilized in an attempt to answer the research
questions that form the basis of this work, and questionnaires were used
to obtain logical results. At different times other researchers also help in
carrying out this work. They are Hansol Lee, Mimi Fuanya, Charles
Solomon, Orlando Russoand Elvis Ebotson.
This research is about students in Leuven between 18 and 35 years.
Leuven is a town in Belgium popularly known as student city. The
principal purpose of undertaking this research work is to investigate the
impact of education on the life style of students in Belgium. Leuven was
selected as our sample site because Leuven is the home of KU Leuven,
the oldest Catholic university still in existence in the world, and the
largest university in Belgium. In Leuven are also a number of Vocational
Universities, such as the KH Leuven, and Group T, etc. (KUL
Internationalisation.pdf, n.d.). According to data available at the K U
Leuven website, Leuven has about 35,000 students in tertiary
institutions (Living, studying and working in Leuven KU Leuven,
[224]
n.d.). This research involves a two time survey conducted in 2011 and 831
post secondary school students took part in this survey.
In view of the fundamental roles which education for sustainable
development plays on lifestyle of young people in todays modern world,
data were collected from a number of key sources. The KU Leuven
university libraries located in Belgium, books, internet sources, journal
articles, and research reports.
The needed primary data was collected by means of questionnaires and
this task was carried out by way of survey. Thus, collecting information
via a controlled and structural questionnaire. However, the technic of
measuring by questions was employed. The focus of these questions
was on major consumption areas with great impacts on environments
and societies. These areas are mobility, food and housekeeping. Adapted
questions for this questionnaire were designed to be short, simple, clear
and directly related to our research objectives. Questions were properly
scrutinized for the purpose of social acceptability. All questions were
logical, neutral and one-dimensional (Howitt & Cramer, 2011). Following a
quantitative tradition, the closed question type were implemented.
Among the employed closed question types are the dichotomous
questions, multi choice questions, rating scales questions and ordering
questions (Toates, 2011, pp. 307 395)
In this research project we studied behaviour in a naturalistic setting.
Thus our reason for adapting the correlational research method is
because in studying the lifestyle of students in Leuven, it is not possible
to control all nuisance factors. Proportional stratified sampling
mechanism were adapted in carrying out this survey because it
minimizes the variability between the samples that could be selected
and thus maximizes efficiency (Toates, 2011, pp. 232236).
In carrying out this research project, efforts were made to adopt a
measurement type that best fits the research question. The first step
towards executing this research was to draft our research questions.
Questions on eco-friendly lifestyle were drafted with the aid of relevant
literatures and activities of United Nations Agencies such as UNDP,
UNESCO, UNEP and UNIDO. In the second step, these formulated
questions were edited to suit our target group. The third step involved
[225]
the importation of these edited questions into the survey system

software. The survey link was be activated in the fourth stage and
distributed in a proportional stratified sampling way to post-secondary
students in Leuven via emails, Facebook and other social networks. For
sectors with too low responses are too low, hard copies of this
questionnaires were produced and taken directly to students in that
sector to fill. These manual responses were further inputted into the
survey software before the final result is produced. The data generated
by this research data was further interpreted and utilized to produce the
final result as summarized in table 1.0.
RESULTS
The results generated by our research are is summarized in the table
below.
Question
Answers
Result
You are
How old are you?
Are you a Belgian?
Were you born in Belgium?
How long have you lived in

Belgium?
Female
Male
No answer
Under 18
18 23
24 29
30 35
Above 35
No answer
Yes
No
No answer
Yes
No
No answer
Below 1 year
1 - 3 years
4 - 5 years
Above 5 years
47.70%
51.88%
0.42%
1.26%
55.65%
28.03%
7.95%
6.69%
0.42%
77.82%
21.76%
0.42%
73.22%
26.36%
0.42%
12.55%
4.60%
1.26%
81.17%
And you live in...
A rural area
A village
A small town
A medium size town
A city
3.77%
7.11%
30.96%
31.38%
17.15%
[226]
You are...
What is your major field of

studies?
Your situation today
10
With whom do you currently

live?
A big city
A mega city
High school student
High school graduate
Undergraduate
Graduate
Post graduate
others
No answer
Business and
Economics
Development studies
Education
Engineering /
Technology
Environment /
Ecology
Health / medicines
History / Geography
Information and
Communication
Law 6.28%;
Management
Mathematics /
Statistics
Philosophy / literature
Physics / Chemistry /
Biology
Political science / Int.
relations
Sociology/Anthropolog
y/cultural studies
Urban / rural planning
Others
No answer
I am a student
I have a job
I am unemployed
Other
No answer
Alone
Parents
Grand-parents
Brothers and sisters
Other members of my
family
Friends
Partners / wife or
[227]
8.79%
0.42%
15.48%
8.37%
25.10%
28.03%
17.15%
5.44%
0.42%
17.99%
2.51%
30.54%
9.21%
1.26%
5.02%
0.42%
3.35%
2.09%
0.42%
7.53%
2.09%
4.18%
4.18%
0.84%
1.67%
0.42%
73.22%
21.76%
2.09%
2.51
0.42
25.10%
32.22%
1.26%
1.26%
3.77%
14.64%
21.34%
11
12
In which sectors do you think

you and the people you live
with spend the most?
Rank the following according

to what you think are the most
important priorities globally
13
What does your life look like

today?
14
Where do you buy food?
15
What are the most important

criteria when you purchase
food?
16
What are the things you like

the most inyour everyday life
with regards to getting food?
husband
No answer
House rent, energy
and water
Food and drink
Health, Education
Transport
Communication and
leisure
0.42%
63.03%
19.33%
8.40%
1.26%
7.98%
Reduce or Eradicate
poverty
Combat crime, prevent
conflicts
Fight environmental
degradation &
pollution
Improve economic
condition
Improve social
services
Spread democracy
and freedom
Very satisfied
Satisfied
fairly satisfied
Not satisfied
I don't know
Local supermarket
Open market
Mega Supermarket
Sustainable shops
African/Asian/other
foreign shops
Quality
Quantity
Origin
Tradition/culture
Habit
32.35%
Going to the
supermarket
Buying fresh
vegetables
Going to restaurants
Buying drinks
Buying meat
Processed food
32.05%
[228]
10.08%
17.65%
10.50%
18.07%
11.34%
34.19%
47.44%
16.67%
0.85%
0.85%
59.83%
5.13%
32.05%
1.71%
1.28%
58.55%
17.09%
5.13%
3.85%
15.38%
21.79%
28.63%
8.97%
4.70%
3.85%
17
18
19
20
21
22
How do you get from one

