Ante Aikio

THE STRUCTURE OF NORTH SAAMI

(course handout)

Department of Linguistics
The University of Utah
Spring 2009

1. INTRODUCTION
1.1. The Saami languages
Saami (alternative spellings: Sami, Smi) is a general name for the indigenous people(s)
in Lapland (including Central and Northern Scandinavia, Northern Finland, and the Kola
Peninsula in Northwestern Russia). Formerly the Saami peoples were generally called
Lapps, but this term has fallen out of use, as it is often considered to have a derogatory
tone.

Map 1. The Saami Languages. 1 = South Saami, 2 = Ume

Saami, 3 = Pite Saami, 4 = Lule Saami, 5 = North Saami, 6 =
Skolt Saami, 7 = Inari Saami, 8 = Kildin Saami, 9 = Ter

The Saami people(s) do not speak a

single language, but a group of closely
related Saami languages. It is customary to
distinguish between nine currently living
Saami languages: South Saami, Ume
Saami, Pite Saami, Lule Saami, North
Saami, Inari Saami, Skolt Saami, Kildin
Saami, and Ter Saami. The languages
form a chain-like continuum reaching
from Central Scandinavia in the southwest
to the tip of the Kola Peninsula in the east
(see the map on the left).

Formerly the varieties of Saami were

often called dialects. However, this
usage is inadequate, because even neighboring Saami languages are often not mutually
well intelligible, and between geographically more remote Saami languages mutual
intelligibility is close to zero. For instance, a speaker of South Saami could at best
understand extremely little of spoken North Saami, and nothing at all of Ter Saami. The
degree of divergence of the Saami languages can be compared to that of Romance
languages (e.g. Spanish vs. French vs. Italian vs. Romanian).
In terms of their sociolinguistic situation the Saami languages can be grouped into
endangered (North Saami), seriously endangered (South, Lule, Inari, Skolt and Kildin
Saami), nearly extinct (Ume, Pite and Ter Saami), and extinct (Akkala and Kemi Saami).
The estimated number of fluent speakers of each variety is:
Saami

South Saami
Ume Saami
Pite Saami
Lule Saami
North Saami
Inari Saami

300400
10 at most
20 at most
10002000
33000
400

Skolt Saami
Kemi Saami
Akkala Saami
Kildin Saami
Ter Saami

300
extinct since late 19th century
extinct since 2003
600
10

Six Saami languages South, Lule, North, Inari, Skolt and Kildin Saami have an
independent literary standard. The Kildin Saami writing system employs a slightly
modified Cyrillic alphabet, whereas the others are based on the Latin alphabet.
Genetically, the Saami languages form one subbranch of the Uralic (Finno-Ugric)
language family; the Saami languages are thus remotely related to languages such as
Finnish, Estonian and Hungarian, as well as numerous indigenous languages of European
Russia and western Siberia. In terms of time depth, the Uralic affinity is very remote, and
the various Uralic branches are no more closely related to each other than branches of
Indo-European, for instance. Within the Uralic family Saami shares the most features
with the neighboring Finnic languages (such as Finnish and Estonian); a large part of
these shared features are due to language contact rather than genetic inheritance, though.

The Uralic languages.

1.2. Some general features of North Saami grammar

As Saami languages belong to the Uralic language family, they share many features of
grammar with other Uralic languages. In particular, Saami syntax and morphosyntax is in
many respects very similar to Finnish and the other Finnic languages. (There is also
much vocabulary common with Finnic, which partially results from borrowing in
addition to inherited Uralic vocabulary, there are extremely many Finnish loanwords in
Saami.)
In general typological terms, North Saami can be described as a synthetic, highly
inflecting language. There is also a remarkable degree of morphological fusion
meaning that the conjugation of words often involves phonological alterations,
portmanteau morphemes, and blurring of morpheme boundaries. Each of these features
can be illustrated with an example:
a) Phonological alterations:
vuolgi-t leave INF
to leave, to go (away)

vulggi-i PAST.3SG
(s)he left, (s)he went (away)

b) Portmanteau morphemes (morphemes which simultaneously mark several grammatical

features):
vulggi-i PAST.3SG

(the morpheme -i similtaneously marks past tense,

singular, and third person)

c) blurring of morpheme boundaries:

dllu house SG.NOM

dlu SG.GEN (no detectable morpheme boundary)

Some important general features of North Saami morphosyntax are listed below.
o Constituent order:
o North Saami is primarily a SVO language, but in certain (non-finite)
constructions the word order SOV is preferred.
o Postpositions are preferred against prepositions (even though some
prepositions also exist).
o Nouns:
o North Saami has a well-developed case system with six cases. Nouns
distinguish between singular and plural number.
o Nouns can also take possessive suffixes: e.g. dlus in a/the house :
dlustan in my house : dlustat in your house.

o Adjectives:
o Adjectives often have a distinct forms in predicative and attribute position:
e.g. mtki lea guhkki the trip is long vs. guhkes mtki a long trip.
o Pronouns:
o Personal pronouns distinguish three numbers: e.g. mun I, moai we two,
mii we (more than two)
o The system of demonstrative pronouns has five members: dt this, diet
that (near you), duot that (not near either of us), dot that (which is far
away), dat it
o Verbs:
o Verbs have four tenses (present, past, perfect, pluperfect); there is no
separate future tense.
o Verbs have four moods: indicative, imperative (imperative-optative),
conditional, dubitative.
o Verbs with human subjects distinguish between singular, dual and plural:
vuolggn I leave, vulge we (two) leave, vuolgit we (more than two)
leave.
o Verbs have a wide variety of non-finite forms.
o Negation is expressed with a negative verb: in I dont, it you dont, ii
(s)he doesnt, etc.
o There is no separate class of auxiliary verbs.

1.3. North Saami dialects

North Saami has four main dialect groups: the Western Inland dialects (WI), the Eastern
Inland dialects (EI), the Torne dialects (T), and the Sea dialects (S).1 The differences
between the dialects are mainly phonological. There are also some lexical differences, but
grammatical differences are small. The rough distribution of the dialect groups can be
seen in the map below.
There is no standard pronunciation in North Saami, so everyone speaks the language
according to their own dialect; therefore also a student learning to speak North Saami will
have to learn to pronounce the language according to some dialect. In this course
1

The western and eastern inland dialects are often called Finnmark dialects (according to the Norwegian
county of Finnmark), with further western and eastern subgroups. This division seems to be mistaken,
however, as the two dialect groups do not share any common traits that would set them apart from Sea and
Torne dialects. Moreover, the term Finnmark dialects is a misnomer, because these dialects are also
spoken outside the Norwegian county of Finnmark, and on the other hand, also Sea dialects are spoken in
Finnmark.

handout, two pronunciation keys are given: one approximating a typical WI and another a
typical EI pronunciation. Minor phonological differences between subdialects will be
ignored. The geographically more marginal Torne and Sea dialects show quite notable
phonological differences from the inland dialects; these will not be dealt with in this
presentation.

The North Saami dialect

areas.
WI = Western inland dialects
EI = Eastern inland dialects
T = Torne dialects
S = Sea dialects

1.4. Some references to explore

Bartens, Hans-Hermann 1989. Lehrbuch der saamischen (Lappischen) Sprache. This
is the best published Saami coursebook and it is also suitable for studying on your
own.
Nickel, Klaus Peter 1990. Samisk grammatikk. A grammar of North Saami, very
useful if you can read Norwegian. Even if you do not know Norwegian, you can
make use of the many paradigms and tables.
Nielsen, Konrad 1979 [19261929]. Lrebok i lappisk (samisk) IIII. (I Grammatikk;
II Tekster; III Glossar). 2. opplag. A very detailed grammar and collection of
texts, but does not employ the modern orthography. This is a very valuable reference,
though, if you first learn the correspondences between Nielsens orthography and the
modern literary language.
Nielsen, Konrad 1979 [19321962]. Lappisk (samisk) ordbok Lapp dictionary. A
very important dictionary, and the only one with English glosses. To effectively use
it, you must learn the correspondences between Nielsens orthography and the
modern literary language.

Sammallahti, Pekka 1989. Smi-suoma stnegirji Saamelais-suomalainen sanakirja.

A comprehensive SaamiFinnish dictionary.
Sammallahti, Pekka 1998a. Saamic. (In: Daniel Abondolo (ed.), The Uralic Languages,
4395.). A concise but very informative introduction to Saami languages.
Sammallahti, Pekka 1998b. The Saami Languages: an Introduction. A detailed
linguistic introduction to the structure and historical background of the Saami
languages. Despite its name this book is much more than an introduction.
Sammallahti, Pekka & Nickel, Klaus Peter 2006: Smi-duiskka stnegirji. SaamischDeutsches Wrterbuch. A comprehensive SaamiGerman dictionary.

2. PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY

2.1. The phonological system
2.1.1. Consonant phonemes
The system of consonant phonemes in the eastern inland (EI) and western inland (WI)
dialects is given in the table below. The phonemes marked with + occur only in the EI
dialects, but not in WI. The phonemes in parentheses are marginal, i.e., they occur only in
very few words.
unvoiced stops
voiced stops
aspirated stops
unvoiced affricates
voiced affricates
sibilants
voiced nasals
unvoiced nasals
voiced spirants / semivowels
unvoiced spirants
voiced laterals
unvoiced lateral
voiced tremulant
unvoiced tremulant

p
b
+
p

t
d
+
t
c
z
s
m n
(M) (N)
v

l
(L)
r
(R)

tj
dj

k
g
+
k

nj

j
(J)

The aspirated stops can only occur in initial position, and they are mostly restricted to
recent Scandinavian loanwords such as boasta /psta/ post office, teaksta /tksta/
text and knske /knske/ perhaps (< Norwegian / Swedish kanske perhaps). They do
not occur in the WI dialects and they are not consistently indicated in the orthography.

2.1.2. Vowel phonemes

The North Saami vowel system is rather complex and involves certain typologically quite
unusual features. The vowel systems of the various dialects also differ considerably from
each other, especially in terms of quantity and diphthong quality. Vowel quantity is not
indicated in orthography.
In the WI dialects there are five monophthongs, each of which can occur in three
contrasting quantities:

short
i
e

u
o

long
ii
ee

uu
oo
aa

half-long / finally stressed

ii'
uu'
ee'
oo'
aa'

In the EI dialects there are seven monophthongs, all of which occur in the same three
quantitaties:
short
i
e

u
o

long
ii
ee
aa

uu
oo

half-long / finally stressed

ii'
uu'
ee'
oo'
' aa' '

The vowel // has a very slight labialization (o-like color) and it is pronounced slightly
more back than /a/.
Diphthongs likewise occur in three quantities: short, long, and finally stressed. The
diphthongs of the WI dialects are:
short

long
ie
ea

uo
oa

finally stressed
ie'
uo'
ea'
oa'

The diphthongs in the EI dialects are slightly different in quality:

short

long
ie
i

uo
ua

finally stressed
ie'
ue'
e'
oa'

Finally stressed diphthongs have a short first component and a stressed and lengthened
second component. Their pronunciation is somewhat similar to certain Spanish
diphthongs (cf. bueno, puerto, ciudad).
Note: there is also one more marginal vowel phoneme, the front rounded vowel /y/. It
only occurs in incompletely assimilated borrowings and internationalisms (e.g.
psykologiija psychology, myhta myth, fysihkka physics), but not in native North
Saami vocabulary.

