against the Miss America pageant for its sexist objectification of women.

NOW was a more structured,

liberal group founded in 1966 by Betty Friedan, Aileen Hernandez, Pauli Murray, and others. Although
NOW grew to become more inclusive, in 1968 Ti-Grace Atkinson left it and created her own group, the
Feminists, to protest NOW's hierarchical structure. NOW also lost 'members because of its pro-choice
stance; some conservative women, led by Elizabeth Boyer, left the organization and created the
Women's Equity Action League. In spite of these only setbacks, NOW grew to become the largest
women's organization in the United States and championed the equal rights amendment (ERA) as its
primary cause. Despite approval by the U.S. House and Senate, the ERA was not ratified by the requisite
thirty-eight states by the 1982 deadline.
This period was marked by a number of historic events, including the 1963 Commission on the Status
of Women report that documented discrimination against women in all facets of life. The pervasiveness of
discrimination was also the topic of Betty Friedaris best-selling book The Feminine Mystique (1963).
These two documents invigorated the women's rights movement, and its activities were instrumental in
bringing about changes. In 1963 Congress passed the Equal Pay Act, which prohibited unequal pay for
equal work. In 1964 Congress passed Tide VII of the Civil Rights Act, which prohibited employment
discrimination on the basis of sex, race, color, religion, and national origin. Ironically, the inclusion of 'sex'
was actually a last-minute attempt to kill the bill, but it passed anyway. Prohibitions against sexual discrimination were further extended in 1972 with the passage of Tide IX of the Education Amendment, which
prohibited discrimination in educational settings. In 1973 the U.S. Supreme Court's decision in Roe v.
Wade struck doses state laws restricting a women's right to an abortion, thereby legalizing it in all fifty
states.
In addition to employment and reproduction rights, concerns about pornography and sexuality more
generally also came to the fore. However, there was little consensus on these issues, and this disagreement
culminated in what is termed the feminist sex wars. The sex wars of the 1980s were between
antipornography feminists (e.g., Catherine MacKinnon, Andrea Dworkin, and Robin Morgan), who argued
that pornography degrades and promotes violence against women, and sex-positive feminists (e.g., Camille
Puglia, Ellen Willis, and Gayle Rubin), who opposed limiting sexual expression. This conflict, along with the
fact that many feminists felt that other sources of oppression, such as race and class, were being neglected,
caused the already multipartite movement to become increasingly fractured, resulting in the birth of thirdwave feminism.
THE THIRD WAVE OF FEMINISM
Third:wave feminism evolved out of the disillusionment of many feminists with the overemphasis on the
experience of middle-class white women in the mainstream. Feminists of color (e.g., Gloria Anzaldtia,
bell hooks, Chela Sandoval, Cherrie Moraga, Audre Lorde. Maxine Hong Kingston) emphasized the
significance race, class, sexual orientation, and other socially cured forms of bias on women's lives
(Kinser 2004) Critical race theorist and law professor Kimbedi IIE Crenshaw introduced the term
intersectionalities to highlight the multiplicative effect of these different sits al oppression. Counter to
postfeminist contentions ear feminism was obsolete as women had gained equaky. third-wavers
contended that there was still work to tic done, specifically related to the "micropolitice of smiler
oppression.
The term third-wave feminist was popularized by the 1992 Mr. magazine article titled "Becoming
the third Wave" by Rebecca Walker, who stated: "I am not a post-feminism feminist. I am the third wave"
(Walker 1992.p- 40). In her article Walker describes her rage over the out-come of the Clarence Thomas
hearings (in which Anna Hill testified that Thomas had sexually harassed her. Thomas was confirmed as
a Supreme Court justice, while Hill was repudiated) and her subsequent commitments feminism.
Walker's article generated a large response fawn young women, who indicated that they have not given
up the cause but are feminists in their own way. That is, tier embrace a more pluralistic definition of
feminism they are concerned with the intersectionalities of oppression and the impact of globalism,
technology, and other inn. and they operate on a more grassroots level (Kinser 2004). Although both
second- and third-wave feminists art ai at work, their divergent concerns spawned different groups,
including black feminists, critical feminists. and global feminists.