place to another?
When they were young, were

your grand-parents daily life
more eco-friendly as compared
to yours today?
In 10 years... What do you
think your everyday life will
look like with regards to living
sustainably?
Does this information on
climate change or modify your
reactions to the questions?
Do you think that knowing
more about climate change
could bring people around you
to adapt to more sustainable
lifestyle?
What would be the things you
could do in your everyday life
to make your way of living
sustainably?
Car
Bus
Subway (train, metro,
etc.)
Bike
Air
On foot
By sea
Yes
No
22.22%
15.38%
10.26%
Better
Same
Worse
58.97%
24.36%
16.67%
Yes
No
31.90%
68.10%
Yes
No
76.29%
23.71%
Protecting our
biodiversity
Afforestation
Green energy
Recycling of waste
Economic usage of
resources
27.20%
25.21%
2.14%
24.36%
0.43%
20.09%
79.91%
22.18%
62.34%
69.04%
51.05%
DISCUSSION OF RESULTS
Comprising of 47.70% female and 51.88% male, the participants were to a
greater extent balanced and free of gender related biases and habits.
Participants from vast disciplines where involved in this survey.The
target group was actually captured as 72% of the participants are
students and 91.63 of them fall within the age range 18-35 years old.
Most of these students are Belgian (78%), and 82.43% of them havelived
in Belgium for more than 4 years.59% of these students are actually
dependent and lived with their parents. Over 95% of them are to a
[229]
greater extent satisfied with their live condition and 79.91%

acknowledged that the world living condition is better off today than in
the days of their grandfather.
With regards to the usage rate of water and energy, the statistical result
obtained in the survey shows that 60% of these young people had usage
of more energy and water at the top of their ranking. This implies that
the majority of the participants and their families consume more energy
and water resource. By observation, a relationship is seen to exist that
suggests that, the bigger the accommodation,the higher the rent and
also the larger the consumption of water and electricity.Only 17.65%
acknowledgedfighting environmental degradation & pollution as
paramount.
Furthermore,it is observed that 38% of the participants prefer using bike
as their first choice of transportation and 23% of them think
transportation by foot should be the first choice. This suggests that
majority of our participants live sustainable when it comes to
transportation. From results obtain 68% of participants are aware of
climate change and environmental degradation but, only 24% of
theseparticipants who are aware of the environmental degradation and
climate, acknowledged these problems as being the most important
global problem that needs to be solve first before any other global
problem.
80% of these participants believed that if people are well informed and
sensitize on climate change and its consequences on the earth, more
people would be ready to adapt to a more sustainable lifestyle. 75% think
that knowing more about climate change could bring people around you
to adopt to more eco-friendly lifestyle. When asked what they could do
in their everyday life to live sustainably? This was the response;
protecting our biodiversity 27.20%, afforestation 22.18%, green energy
62.34%, recycling of waste 69.04%, economic usage of resources 51.05%.
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

It has become a known fact that climate change is happening and it is
among the biggest threats to humanity. From result obtained in this
survey, it is observed that about 60% of the population are aware of the
[230]
environmental degradation and climate change but they do not seem to

live sustainably. Only 24% of the participants who are aware of the
environmental degradation and climate, acknowledged these problems
as being the most important global problem that needs to be solve first
before any other global problem.
Nevertheless, this implies that about 32% of students in Belgium are not
aware of the dangers of climate change. As a result, it is clear that there
is urgent need for education for sustainable development in Belgian
schools. Motivation towards Eco-friendly lifestyle as a way of positive
contributions from individuals towards efforts to ensure mans survival
on this planet should be made a primary target since only approximately
30% of those aware of climate change actually live sustainably.
Between questions 19 and 20 the participants were made to read a short
article on climate change and sustainability and it is observed that 31.90%
of the participants agreed that this information on climate changewill
inspire them to change or modify their reactions to the previous
questions if given the opportunity to do so.Furthermore, this
observation suggests that, work need to be done in sensitizing Belgian
youths on living eco-friendly. However, awareness mixed with
motivation is what it will take to put knowledge into practice. We hereby
recommend a more practical way of sensitizing the people on
sustainable development. We suggest that education on sustainable
development be included in all school curriculum. Communities in
partnership with schools should also get involved in helping young
people cultivate sustainable lifestyles through friendly activates.
References
Abeliotis, K., Koniari, C., & Sardianou, E. (2010). The profile of the green consumer in
Greece. International Journal of Consumer Studies, 34(2), 153160. doi:10.1111/j.14706431.2009.00833.x
Black, I. R., & Cherrier, H. (2010). Anti-consumption as part of living a sustainable lifestyle:
daily practices, contextual motivations and subjective values. Journal of Consumer
Behaviour, 9(6), 437453. doi:10.1002/cb.337
Howitt, D., & Cramer, D. (2011). Introduction to Research Methods in Psychology (3rd ed.).
Harlow, Essex; New York: Prentice Hall/Pearson.
[231]
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. (2001). Climate change 2001: the scientific
basis: contribution of Working Group I to the third assessment report of the
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. (J. T. Houghton, Ed.). Cambridge; New York:
Cambridge University Press.
Intergovernmental Panel On Climate Change. (2007). Climate change 2007: The physical
science basis. Agenda, 6(07), 333.
KUL Internationalisation.pdf. (n.d.). Retrieved from
http://www.kuleuven.be/international/internationalisation.pdf
Living, studying and working in Leuven KU Leuven. (n.d.). Retrieved December 27, 2014,
from http://www.kuleuven.be/english/living
Redclift, M. (2005). Sustainable development (1987-2005): an oxymoron comes of age.
Sustainable Development, 13(4), 212227. doi:10.1002/sd.281
Smit, B., & Pilifosova, O. (2003). Adaptation to climate change in the context of sustainable
development and equity. Sustainable Development, 8(9), 9.
Toates, F. M. (2011). Biological psychology (3rd ed.). Harlow, Essex; New York: Prentice
Hall/Pearson.
[232]
ENTREPRENEURSHIP EDUCATION IN OMAN:

DEFINITIONS AND STUDENTS PERCEPTIONS
Sergio Saleem Scatolini

It all starts with an education system to help develop innovative thinking
and a broad set of skills these could be languages, interpersonal skills and
business understanding. These skills allow them to identify and model an
opportunity that could develop into a business model.
(Randa Bessiso, Middle East director, Manchester Business School)
"Entrepreneurs are different." They have the ability to deal with
uncertainty, to take risks and tolerate ambiguity. They usually have a
personality that is mercurial, and they have highs that are really high and
lows that are really low. There's good evidence that they have strong selfconfidence but also tend to be overoptimistic. They rely extensively on
their own intuition.
(James V. Koch; in Daley, 2012)
Social entrepreneurs are not content just to give a fish or teach how to
fish. They will not rest until they have revolutionized the fishing
industry.
(Bill Drayton, CEO, chair and founder of Ashoka)
Abstract
This article looks into the issues of entrepreneurship,
entrepreneurship education, and the perception thereof among
post-foundation students at Al Musanna College of Technology in
the Sultanate of Oman.
Keywords: entrepreneur, social entrepreneurs, entrepreneurship, entrepreneurship education, entrepreneurial intention
[233]
INTRODUCTION
When societies or their leaders single out something as being
important, they often seek to engraft it into the curriculum. This
phenomenon is not at all strange since schools, colleges and universities
are ancillary institutions. They are not ends in themselves, but serve the
interests of other social agents and considerations. This belongs to the
socializing function of formal education. This is how anti-racist
upbringing, AIDS awareness, fluency in the national or regional
language, orthodox religious convictions, and many other items become
curricular and extra-curricular components. Right now, Entrepreneurship
Education, or EE, is the buzz concept that must be given a place and a
role in the schooling landscape (e.g. European Commission, 2006).
However, it is not clear yet what EE really entails or what it is meant to
bring about. In this paper, I shall briefly touch upon the issue of
entrepreneurship, entrepreneurial intention, and EE, and also present my
findings regarding the perception of Entrepreneurial Education among
some Omani students at the Al-Musanna College of Technology (ACT).
ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND ENTREPRENEURS