2.1.3. Word-stress
Word-stress in North Saami is almost fully predictable, and stress has no phonologically
contrastive function. The main stress always falls on the first syllable of a word.
Secondary stress normally falls on each subsequent odd syllable, except that the final
8

syllable of a word is never stressed. In the examples below, main stress is indicated by
double underlining, secondary stress by single underlining:
dolla
dolastis
dolastallat
dolastallamin
dolastaladettiin
dolastaladettiinan

fire
in his/her fire
to keep an outdoor fire
keeping an outdoor fire
while keeping an outdoor fire
while I am/was keeping an outdoor fire

There are a couple of minor exceptions to the assignment of secondary stress. As a rule,
clitics attached at the end of words are never stressed, and moreover, secondary stress
cannot be assigned to the syllable immediately preceding a clitic. Consider the following
examples involving the interrogative clitics -go (used for marking questions) and -son
(used to indicate that the question is rhetorical):
gulai
gulaigo
gulaigoson
muitalii
muitaliigo
muitaliigoson

(s)he heard
did (s)he hear?
I wonder if (s)he heard
(s)he told
did (s)he tell?
I wonder if (s)he told

As another type of exception, there are words where secondary stress falls on an even
syllable instead of an odd syllable. These kinds of words are usually either recent
loanwords or irregularly shortened compounds:
reageret to react (< Norwegian reagere id.)
televiuvdna television
vilbealle male cousin (<< viellja brother + bealli half)
There is also one derivational suffix which always receives secondary stress, regardless
of whether it is in an even or an odd syllable: the suffix -()goahtit which forms
inchoative verbs (with the sense of to begin doing X):
dahkat to do
muitalit to tell

dahkagoahtit to begin doing

muitaligoahtit to begin telling

2.2. Orthography and pronunciation

2.2.1. Alphabet
The North Saami alphabet has 30 letters:
Aa
Jj

Kk
Uu

Bb
Ll
Vv

Cc
Mm
Yy

Nn
Zz

Dd

Oo

Ee
Pp

Ff
Rr

Gg
Ss

Hh

Ii
Tt

The letters c, , z and indicate affricates, is a voiced dental spirant, is its unvoiced
pair, is the velar nasal, and is the hushing sibilant (cf. English sh, German sch).
The vowel y is a high rounded front vowel (cf. German ); it only occurs in recent
loanwords and internationalisms (e.g. myhta myth, psykologiija psychology,
analyseret to analyze).

2.2.2. Pronunciation of consonants

In general, North Saami spelling is largely phonological in the sense that the
phonological form of the word can usually be rather straightforwardly deduced from its
written form. There are practically no irregular spellings.
However, the system for spelling consonant sounds considerbly differs from many other
languages. There are a couple of rules on the pronunciation of consonants you should
memorize.
The most important thing to keep in mind is that the letters b, d, g, z, and which in most
languages stand for voiced consonants are actually almost never pronounced voiced
they stand for unvoiced stops and affricates. Hence, the letter b is usually pronounced
as /p/, the letter d as /t/, the letter g as /k/, the letter z as /c/ and the letter as //. (There
are a couple of exceptions to this rule, which will be explained below.) See the examples
below:
bargu (WI /parkuu/, EI /prkuu/)
drbu (WI /taarpuu/, EI /tarpuu/)
bzn (WI /paacaan/, EI /pcn/)
bn (WI /paaaan/, EI /pn/)

work
need
I stay
I shoot

A second, related rule is that when the letter p, t, k, c, or occurs after another consonant,
it is usually accompanied by a preceding h-sound (preaspiration) which is not spelled
separately. The following examples illustrate this:

10

brgu (WI /paarkuu/, EI /parkuu/)

brku (WI /paarhkuu/, EI /paarhkuu/)

(s)he cries
tree bark

durdi (WI, EI /turtii/)

brti (WI /paarhtii/, EI /prhtii/)

stain
serious accident

galg (WI /kalkaa/, EI /klk/)

galk (WI /kalhkaa, EI /klhk)

(s)he must
it bounces off

gri (WI /kaarii/, EI /krii/)

njr (WI /njaarhaa/ EI /njrh/)

narrow
tendon (in meat)

However, there is no h-sound if the preceding consonant is a stop or a sibilant:

luokta (WI /lkta/, EI /lkta/)
mtki (WI /maatkii/, EI /mtkii/)
astu (WI /astuu/, EI /stuu/)
ruki (WI, EI /rukii/)

bay
trip, journey
spare time
autumn colors on trees

In North Saami, i is both a vocalic and a consonantal letter. Whenever i occurs after
another vowel, it stands for the consonant /j/:
libi (WI /laajpii/, EI /ljpii/)
libi (WI /laajpaaj/, EI /ljpj/)
nieida (WI, EI /njta/)
niidii (WI, EI /nijtij/)

bread
to a/the bread
girl
to a/the girl

The h-sound rule applies also after the consonantal i:

idi (WI /aajtii, EI /jtii/)
iti (WI /aajhtii/, EI /jhtii/)
igu (WI /aajkuu/, EI /ajkuu/)
ika (WI /aajhka/, EI /ajhka/)

fence
storage house
(s)he intends to
old pine tree

In the WI dialects, between vowels b and g are pronounced as the stops /p/ and /k/,
respectively. In EI dialects the pronunciation is different: between vowels b is
pronounced as /v/ and g is pronounced either as /j/ or not at all (as , i.e. zero). The
semivowel /j/ occurs if the preceding syllable is stressed and the following unstressed
vowel is , e or i; otherwise g is not pronounced at all.
lobi (WI /lopii/, EI /loovii/)
agi (WI /akii/, EI /jii/)
viegan (WI /viekaan/, EI /vie.aan/)
dagu (WI /takuu/, EI /t.uu/)

of a permission
of age
I run
of a deed

11

Palatalized consonants are spelled by adding j after the corresponding non-palatalized

letter:
njuolla (WI, EI /njuolla/)
mannji (WI /manjnjii/, EI /mnjnjii/
vuodjit (WI, EI /vuotjtjiih(t)/)
viellja (WI, EI /vljlja/)

arrow
daughter-in-law
to drive
brother

When b, d, g, z or occur as geminates (double consonants) between vowels, they are

pronounced partially voiced. This is an exception to the voicelessness rule mentioned
above. The combination -ddj- stands for a partially voiced geminate palatalized stop.
soabbi (WI, EI /sbpii/)
haddi (WI /hadtii/, EI /hdtii/)
ddj (WI /aadjtjaa/, /djtj/)
vuogga (WI /vgka/, EI /vgka/)
gazza (WI /kazca/, EI /kzca/)
gua (WI, EI /kua/)

pole, staff
price
grandfather
hook (and line, for fishing)
nail
urine

In the WI dialects the voicelessness rule also has another exception: if the letter b, d or
g is followed by a nasal, it is pronounced voiced. The EI dialects use an unvoiced stop in
these cases.
gobmi (WI /kobmii/, EI /kopmii/)
ghost
bodni (WI /podnii/, EI /potnii/)
bottom
j j
j j
boadnj (WI /pd n aa/, EI /pt n /) husband
duogat (WI /tdjnjah(t), EI /tkah(t)/ to patch
In the WI dialects, the velar nasal has merged with the palatalized nasal nj; both are
pronounced as /nj/. EI dialects retain the distinction.
mais (WI /manjiis/, EI /miis/) behind (in the direction one is coming from)
manjis (WI /manjiis/, EI /mnjiis/) daughter-in-law (locative form)
jieka (WI /jietnja/, EI /jieka/)
ice
Word-final -t is pronounced as /h/. Before a pause the pronunciation /ht/ may occur, but
never in the middle of a sentence:
Olbmot mannet vuojadit geassit.
WI: /olpmoh manneh vuojaih keassiih(t)/
EI: /olmoh mnneh vuojaeh kissiih(t)/
People go swimming in the summer.

12

2.2.3. Pronunciation of vowels

The vowel systems in the North Saami dialects show considerable differences, and hence,
the pronounciation of vowels in the written language may differ in the various dialects in
terms of both quality and quantity.
At this point it would not be useful to present a full account on the relationship of
spelling and vowel phonology. Therefore, you must ignore quantity for a while and
content yourself with following certain basic rules.
In the WI dialects, the vowels are pronounced largely as they are written as far as quality
is concerned: i.e., i = /i/, e = /e/, u = /u/, o = /o/, a and = /a/. Also vowel quantity can to
a large extent be deduced from spelling, but only if one knows the morphological and
morphophonological rules of the language. Therefore, the relationship between
spelling and vowel quantity is best ignored at this point. There is one exception, though:
in the WI dialects, the letter a is almost always pronounced as short /a/, and the letter
almost always as long /aa/ (there are a couple of exceptions to this rule, though):
mannu (WI /mannuu/)
mnnu (WI /maannuu/)

errand, need to go (somewhere)

moon

In the EI dialects the pronunciation of vowels is even more complicated than in the WI
dialects. At this point, only a couple of general rules regarding vowel quality (but not
quantity!) will be introduced:
In a stressed syllable, the letter a stands for the vowel //:
dat (EI /th(t)/)
mana (EI /m'na/)
salla (EI /slla/)

it
go!
lap, bosom

In a stressed syllable, is pronounced /a/ before a next syllable back vowel (a, o, u) and
// elsewhere:
mnnu (EI /maannuu/)
njrga (EI /njarka/)
dkko (EI /taa'kko/)
mrfi (EI /mrfii/)
mnn (EI /mnn/)
dl (EI /tl/)

moon
cape, land point
this way
sausage
child
now

In an unstressed syllable is always pronounced as //:

mann (EI /mnn/)

(s)he goes

13

3. MORPHOPHONOLOGY
North Saami has an intricate system of morphophonological alterations that affect the
shape of word-roots. These alterations are realized in the inflectional paradigms of verbs,
nouns, adjectives, quantifiers, and pronouns, as well as in word-formational operations
(derivation and compounding).
There are six main categories of regular morphophonological alterations, the most
important being the first two:
A) Consonant gradation refers to a systematic alteration of consonants and
consonant clusters on the border of a stressed and an unstressed syllable (usually
the first and the second syllable). The following serve as examples of consonant
gradation in the declension of nouns: vrri mountain : vris on the mountain,
goahti Saami tent : goais in the tent, lgu beginning : lggus in the
beginning.
B) Diphthong simplification refers to a process whereby diphthongs become
monophthongs in certain word-forms. The following serve as examples of
diphthong simplification in verb conjugation: vuolgit to go away : moai vulge
the two of us go away, ierrut to cry : moai irro the two of us cry.
C) Unstressed vowel alteration refers to qualitative alterations of vowels in an
unstressed syllable (usually the second syllable). Such alterations are frequent in
both noun and verb paradigms, e.g. hi father : hn my father; bhit to
shoot : bn I shoot : bhen I shot.
D) Margin consonant alterations are alterations of consonants at the end of wordstems (i.e., on the stem margin). The alterations may be qualitative, as in nvet
cowhouse : nveh-is in the cowhouse. On the other hand, there are also
alterations between the presence of a consonant vs. its absence (, zero): for
example : m in eana earth, ground, eatnamis on the ground; : g in otta
throat : oddagis in the throat.
E) Stressed vowel length alteration refers to the alteration in the length of a
stressed vowel (usually the vowel in the first syllable). There are major dialectal
differences in the nature and scope of these alterations, and for this reason they
are not indicated in the literary language. Examples of alteration between short
and long vowels in the EI dialects: vulgen /vulken/ I went away : vulggii
/vuulkkij/ (s)he went away; vuorddn /vuorttn/ I wait : vuord /vrt/
(s)he waits.
F) Alteration between so-called largo and allegro forms. Many word-forms,
such as finite verb forms and certain case forms of nouns, have two alternative
14

phonological shapes: a more fully pronounced largo form and a shorter or

reduced allegro form. The largo and allegro forms differ from each other
mainly in terms of vowel quantity and quality. The use of shorter allegro forms
instead of largo forms may be triggered by e.g. speed of speech, syntactic
position, or certain morphological processes such as compounding. The shorter
allegro forms are consistently indicated in spelling only in the cases where they
are the result of some regular morphological process; in other cases no distinction
is usually made in writing.
The alterations A) and B) are crucial for undestanding North Saami morphology, and it is
thus important to get acquainted with them right from the beginning. Alterations of the
types C) and D) are also essential for conjugating Saami nouns and verbs correctly.
Alterations E) and F), in contrast, can for the most part be ignored at this stage, as they
are not so crucial for understanding the overall grammatical structure of the language. As
vowel length is not indicated in spelling, one can learn to read and write North Saami
despite of ignoring vowel length alterations; even speaking North Saami without having
learnt correct vowel lengths will result in no real difficulties of communication, but
merely a notable foreign accent. Also the largo allegro alteration (F) is a
phenomenon that is primarily connected with spoken language.

