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Jack Usher L6M2

Assess the aims and achievements of Mussolinis social and

economic policies in the years 1926-39
Arguably the aims of Italys fascist dictator, Benito Mussolini, lay not in
the interests of Italys population but in Mussolinis underlying desire to
accentuate Italys and his own personal power. Economic policy reform was
undertaken with little economic knowledge nor interest, with the ultimate aim
to sustain a modern Italian war machine, not necessarily to increase the
prosperity of the Italian people. Contrasting to economic policy, social policies
in Italy did reap benefits for the people, however their ultimate aim to
indoctrinate generations with fascist ideology never proved to materialise.
Hence, in both the cases of economic and social policy in fascist Italy,
Mussolinis aims were severely skewed from his achievements by 1939.

A crucial component of fascist economic policy was Mussolinis reform

of the industrial economy. He wanted to transform this sector with an
alternative to the traditional systems of capitalism and communism in order
for Italy to overtake previously powerful economies, known as the corporate
state. The corporate state would institute a set of corporations for each sector
of industry and within each corporation there would be employers and fascist
trade unions to represent the workers. Established in 1926, this was a prime
example of how the government was beginning to intervene more in economic
affairs, at the expense of business interests. The fascist regime claimed the
corporate state would see employers and workers cooperating in order to
maximise industrial production, and furthermore it would avoid the bitter
industrial

disputes

of

capitalism

and

the

monolithic

prohibition

of

entrepreneurship under communism. In addition, in 1927 the Labour Charter

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outlining workers rights was set out. However, the idea of a powerful
economy with a satisfied workforce was a desire of Mussolini that was not
met. The Labour Charter meant employers were given the power to alter
working hours and wages without any true consultation. This, combined with
no obligation to give paid leave, created an extremely disillusioned Italian
workforce. Mussolinis aim of creating a strong Italian economy to compete on
the world stage, without the bitter industrial disputes of capitalist systems
now seemed a pipe dream. The new belief after 1927 that private ownership
of business was the most efficient method of running an economy jarred with
Mussolinis underlying aim to further his personal power. Industrialists were
permitted to keep their own non-fascist employers organisations thus the role
of Mussolinis corporations was only advisory. Although the fascists claimed
success due to the establishment of 22 corporations by 1934, the corporate
state had not solved the conflict between employer and worker, and the
corporations never achieved the prominent role in the economy the Mussolini
so desired. This similar fate of Mussolinis aims was further met with his
economic policy in agriculture.

Mussolini, in his economic policy toward agriculture, occupied himself

with projects that would either increase his personal power or that of fascism,
not tackling the problems of a sizeable amount of poor and hungry peasants
and backward farming techniques. Arguably, this favour of economic and
personal power over dealing with the social problems that plagued Italy
during 1926-39 disillusioned many Italians from the cause of fascism. Such
examples of Mussolinis grand projects were his Battles for grain and land.
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The Battle for Grain was designed to reduce foreign imports and improve the
prosperity of Italian farmers. Said project was one of the more successful
economic policies implemented by Mussolini; by the 1930s grain tonnage had
risen to over seven million as a result of government grants to enable farmers
to purchase modern equipment, and free advice on the latest efficient farming
techniques. However, land turned over to grain production was often
unsuitable for purpose, thus exports from such land were disbanded.
Furthermore, the Battle for Land involved a huge reclamation and
improvement process of areas of decrepit land for agricultural use. Although,
it must be noted the amount of land reclaimed was in fact insignificant in
quantity. In the same way as the Battle for Grain, this fascist project was
beneficial to the people, as a side-effect of Mussolinis desire to heighten his
own personal power, since it improved public health and provided thousands
of jobs during the Great Depression. However, these benevolent schemes were
not without Mussolinis stamp of influence. He used both as a propaganda
opportunity; the Duce ensured photographs of him helping harvests and
commencing the draining of the Pontine Marshes were widely publicised to
ensure a desirable and domineering image of Mussolini. In addition to his
motive of personal power, these agricultural and industrial economic policies
were contributing to Mussolinis overarching economic aim; self-sufficiency
for militancy.