The definition of entrepreneurship goes hand in hand with the definition
of entrepreneurs. In fact, the latter seems to be easier to establish than
the former.
Defining entrepreneurs in general
In general, entrepreneurs are described as people who embody

psychological traits such as opportunity sensing, higher risk-taking
propensity, and determination. They are also desirous of achievement
and self efficacy, autonomy, and some degree of power. In addition,
entrepreneurs tend to possess skills such as market awareness, out-ofthe-box thinking (or creativity), and flexibility (Driessen & Zwart, 1999).
On top of all that and, one may say, above all else, they have been
successful.
Socially speaking, entrepreneurs do not only undertake enterprises. They
produce value (Jean-Baptiste Say) and set in motion chain reactions
[234]
(Joseph Schumpeters Unternehmung and the Unternehmergeist) (Shane

& Venkataraman, 2000; Martin & Osberg, 2007). In other words,
entrepreneurs set up enterprises which do more than merely survive.
They are valuable to the economy and, hence, to the larger society.
Moreover, in the words of Martin and Osberg, an entrepreneur can
certainly claim to be one, but without at least one notch on the belt, the
self-proclaimed will have a tough time persuading investors to place
bets (2007, p. 30). In short, failed entrepreneurs are generally not
viewed as entrepreneurs.
Furthermore, as Martin & Osberg (2007) explain, the people who are
usually described as entrepreneurs are individuals that saw opportunities
created by an unsatisfactory, or suboptimal, equilibrium and reacted to
them by innovating and bringing about a new equilibrium with its own
ecosystem. They did not merely fix the old system; they created a new
one. For example, Omidyar and Skoll [from E-Bay] didnt develop a
better way to promote garage sales. Jobs and Wozniak [from Apple]
didnt develop algorithms to speed custom software development. And
Smith [from FedEx] didnt invent a way to make the handoffs between
courier companies and common carriers more efficient and error-free.
Each found a completely new and utterly creative solution to the
problem at hand (Martin & Osberg, 2007, p. 33).
In short, using Martin & Osbergs analysis, the entrepreneurial action
represents a movement from an infelicitous equilibrium to a higher order
equilibrium because the problem was seen as an opportunity by the
entrepreneurs, who took risks to do something out of the box.
Entrepreneurship dissatisfaction + creative vision + risks +
conquest of the markets
Market-based and social entrepreneurs
According to Martin & Osberg, the difference between market-based

entrepreneurs (with price- and profit-only driven models) and social
entrepreneurs, or between business entrepreneurship and social
entrepreneurship lies in the value proposition itself (2007, p. 34). Both
[235]
sets of entrepreneurs are creative and motivated; neither of them was

initially exclusively profit driven; and neither of them wants to lose
money. Their context triggered their talents and a novelty was born.
What distinguishes them is the value which they sought/seek to create.
Unlike the entrepreneurial value proposition that assumes
a market that can pay for the innovation, and may even
provide substantial upside for investors, the social
entrepreneurs value proposition targets an underserved,
neglected, or highly disadvantaged population that lacks
the financial means or political clout to achieve the
transformative benefit on its own. This does not mean that
social entrepreneurs as a hard-and-fast rule shun
profitmaking value propositions. Ventures created by social
entrepreneurs can certainly generate income, and they can
be organized as either not-for-profits or for-profits. What
distinguishes social entrepreneurship is the primacy of
social benefit, what Duke University professor Greg Dees in
his seminal work on the field characterizes as the pursuit of
mission-related impact. (Martin & Osberg, 2007, p. 35)
Hence, Martin & Osberg see social entrepreneurship as having the same
characteristics of general entrepreneurship but as focusing on the
passage from an unjust equilibrium to a just(er) one, rather than merely
on the conquest of the markets. In their words, social entrepreneurs
succeed at:
(1) identifying a stable but inherently unjust equilibrium
that causes the exclusion, marginalization, or suffering of a
segment of humanity that lacks the financial means or
political clout to achieve any transformative benefit on its
own; (2) identifying an opportunity in this unjust
equilibrium, developing a social value proposition, and
bringing to bear inspiration, creativity, direct action,
courage, and fortitude, thereby challenging the stable
states hegemony; and (3) forging a new, stable equilibrium
that releases trapped potential or alleviates the suffering of
the targeted group, and through imitation and the creation
[236]
of a stable ecosystem around the new equilibrium ensuring

a better future for the targeted group and even society at
large. (Martin & Osberg, 2007, p. 35)
Martin & Osberg argue that the final feature of social entrepreneurs as
of business entrepreneurs is (1) in the width and breadth of their
impact and (2) their approach. On the one hand, what differentiates a
social entrepreneur from a charitable person with noble initiatives is that
while the former manages to create a new equilibrium, the latter only
has a limited albeit no less laudable outreach. In other words, there
are social entrepreneurs, like Victoria Hale [OneWorld Health] or Anita
Roddick [the Body Shop], and there are also social service providers,
like Mother Theresa. On the other hand, social entrepreneurs are doers
rather than motivators. Said otherwise, there is also a difference
between social entrepreneurs like Mohammad Yunus [Grameen Bank]
and social activists like Martin Luther King, Mahatma Gandhi, and Vaclav
Havel. (Martin & Osberg, 2007, p. 37)
In short, Martin & Osbergs definition of the social entrepreneur is as
follows:
The social entrepreneur should be understood as someone
who targets an unfortunate but stable equilibrium that
causes the neglect, marginalization, or suffering of a
segment of humanity; who brings to bear on this situation
his or her inspiration, direct action, creativity, courage, and
fortitude; and who aims for and ultimately affects the
establishment of a new stable equilibrium that secures
permanent benefit for the targeted group and society at
large. (2007, p. 39)
Roughly speaking, social entrepreneurs are extraordinary people who
come up with brilliant ideas and against all the odds succeed at creating
new products and services that dramatically improve peoples lives
(Martin & Osberg, 2007, p. 30). However, if entrepreneurship can
virtually encompass any socially beneficial activity, precisely where does
the really entrepreneurial element lie? To me, Martin & Osbergs
definition of the social entrepreneur reinforces the importance of the
elements which they also put forward for defining entrepreneurs in
[237]
general. Whether they are after commercial value or revolutionary social

value, entrepreneurs of both kinds share the same characteristics.
Entrepreneurs =
initially dissatisfied, creative visionaries

who took risks, introduced or developed a
product, and conquered the markets. As a
result, they created a new equilibrium (in
terms of position in the market / social value).
Given that success was not usually bestowed on entrepreneurs as a