3.1. Consonant gradation

3.1.1. Main principles
The term consonant gradation refers to a systematic morphophonological alteration of
consonants on the border of a stressed and an unstessed syllable (typically the first and
the second syllable). In North Saami nearly all consonants and consonant clusters are
subject to gradation. For each consonant and cluster, there exists a strong grade which
occurs in certain word-forms and a corresponding weak grade which occurs in the
others. Consonant gradation may involve variation between:
a geminate and a single consonant, e.g.:
guolli : guoli SG.GEN fish
mnnu : mnu SG.GEN moon
a consonant cluster and a single consonant, e.g.
stni : sni SG.GEN word
giehta : giea SG.GEN hand, arm

15

 a long geminate and a short geminate, e.g.

guos'si : guossi SG.GEN guest2
two consonant clusters, e.g.
hi : hi SG.GEN father
biergu : bierggu SG.GEN meat
haddi : hatti SG.GEN price
luokta : luovtta SG.GEN bay
Consonant gradation was historically conditioned by the structure of the following
syllable: the weak grade occurred if the syllable was closed (i.e., ended in a consonant),
the strong grade if the syllable was open (i.e., ended in a vowel). However, this originally
simple conditioning has been completely obliterated by later sound changes. Therefore
you have no way of guessing which forms will have the weak grade and which ones the
strong grade it has to be learnt by rote. (This isnt actually as hard as it may sound.)
In total, there are at least as many as 175 distinct cases of consonant gradation. This
figure may seem astronomical, but theres no need to be daunted: all the alterations can
be grouped into a handful of easily understandable types, so there is no need to memorize
every case separately.
The first thing you need to learn is that every instance of medial consonants belongs
to one of three quantities, which are called Quantity I, Quantity II, and Quantity III
e.g., as follows:
Quantity III Quantity II
hi

hi
geahi

guos'si

father (SG.NOM / SG.GEN)

geai

guossi
geassi

goho

Quantity I

end, tip (SG.NOM / SG.GEN)

guest (SG.NOM / SG.GEN)

geasi

summer (SG.NOM / SG.GEN)

gou

soot (SG.GEN / SG.NOM) [!]

Quantity I is always a single consonant, whereas Quantity II and III are always either
geminates (double consonants) or consonant clusters. In each word, the gradation takes
place between two quantity groups. Most cases fall into two types:

Note that the distinction between long and short geminates is not indicated in normal spelling. The
symbol ' (in e.g. guos'si) is used in linguistic notation to indicate a long geminate. In normal literary usage
the SG.NOM and the SG.GEN of these kinds of words are spelled identically (guossi), even though there is a
difference in pronunciation!

16

1) the strong grade is Quantity II and the weak grade is Quantity I (e.g. geahi,
geassi)
2) the strong grade is Quantity III and the weak grade is Quantity II (e.g. hi,
guos'si)
There is also a rare third type, which only occurs in the paradigms of certain types of
nouns (the so-called contracting s-nouns and mutating u-nouns), but never in verbs.
3) the strong grade is Quantity III and the weak grade is Quantity I (e.g. gou
soot)
This exceptional type of gradation results from the a morphophonological process called
strong grade strengthening, which is explained in subsection 3.1.3. below.
3.1.2. Types of consonant gradation
In the subsections below, the gradating pairs are grouped into categories, each of which
behaves in a distinct manner phonologically. For each group, two forms from the
paradigm of one example word are cited to illustrate each possible case of consonant
gradation. (In the case of nouns, the forms are SG.NOM and SG.GEN, in the case of verbs
INF and 1SG.)
3.1.2.1. Geminate consonant as the strong grade, single consonant as the weak grade
(Q II Q I)
This is a very common type of alteration. The strong grade consists of a geminate
continuant consonant, the weak grade of a corresponding single consonant.
SG

WG example

WI pronunciation

EI pronunciation

gloss

oait oan

/oaiih(t) oaaan/

/uaiih(t) uan/

to sleep

ff

geaffi geafi

/keaffii keafii/

/kiffii kifii/

poor

ll

giella giela

/kiella kiela/

/kiella kiela/

language

mm

namma nama

/nammaa namaa/

/nmma nma/

name

nn

mnn mn

/maannaa maanaa/

/mnn mn/

child

nnj

nj

mannji manji

j j

j j

/mn n ii mn ii/

daughter-in-law

j j

j j

/man n ii man n ii/

j j

mai mai

/man n ii man n ii/

/mii mii/

rear, back

rr

muorra muora

/muorra muora/

/muorra muora/

tree

ss

gussa gusa

/kussaa kusaa/

/kuussa kuusa/

cow

vai vai

/vaii vaii/

/vii vii/

hatred

Ruoa Ruoa

/ruoa ruoa/

/ruoa ruoa/

Sweden

vv

suovva suova

/suovva suova/

/suovva suova/

smoke

17

3.1.2.2. Geminate in both grades (Q III Q II)

This is a less common type of alteration. The strong grade consists of a long geminate
continuant consonant, the weak grade of an ordinary geminate consonant.
A note on spelling: in the North Saami literary language, the difference between the long
and the ordinary geminates is not indicated in any way both are spelt the same way. In
linguistic references, however, the long geminates are usually indicated with a straight
apostrophe (') between the consonants: hence, s's is to be read as a long geminate, and
ss as a regular geminate.
A note on dialectal pronunciation: in the EI dialects the actual phonological difference
between the regular and long geminates has disappeared. There is, however, a
compensatory alteration in the length of the preceding vowel, as the pronunciation keys
in the examples below show.
SG

WG example

WI pronunciation

EI pronunciation

gloss

f'f

ff

jf'fu jffu

/jaaf'fuu jaaffuu/

/jaffuu jaaffuu/

flour

l'l

ll

ul'lu ullu

/ul'luu ulluu/

/ulluu uulluu/

wool

llj

lj

j j

j j

j j

j j

viellja vielja

/vl 'l a viel l a/

/vl l a viel l a/

brother

m'm mm

cum'm cumm

/cum'maa cummaa/

/cumm cuumm/

kiss

n'n

bean'na beanna

/pn'na peanna/

/pnna pinna/

pen

nn

j j

'

ha' ha

/han 'n aa han n aa/

/h h/

long-tailed duck

r'r

rr

skear'ru skearru

/skr'ruu skearruu/

/skrruu skirruu/

disc

s's

ss

bus's buss

/pus'saa pussaa/

/puss puuss/

cat

'

vuo'at vuoan /v'ah(t) vuoan/ /vah(t) vuoaan/ to boil, cook (trans.)

v'v

vv

neav'vu neavvu

/nv'vuu neavvuu/

/nvvuu nivvuu/

advice; tool

3.1.2.3. The palatalized geminate stop (Q II Q I)

This is a unique case: the palatalized geminate stop /-tjtj-/ (written -dj-) has the glide -j- as
its weak grade.
SG
dj

WG example
j

vuodja vuoja

WI pronunciation
j j

/vuot t a vuoja/

EI pronunciation
j j

/vuot t a vuoja/

gloss
butter, grease

3.1.2.4. Preaspirated stop or affricate in the strong grade, single consonant in the
weak grade (Q II Q I)
This is a common type of alteration. In the strong grade there is a preaspirated consonant
cluster, consisting of h + a following stop or affricate. The corresponding weak grade is a
single, non-preaspirated stop or affricate except in the case of the cluster -ht-, which has
the spirant -- as its weak grade.

18

A note on dialectal pronunciation: in EI dialects, the weak grade -b- is pronounced as /v/,
and the weak grade -g- as either /-j-/ or nothing at all (zero, ). Some older speakers
pronounce the weak grade -g- as a voiced velar spirant /--/, but this has become very
rare.
SG

WG example

WI pronunciation

EI pronunciation

gloss

hp

lohpi lobi

/lohpii lopii/

/loohpii loovii/

permission

ht

giehta giea

/kiehta kiea/

/kiehta kiea/

hand, arm

hk

johka joga

/johkaa jokaa/

/joohka joo(a (jooa)/ river

ahki agi

/ahkii akii/

/hki jii (ii)/

age

hc

beahci beazi

/peahcii peacii/

/pihcii picii/

pine tree

geahi geai

/keahii keaii/

/kihii kiii/

end, tip

3.1.2.5. Preaspirated stop in both grades (Q III Q II)

In these cases, the strong grade is a long preaspirated cluster of the type h + stop /
affricate; the corresponding weak grade is a short (regular) preaspirated cluster. In the
so-called long preaspirated cluster the sound h is pronounced longer than in the short
preaspirated cluster.
A note on dialectal pronunciation: in the EI dialects the difference between the long and
short preaspirated clusters has been lost; however, there is a compensating difference in
the length of the preceding vowel (compare the gradation pattern discussed in 3.1.2.2.
above).
SG

WG example

WI pronunciation

EI pronunciation

gloss

hpp

hp

vuohppa vuohpa /vh'pa vuohpa/

/vhpa vuohpa/

father-in-law

htt

ht

Mhtte Mhte

/mah'te maahte/

/mhte mhte/

Matthew

hkk

hk

lohkka lohka

/loh'ka lohkaa/

/lohka loohka/

lock

hcc

hc

fhcca fhca

/fah'ca faahca/

/fahca faahca/

mitten

hi hi

/ah'ii aahii/

/hii hii/

father

3.1.2.6. Stop + nasal in the strong grade, a single nasal in the weak grade (Q II Q
I)
Clusters written with an unvoiced stop letter (p, t, k) followed by a nasal have single nasal
consonants as their weak grade counterparts.
SG

WG example

WI pronunciation

EI pronunciation

gloss

pm

Spmi Smi

/saapmii saamii/

/spmii smii/

Lapland

tn

vuotna vuona

/vuotna vuona/

/vuotna vuona/

tnj
k

nj

botnjat bonjan
jieka jiea

/potn aah(t) pon aan/

j

/jietn a jien a/

fjord
j

/pootn aah(t) - poon aan/ to twist

/jieka jiea/

ice

19

3.1.2.7. Stop + nasal in both grades (Q III Q II)

Clusters written with a voiced stop letter (b, d, g) followed by a nasal have weak grades
consisiting of an unvoiced stop + nasal.
A note on dialectal pronunciation: in the EI dialects the difference between the two
clusters has been lost; however, there is a compensating difference in the length of the
preceding vowel (compare the gradation patterns discussed in 3.1.2.2. and 3.1.2.5.
above).
SG

WG example

WI pronunciation

EI pronunciation

gloss

bm

pm

gobmi gopmi

/kobmii kopmii/

/kopmii koopmii/

ghost

dn

tn

bodni botni

/podnii potnii/

/potnii pootnii/

bottom

dnj
g

tnj
k

boadnji boatnji

/ptn ii poatn ii/

j

/ptn ii puatn ii/

husband

duogat duokan /tdn ah(t) tuotn aan/ /tkah(t) tuokaan/ to patch

3.1.2.8. Partially voiced and unvoiced geminate stops (Q III Q II):

Partially voiced geminate stops and affricates are written with two voiced stop or
affricate letters between vowels. Their weak grade counterparts are unvoiced geminate
stops and affricates.
SG

WG example

WI pronunciation

EI pronunciation

gloss

bb

pp

oabb oapp

/bpaa oappaa/

/bp uapp/

sister

dd

tt

haddi hatti

/hadtii hattii/

/hdtii httii/

price

gg

kk

biegga biekka

/pgka piekka/

/pgka piekka/

wind

j j

j j

j j

j j

ddj

dj

ddj dj

/aad t aa aat t aa/

/d t t t /

grandfather

zz

cc

gazza gacca

/kazca kaccaa/

/kzca kcca/

nail, hoof

vieat viean

/vah(t) viean/

/vah(t) vieaan/ to fetch, (go and) get

3.1.2.9. Clusters of a continuant + another consonant (Q III Q II)

This is a very large group. Clusters of this type show a curious behavior in respect to
consonant gradation: in the weak grade, the latter component of the cluster is geminated.
This may seem counterintuitive, as the weak grade thus has more consonants than the
strong grade!
A note on dialectal pronunciation: in the EI dialects the difference between the weak and
strong grades has been lost in clusters where the first member is a sibilant; there is a
compensating difference in the length of the preceding vowel.