The creation of a self-sufficient economy capable of sustaining an Italian

war machine was the Duces principal aim with regard to economic policy.
After the economic sanctions imposed by the League of Nations are Italys
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invasion of Abyssinia in 1935, it was clear to Mussolini that national selfsufficiency, or autarky, was centric to a militant economy. To achieve this,
Mussolini encouraged heavy industries with large government contracts,
major companies were allowed to merge into near monopoly organisations
and export took a low priority. By the late 1930s 80% of shipbuilding and 50%
of steel production was directed by the fascist government. Furthermore,
heavy emphasis was placed on the development of the armaments industry.
However, Mussolinis vision of Italian autarky was far from a reality upon
Italys entry into the Second World War. Key materials such as oil, coal and
iron ore were still being imported in large quantities, and Italy was rendered
unable to keep up with her enemies levels of productions. Conversely, Italys
economic situation worsened due to this policy of autarky since the Italian
government found the costs of maintaining autarkic contracts and funding an
armaments programme greatly outstripped government income. Typically,
Mussolini refused to accept the poignant presence of these problems and they
remained unsolved upon Italys entry into the Second World War. Hence, we
can see Mussolinis aim of a stable, militant, self-sufficient economy went
largely unachieved. This theme of the failure of Mussolinis aims in economic
policy further features in his attitude toward currency.

The Battle for the Lira was another of Mussolinis fanfares that aimed
to strengthen Italys economy and currency to allow the country to compete
on the world stage and to have a currency that reflected a vibrant country. In
1925, the exchange rate had dropped to 150 lira to the pound, which
Mussolini found unacceptably low. To remedy this issue, the Duce insisted on
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a new exchange rate of 90 lira to the pound, undertaken in December 1927.

This move increased Mussolinis prestige both with foreign bankers and the
Italian public, thus satisfying his main aims. However, at a stroke, foreign
buyers found Italian good were close to twice as expensive thus pushing
Italian export industries into decline. Furthermore, high tariffs imposed by
Mussolini rendered imports expensive, and consequently the only group in
society who benefited were the industrialists who needed large supplies of
cheap, tariff-free raw material imports. Hence, a paradoxical situation
emerged here. Mussolinis aims had been achieved, but at the expense of the
Italian economy and quality of life. Thus, Mussolinis success seems arguably
stymied. Mussolinis economic policy of state intervention, however, was one
that was to benefit the economy during the Great Depression.

Italian fascism, since its conception, was met with a strong opponent in
the form of the Catholic Church. If Mussolini had suppressed Catholicism with
the aim of establishing monolithic fascist power, he would have turned a large
proportion of the Italian population away from the fascist cause. Hence,
Mussolini recognised an accommodation of the Catholic Church would result
in great public support and further respect from foreign powers. The
formalisation of the accommodating relationship came in the form of the
Lateran Agreements of 1929. In return for the Popes recognition of the Italian
state and its possession of Rome and the old Papal states, Mussolinis
government could veto any politically suspect characters in the Catholic
Church, dictate the salaries of the clergy, and ensure that no members of the
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clergy belonged to political parties. Arguably, Mussolinis aim of achieving

increased personal power and greater public support was achieved as the
Church initially began to advocate Mussolinis fascist government; the Church
supported the invasion of Ethiopia in 1936. However, this relationship with the
Church was not compatible with Mussolinis desire to increase fascist
influence in day-to-day Italian life. As the Duce began to heighten influence
over the youth, he clashed with Catholic Action, the contrasting Catholic youth
organisation. This resistance of fascisms totalitarian policies caused the
relations between the Church and Mussolinis government to chill. By 1939,
the alliance between Catholicism and Fascism had come to a grinding halt,
and thus Mussolinis hopes of a beneficial alliance met the same fate.
Although fascisms and Mussolinis power had increased in the short term as a
result of the Lateran Agreements, it way by no means a long term
achievement of the Duces aims.