sudden, unexpected blessing from on high, researchers (and
governments) continue to search for the factors that help them to
succeed and become entrepreneurs. One of those factors is the so-called
entrepreneurial intention.
ENTREPRENEURIAL INTENTION
Weber (2012) pointed out that the research conducted in the area of
entrepreneurship has concentrated mainly on three of its dimensions. It
has tried to come up with a definition of the entrepreneur this is the
trait approach. It has also sought to elucidate the contextual factors that
make entrepreneurs this is the demographic-sociological approach.
Finally, it has recently attempted to discover why people choose to
become entrepreneurs this is the behavioral approach. In this third
approach, the entrepreneurial intention, as a research topic, features
rather prominently.
According to a number of researchers, entrepreneurial intention is a
better predictor of which students might or will become entrepreneurs
than purely psychological traits (Weber, 2012; Ajzen, 1991; Ajzen, 1991;
Fishbein and Ajzen, 2010). However, intention is not meant here as a
purely inner process involving exclusively personal variables. As Ajzen
and Fishbein pointed out, intentions involve perceptions which go
beyond the self and link it to the social realm, such as the degree of
desirability inherent in becoming an entrepreneur and the social norms
that either reward or hinder entrepreneurial activity. For example, in a
society where female entrepreneurs are considered an undesirable
(Western) phenomenon and their access to the business sector is barred
[238]
or made difficult by social and legal norms, women will be less inclined to
proactively wish to become entrepreneurs. Intention is more than a
mere wish, let alone wishful thinking. It cashes in on the assets at hand
and sets in motion the necessary mechanisms to realize ones objectives.
Therefore, intention will be understood here from a behavioral
viewpoint as the proactive resolve to pave the way to reach a desired
destination or goal. In other words, the entrepreneurial intention does
not include only the wish to become an entrepreneur, but it also implies
attempting to get there. The entrepreneurial intention thus understood
may be conditioned by personal traits or demographic and social
variables, but it requires an extra driving force or push/pull factor (see
figure below) that other people with the same traits and in similar
settings will not have.
(Krueger & Carsrud, 1993; Weber, 2012:42)

As portrayed above, behavioral analyses underline that peoples
intentions are closely related to a series of attitudinal factors. Webber
(2012:44-46), and the authors on whom he based his research, pointed
out three of those factors: a behaviors perceived desirability, the
perceived social norm (beliefs and desire to comply with them), and
behavioral control (beliefs and ones perceived capacity to reach a given
goal). This means that perception is a key element in the process
whereby wishes and proactive intentions, including the entrepreneurial
intention, are formed. Consequently, informing, correcting, engineering,
and managing perception should belong to the defining features of
Entrepreneurship Education.
[239]
ENTREPRENEURSHIP EDUCATION (EE)

The behavioral approach upholds that the process whereby enterprises
are established starts with the entrepreneurial intention. It also stresses
that intentions are closely linked to attitudes and perceptions built on
behavioral, normative, and control beliefs. Therefore, if anyone was to
promote and enhance the entrepreneurial intention, they would have to
start by shaping peoples beliefs. That is exactly the realm of EE.
Nonetheless, some scholars believe that colleges and universities do not
prepare students to take on an entrepreneurial stance in life but rather
to become employees (Ussman y Postigo, 2000). Something similar is
said about a great many established businesses which continue to fail to
unleash undergraduates and graduates creative, entrepreneurial zest
and potentials. This naturally runs counter to the aspirations of
governments, which have become increasingly aware of the link
between
societal
development,
economic
growth,
and
entrepreneurship. Consequently, governments are signaling that
colleges and universities ought to view themselves as incubators of
entrepreneurs, and that partnerships should be developed between
them and the business sector.
Nevertheless, now that the spotlight has been fixed on merging
entrepreneurship and education, researchers and educationalists have
been pondering whether entrepreneurs can be made through education,
experience, and mentorship (Daley, 2012).
Explaining the relationship between entrepreneurship and education
The question whether education can inspire students to become

entrepreneurs and coach them to succeed at it has given rise to a
considerable amount of research.
1) A group of authors suggests that some people are naturally better
suited for entrepreneurship due to factors that precede any participation
in entrepreneurship courses or programs. For example, would-be
entrepreneurs either have better business genes or have benefitted
unconsciously or subconsciously from more business-prone
backgrounds. In other words, genetic or psychological traits, on the one
[240]
hand, and demographic or sociological factors, on the other, are seen as

key predictors of an individuals entrepreneurial future or lack thereof.
Said otherwise, it would be very difficult to turn a short man (or woman)
into a professional basketball player.
Consequently, the rest of the people who are either not genetically
inclined towards business or do not come from particularly
entrepreneurial families had better not waste their time on extensive
entrepreneurship programs. It will be of little or no avail to them. For, as
Daley (2012) put it, since experience and knowledge and observation
and environment count, it would be hard to teach somebody to love to
take risks. In short, given that the entrepreneurial impulse seems hardwired in the individual, () a lot of entrepreneurship programs are
superfluous and can't deliver what they say. Education can make people
better accountants, economists and better at tax law, but it can't
effectively change risk preferences, and it can't change genetics. The
problem with this interpretive perspective is that other studies would
seem to conclude that there is no consistent relationship between
personality and entrepreneurship (Weber, 2012:38). In addition,
research appears to indicate that it is not a given set of demographic
characteristics that leads to the decision to enter an entrepreneurial
career, but specific reactions to circumstances - even if similar
demographic backgrounds lead to similar experiences, it is the
conclusions one draws and acts upon that determine entrepreneurship
(Weber, 2012:39).
2) Other scholars and educationalists advocate EE as a means to arouse
the entrepreneurial intention in students and help them to ready
themselves for business (EC, 2006; Souitaris, Zerbinati & Al-Laham, 2007;
Kuratko, 2005). However, they also add that EE can achieve this only if
the courses have been designed properly and are implemented
adequately (Harkema and Schout, 2008). Nevertheless, even people who
advocate the value of entrepreneurship courses admit that it is difficult
to really instill a passion for business in people who just do not already
have it in themselves or lack what it takes to become an entrepreneur.
What EE probably can do is enhance the talents for entrepreneurship
[241]
which students already possess and help them to become better

entrepreneurs (Daley, 2012) but not to become entrepreneurs as such.
3) Other researchers point out that EE can also quench the
entrepreneurial intention of some students. In other words, EE does not
necessarily always make students become (better) entrepreneurs. In
some cases, the contrary is true. EE can make students give up the idea
of entrepreneurship altogether, even among students who had
previously seen themselves as would-be startups. For there have been
documented cases in which EE made students perceive themselves as
unsuitable for entrepreneurship (0sterbeek et al., 2010). EE became a
demotivating or discouraging factor.
4) However, all the above-mentioned positions share one bias: effective
EE must necessarily lead to the creation of new, successful, big-time
enterprises. Implicitly, in their eyes, entrepreneurs are startups. Or,
better still, big successful startups are entrepreneurs. That is why other
researchers who worked with a broader understanding of the scope of
EE have suggested that even when EE does not lead to setting up big
new enterprises, it can still help students to apply what they learned to
their future jobs (Auken, 2013; Chen et al., 2013).
Defining EEs scope
Therefore, it maybe said that before colleges and universities establish

EE courses or programs, they must agree on what they want EE to do for
them, their students, business, and the overall economy. For example,
they might want to distinguish between education about
entrepreneurship and education for entrepreneurship (Klandt, 1993).
The Consortium for Entrepreneurship Education (CEE, s.d.) defines EE as
follows:
Entrepreneurship education seeks to prepare people,
especially youth, to be responsible, enterprising individuals
who become entrepreneurs or entrepreneurial thinkers
and who contribute to economic development and
sustainable communities. It is not based on a textbook
course. Instead, students are immersed in real life learning
[242]
experiences where they have an opportunity to take risks,

manage the results, and learn from the outcomes.
Entrepreneurship education is not just about teaching
someone to run a business. It is also about encouraging
creative thinking and promoting a strong sense of
selfworth and accountability. Through entrepreneurship
education, students learn how to create a business, but
they also learn a lot more. The core knowledge created via
entrepreneurship education includes:
The ability to recognize opportunities in ones life.