20

SG

WG example

WI pronunciation

EI pronunciation

gloss

bb

beabi beabbi

/ppii peappii/

/ppii pippii/

shoulder-blade

gg

geagi geaggi

/kkii keakkii/

/kkii kikkii/

stone, rock

vv

bva bvva

/paava paavva/

/pava paavva/

curly birch

ib

ibb

libi libbi

/laajpii laajppii/

/ljpii ljppii/

bread

id

idd

nieida nieidda

/njta niejtta/

/njta niejtta/

girl, daughter

if

iff

riifu riiffu

/rijfuu rijffuu/

/rijfuu riijffuu/

snail

ig

igg

igi iggi

/aajkii aajkkii/

/jkii jkkii/

time

ihl

ihll

mihli mihlli

/maajLii maajLLii/

/mjLii mjLLii/

sap

ihm

ihmm duihmi duihmmi /tujMii tujMMii/

/tujMii tuujMMii/

stupid

ihn

ihnn ihni ihnni

/aajNii aajNNii/

/jNii jNNii/

woodpecker

il

ill

biila biilla

/pijla pijllaa/

/pijla piijlla/

car

ir

irr

liri lirri

/laajrii laajrrii/

/ljrii ljrrii/

clay

is

iss

gis giss

/kaajsaa kaajssaa/

/kjs kjss/

mountain with perpetual

snow on top of it

iv

ivv

moivi moivvi

/mojvii mojvvii/

/mojvii moojvvii/

mess

lb

lbb

silba silbba

/silpa silppaa/

/silpa siilppa/

silver

ld

ldd

guoldu guolddu

/kltuu kuolttuu/

/kltuu kuolttuu/

snow storm

lf

lff

skuolfi skuolffi

/sklfii skuolffii/

/sklfii skuolffii/

owl

lg

lgg

lgu lggu

/aalkuu aalkkuu/

/alkuu aalkkuu/

to leave

ls

lss

goalsi goalssi

/klsii koalssii/

/klsii kualssii/

merganser (a bird)

la la

/aala aala/

/ala aala/

energy, perserverence

lv

lvv

balva balvva

/palva palvvaa/

/plva plvva/

cloud

mb

mbb bumb bumbb

/pumpaa pumppaa/

/pump puumpp/

chest, trunk (for items)

nd

ndd

gnda gndda

/kaanta kaantta/

/kanta kaantta/

boy

ns

nss

nsu nssu

/aansuu aanssuu/

/ansuu aanssuu/

merit

stni stni

/staanii staanii/

/stnii stnii/

mud

gg

mga mgga

/maanka maankka/

/maka maakka/

many

rb

rbb

rbi rbbi

/aarpii aarppii/

/rpii rppii/

inheritance

rd

rdd

earda eardda

/rta eartta/

/rta irtta/

tribe

rf

rff

mrfi mrffi

/maarfii maarffii/

/mrfii mrffii/

sausage

rg

rgg

biergu bierggu

/prkuu pierkkuu/

/prkuu pierkkuu/

meat

rj

rjj

vearju vearjju

/vrjuu vearjjuu/

/vrjuu virjjuu/

weapon

rs

rss

bursa burssa

/pursa purssaa/

/pursa puurssa/

wallet

mora mora

/mora moraa/

/mora moora/

walrus

rv

rvv

arvi arvvi

/arvii arvvii/

/rvii rvvii/

rain

gri gri

/kaarii kaarii/

/krii krii/

narrow

sk

skk

goaski goaskki

/kskii koaskkii/

/kskii kuaskii/

maternal aunt (older

than mother)

sm

smm bisma bismma

/pisma pismmaa/

/pisma piisma/

bishop

21

st

stt

astat asttan

/astah(t) asttaan/

/stah(t) staan/

to have time

kk

reakit reakkn /rkit reakkaan/

/rkit rikn/

to cackle with laughter

mm umi ummi

/umii ummii/

/umii uumii/

heel (of foot)

pp

rupi ruppi

/rupi ruppii/

/rupi ruupii/

carrot

tk

tkk

mtki mtkki

/maatkii maatkkii/

/mtkii mtkii/

trip, journey

tm

tmm ftmi ftmmi

/faatmii faatmmii/

/ftmii ftmii/

fathom

vd

vdd

ravda ravdda

/ravta ravttaa/

/rvta rvtta/

edge

vg

vgg

uovga uovgga /vka uovkka/

/vka uovkka/

light

vhl

vhll

skvhli skvhlli

/skaavLii skaavLLii/ /skvLii skvLLii/

gull

vj

vjj

oavji oavjji

/vjii oavjjii/

/vjii uavjjii/

stomach

vl

vll

guovlu guovllu

/kvluu kuovlluu/

/kvluu kuovlluu/

area, region

vr

vrr

jvri jvrri

/jaavrii jaavrrii/

/jvrii jvrrii/

lake

vz

vzz

svza svzza

/saavca saavcca/

/savca saavcca/

sheep

guova guova /kva kuova/

/kva kuova/

bear

3.1.2.10. Clusters of a sonorant and a preaspirated stop (Q III Q II)

In orthographic terms, these clusters behave exactly like the ones listed in the previous
group: in the weak grade the latter consonant becomes doubled. In terms of pronunciation
the situation is somewhat different, though: the latter member of the cluster is a
preaspirated stop or affricate, and the duration of the preaspiration varies between the
strong and the weak grade. In the strong grade the preaspiration is short, and in the short
grade it is longer.
A note on pronunciation: the actual phonetic realization of the preaspiration tends to be
heavily influenced by the previous consonant. The sequence j + h is often realized as [J]
(an unvoiced palatal fricative, cf. German ich), the sequence v + h as [f], l + h as [L] (an
unvoiced lateral), and h + r as [R] (an unvoiced trill). This kind of assimilation is
especially common in the weak grade. After nasals, the preaspiration is always realized
as an unvoiced nasal sound: gumpe /kumhpe/ is pronounced [kumMpe], etc.
SG
ic
ik
ip
it
lk

WG example
icc
ikk
ipp
itt
lk

gica gicca
uoika uoikka
biipu biippu
iti itti
mielki mielkki

WI pronunciation
h

/kaaj ca kaajhca/
h

/j ka uojhka/
h

/pij puu pijhpuu/

h

/aaj tii aajhtii/

h

/ml ki mielhkii/

EI pronunciation
h

/kaj ca kaajhca/
h

/j ka uojhka/
h

/pij puu piijhpuu/

h

/j tii jhtii/
h

/ml ki mielhkii/

gloss
goat
mosquito
pipe
storehouse
milk

lp

lpp

stoalpu stoalppu /stl puu stoalhpuu/ /stl puu stualhpuu/ pole

lt

ltt

slti sltti

mp
k
rc

mpp gumpe gumppe

kk
rcc

bku bkku
bircu birccu

/saalhtii saalhtii/
h

/kum pe kumhpe/

/slhtii slhtii/
h

/kum pe kuumhpe/

/paa kuu paahkuu/ /pa kuu paahkuu/

h

/pir cuu pirhcuu/

/pir cuu piirhcuu/

salt
wolf
bank
dice

22

/skurhuu skurhuu/

skuru skuru

rk

rkk

mearka mearkka /mrhka mearhka/

rp
rt
vk
vp

rpp
rtt
vkk
vpp

rpu rppu
brti brtti
lvka lvkka
gvpi gvppi

/aar puu aarhpuu/

h

/paar tii paarhtii/

h

/laav ka laavhka/
h

/kaav pii kaavhpii/

/skurhuu skuurhuu/ ravine

/mrhka mirhka/
h

/ar puu aarhpuu/

mark
thread

(serious) accident

bag

/pr tii prhtii/

/lav ka laavhka/
h

/kv pii kvhpii/

store, shop

3.1.2.11. Clusters of the type v/j/l + nasal (Q III Q II)

These clusters have a homorganic stop preceding the nasal in the strong grade; otherwise
they behave like the clusters discussed in group 3.1.2.9.
A note on dialectal pronunciation: the stop in the strong grade clusters is not pronounced
in the EI dialects.
SG

WG example

WI pronunciation

EI pronunciation

gloss

ibm

imm ibmu immu

/aajpmuu aajmmuu/

/ajmuu aajmmuu/

air

idn

inn

/sjtnii suojnnii/

/sjnii suojnnii/

grass, hay

/vja vuoja/

breath, spirit

suoidni suoidni

j j

ig

vuoiga vuoia /vjtn a vuojn n a/

lbm

lmm albmi almmi

/alpmii almmii/

/lmii lmmii/

eye

ldn

lnn

/sltnii suolnnii/

/slnii suolnnii/

dew

suoldni suolnni

j j

lg

alga ala

/altn a aln n aa/

/la la/

gums

vdn

vnn

svdni svnni

/saavtnii saavnnii/

/svnii svnnii/

sauna

vdnj vnjj

lavdnji lavnnji

j j

/lavtn ii lavn n ii/

j j

/lvn ii - lvn n ii/

peat, sod

3.1.2.12. Clusters of the type r + nasal (Q III Q II)

These clusters have a homorganic stop preceding the nasal in both the strong grade and
the weak grade. In the strong grade the stop is written with a voiced letter (b, d, g), in the
weak grade with an unvoiced letter (p, t, k).
In pronunciation, the difference between the clusters varies between dialects. In WI
dialects the grades seem to be distinguisghed by the placement of the syllable boundary:
in the strong grade the syllable boundary precedes the stop, in the weak grade it is placed
between the stop and the nasal. In EI dialects, on the other hand, the stop is pronounced
only in the weak grade but not in the strong grade.
SG

WG example

WI pronunciation

EI pronunciation

gloss

rbm

rpm

orbma orpma

/or.pma orp.maa/

/orma oorpma/

fist

rdn

rtn

brdni brtni

/paar.tnii paart.nii/

/prnii prtnii/

boy, son

rdnj
rg

rtnj
rk

skurdnji skurtnji /skur.tn ii skurt.n ii/

goargut goarkun

/skurn ii skuurtn ii/

wretch

/kr.tn uuh(t) koart.n uun/ /kruuh(t) kuarkuun/

to go uphill or upriver

23

3.1.2.13. Clusters with k as the first member (Q III Q II)

In these clusters, the k in the strong grade alterates with v in the weak grade. Otherwise
clusters behave identically to those discussed in 3.1.2.9.
SG

WG example

WI pronunciation

EI pronunciation

gloss

kc

vcc

gakcut gavccun

/kakcuuh(t) kavhcuun/ /kkcuuh(t) kvhcuun/

aka ava

/aka avha/

/ka vha/

autumn

ks

vss

uksa uvssa

/uksa uvssa/

/uksa uuvssa/

door

dikut divun

/tikuuh(t) tivuun/

/tikuuh(t) tiivuun/

kst

vstt

teaksta teavstta

/tksta teavstta/

/tksta tiavstta/ text

kt

vtt

okta ovtta

/okta ovhta/

/okta oovhta/

to climb

to take care of

one

3.1.2.14. Three-consonant clusters (Q III Q II)

These clusters are relatively rare and occur mainly in recent loanwords. They behave
essentially identically to those discussed in 3.1.2.9.; the first consonant in the cluster does
not have an effect on the gradation.
SG