TYPES OF FEMINISM
Although there are many types of feminism, the four MINI common are liberal, radical, Marxist, and
socialist. 'What differentiates them is the degree to which they accept that the different social structures
in power are responsible for oppression. Liberal feminism, considered the most main-stream, accepts
that sex differences exist but contends that social, legal, and economic opportunities should be equal for
men and women. Liberal feminists are concerned with individual rights and promoting change through
legal and legislative means while still operating within the current patriarchal structure.
Radical feminism emerged from the ideals of the New Left and the women's liberation movement in
the late 1960s. Radical feminists argue that men are the oppressors of women and that the patriarchal
social structure must be replaced for women to gain equality. The term radical feminism is used to
represent many divergent groups, including cultural feminism, lesbian feminism, and revolutionary
feminism.
Marxist feminists believe that women's oppression stems largely from economic stratification
brought about by the production methods inherent in capitalism. Accordingly, capitalism must he
destroyed in order to emancipate women both as workers and as property within the marital sphere.
Drawing from both radical and Marxist ideologies, socialist feminists argue that both class and
sexism are sources of women's oppression. They advocate the end of capitalist patriarchy to reduce all
fortes of exploitation, as they are also concerned with oppression resulting from race, age, religion, and
the like. In contrast to liberal feminism's emphasis on individual rights, socialist feminists emphasize the
social existence in the broader community,
IMPACT OF FEMINISM
In addition to voting, property, employment, and other rights, the women's movement has also promoted
other changes. For instance, not only do women have the right to vote but a number of countries have
had female political leaders. including Chile, Finland, Ireland, Israel, Liberia. and Switzerland. In addition
access to education has brought about a large increase in the number of women students, such that
women now outnumber men in many nations' schools. With regard to language, feminism has been
influential in advancing the use of nonsexist terms (eg. humankind in lieu of mankind). It has also had a
tremendous impact on the institution of marriage, in terms not only of whether women marry but also
whom they choose to marry (a man or a woman), as well as the distribution of familial labor within the
marital union. Moreover following the lead of the nineteenth-century suffragist Lucy Stone, many women
now maintain their maiden names after marriage. The movement has also influenced religion, with many
liberal denominations now ordaining women. Feminist thinking has also influenced the social sciences. It
is no longer acceptable to collect data solely on teen and to apply the findings to women, because there
are often important gender differencesfor example, personality (Chodorow 1978). Further, feminist
researchers advocate increased use of qualitative methods in which participants play a greater role in
informing the definition and measurement of the phenomenon under study.
SEE ALSO Critical Race Theory; Feminism, Second Wave; Friedan, Betty; Gender Gap; Inequality,
Gender; Intersectionali Marxism; National Organization for Women; Patriarchy; Reproductive
Rights; Sexism; Sexual Harassment; Scruality; Socialism; Sterara. Gloria; Suffrage, Women's;
Womanism; Womew Women and Politics; Women's Liberation; Worry Movement; Women's
Studies,- Work and Women
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Chodorow, Nancy. 1978. The Reproduction of Motiserimr PsychoanaOsis and the Sociology of Gender.
Berkeier University of California Press.
De Beauvoir, Simone. (1949] 1953. The Second Sex Tema. H. M. Parshicy. New York: Knopf.
De Pizati, Christine. (14051 1999. The Book of the Ct, di: is Trans. Rosalind Brown-Grant. London and
New Yost Penguin
Friedan, Betty. 1963. The Feminine Mystique. Neon York =al International Museum of Women. 2003.
Chronologe Worldwide Woman Suffrage. http://www.imow.orgiachibits/suffragetchronologr_miny-

pdf.
Kinser, Amber E. 2004. Negotiating Spaces for/throc#
Wave Feminism. National Women's Stadia Associammilimom 16 (3): 124-153.
Locke, John. (1690] 1992. Ton Treatises of Govern:mem Now York: Classics of Liberty: Library.
Mill, John Stuart. 118691 2001. The Subjection oftrimas sm. Echyard Alexander. New Brunswick, NJ:
Transaams. President's Commission on the Status of Women_ lalia.apir of the Committee on
Education. Washington, DC:11111 Government Printing Office.
Roe v. Wade. 1973. 410 U.S. 113.
Walker, Rebecca. 1992. Becoming the Third Wave_ /EL JanuaryFebruary, 39-41.
Wollstonecraft, Mary. 117921 1989. Vindication ofils lifabimf Women. Buffalo, NY: Prometheus.
Worldwide Guide to Women Leadership. 2007. Choomilipal List of Female Presidents.
http://www.guide2womenleaders.com/Presidents-Chronological.htm.