The ability to pursue such opportunities by
generating new ideas and marshaling needed
resources.
The ability to create and operate a new venture.
The ability to think in a creative and critical
manner.
The above passage does two things. On the one hand, it speaks of EE as
education for entrepreneurship. On the other, it expands the scope of
the adjective entrepreneurial to encompass a lifestyle rather than
business ventures. In addition, it appears that even though education is
not the only requirement for a successful business path (e.g. venture
capital is an equally important variable), Veciana has argued (2002) that
new enterprises set up by people with low levels of education fail in
almost 80% of the cases, while graduate startups account for only 20% of
the failures. This might be because, as the Consortium for
Entrepreneurship Education argues (CEE, s.d.), EE improves and upgrades
students performance and it enhances their economic competitiveness.
The recalibration of what EE is meant to be and do is already apparent in
European documents. In fact, the definition of EE adopted by the
European Union, stresses that this concept is much wider than just
training on how to start a business. Entrepreneurship is firstly a
mindset. As attitudes take shape at an early age, school education can
greatly contribute to fostering entrepreneurial mindsets, starting from
primary school to the University level (Raposo & Do Paco, 2011).
[243]
As an educator and educationalist in Oman, I wanted to know whether

some recalibration of EE would be necessary in the Sultanate. To that
end, I started a research project aimed at answering this and other
related questions. In what follows, I shall touch upon a small, incipient
dimension of my investigation.
OMANI COLLEGE STUDENTS PERCEPTION OF ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND EE

In a study conducted at Sohar University and presented in February 2013,
Thresi and Hamadi interviewed 200 students about their entrepreneurial
intention. The questions inquired whether 4 psychological traits (namely
self-confidence, need for achievement, autonomy, and risk-taking
propensity) correlated to the wish to start up a business. Need for
achievement, autonomy, and risk-taking propensity appeared to be
really influential. Self-confidence was less prominent.
In order to test whether similar conclusions could be drawn about the
college where I work, I decided to conduct a survey as part of a longterm research project focused on EE and ESP at Al Musanna College of
Technology, Oman.
Background of my research
Between 2012-2014, I taught Research Projects and Presentations to

level 4 students in the Foundation Program of Al Musanna College of
Technology, Oman. During most of that time, I was the subject
coordinator. In this capacity, I was able to reshape the courses delivery
plan, refocus it, and make it into a preparation for the specialized
courses (i.e. IT, Business Studies, Entrepreneurship, and Engineering).
My changes were in keeping with a new Graduate Attribute stipulated by
the Ministry of Manpower, namely, the entrepreneurial attitude.
Since September 2014, I have been coordinating the Post-Foundation
English program. From the beginning, I decided to focus on enhancing
students entrepreneurial mindset (knowledge base and skills) though
language. Besides, the governments emphasis on the diversification of
the economy and the Omanization of the workforce can hardly be
accomplished with a generation of young undergraduates and graduates
who have little entrepreneurial understanding and zest. During the first
[244]
semester, an activity was developed in collaboration with Duncan

Charles Mason, one of our teachers, whereby students focused on a
report titled Accelerating Entrepreneurship in the Arab World. At the
same time, I designed two new in-house textbooks for Technical Writing
1 and Technical Writing 2 focused on subjects related to
entrepreneurship and the Omani economy.
Simultaneously, I reviewed the literature dealing with entrepreneurship,
social entrepreneurship, and EE. My classroom experience after three
years in Oman, as well as my study of the literature and my reading of
the analyses in the local papers and specialized regional magazines (such
as Gulf Business), helped me to develop the survey upon which this
paper is based. It was conducted among Post-Foundation students, both
male and females, from the Engineering, Business Studies, and IT tracks.
All of them must take four courses in ESP and one in entrepreneurship.
The survey
While designing my own survey, I took into account not only Varghese
Thresi and Hamadis study, but also a similar research project conducted
by Postigo & Tamborini (2002). The latter identified variables related to
demographic characteristics, entrepreneurial attitude and motivation,
perceptions of the process of business creation and entrepreneurs, and
perceptions of environmental influences. For my own project, I designed
25 questions covering the same aspects. However, since the research is
still ongoing, I shall concentrate here only on the students perceptions
of the (a) entrepreneurial intention among Omanis, (b) their own
intention to (ever) set up a business, (c) Entrepreneurial Education, and
(d) their view of General English Program and ESP in relation to
Entrepreneurship Education.
(a) Students perception of entrepreneurial intention among Omanis
The main question was why Omanis start new businesses. According to
my respondents, the pursuit of money is the main reason why Omanis
set up businesses: money in general (17%), money to supplement a first
income (14.5%), and money to prepare the way for a future without
governmental subsidies and loans (12.7%). This 44.2% can be expanded
with other money-related factors. The fear of what might happen to the
[245]
current oil and gas economy in the future would thus represent the main
reason behind 9.2% of new businesses. In addition, according to the
respondents, 9.7% of the startups would be young men wishing to
generate the necessary resources to get married, and 6.7% would be
middle-aged and older Omanis wanting to complement their pensions.
All those money-based reasons would account, in the eyes of my
respondents, for 69.8% of the new businesses set up by Omanis.
The remaining 30.2% would have to do with less materialistic reasons,
namely the pursuit of fame or status (10.8%), the wish to create jobs for
unemployed Omanis (10.3%), and the quest for independence because
they dislike working for a boss (6.7%) or because they are women
seeking for independence from their husbands (2.4%).
(b) Entrepreneurial intention among the respondents
One of the mistakes that educators can make is to think that students
have never thought about setting up a business. At ACT, 17.14% of my
respondents already possess a business of their own (albeit in many
cases, this refers to something small, like having a school bus), and 5.71%
of them share a business with a partner. In other words, 22.85% of the
respondents are already involved in a business of their own.
When asked whether they would like to set up a first or second business
in the future, 90% of the respondents said Yes.
35% Yes, if they found a partner
27% Yes, if they found an investor
Yes, if their family needed more
money
Yes, if their family told them that
10%
they are good in business
18%
Furthermore, 38.9% had also thought that their business could be an

online one.
In addition, I found out that 66.7% would like to postpone setting up a
first or second business till after graduation, whereas 30.6% of the
respondents intend to do it while they are still in college. Only 2.7% of
them showed no intention of ever starting a business.
When asked why they thought that people did not want to start new
businesses, my group of respondents chose the following reasons.
[246]
Personal Factors:
20.0%
17.4%
7.8%
7.8%
4.0%
2.0%
59.0%
Contextual Factors:
People do not have