WG example

WI pronunciation

isk

iskk

Duiska Duiskka /tujska tujskkaa/

ist

istt

mistit misttn

mk

mkk limki limkki

nst

nstt

EI pronunciation

gloss

/tujska tuujska/

Germany

/maajstiih(t) maajsttaan/ /mjstiih(t) mjstn/ to taste

/limkii limkkii/

goansta goanstta /knsta koanstta/

/limkii liimkii/

rag

/knsta kuansta/

trick, way (of

doing something)

rst

rstt

stm

Girste Girstte

/kirste kirstte/

/kirste kiirste/

(womans name)

stmm stm stmm

/aastmaa aastmmaa/

/stm stm/

asthma

vsk

vskk hvski hvskki

/haavskii haavskkii/

/hvskii hvskii/

fun, pleasant

vst

vst

/naavstuu naavsttuu/

/nvstuu nvstuu/

shed for boats

nvstu nvsttu

3.1.3. Strong grade strengthening

Strong grade strengthening is a morphophonological process connected with consonant
gradation that affects Quantity II strong grades. In words which otherwise show
consonant gradation between Quantity II (strong grade) and Quantity I (weak grade),
certain strong-grade forms may undergo strengthening which changes the strong grade
from Quantity II to the corresponding Quantity III geminate or cluster. This is the case in
certain imperative forms of verbs, for instance. In the example below, the Quantity II
strong grade -ht- becomes strengthened to the corresponding Quantity III -htt- in the dual
second person imperative form:

24

strong grade Q II

weak grade Q I

strengthened grade Q III

boahtit
come.INF
to come

boan
come.1SG
I come

boahtti
come.IMP.2DU
come! (you two)

Note that the process does not affect words which show consonant gradation between
Quantity III and Quantity II (since there is no quantity longer than Quantity III to which
the strong grade could be strengthened). Consider the following example:
strong grade Q III

weak grade Q II

strengthening has no effect:

luohttit
trust.INF
to trust

luohtn
trust.1SG
I trust

luohtti
come.IMP.2DU
trust! (you two)

The following table shows the results of strong grade strengthening in each case of
gradation of the type Q II : Q I.
SG

WG strengthened

INF 1SG

IMP.2DU

> '

oait oan

oa'i

to sleep

ll

> l'l

doallat doalan

doal'li

to hold

mm

> m'm

njammat njaman

njam'mi

to suck

nn

> n'n

mannat manan

man'ni

to go

rr

> r'r

jearrat jearan

jear'ri

to ask

ss

> s's

bassat basan

bas'si

to wash

> '

viat vian

vi'i

to bother to

vv

> v'v

njuovvat njuovan

njuov'vi

to flay, to slaughter

hp

> hpp

rahpat raban

rahppi

to open

ht

> htt

boahtit boan

boahtti

to come

hk

> hkk

juhkat jugan

juhkki

to drink

hc

> hcc

bhcit bzn

bhcci

to stay, to remain

> h

bhit bn

bhi

to shoot

pm

> bm

doapmat doaman

doabmi

to hurry

tn

> dn

atnat anan

adni

to tie, to bind

tnj

nj

> dnj

botnjat bonjan

bodnji

to twist

> g

kat an

gi

to creep in

dj

> ddj

vuodjit vuojn

vuoddji

to drive

25

3.2. Diphthong simplification

The so-called diphtong simplification is the most important morphophonological
phenomenon affecting vowels in North Saami. In certain word-forms diphthongs become
monophthongs, as follows:
simplification
ie > i
ea > e
uo > u
oa > o

INF

ierrut
eallit
vuolgit
goarrut

2DU
irro
elle
vulge
gorro

to cry
to live
to leave, go away
to sew

Diphthong simplification is conditioned by the structure of the unstressed syllable

immediately following the diphthong. If the following syllable contains either -e-, -o-, ii- or -ui-, diphthong simplification may occur. These conditions are not without
exceptions, though:
trigger:
e
o
ii
ui

applies:
often
often
nearly always
rarely

The exceptions to the simplification rule are morphologically conditioned i.e.,

simplification does not occur in certain morphological forms even though its
phonological conditions are fulfilled. Before the sequence -ii- the simplification rule is
almost exceptionless, but before -e- or -o- there are numerous exceptions, for example:
compound forms:

biergu meat + mlli soup

> biergomlli meat soup (not *birgomlli)

many verb forms:

oastit INF to buy

: oastte IMP.2SG buy! (not *ostte)
: oasttekeahtt NEG_CONV without buying
(not *osttekeahtt)

Before the sequence -ui-, it is the diphthong simplification itself which is exceptional: it
only occurs in very few forms. One such form is the SG.ILL of vowel-stem nouns ending
in -u: viessu [house.SG.NOM] : vissui [house.SG.ILL]. In most forms, however, the
sequence -ui- does not trigger diphthong simplification: cf. viesuin [house.SG.COM],
viesuid [house.PL.GEN], viesuide [house.PL.ILL], etc.

26

3.3. Unstressed vowel alterations

Unstressed vowel alterations refer to either changes in the quality of, or the loss of,
vowels in unstressed syllables (most often, the second syllable). Some of these alterations
are conditioned by the phonological environment, whereas for others the conditions are
morphological: one has to know which alterations take place in a given form in the
paradigm.
In orthographic terms, there are six underlying vowels that can occur in unstressed
syllables. These are affected by unstressed vowel alterations as follows:
vowel

e
o
a
i
u

alterations conditioned:
(does not alterate)
phonologically
phonologically
morphologically
morphologically
morphologically

The alterations affecting an underlying e and o are automatically conditioned by the

phonological environment: in an unstressed syllable, the changes e > i and o > u occur
whenever the letter -i- (phonologically the glide /j/) follows. Compare the verb forms in
the following partial paradigm, where the PAST.3SG ending -i and PAST.2DU ending -ime
trigger the changes:
INF

fertet
digot

3SG
ferte
digo

PAST.3SG

fertii
digui

2DU
fertejetne
digojetne

PAST.2DU

fertiime
diguime

to have to
to order, to subscribe

Morphologically conditioned vowel alterations affecting a, i and u occur in sets: in a

given morphological context, one vowel undergoes a particular change whereas another
vowel may undergo another change. At least seven sets of such changes can be
distinguished:
1) i > (no other changes). This change occurs, e.g., in the 1SG form of gradating verbs:
change
i>
a: no change
u: no change

INF

boahtit
giessat
goarrut

1SG
boan
giesan
goarun

to come
to wrap
to sew

27

2) i > , a > . This set of changes occurs, e.g., in the 3SG forms of gradating verbs:
change
i>
a>
u: no change

INF

boahtit
giessat
goarrut

3SG
boaht
giess
goarru

to come
to wrap
to sew

3) i > e, u > o. This set of changes occurs, e.g., in the CONNEG forms of gradating verbs:
change
i>e
a: no change
u>o

INF

CONNEG

boahtit
giessat
goarrut

boae
giesa
goaro

to come
to wrap
to sew

4) i > e, a > e, u > o. This set of changes occurs, e.g., in the 3PL forms of gradating
verbs:
change
i>e
a>e
u>o

INF

boahtit
giessat
goarrut

3PL
bohtet
gisset
gorrot

to come
to wrap
to sew

5) i > , u > o. This set of changes occurs, e.g., in the

nouns:
change
i>
a: no change
u>o

SG.NOM

PL.NOM

boaris
fanas
boaus

boarrsat
fatnasat
bohtosat

PL.NOM

forms of consonant-stem

old person
boat
result

6) i > , a > i. This set of changes is apparently confined to only one particular form, the
SG.ILL of vowel-stem nouns:
change
i>
a>i
u: no change

SG.NOM

SG.ILL

vuovdi
giehta
dllu

vuovdi
gihtii
dllui

forest
hand, arm
house

7) a > i (no other changes). This change occurs, e.g., in the IMP.2DU of gradating verbs:
change
i: no change
a>i
u: no change

INF

IMP.2DU

boahtit
giessat
goarrut

boahtti
gies'si
goar'ru

to come
to wrap
to sew

28

In addition to the alterations listed above, unstressed vowels can also be affected by stem
vowel deletion. In stems ending in a vowel, the final vowel becomes deleted when a
suffix beginning with a vowel is added. This process is fairly rare in inflectional
paradigms, but it does occur in gradating verbs when certain imperative suffixes are
added, such as the IMP.1DU suffix -u or the IMP.1PL suffix -ot:
INF

vuolgit
geahat
lvlut

stem
vuolgigeahalvlu-

IMP.1DU

IMP.1PL

vuolgu
geahu
lvlu

vulgot
gehot
lvlot

to leave, go away
to look, watch
to sing

Even though rare in inflectional morphology, stem vowel deletion is common in

derivational operations. For example, the deverbal noun suffix -a and the punctual aspect
verb suffix -d- cause the stem vowel of the root verb to be deleted:
vuolgit to leave, go away
lvlut to sing

vuolgga start (of a trip, journey, etc.)

lvlla song

huikit to shout, to yell

gossat to cough
bossut to blow

huikkdit to shout (suddenly, once)

gosdit to cough (suddenly, once)
bosdit to blow (suddenly, once)

3.4. Margin consonant alterations

In stems ending in a consonant (so-called consonant stems), the consonant at the end of
the stem (i.e., on the stem margin) may display morphophonological alteration. There
are two basic types of margin consonant alteration: qualitative changes, and alteration
with zero (). The basic conditioning factor is word-final vs. medial position. In a wordform that consists of the bare stem with no suffix added, the stem-final consonant ends up
in word-final position, and then is either deleted or undergoes a qualitative change.
SG.NOM

PL.NOM

gvpot
beana

gvpogat
beatnagat

city
dog

underlying consonant:
g
g

The following regular margin consonant alterations occur in North Saami:

: -g- (only in nouns; common)
gma SG.NOM : gpmagat PL.NOM shoe

29

 : -m- (only in nouns; rare)

eana SG.NOM : eatnamat PL.NOM earth, land
: -n- (only in nouns; rare)
luomi SG.NOM : luopmnat PL.NOM cloudberry
-t : -b- (in the comparative derivatives of adjectives, but only very rarely in other words)
stuort SG.NOM : stuorbut PL.NOM bigger (cf. stuoris big)
ustit SG.NOM : ustibat PL.NOM friend
-t : -d- (in nouns, adjectives and verbs; common)
eahket SG.NOM : eahkedat PL.NOM evening
hppat SG.NOM : hppadat PL.NOM black
borat CONNEG : boradit INF to have a meal, to dine
-t : -g- (in nouns, adjectives and verbs; rare)
gvpot SG.NOM : gvpogat PL.NOM city
allat SG.NOM : allagat PL.NOM high
bvat CONNEG : bvagit INF to hurt (intransitive)
-t : -h-, where -h- is pronounced as /-ht-/ in EI dialects (common in verbs, rare in nouns)
borat CONNEG : borahit INF to feed (EI: /poorahtih(t)/)
Mret SG.NOM : Mrehat PL.NOM (a womans name) (EI: /mrehtah(t)/)
-t : -h-, where -h- is pronounced as /-hk-/ in EI dialects (nouns; rather common)
varit SG.NOM : varihat PL.NOM reindeer bull (EI: /vriihkah(t)/)
-n : -m- (deverbal nouns; common)
jpmin SG.NOM : jpmimat PL.NOM death ( jpmit to die)
- : -- (diminutive nouns; common)
nieidda SG.NOM : nieiddaat PL.NOM little girl ( nieida girl)
-s : -st- (only in verbs; not very common)
boagus CONNEG : boagustit INF to laugh
- : -t- (only in verbs; not very common)
bero CONNEG : berotit INF to care

30

-l : -ld- (only in verbs; rare)

oaivvil CONNEG : oaivvildit INF to have the opinion (that...)
-r : -rd- (only in verbs; rare)
gopmir CONNEG : gopmirdit INF to bow
All of the alterations which do not involve zero () have a straightforward motivation: b,
d, g, h, m, and and do not occur in final position in North Saami, nor do consonant
clusters. The alterations and the simplifications of clusters in final position thus result
from phonotactic constraints.
In addition to the alterations listed above, there are also a couple of alterations that occur
only in one single word, e.g. -t : -p- in llat SG.NOM : llapat PL.NOM snow bunting (a
kind of bird). Also these unique cases result form phonotactic constraints e.g., p does
not occur in final position.
In the case of verb stems, the same alterations that occur in final position are also
triggered by bisyllabic inflectional and derivational suffixes that begin with a consonant.
For instance, the stem of berotit to care is realized as bero- in the NEG_CONV
berokeahtt without caring, and in the negative adjective derivative beromeahttun
careless.