FEMINISM, SECOND WAVE

Second Wave feminism applies to the women's movement that began at the end of 1963 and extended
into the 1980s. First Wave feminism addressed employment, marriage laws, and education and later
came to embrace the voting rights movement. Second Wave feminists went further to address the
issues of equality of the sexes in the workplace, a woman's right to choose, feminine sexuality, and a
furthering of political action to bring women's issues in a patriarchal society to light.
The starting point of the Second Wave is usually considered to be a 1963 report from the
Committee on the Status of Women (CSW), which was begun by First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt and
which she chaired until her death in 1962. The committee found that women were not being treated
equally in the workplace and recommended mandatory fair hiring and pay, maternity leave for mothers,
and affordable child care. Based on these recommendations, the Equal Pay Act was passed by
Congress on June 10, 1963, making it illegal to pay women less for doing the same jobs as men.
Yet the women's movement at that time was relatively quiet. Most women were locked into
traditional roles of wife, mother, nurse, teacher, secretary, and other "feminine activities without the
possibility of individual advancement or achievement. Then Betty Friedan, a New Jersey work-at-home
journalist and mother, wrote The Feminine Mystique (1963) and her words sparked many more women
into realizing Lim they wanted the freedom to control their own destinies. Friedan wrote about her own
life and the frustrations that many other women were feeling about patriarchal attitudes regarding their
roles. She equated American women with the inmates of Nazi concentration camps and evoked strong
emotions in men and women, both pro and con. The book became a best seller, and the battle for
equality of the sexes was reignited.
A major milestone in the women's movement was the passage of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of
1964, which made gender and racial discrimination in the workplace illegal. At the same time, the Equal
Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) was established to investigate complaints and impose
penalties on those not aping in accordance with the law. Title VII meant that women no longer would
have to resign themselves to working as nurses or secretaries because they could not get into medical
school or become business executives, though the atmosphere was slow to change.
In 1966, at the Third National Conference of the Commission on the Status of Women, a new
organization was formed. Friedan was furious over the government's failure to enforce Title VII, and she
invited a few women from the conference to her hotel room. She wanted to discuss stronger options
than merely passing a resolution to recommend enforcement, and the women at the meeting decided
instead to form their own organization, dedicated to the attainment of full equality for women. Friedan
christened it the National Organization of Women (NOW) and the group drafted a statement of purpose.
In March 1969 New York journalist Gloria Steinem realized that the women's movement was not
just for unhappy housewives when she attended a rally to 'speak out" on abortion. It had been organized
by the newly formed radical feminist group the Redstockings, and the meeting was standing room only.
As women spoke about their own bad experiences, Steinem realized that she la felt the same anxieties
over having had an abortion herself and she identified with them. She immediately mama responsibility
in the cause of a woman's right to dim.