enough knowledge to do
business
People prefer a job in the
private sector (e.g. in a
bank, car dealership, hotel,
oil company, or big shop)
People cannot focus on a
business for long
People prefer the security
of a government job (e.g.
in a ministry, the police, or
the army)
People are not so
interested in money
In the case of women,
they want to be mothers
and stay at home
9.7%
7.8%
7.7%
5.9%
5.9%
4.0%
41.0%
The steps to start a

business are too long and
difficult, or complicated
People are from small
villages where there are
already enough businesses
There are no business
people in their family
Without wasta
(connections), nobody can
succeed in business
Their family will not support
them
A lot of businesses are
haram, so many prefer to
stay out of business
According to the respondents, the reasons why Omanis do not set up

new businesses are not completely different from why they fail, as the
table below suggests.
Personal Factors:
82.35%
Contextual Factors:
23.7%
Lack of capital
7.21%
21.6%
Lack of entrepreneurial
knowledge and skills
Lack of patience
5.15%
13.4%
9.27%
3.10%
8.24%
Lack of entrepreneurial
spirit
Lack or loss of motivation
6.14%
Lack of a college education
15.45%
The rules, regulations, and

other formalities are too
complicated
Lack of clients
Lack of (enough) support
from the family
2.20% Other reasons (either personal or contextual)
[247]
Both tables show that the respondents consider personal factors to play
an important role in deciding for or against setting up businesses.
Moreover, they seem to attribute a good deal of importance to domainspecific knowledge and skills, and to their impact on the intention to
start up businesses and on ones chances of success.
(c) Entrepreneurship Education
When the respondents were asked whether Omani businessmen and

women ought to understand the world economy in order to succeed in
business, the majority (60.8%) saw no need for that, while 39.2% agreed
that it was indeed necessary. As to whether that also applied to them,
both positions had practically the same number of supporters: 52% of
them declared to be in favor of the need of Omani students to learn how
the economy works, while 48% found it unnecessary.
However, when they were asked why they are doing or will do a course
in Entrepreneurship at ACT, the exact same majority (60.8%) answered
that it was because the topic is important, and that they would enroll for
the course even if it was not mandatory. The remaining 30.2% would drop
the course if they could. As for their perception of why there is such a
mandatory course in the curriculum for engineering, business, and IT
students alike, 47.8% replied that the course was meant to give them an
insight into the modus operandi of startups, while 31.7% said that the goal
of the course was to turn them into startups. This means that 78.5% saw
a clear link between the course and doing business. Only one fifth
(20.5%) thought that the college was merely implementing a directive
from the government without having any real position or intention on
the matter. Still, only 8.5% of them thought that Entrepreneurship should
be discontinued as a universally mandatory subject.
When asked about their level of satisfaction with the course on
Entrepreneurship, the absolute majority of respondents (91.5%) said to
be happy with it. Moreover, 43.6% suggested that no curricular changes
are necessary at all, while 34.9% of them were of the opinion that an
unspecified new topic or activity could be added to the syllabus and 13%
indicated that an unspecified topic or activity could in future be left out.
(d) General English Program and ESP in relation to Entrepreneurship
Education
To conclude, the survey inquired whether the English courses which I

coordinated between 2012 and 2014 and the ones which I have been
[248]
coordinating since the start of the 2014-2015 academic year had taught
them many things.
A small group (8.8%) answered that they had not been taught much.
However, the great majority (91.2%) expressed the view that the courses
had been rich in content:
31.25
27.08
16.40
2.36
22.91
Especially about culture

Especially about starting a business
About all of the topics above
Especially about history
About other unspecified matters
In other words, cultural issues and how to start a business make up

almost 60% of the students conscious recollection of what they have
been studying and learning in their mandatory English courses which
is a rather encouraging sign.
FINAL OBSERVATIONS
There is a general consensus in the literature about some of the basic
characteristics of entrepreneurs. However, the same cannot be said
about entrepreneurship, social entrepreneurship and, especially,
Entrepreneurship Education (EE).
At the same time, there is little doubt that the mechanisms of modern
markets act as an innovation arms race that forces entrepreneurship
(Baumol, 2005, p. 7). Therefore, I advocate a broad(er) vision of EE, more
in terms of entrepreneurial mindset than of spectacular business
startups. After all, it would be unrealistic to expect that most if not
all ACT students who take the mandatory course in Entrepreneurship
become Omani versions of Bill Gates, Steve Jobs, or Anita Roddick.
Furthermore, in light of the survey which I conducted for this paper, I
would like to suggest that part-time entrepreneurship be given more
importance in Oman (especially in EE) than it has received in the
international literature on several accounts. First, many of our students
have already set up small businesses, which they run next to their
studies. Second, judging by our students perceptions (and my own
observations), a great many Omanis do not consider a career in business
as an exclusive life path. They aspire both to a job preferably in one of
the ministries, the police, or the armed forces and to their own
business(es) on the side.
[249]
In addition, it has transpired from the survey that ACT students seem to
attach great significance to the role played by personal factors (e.g.
entrepreneurial and business knowledge and skills) in the process
whereby Omanis decide for or against setting up businesses, and why
some of their businesses eventually collapse.
Finally, I would like to plead for a Falaj social entrepreneurship model
for Oman. In the past, Omanis preserved and shared their water
resources by means of canals, or aflaj. Now, they could similarly view the
revenues from the countrys oil and gas as the water which must be
channeled and shared so that everyone can laboriously till the ground of
their own opportunities and benefit from their own enterprises. In this
context, Omani high schools and colleges would do well to promote
types of entrepreneurship and entrepreneurial mindsets that are not
exclusively intent on making profit, but also on creating social value and
protecting the environment. This could counter the current materialism
that is so noticeable among the younger generations of nationals. Both
male and female (social) entrepreneurs could be welcomed in high
schools and colleges as guest speakers to motivate students to expect
more of themselves.
In addition, although the oil crisis has presented Omanis with a preview
of the problems that they may or will face in the future, if their young
generations develop entrepreneurial mindsets, they will be equipped to
identify resources where others only see problems. To do that, a large
number of (young) Omanis will have to stop behaving as passive
consumers of endless governmental aid schemes and start producing
value. A newly recalibrated Entrepreneurship Education curriculum, also
within English programs, could encourage them to do just that.
References
Auken, H. V. (2013). Influence of a culture-based entrepreneurship program on student
interest in business ownership. In International Entrepreneurship and Management Journal,
9(2), 261272.
Chen, Su-Chang; Hsiao, Hsi-Chi et al. (2013). Can the entrepreneurship course improve the
entrepreneurial intentions of students? In International Entrepreneurship and Management
Journal. Published online on December 21, 2013. DOI 10.1007/s11365-013-0293-0
Consortium for Entrepreneurship Education [CEE] (s.d.). Entrepreneurship everywhere: The
Case for Entrepreneurship Education. Online: http://entre-ed.org/_entre/whitepaperfinal.pdf.
[250]
Harkema, S. J. M., & Schout, H. (2008). Incorporating student-centred learning in innovation