31

4. NOMINALS
In North Saami the group of nominal word-classes consists of nouns, pronouns,
adjectives, and quantifiers. All nominals can be inflected for case and (with the
exception of personal pronouns) for singular and plural number. In addition to case and
number, nouns can also be inflected for possession by means of possessive suffixes.

4.1. A functional overview of the case system

The North Saami case system consists of six cases. As an example, consider the singular
case paradigm of the noun dllu house (the glosses are only intended to give a very
rough idea of the functions of the cases):
nominative:
genitive:
locative:
illative:
comitative:
essive:

dllu
dlu
dlus
dllui
dluin
dllun

a/the house (subject, predicative)

of a/the house; a/the house (object)
in a/the house, from a/the house
into a/the house
with a/the house
as a house

The main functions of the cases are described in more detail in the subsections below.

4.1.1. Nominative
The nominative singular is morphologically unmarked, and it is the citation form of
nominals in dictionaries. The nominative has two core syntactic functions: it is used as a
case of a subject and a predicative.
The grammatical subjects of all types of finite verbs are always in the nominative case:
Ipmil lea.
god(.NOM) be.3SG
God exists. (existential verb)
Duot dlut leat ruoksadat.
that.PL.NOM house.PL.NOM be.3PL red.PL.NOM
Those houses are red. (copula)
Ruoksat lea mu fvorihttaivdni.
red(.NOM) be.3SG 1SG.GEN favorite.color
Red is my favorite color. (equative verb)

32

Moai vzze skuvlii.

1DU(.NOM) walk.1DU school.ILL
We (2) are walking / going to walk to school. (intransitive verb)
Mhtte gazz biergomli.
Matthew(.NOM) eat_with_spoon.3SG meat.soup.SG.GEN
Matthew is eating meat soup. (transitive verb)
Biergomlli gazzojuv'vui visot.
meat.soup(.NOM) eat_with_spoon.PASS.PAST.3SG all
All the meat soup was eaten. (passive verb)
Mus lea biila.
1SG.LOC be.3SG car(.NOM)
I have a car. (possessive construction note that the possessed is the subject!)
The predicative in sentences built with the verb leat be is in the nominative case, except
in sentences where the predicative indicates possession (see genitive, 4.1.2.) or where it
expresses a temporary task, state, function or quality of the subject (see essive, 4.1.6.):
Mun lean Mhtte.
1SG be.1SG Matthew(.NOM)
I am Matthew.
Dat lei buorre fanas.
it be.PAST.3SG good boat(.NOM)
It was a good boat.
Soai leaba oahpaheaddjit.
3DU be.3DU teacher.PL.NOM
They (two) are teachers.
Duot dlut leat ruoksadat.
that.PL.NOM house.PL.NOM be.3PL red.PL.NOM
Those houses are red.

33

Also the verbs addat to become and orrut to seem to be3 can take a predicative in the
nominative case:
Dat attai buorre fanas.
it become.PAST.3SG good boat(.NOM)
It became a good boat.
Dat orui buorre fanas.
it seem.PAST.3SG good boat(.NOM)
It seemed to be a good boat.
The nominative also functions as the case of the object if the object is a singular form
of a numeral higher than one, or one of the quantifiers mga many, moadde a
couple of, or gal'le how many?.4 In all other instances, objects take the genitive case;
see 4.2.2. below. Hence, these quantifiers form a curious exception to the general pattern
of object marking. Examples:
Gal'le ostet?
how_many(.NOM) buy.PAST.2SG
How many did you buy?
Osten golbma.
buy.PAST.1SG three(.NOM)
I bought three.
Osten moadde.
buy.PAST.1SG a_couple(.NOM)
I bought a few.

Note that both verbs of these verbs are highly polysemous, and also appear in other meanings in quite
different syntctic constructions: addat also means to grow, to be born, and to end up in; to end up
having to do something, and orrut also has the meanings to live (somewhere), to dwell, to stay, and in
certain contexts even to be.
4
Note that even numeral and other quantifier objects take the genitive case if they are in the plural. Plural
numerals and quantifiers are used for counting pairs or sets of objects (see X.X. for details on the use of
quantifier constructions):
Osten golmmaid.
buy.PAST.1SG three.PL.GEN
I bought three [pairs of something / sets of something].

34

The nominative case is also used as a form of address:

Gula, brdni!
hear.IMP.2SG son(.NOM)
Listen, son!
Leatgo, Mhtte-eahki, oaidnn dn?
be.2SG.Q Matthew-fathers_older_brother(.NOM) see.PAST.PTCL this.GEN
Uncle Matthew, have you seen this?
The nominative is also used in exclamations, unless the exclamation begins with an
interjection (such as vuoi oh!, alas!) and the underlying topic of the exclamation is the
same as the referent of the noun phrase (compare exclamations in the genitive, 4.1.2.):
Bohccot!
reindeer.PL.NOM
Reindeer! [e.g., watch out, there are reindeer on the road!]
Mhtte-riehpu!
Matthew-poor_thing(.NOM)
Poor Matthew!
Vuoi beargalat!
oh devil(.NOM)
Oh hell!

4.1.2. Genitive
Nearly all grammatical descriptions of North Saami distinguish between a genitive and
an accusative case. These are described as homonymous in nearly all instances, and thus
also the term genitive-accusative is used. Despite this tradition, there seem to be no
acceptable morphological or morphosyntactic criteria for distinguishing the accusative
as a case of its own in North Saami. Hence, only the term genitive will be used in this
grammar sketch.
The genitive is used as an attribute in noun phrases. It most commonly expresses
possession (in the wide sense):
Mhte biila [Matthew.GEN car]
Matthews car
beatnaga namma [dog.GEN name]
the dogs name
su jurdda [3SG.GEN thought]
his/her idea
mnid skuvla-beaivi [child.PL.GEN school-day] the childrens day at school
riikka rdj [state.GEN border]
state border
meara brut [sea.GEN wave.PL.NOM]
the waves of the ocean

35

Genitive attributes may also express:

a) location
Ohcejoga skuvla [Ohcejohka.GEN school]
Givuona festivla [Givuotna.GEN festival]

the school at Ohcejohka

the festival at Givuotna

b) time
maebrgga viisa [tuesday.GEN newspaper] tuesdays newspaper
diimm ml'le [last_year.GEN model]
last years model
c) measure
miilla mtki [ten_kilometers.GEN trip]
a distance of 10 kilometers
diimmu boddu [hour.GEN break]
a one hour break
via kilo oarbealle [five.GEN kilo.GEN rump] a 5-kilo reindeer rump roast
d) subject of a verb that semantically underlies the head noun
doaktra dutkamu [doctor.GEN examination]
bissuid bvkkas [gun.PL.GEN banging]

the doctors examination

firing of guns

(cf. dutkat to examine, to study, bvkit to make banging sounds)

e) object of a transitive verb that semantically underlies the head noun
smegiela oahpahus [Saami.language.GEN teaching] the teaching of Saami
dj hvdejaat [grandfather.GEN burial.PL.NOM] grandfathers burial
ruaid juohku [money.PL.GEN division]
the division of funds
(cf. oahpahit to teach, hvddit to bury, juohkit to divide, to share)
The genitive is also used in possessive predicatives:
Dt biila lea Mhte.
this car be.3SG Matthew.GEN
This car is Matthews.
Duot gpmagat leat mu.
that.PL.NOM shoe.PL.NOM be.3PL 1SG.GEN
Those shoes are mine.
Dependents of postpositions and prepositions are in the genitive case:
beavddi alde [table.GEN on.LOC]
basiid ma [holiday.PL.GEN after]
rua haga [money.GEN without]
mieht milmmi [all_over world.GEN]

on the table
after the holidays
without money
all over the world
36

Objects of transitive verbs are always in the genitive case (except if the object is a
singular form of a numeral higher than one or one of the quantifiers mga, moadde, or
gal'le; see 4.1.1.2.):
Oidnen Mhte.
see.PAST.3SG Matthew.GEN
I saw Matthew.
Hliidehpetgo deaja?
want.2PL.Q tea.GEN
Would you (3+) like some tea?
hi doalvu dudno skuvlii.
father take.3SG 2DU.PL.GEN school.ILL
Father will take you (2) to school.
Osten ruoksada.
buy.PAST.1SG red.GEN
I bought a red one.
Osten due ovtta.
buy.PAST.1SG only one.GEN
I only bought one.
Note: there are very many verbs that are transitive in North Saami, even though their
semantic equivalents in English (and many other langauges) are not transitive. Some
examples:
Mnt urvot hi.
child.PL.NOM shout.3PL father.GEN
The children are calling for father.
Lean regon Mhte mannan dlvvi.
be.1SG work_as_a_hired_hand_for.PAST_PTCL Matthew.GEN last winter.GEN
Ive worked as a hired hand for Matthew last winter.
The subjects of non-finite verb-forms are in the genitive case:
Son muitalii dan Mhte guladettiin.
3SG tell.PAST.3SG it.GEN Matthew.GEN hear.GER
(S)he told it while Matthew was hearing.
Dt du libun ghkku lea njlgga.
this 2SG.GEN bake.PASS_PAST_PTCL cake be.3SG tasty
This cake you have baked is good.
37

Mhtte dagai dan min dieekeahtt.

Matthew do.PAST.3SG it.GEN 1PL.GEN know.NEG_CONV
Matthew did it without us knowing.
The genitive is used in exclamations, if the exclamation begins with an interjection and
the underlying topic of the exclamation is the same as the referent of the noun phrase
(compare exclamations in the nominative, 4.1.1.):
Vuoi Mhtte-riebu!
oh Matthew-poor_thing.GEN
Oh poor Matthew!
Hei dn dlkki!
oh this.GEN weather.GEN
What a (bad) weather!
Genitive forms are also used in several other functions, such as in comparative
constructions, certain numeral and quantifier constructions, and certain types of adverbs.
Such use will be discussed in connection with these morphosyntactic topics later.

4.1.3. Locative
The locative is one of the two local cases in North Saami (cf. the illative, 4.1.4). It has
two basic local functions.
a) The locative is a static local case that expresses location at the point of reference:
Mhtte lea gvppis.
Matthew be.3SG store.LOC
Matthew is at the (grocery) store.
Fierpmit leat zis.
net.PL.NOM be.3PL water.LOC
The nets are in water.
Ig vulggii ku gieas muoraid uohppat.
Ing leave.PAST.3SG ax hand.LOC tree.PL.GEN cut.INF
Ing went cutting wood with an ax in her hand.
Eadni geah televiuvnna orrun-lanjas.
mother look.3SG television.GEN living-room.LOC
Mother is watching TV in the living room.