Mussolinis social policies toward women and youth were indicative of

his desire to increase fascist influence in Italian everyday life, and to further
increase the monolithic power of fascism. Womens education and employment
was restricted (in 1933 a quota was introduced in the public sector that
limited women to 10% of the workforce), and the traditional role of a mother
and a homemaker was emphasised to women through the means of an
aggressive propaganda movement. This definition of the role of women was
part of the Italian states totalitarian aims; Mussolini wanted fascism to invade
every aspect of Italian life and for all to abide by it. However, Mussolini had an
additional role for women, which was a dramatic raise of the Italian
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population in order to populate the Italian empire and military. The Battle for
Births, launched in 1927, had the chief aim of creating 20 million births by a
deadline of 1950. Incentives were sued to promote Italian mothers to have
more children, for example reductions in marriage loans. However, the rate of
marriage remained unchanged, in addition to a drop in birth rate until 1936
after which it only slightly increased. By 1950, Mussolinis target of a 60
million strong population was met with a lacking 47.5 million. Hence, this
failure of the Battle for Births showed how little fascist intervention and
policy had affected the lives of typical Italian women; many women had
further disregarded the roles set out for them, and consequently in 1936
women still made up 33% of the industrial workforce. This ethos of creating
defined roles in sections of Italian society continued in Mussolinis social
policies toward Italian youth. The Duces principal aim with the young of Italy
was to create a disciplined fascist generation that could both spread Italian
power overseas, and serve to protect the regime. This was achieved through
fascist influence in the education system. Loyalty of teachers to the regime
was enforced through a formal oath of loyalty in 1929, and the formation of
the Fascist Teachers Organisation to regulate the profession. However, fascist
indoctrination was not only limited to the classroom in fascist Italy. The fascist
youth movement (ONB) was set up in 1926 to influence youth activities.
Membership by 1937 was over seven million. Activities the organisation
offered had a focus on military training and fascist ideology, in harmony with
Mussolinis totalitarian aims. However, sport and fitness training did too
feature in the programme of activity. Such policies and high membership
would give the impression that fascist social policy regarding youth was
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successful, but the reality was disjointed from Mussolinis desires. Children
left school as early as age 11 (especially in Southern regions), and illiteracy
was still at 17% by 1936. Hence, said children would not be able to be
indoctrinated with the Duces brand of fascism due to two predominant
reasons; a lack of understanding or time. In addition, although membership of
the ONB was great, a large number of Italys young were involved in Catholic
Action, the opposing Catholic youth organisation. Mussolinis hope of
indoctrinating a generation to form a streamlined fascist force was further
diluted by the fact that many young people enrolled in the ONB purely for the
entertainment of the activities. Although fascist ideology was taught, activities
including outdoor pursuits featured prominently in the organisation, hence the
indoctrination process was stymied. This similar issue of the effectiveness of
fascist indoctrination was also seen in fascisms influence in Italians social
and cultural lives.

Mussolinis totalitarian aim of increasing fascist influence in Italian

social life, along with his desire to create a loyal fascist population, was seen
in his policies toward adults. Mussolini was not content to wait for the young
generation of fascists to grow up, thus he sought to influence adult Italians as
soon as possible. The formation of the Dopolavoro in 1925 was designed to
provide leisure activities that would influence adults toward a fascist way of
life, and by the mid-1930s it had a membership of 4 million in 1939. However,
the aim of the Dopolavoro was not on the teaching of fascist ideology, but on
entertainment. Italians were quick to claim the subsidised entertainments,
since the only price to pay was small amount of time dedicated to fascist
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teachings. Hence, the Dopolavoro claimed little success with regard to

Mussolinis desire to influence Italys population with fascist teachings.
However, whereas the Dopolavoro was popular, other social policies regarding
Italian daily life and culture were not so gratefully received. During the late
1930s, the fascists introduced a range of policies that were designed to
harden Italians and shake them from their bourgeois mentality. For example,
in 1937 the fascist salute replaced the handshake, and in 1938 the polite
address lei was replaced with the more direct voi. Many Italians viewed
these policies as petty, interfering and ridiculous. Arguably, they were a futile
attempt to increase fascist totalitarian influence; fascist ideology barely
pierced the surface of Italian social life and culture.

Hence, the aims of heightening personal power and creating a strong,

worldly competitive and military economy proved to be largely unachieved on
behalf of Mussolini. Having little economic ability nor interest and the running
of the Italian economy for political purpose proved to be the downfall of
Mussolinis economic policy. Although a significant success was seen in Italys
weathering of the storm of the Great Depression, such a trend did not
continue across arguably delusional policies such as the Battle for the lira.
Social policy was too stymied by a strong opposition and a lack of willingness
of the Italian population to bow down to fascist ideology. The Duces desires to
heighten fascist totalitarian power and to breed a strong, fascist generation
were contravened by a willingness to accept subsidised benefits, but not
fascism. Thus, the lack of economic skill of Mussolini, the presence of Catholic
opposition and a lack of fascist acceptance of behalf of the Italian people left
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the Duces main aim largely achieved; the heightening of fascisms power and
influence.

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