and entrepreneurship education. European Journal of Education, 43(4), 513526.
James V. Koch interviewed by Jason Daley, Are entrepreneurs born or made?, in Forbes,
Sept. 19, 2012. Online version: http://www.entrepreneur.com/article/228273
Martin, R. L. & Osberg, S. (2007). Social Entrepreneurship: The Case for Definition. In
Stanford Social Innovation Review, Spring, p. 30.
Dees, J. G. (2001). The Meaning of Social Entrepreneurship, reformatted and revised,
May 30, 2001. http://www.fuqua.duke.edu/centers/case/documents/Dee.
Driessen, M.P. & Zwart, P.S. (1999). The role of the entrepreneur in small business success:
the Entrepreneurship Scan. Working paper. Groningen: University of Groningen.
European Commission [EC] (2006). Entrepreneurship education in Europe: fostering
entrepreneurial mindsets through education and learning. In: Final Proceedings of the
Conference on Entrepreneurship Education in Oslo.
Klandt, H (1993). Methods of teaching: what is useful for entrepreneurship education?
Conference Internationalizing Entrepreneurship Education and Training (IntEnt 1993). Viena,
Austria.
Krueger, N. F. & Carsrud, A. L. (1993). "Entrepreneurial intentions: Applying the theory of
planned behaviour." In: Entrepreneurship & Regional Development, 5(4), pp. 315-330.
Kuratko, D.F. (2005). The emergence of entrepreneurship education: development, trends,
and challenges Entrepreneurship Theory and Practice, 29 (5) (2005), pp. 577598
Laukannen, M (2000). Exploring alternative approaches in high-level entrepreneurship
education: creating micro mechanisms for endogenous regional growth. Journal of
Entrepreneurship and Regional Development; 12.
Oosterbeek, Hessel; Van Praag, Mirjam; and Ijsselstein, Auke (2010, April). The impact of
entrepreneurship education on entrepreneurship skills and motivation. In: European
Economic Review, 54(3), pp. 442454. doi:10.1016/j.euroecorev.2009.08.002.
Postigo, S. & Tamborini, M. F. 2002. Entrepreneurship education in Argentina: the case of
San Andrs University. Internationalizing Entrepreneurship Education and Training
Conference, (IntEnt02), Malaysia.
Postigo, S. & Tamborini, M. F. (2003). University entrepreneurship education in Argentina: a
decade of analysis. International Council for Small Business, Belfast, Northern Ireland, June,
2003.
Raposo, Mrio & Do Paco, Arminda (2011). Special issue: entrepreneurship and education
links between education and entrepreneurial activity. Int Entrep Manag J (2011) 7:143144.
DOI 10.1007/s11365-010-0152-1. Published online: 7 April 2010. # Springer
Science+Business Media, LLC 2010
Shane, S., & Venkataraman, S. (2000). The promise of entrepreneurship as a field of
research. Academy of Management Review, 25(1), 217226.
[251]
Sophia, Maria (Sept. 8, 2013). Omans Entrepreneur Ecosystem Needs Strong Government
Push. In Gulf Business. Online: http://gulfbusiness.com/2013/09/omans-entrepreneurecosystem-needs-strong-government-push/#.VKeI1Mk09rQ.
Souitaris, V., Zerbinati, S., & Al-Laham, A. (2007). Do entrepreneurship programmes raise
entrepreneurial intention of science and engineering students? The effect of learning,
inspiration and resources. Journal of Business Venturing, 22, 566591.
Ussman, A. & Postigo, S. (2000). O Papel da Universidade no Fomento da Funao
Empresarial. Anais Universitarios. Ciencias Sociais e Humanas. 1990-2000 Yearbook
Special Issue.
Veciana, J. M. (2002). Comments on the results of a comparative study on entrepreneurship
between East Asia and Latin America., in Kantis, H. Ishida, M & Komori, M. 2002.
Entrepreneurship in emerging economies: The Creation and Development of New Firms in
Latin America and East Asia. Inter-American Development Bank, Department of Sustainable
Development, Micro, Small and Medium Business Division.
Weber, Susanne & Funke, Sabine (2014). A research- and evidence-based
entrepreneurship education program at Ludwig-Maximilians University (LMU), Munich. In S.
Weber et al., (eds.), Becoming an entrepreneur, pp. 177195. sense publishers.
[252]
E-LEARNING FOR EFFECTIVE LEARNING

Davis Daniel
INTRODUCTION TO E-LEARNING
E-Learning can be defined as learning facilitated and supported through
the use of information and communication technology. It can cover a
spectrum of activities from the use of technology to support learning as
a part of a blended approach to learning that is entirely delivered online.
The term E-Learning therefore essentially covers the use of computers
and technology as a vehicle for knowledge exchange within teaching
and learning. We need to look at the various dimensions of E-Learning to
determine how far these can find a place in our academic programs.
INTEGRATED E-LEARNING
New technologies are being developed and are becoming increasingly
popular in work settings, daily life and in education, particularly
information and communication technology in the sense of internet,
applications such as World Wide Web, e-mail, teleconferencing,
groupware for collaborative learning and learning management systems
are gaining ground in the field of higher education. First, integrated elearning always has to take pedagogical, technical and organizational
aspects into account in order to be successful. Second, it is critical to
take a systems design perspective on education. It cannot simply
replace other types of learning but should be seen as an integral part of
the larger educational system. Third, integrated e-learning should always
be student-centred in order to deal with a diverse, widely distributed set
of learners who need to learn and transfer complex skills to an
increasingly varied set of real-world contexts and settings.
[253]
E-Learning framework has several limitations. First, it is limited to

pedagogical models where the internet is the primary medium. This does
not exclude the use of other media. On the contrary, secondary media
other than the computer will typically be required to design a powerful
environment for integrated e-learning. For instance, a tutor may provide
guidance for the work on the learning tasks, and many other media may
be used. But it does not exclude learning arrangements that are primarily
based on face-to-face teaching and merely use the internet as a
secondary medium to prevent supportive information.
It can be concluded that compared with traditional classroom teaching,
integrated e-learning can offer major advantages with regard to its
flexibility presentation and other communication facilities. Nevertheless,
a major obstacle to reaching effective, efficient and appealing integrated
e-learning is the lack of proven pedagogical models. From a teaching
perspective, an e-learning environment is still in its infancy. There is
considerable demand for easy-to-use instructional design models that
facilitate the realization in practice of the high expectations we have
about e-learning.
FORMS OF E-LEARNING
It provides opportunities for trainers to deliver trainer materials and
sessions and for participants to have access to them, as well as to attend
course sessions. The main objective of the virtual classroom is to
improve access by allowing remote participation and to increase
collaborative mode of learning.
E-Learning: Synchronous
This involves having classrooms by connecting students and teachers

through audio, video or a chatroom. This virtual form has the obvious
advantage of providing immediate access and feedback from the
teacher.
[254]
Asynchronous
This helps the students to learn through email correspondence, forums

and newsgroups. This type of learning has the advantage of providing
the student and teacher with a choice of location and time.
Teaching-Led-E-Learning
This is done via the use of teleconferencing, chats, audio, graphic

systems or via telephone.
Online Learning
It takes place via the web and may include text, graphics, animation,
audio, video, e-mail and testing.
M-Learning
It is one of the fastest growing e-learning areas in terms of technical

evolution.
VIRTUAL CLASSROOM AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE

There are different types of virtual classrooms. Course outline is
prepared by the trainer for each course.
COURSE MATERIALS
The materials like books, articles, publications, documents and online
libraries as well as multimedia are provided by the tutor. The materials
are provided electronically and can be seen online. E-libraries are
prominent for universities, colleges, schools companies and
organizations.
Video Conferencing
It helps students to create verbal communication. Some courses have
been converted to podcasts in order to make course more accessible.
[255]
HOMEWORK ASSIGNMENTS AND EVALUATION