38

Din jekkiin addet ollu luopmnat.

this.PL.LOC bog.PL.LOC grow.3PL much cloudberry.PL.NOM
A lot of cloudberries grow in these bogs.
b) the locative is also a dynamic local case that expresses movement away from the
point of reference:
Mhtte boii gvppis.
Matthew come.PAST.3SG store.LOC
Matthew came (back) from the (grocery) store.
Ig gesii firpmiid zis.
Ing pull.PAST.3SG net.PL.GEN water.LOC
Ing pulled the nets out of the water.
iljus gul'lojit olbmuid jienat.
yard.LOC be_audible.3PL person.PL.GEN sound.PL.NOM
Peoples voices can be heard from the yard.
To avoid confusion between the two local functions or to emphasize the dynamic
interpretation, the adverb eret away may be used alongside a locative adverb:
Vlden gova seainnis eret.
take.PAST.1SG picture.GEN wall.LOC away
I took the picture off the wall.
Mhtte lea eret Anris.
Matthew be.3SG away Anr.LOC
Matthew is from Inari. (i.e., he spent his early life there)
Note that the locative is also used with the verb fitnat to go somewhere and return.
Mhtte finai gvppis.
Matthew go_and_return.PAST.3SG store.LOC
Matthew went to the store [and came back].
Various kinds of metaphorical extensions of the basic local use are very common:
hi boii ealgabivddus.
father come.PAST.3SG moose.hunt.LOC
Father came (home) from the moose hunt.
Dt oahppo-girji ii leat at anus.
this learning-book NEG.3SG be.CONNEG still use.LOC
This coursebook is not in use anymore.

39

Eahkedis moai lvejetne leat ruovttus.

evening.LOC 2DU have_the_habit_of.2DU be.INF home.LOC
We are usually home in the evenings.
The locative is also used in a habitive function. North Saami does not have a possessive
verb like English have. Instead, possessive sentences are based on the verb leat to be,
with the possessor in the locative case and the possessed as the grammatical subject of
the sentence (in the nominative case).
Mhtes lea biila.
Matthew.LOC be.3SG car
Matthew has a car.
Manin Mhtes leat guokte biilla?
why Matthew.LOC be.3PL two car.GEN
Why does Matthew have two cars?
Eaigo dus leat oappt?
NEG.3PL.Q 2SG.LOC be.3PL sister.PL.NOM
Dont you have any sisters?
The locative is also used to mark the person from whose possession something is
transferred away from:
Oon dn girjji Iggs.
get.PAST.1SG this.GEN book.GEN Ing.LOC
I got this book from Ing.
Vlden beanna mns eret.
take.PAST.1SG pen.GEN child.LOC away
I took the pen away from the child.
The locative case also has the function of marking a person who experiences a bodily
sensation or a mental state. The grammatical subject of the sentence is the body part
affected, or the feeling or mental state experienced.
Mhtes doddjui giehta.
Matthew.LOC break_in_two.PAST.3SG hand
Matthews arm broke.
Mhtes oaivi bvasta.
Matthew.LOC head ache.3SG
Matthew has a headache.

40

Mhtes vai buol'li.

Matthew.LOC hatred catch_fire.PAST.3SG
Matthew got very angry (hatred caught fire)
The locative can also mark someone who experiences his possessions or circumstances
(usually negatively) affected by events beyond his control:
Mhtes dllu bulii.
Matthew.LOC burn.PAST.3SG house
Matthews house burned up on him.
(note: Matthew is not a possessor in the sentence!)
Mhtes manai luopmu bil'li.
Matthew.LOC go.PAST.3SG holiday ruin.ILL
Matthews holiday was ruined. (went into ruin)
As an extension of such usage, the locative can also be used to decrease the agentivity
of the sentence i.e., to express that the action or event caused by the person was
involuntary or supposedly beyond his control:
Mhtes beasai garrustni.
Matthew.LOC get_somewhere.PAST.3SG swear.word
A swear word slipped out on Matthew.
Mhtes gahai lssa lhtti.
Matthew.LOC fall.PAST.3SG glass floor.ILL
Matthew dropped a glass on the floor.
Mhtes manai tente funet.
Matthew.LOC go.PAST.3SG examination badly.
Matthews exam did not go well.
There are many other uses of the locative case, for instance in various temporal adverbs;
such use will be discussed in connection with these morphosyntactic categories.
Certain individual verbs may also govern an argument in the locative case, even though
there is no transparent semantic reason for this, as in the case of ballat to be afraid:
Mun balan beatnagis.
1SG be_afraid.1SG dog.LOC
I am afraid of the dog.

41

4.1.4. Illative
The illative is the second of the two local cases in North Saami (cf. the locative, 4.1.3.).
The illative is a dynamic local case that expresses movement to a place or point of
reference:
Mrj mann gvpi.
Mary go.3SG store.ILL
Mary is going to the store.
Mhtte doalvu mnid skuvlii.
Matthew take.3SG child.PL.GEN school.ILL
Matthew takes the children to school.
Soai suhppiiga firpmiid hci.
3DU throw.PAST.3DU net.PL.GEN water.ILL
They cast the nets in water.
There are also many kinds of metaphoric extensions of this basic local function:
Ohcejogas lea Guovdageidnui guoktelogivihtta miilla.
Ohcejohka.LOC be.3SG Guovdageaidnu.ILL twentyfive ten_kilometres.GEN
It is 250 kilometres from Ohcejohka to Guovdageaidnu.
Mhtte geahai munnje.
Matthew look.PAST.3SG 1SG.ILL
Matthew looked at me.
Viellja vulggii guollebivdui.
brother leave.PAST.3SG fish.hunt.ILL
Brother went fishing.
The second basic function of the illative is habitive it marks a recipient, as in the
following examples:
Mhtte attii girjji Igi.
Matthew give.PAST.3SG book.GEN Ig.ILL
Matthew gave the book to Ig.
Osten mnide oa dlvejhkaid.
buy.PAST.1SG child.PL.ILL new.ATTR winter.coat.PL.GEN
I bought the children new winter coats.

42

Njorres munnje gfe!

pour.IMP.2SG 1SG.ILL coffee.GEN
Pour me some coffee!
A metaphoric extension of the recipient function is the use of the illative to mark a
beneficiary (i.e., for who something is done):
jehin dlu gussiide.
show.PAST.1SG house.GEN guest.PL.ILL
I showed the house to the guests. (i.e., I showed the guests around the house)
Rabatgo uvssa munnje?
open.2SG.Q door.GEN 1SG.ILL
Could you open the door for me?
The illative is also used in temporal adverbs to express until what time an action or an
event lasts:
Gohcen iitidjii.
be_awake.PAST.1SG morning.night.ILL
I stayed awake until early morning.
Ig luoikkai munnje fatnasa vahkkui.
Ig lend.PAST.1SG 1SG.ILL boat.GEN week.ILL
Ig lent me a boat for a week.
There are quite a few more marginal and idiosyncratic uses of the illative case. Some of
the most central ones are listed below.
Verbs implying a change in the subjects or objects state usually require a locational
adverb in the illative (rather than the locative) case:
hi nohkai goahti.
father fall_asleep.PAST.3SG tent.ILL
Father fell asleep in [into] the tent.
Boazu jmii meahcci.
reindeer die.PAST.3SG wilds.ILL
The reindeer died in [into] the wilds.
Bis'su lhppui meahcci.
gun get_lost.PAST.3SG wilds.ILL
The gun got lost in [into] the wilds.

43

Bisneimmet dan gilli idjii.

stop.PAST.1PL it.GEN village.ILL night.ILL
We stopped in [into] that village for the night.
Even more curiously, the verb bhcit to stay behaves in the same manner as verbs
denoting a change in the subjects state:
Moai bziime gvpogii.
1DU remain.PAST.1DU city.ILL
We stayed in [into] the city (i.e., we did not leave)
The illative is also used to express in what langauge something is said, written, etc.:
Son doalai ovdasga smegillii.
3SG keep.PAST.1SG presentation.GEN Saami.language.ILL
(S)he kept the lecture in Saami.
Leago dt girji jorgaluvvon eagalasgillii?
be.3SG.Q this book translate.PAST_PTCL English.language.ILL
Has this book been translated into English?
The verb liikot to like governs an argument the illative case:
Liikotgo gffii?
like.2SG.Q coffee.ILL
Do you like coffee?
The illative is also used to mark the agent of causative and adversative passive verbs; this
will be discussed in connection with these verb types.

4.1.5. Comitative
The comitative case has two main functions.
a) It signifies an instrument or means for something:
Ig goarru gvtti goarrunmaiinnain.
Ing sew.3SG Saami_costume.GEN sewing_machine.COM
Ig sews a Saami costume with a sewing machine.
Sii uhppe muoraid kuiguin.
3PL cut.PAST.3PL tree.PL.GEN ax.PL.COM
They cut down the trees with axes.

44

Mrj mlii seainni rukses mlain.

Mary paint.PAST.3SG wall.GEN red.ATTR paint.COM
Mary painted the wall with red paint.
Mhtte vuodj mohtorgielkkin.
Matthew drive.3SG snowmobile.COM
Matthew rides a snowmobile.
Olmmo ii eale due biergomliin.
person NEG.3SG live.CONNEG only meat.soup.COM
One cannot live on meat soup alone.
Osten bensiinna golmmain uiin ruvnnuin.
buy.PAST.1SG gasoline.GEN three.COM hundred.COM crown.COM
I bought gas for three hundred crowns.
b) It signifies concomitance (i.e., an accomplice or a participant):
Mun manan bostii Mhtiin.
1SG go.1SG post_office.ILL Matthew.COM
Im going to the post office with Matthew.
Mhtte hleta gussiiguin.
Matthew chat.3SG guest.PL.COM
Matthew chats with the guests.
Mnn stoahk bussin.
child play.3SG cat.COM
The child is playing with the cat.
This function is rare in the case of inanimate objects, but not unheard of:
Osten biilla dlverieggiguin.
buy.PAST.1SG car.GEN winter.tyre.PL.COM
I bought a car with snow tyres. (i.e., the tyres came along with the car)
The comitative case can also be used with the dual personal pronouns moai we two and
doai you two, when there is a need to define the second person involved:
Boahtibeahttigo doai Iggin frrui?
come.2DU.Q 2DU Ing.COM along
Are you and Ig coming along?

45

Moai Mhtiin vulge gvpi.