Steinem traveled around the country with a speaking partner, usually a woman of color, to address
those who thought the movement was only for white middle-chin women. The pair encouraged all
women to understand their rights and to take part in the movement to demand them.
Where Friedan had been considered the founder of the Second Wave movement, Steinem was
certainly Is messenger. One of her early appearances was in testifying before a Senate subcommittee
on the Equal Amendment (ERA), and in 1971 Steinem used her journalistic connections to publish the
first edition of Ms. magazine as a supplement to New York Magazine. In eight days, all 300,000 printed
copies were sold. Mo became the premiere forum for feminist issues and Steinem became a feminist
icon.
Her testimony and that of other women helped put pressure on Congress to pass the ERA in 1972.
The kw was to be simple, as written by Alice Paul in 1923c "Equality of rights under the law shall not be
denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on axon= of sex." Yet them was still a long
battle, as the ERA had to be sent to all 50 states for ratification, and 38 would have to pass it before it
would become law.
Legal wheels did not stop turning. Title XI of the Education Amendments banned sexual
discrimination in schools, and the greatest victory was a result of die Supreme Court decision in the case
of Roe v. war 1973, making abortion in the first trimester of pregnancy legal. The first national
convention of the National Women's Political Caucus was also held that year, as women became a force
in national politics. Anne Armstrong, the first woman to hold a cabinet-level position, also became the
first woman to make the keynote speech at the Republican National Convention.
The end of the Second Wave feminist movements ohm seen as occurring sometime in the 1980s
up to the 1990s when Third Wave feminism sprouted from an article written by Rebecca Walker, tided
"Becoming the Iliad Wave," in Ms. in January 1992. The renewed emphasis of this movement is to
expand definitions of gender and sexuality, race, and class. Many in this group are disappointed that the
Second Wave did not fully achieve their ideals, and this was punctuated by the Failure of the ERA so be
ratified by the required 38 states, though ratification is still being pursued into the twenty-first century.
However, some view feminist advancement as the ease of many societal ills. The concept of
women working outside the home has become a necessity for most Families, leaving children to be
raised by caregivers rather than parents. Many see the decline of the family in America as a result. The
openness with which homosexulity and homosexual marriage is approached in today's swim seems
even more threatening to those with traditional values. However, most men and women working in the
area of civil rights maintain that equalityregardless of ram, creed, sexual orientation, or mental or
physical amity---is a natural right. Feminist movements will undoubtedly continue in various forms until
this ideal has hen reached.
SEE ALSO Feminism; Gender; Inequality, Politic4 Aria Gay, Lesbian, Transgender, and Bisexual
innn, i in, Gloria
BIBLIOGRAPHY
der, dller, Susan. 1999. In Our Time, Memoir of a Revolution. New York: Dial.
Gam. Marcia- 1988. The Sisterhood. The True Story of the limes Who Changed the 'Add New York,
Simon and Schramm
Dm Bonnie J. 1996. Prime-Time Feminism: Television, Media Calewr, and the Women's Movement
since 1970. Philadelphia: Miser* of Pennsylvania Press.
Maim Betty. 1963. The Feminine Mystique. New York: Norton. Sew& Susan E. 2000. Sisterhood Was
Powerful. The American Poopeta July 17.
Som. Rita J., and Gloria Danziger. 1991. Women's Movements a America: Their Successes,
Disappointments, and Aspirations. New York: Praeger.
Seinen, Gloria. 1983. Outrageous Acts and Everyday Rebellions. Neff York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston.
Idiom, Rebecca. 1992. Becoming the Third Wave. Ms. 21:
86-87.
Patricia Cronin Marcell

FENNO, RICHARD E, JR.

1P96
The contributions of Richard F. Fenno Jr. to the political science world are many and varied. His work on
Congress and the actions of legislators has pioneered fields of study at political science.
After studying at Amherst and Harvard, Fenno published his doctoral dissertation as his first book
in 1959. An article on the House appropriations committee (1962) and a hook, The Power of the Purse:
Appropriation Politics in Congress (1966), soon followed. Although outdated by changes in Congress,
Fenno's conceptualization of the power struggles, structures, and behavior of representatives have
formed the basic vocabulary used in legislative studies.
In 1973 Fenno published Congressmen in Committees, which explores whether committees matter
in Congress, and what role they play in fulfilling individual ambitions of congressmen. Fenno's next work,
Home Style: House Members in Their Districts (1978), studies how representatives behave while at
home in their districts. In Home Style, Fenno pioneered the "soaking and poking" method of social
science research on politicians, in which the researcher follows the subject through the field, observing
and documenting behavior. These works demonstrate the researcher's commitment to presenting
politicians as necessary elements in the political world, whose actions are worth examination. This
stance, which often separates Fenno from others in the field, has led to interesting discoveries about the
nature of politicians and the political world. These works have also garnered criticism, as 'Fenno's
research required him to develop friendships with his subjects, raising doubts about his level of
objectivity. Other critics have charged that Fenno's observational studies are invalid, because his
presence may affect the behavior of the representatives, and because those representatives that
consent to be studied may not be an accurate sample of representatives as a whole. Furthermore, the
very nature of participant-observer studies requires that only a small number of politicians is studied,
thus decreasing the generalizability of any theory arising from the work. Fenno has responded to these
criticisms by defending his work as purely exploratory in nature.
After Home Style, Fenno turned his eye to the Senate, publishing, among other works, The Making
of a Senator: Dan Quayle (1988) and Senators on the Campaign Trail: The Politics of Representation
(1996). In Senators, Fenno outlines representation in terms of "durable connections" or relationships that
senators build with their constituents over time. Returning to the study of the House of Representatives,
Fenno published Congress at the Grassroots: Representational Change in the South, 1970-1998 (2000),
which revisited areas explored in Home Style, and Going Home: Black Representatives and Their
Constituents (2003).
Fenno has been president of the American Political Science Association, is a member of the
National Academy of Sciences, and a fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. He is a
distinguished pro