These are usually submitted electronically to teachers and they help
students in Q/A online sessions, e-mail and personalized communication
methods.
FINAL EXAM
It is normally done in a form of final test project, to complete writing an
essay after reading texts or other methods.
IMPLICATIONS OF E-LEARNING
It is specifically aimed at anyone who believes that they are best at
learning on their own, at their own pace, away from a classroom
environment. E-Learning has innovative training technologies, flexible
delivery methods, engaging multimedia and live audio.
Teachers not living to strive for new ways of doing things should not
venture into online learning. To get rid of the monotony of a traditional
classroom with the excitement of new medium can prove alluring. It
needs the skills of organization, time management and a lot of selfmotivation.
WEB-BASED LEARNING AND CDROM

The training is usually self-paced, highly interactive, results in increased
retention rates and has reduced costs associated with student travel to
an instructor-led workshop. Students get access to a huge library of
training and information whether they are working from home, in the
office etc. Access is available anytime, anywhere around the world.
Nowadays equipment costs are affordable. Modern and free browser
software can access the internet or a private intranet. The expense is
relatively low. Moreover student tracking is made easy because they can
complete their training while they are connected to the network. It is
possible to implement powerful student-tracking systems. This
information can be as simple as who has accessed the courseware and
what their assessment scores are, to detailed information including how
[256]
they answered individual test questions and how much time they spent
in each module.
CDROM
There are many advantages of using CD ROM. It gives faster graphics
than on the web. It has good audio and video than on the web. Video can
be seen in larger windows than web-based video. CDROM has reduced
costs and it can be used by many learners and the media is cheap to
replicate.
THE LIMITATIONS OF TEACHERS RESOURCES

They need to be up-to-date with someone elses material. The software
must be updated on a regular basis and creating the course content can
be labor intensive.
POWERPOINT
Students can use PowerPoint for rapid learning and search the surface of
the tools available in PowerPoint; they can see its more adequate for
building great e-learning. It helps a blend of speed, ease-of-use and cost
savings.
PowerPoint is so widely used in most organizations since it is accessible
and easy to use. It is possible to convert subject matter content into an
effective e-learning course. Some people have wrong notion and
confused about using PowerPoint for e-learning. Professional designer
can use PowerPoint combined with a rapid learning tool to build enticing
and effective e-learning courses.
CREATE E-LEARNING TEMPLATE IN POWERPOINT

Students can use the generic PowerPoint 2007 color themes so that they
can quickly change the folder color to match their project demands. This
allows them to have an unlimited number of colored folders. All they
would need to do is custom them to match their project needs.
[257]
Students can compress images in PowerPoint. So if students have high

resolution images they are hard to work with. Use PowerPoints
compression feature to make them smaller.
Another option is to start with place holder images. Instead of using the
high resolution images during production, use low resolution versions to
begin. When everything is set, swap them out for higher resolution
images.
E-Learning is the future, but it has to be elaborated with care as it
requires different methods and methodologies of teaching and learning.
A cost-benefit analysis is a must before deciding on implementing an elearning module or program. To be successful, e-learning should be
based on a collaborative mode between partners involved in the
training.
References
Training Delivery Methods
http://www.reference for business.com/management/Tr-Z/Training-Delivery-Methods.html
Distance Learners are happy with a mixture of old and new [online]
http://education.guardian.co.uk/tefl/story/0,5500,1150768.00.html
Macleod Donald (13/04/04) The Online Revolution Mark II [online]
http://education.co.uk/egweek/story/0.5500,1190372,00.html
Kruse, Kevin, Web For Learning
www.e-learningguru.com/articles/art 1-9.html
[258]

Language-Culture Education Revised Edition

Uploaded by

Document Information

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Language-Culture Education Revised Edition

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Copyright 2015 Euro-Khaleeji Research and Publishing House, Oman

All rights reserved. This publication may not be reproduced for

Revised edition: 2015

Euro-Khaleeji Research and Publishing House

University of Buraimi, Oman

UNESCO: EDUCATION, DREAMS, AND REALITIES

THE CURSE OF BABEL

SUPERDIVERSITY AS THE RECOGNITION OF THE ORDINARY

SAINT PETERSBURG IN RUSSIAN LITERATURE

THE PRODUCTION OF HISTORY

EDUCATIONAL MODERNIZATION IN IRAN AND THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE

EDUCATION AND LANGUAGE IN SINT MAARTEN

MISSION-COLONIAL COLLABORATION TOWARDS THE EDUCATION

CHALLENGES OF TEACHING AND TRAINING HEALTHCARE

EFFECTS OF EXPERIMENTAL LEARNING

BEYOND THE CULTURAL CAPITAL THEORY:

ENGLISH LANGUAGE ACQUISITION AT ENGINEERING COLLEGES

THE IMPACT OF EDUCATION FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT ON

ENTREPRENEURSHIP EDUCATION IN OMAN:

E-LEARNING FOR EFFECTIVE LEARNING

University of Buraimi, Oman

Recently, we have occasionally dwelt on the issues of culture, language,

there are real everyday instances of genuine inter-human recognition in

To conclude, as Ozcan suggests, the perception is growing that

UNESCO: EDUCATION, DREAMS, AND REALITIES

In memoriam Jaak Trips

PART 1: PILLARS AND PARADOXES

The Four Pillars of Education (learning to know, learning to do, learning to

inculcating particular skills, education means teaching students to be

In the Introduction to the Learning: The Treasure Within, Jacques Delors

the global and the local

emphasize values, civic responsibility, interdependence, and esthetics.

PART 2: SUPER HEROES AND YOU (AND ME)

Every water pump that is installed where water is needed can be

Every exchange of knowledge and expertise between

to world peace, and to be dreamers, planners, peace construction

THE CURSE OF BABEL

In memoriam Jaak Trips

Gods in His heaven

By far the most interesting story in the Bible at least in my opinion is

however, is that before Babel humankind was united by one common

speaking at the same time1, is nearly identical to one of the meanings of

It would be pretty nave, of course, to attribute all worries of the world,

For more information on the IEC, please consult

with 12 to 18-year-olds. In this way we hope to contribute to renewed

SUPERDIVERSITY AS THE RECOGNITION OF THE ORDINARY

Are not all attempts at achieving genuine inter-human recognition

the workers movement, and national projects of an imagined

acknowledgement of the multiplicity of diversities within an individual or

diverse urbanities in the Netherlands: womens conversations about man

Her friends Diana and Husne, of Surinamese and Turkish extraction,

Oprah who never forgot to remind us to show reverence to the power of

SAINT PETERSBURG IN RUSSIAN LITERATURE

In memoriam Jaak Trips

Saint Petersburg, the city founded in 1703 by Peter the Great as a

Alexander SergeyevichPushkin(1799-1837), considered to be the founder

His malady, whose cause I ween

Indifferent he became to all,

And you, my youthful damsels fair,

Once more to idleness consigned,

He reads at random, reads in vain.

THE BRONZE HORSEMAN

I love thee, city of Peter's making;

Those brazen helmets in their luster