1DU Matthew.COM leave.1DU store.ILL
(~ Moai vulge gvpi Mhtiin.)
Me an Matthew are going to the store.
Note that these expressions cannot refer to three persons i.e., Moai Mhtiin can never
mean *the two of us and Matthew.
When there is a need to specify two definite persons in the third person, a special
construction built around a word guovttos is used (the word guovttos is a derivative of the
numeral guokte two):
Person1 (SG.GEN) + guovttos + Person2 (SG.COM)
Examples:
hi guovttos Mhtiin vuolgiba meahcci.
father.GEN guovttos Matthew.COM leave.3DU wilderness.ILL
Father and Matthew set off to the wilds.
Mhte guovttos Iggin boahtiba ihttin.
Matthew.GEN guovttos Ig.COM come.3DU tomorrow.
Matthew and Ig will be coming tomorrow.
The word for Person2 can also be dropped. In such a case, how that persons identity is
interpreted depends then on the context. The possibilites are:
Mhte guovttos
Matthew.GEN guovttos

1. Matthew and his spouse / partner

2. Matthew and someone else (who was already
mentioned earlier)
3. The two Matthews

bhpa guovttos
priest.GEN guovttos

1. The priest and his/her spouse / partner

2. The priest and someone else (mentioned earlier)
3. The two priests

Note also:
gndda guovttos
boy.GEN guovttos
The two boys
duot guovttos
that.PL.NOM guovttos (nominative!)
The two over there

46

4.1.6. Essive
In intransitive sentences, the essive is a case of both predicatives and adverbs that
express:
a) what the subjects (usually temporary) task or function is, or what state the subject
is in;
b) what the subject becomes, changes or turns into, becomes like, or what state the
subject ends up in.
Consider the examples:
Mhtte barg gielddas l'lin.
Matthew work.3SG municipality.LOC secretary.ESS
Matthew works as a secretary at the municipality office.
Mis ledje kssat stuollun.
1PL.LOC be.PAST.3PL box.PL.NOM chair.ESS
We had boxes as chairs.
Mhtte veal'l seaggas buohccin.
Matthew lie.3SG bed.LOC sick.ESS
Matthew lies sick in bed.
Ig stuere doavttirin.
Ig study.3SG doctor.ESS
Ig is studying to become a doctor.
Idja jorai beaivin.
night spin.PAST.3SG day.ESS
Night turned into day.
dj jpmima ma Ig lea addan nu lundin.
grandfather.GEN death.GEN after Ig be.3SG become.PAST_PTCL so depressed.ESS
After grandfathers death Ig has become so depressed.
Son attai fuones oahpaheaddjin.
3SG become.PAST.3SG bad.ATTR teacher.ESS
(S)he became a bad teacher. [i.e., (s)he was a teacher already, and then became
a bad one]

47

In transitive sentences, the essive expresses:

a) what the object, or its task, function or state, is thought to be (or said to be, etc.);
what the object is thought or said to be like;
b) what the object is turned or changed into, or what the object becomes like, as a
result of the action denoted by the verb
Consider the examples:
Mun gdden dan Mhte biilan.
1SG assume.PAST.1SG it.GEN Matthew.GEN car.ESS
I thought it was Matthews car. (but it wasnt)
hi gttii Mhte oahpaheaddjin.
father assume.PAST.3SG Matthew.GEN teacher.ESS
Father thought Matthew was a teacher. (but he wasnt)
Mhtte sivahii mu suolan.
Matthew accuse.PAST.3SG 1SG.GEN thief.ESS
Matthew accused me of being a thief.
Son jhkk Mhte oalle fitmadin.
3SG believe.3SG Matthew.GEN quite clever.ESS
(S)he believes Matthew is quite clever.
Gvnnahan dudno nittos-guoibmin.
discover.1SG 2DU.GEN marriage-partner.ESS
I pronounce you husband and wife.
Ig mlii dlu ruoksadin.
Ig paint.PAST.3SG house.GEN red.ESS
Ig painted the house red.
An essive phrase may also indicate from what perspective the subject is described:
Oahpaheaddjin son lei hui eahppi.
teacher.ESS 3SG be.PAST.3SG skilled
As a teacher, (s)he was very skilled.
Essive phrases may also function as temporal adverbs, especially when referring to
phases in a persons life:
Dan mun lean jo mnnn oahppan.
it.GEN 1SG be.1SG already child.ESS learn.PAST_PTCL
That I have learned as a child already.

48

Nuorran ii vel dde rua ala.

young.ESS NEG.3SG yet understand.CONNEG money.GEN on
When one is young, one doesnt understand about money yet.
The essive is also used to form adverbs describing weather and certain other natural
conditions:
In via arvin vuolgit gvpi.
NEG.1SG bother.CONNEG rain.ESS leave.INF store.ILL
I wont bother to go to the store when its raining.
Itgo duostta seavdnjadin vuolgit olggos?
NEG.1SG.Q dare.CONNEG dark.ESS leave.INF out.ILL
Dont you dare to go out at dark?
uoikan lea vivi vuolgit muoraid uohppat.
mosquito.ESS be.3SG troublesome leave.INF tree.PL.GEN cut.INF
It is annoying to go cutting wood when there are much mosquitos.

49

4.2. Nominal stem types and case formation rules

North Saami nominals can be divided into four regular stem types, each of which behaves
differently in their declension. The number of irregular declensions is very small; there
are only two common irregular nouns, almmi man and olmmo person. Many
pronouns are irregular, however.
The four stem types are:
1) Vowel stem nominals, which have oblique stems ending in a vowel: e.g. libi
bread, deadja tea, mnn child, Mhtte Matthew, dllu house.
2) Consonant stem nominals, which have oblique stems ending in a consonant: e.g.
ustit friend (oblique stem ustib-), boaris old; old person (oblique stem
boarrs-), beana dog (oblique stem beatnag-), eana earth, land (oblique stem
eatnam-).
3) Contracting s-stem nominals, e.g. flis whale. The -s disappears in the oblique
stem (fl'l-).
4) Mutating u-stem nominals, e.g. boazu reindeer. The oblique stem (bohcco-)
shows a complex phonological mutation.
The case suffixes in North Saami come in two variants, as shown in the table below. The
selection of a the suffix variant depends on the type of stem it is attached to. If the stem
ends in a vowel, a suffix of set 1) is used; if the stem ends in a consonant, a suffix of set
2) is used. (Note that the essive case does not have distinct singular and plural forms;
hence there is only one ending in each set.)
SET 1:
NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

SET 2:

SG

PL

SG

PL

-s
-i
-in
-n

-t
-id
-in
-ide
-iguin

-a
-is
-ii
-iin
-in

-at
-iid
-iin
-iidda
-iiguin

Note that the PL.LOC and SG.COM case endings are identical; the two case forms are
actually always homonymous for all words.

50

4.2.1. Vowel stem nominals

Vowel stem nominals have stems ending in a vowel. Any of the six orthographic vowels
(a, , e, i, o, u) can occur at the end of the stem; stems ending in a, i or u are much more
common than others, though.
The stem nearly always has an even number of syllables most often two, but sometimes
four or even more: e.g. guolli fish, mnn child, giehta hand, arm, spmela (stem
spmelaa-) Saami (adj.); Saami person, amerihkkla (amerihkklaa-) American.
An odd number of syllables can occur, though, if the stem shows an anomalous stress
pattern: e.g., vilbealle male cousin, with secondary stress on the second syllable, and
televiuvdna television, with secondary stress on the fourth syllable (see 2.3.1. on wordstress).
Vowel stem nominals take case suffixes in set 1.
Most vowel stem nominals show consonant gradation. However, there are also a few
exceptional vowel stem nominals which lack gradation; the medial consonants in the
stem thus remain unchanged throughout the whole paradigm. The lack of gradation
cannot normally be predicted from the SG.NOM form of the word. The gradation pattern
exhibited by gradating vowel stem nominals is the following:
NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

SG

PL

strong
weak
weak
strong
weak
strong

weak
weak
weak
weak
weak

In addition to consonant gradation, the following morphophonological alterations occur

in the paradigms of vowel-stem nominals:
In e- and o-stem nominals, the stem vowel changes e > i and o > u take place before
any suffix beginning with -i- (see 3.3.)
In SG.ILL the unstressed vowel alterations i > and a > i take place.
The sequence -ii- in an unstressed syllable following a diphthong triggers diphthong
simplification (see 3.2.).
In SG.ILL an exceptional diphthong simplification rule applies: also -ui- triggers
diphthong simplification (see 3.2.).
In the eastern inland dialects lack of consonant gradation also triggers lack of
diphthong simplification in the entire paradigm. Western inland dialects do not
exhibit this rule.

51

 In quadrisyllabic a-stems the final vowel is deleted in SG.NOM. As a result of this, also
the final consonant or consonant cluster is simplified due to phontactic restrictions on
consonants in final position.
Some i-stem nominals exhibit an exceptional final e in the SG.NOM (e.g., buorre
good, guokte two). These kinds of nominals are very rare.
The following example paradigms illustrate the declension of vowel stem-nominals:

NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

guolli fish:

mnn child:

giehta hand, arm:

SG

PL

SG

PL

SG

PL

guolli
guoli
guolis
guolli
guliin
guollin

guolit
guliid
guliin
guliide
guliiguin

mnn
mn
mns
mnni
mnin
mnnn

mnt
mnid
mnin
mnide
mniguin

giehta
giea
gieas
gihtii
gieain
giehtan

gieat
gieaid
gieain
gieaide
gieaiguin

biergu meat:

reive letter:

belko block of wood:

SG

PL

SG

PL

SG

PL

biergu
bierggu
bierggus
birgui
biergguin
biergun

bierggut
biergguid
biergguin
biergguide
biergguiguin

reive
reivve
reivves
reivii
reivviin
reiven

reivvet
reivviid
reivviin
reivviide
reivviiguin

belko
belkko
belkkos
belkui
belkkuin
belkon

belkkot
belkkuid
belkkuin
belkkuide
belkkuiguin

mielaheapmi senseless, insane:

televiuvdna television:

SG

PL

SG

PL

mielaheapmi
mielaheami
mielaheamis
mielaheapmi
mielahemiin
mielaheapmin

mielaheamit
mielahemiid
mielahemiin
mielahemiide
mielahemiiguin

televiuvdna
televiuvnna
televiuvnnas
televiuvdnii
televiuvnnain
televiuvdnan

televiuvnnat
televiuvnnaid
televiuvnnain
televiuvnnaide
televiuvnnaiguin

52

NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

spmela Saami person:

logaldat lecture:

SG

PL

SG

PL

spmela
spmelaa
spmelaas
spmelaii
spmelaain
spmelaan

spmelaat
spmelaaid
spmelaain
spmelaaide
spmelaaiguin

logaldat
logaldaga
logaldagas
logaldahkii
logaldagain
logaldahkan

logaldagat
logaldagaid
logaldagain
logaldagaide
logaldagaiguin

buorre good:

guokte two:

SG

PL

SG

PL

buorre
buori
buoris
buorri
buriin
buorrin

buorit
buriid
buriin
buriide
buriiguin

guokte
guovtti
guovttis
guokti
guvttiin
guoktin

guovtti
guvttiid
guvttiin
guvttiide
guvttiiguin

hildu shelf:

vuoddji driver

SG

PL

SG

PL

GEN

hildu
hildu

hildut
hilduid

vuoddji
vuoddji

LOC

hildus

hilduin

vuoddjis

ILL

hildui

hilduide

vuoddji

COM

hilduin

hilduiguin

ESS

hildun

vuddjiin (WI)
~ vuoddjiin (EI)
vuoddjin

vuoddjit
vuddjiid (WI)
~ vuoddjiid (EI)
vuddjiin (WI)
~ vuoddjiin (EI)
vuddjiide (WI)
~ vuoddjiide (EI)
vuddjiiguin (WI)
~ vuoddjiiguin (EI)

NOM

4.2.2. Consonant stem nominals

Consonant stem nominals have oblique stems that end in a consonant. The stem always
has an even number of syllables. In some consonant stem nominals the stem-final
consonant is only visible in the oblique stem, but not in the SG.NOM. Some examples:

53

SG.NOM

njoammil hare
gvpot city
boaris old
beana dog
eana earth, land

oblique stem
njoammilgvpogboarrsbeatnageatnam-

Consonant-stem nominals are divided into two subcategories: those participating in

consonant gradation and those that lack gradation. Both types are common. In many
cases it is impossible to predict from the SG.NOM form which category a given consonantstem nominal belongs to; this usually has to be learned by rote.
The consonant stem nominals that lack gradation are quite easy to decline. Case endings
belonging to set 2 are added to the oblique stem. The oblique stem may show qualitative
margin consonant alteration (see 3.4.), but otherwise it is identical to the SG.NOM form.
Example paradigms:

NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

njoammil hare:

dihtor computer:

SG

PL

SG

PL

njoammil
njoammila
njoammilis
njoammilii
njoammiliin
njoammilin

njoammilat
njoammiliid
njoammiliin
njoammiliidda
njoammiliiguin

dihtor
dihtora
dihtoris
dihtorii
dihtoriin
dihtorin

dihtorat
dihtoriid
dihtoriin
dihtoriidda
dihtoriiguin

gievkkan kitchen:

gvpot city:

SG

PL

SG

PL

gievkkan
gievkkana
gievkkanis
gievkkanii
gievkkaniin
gievkkanin

gievkkanat
gievkkaniid
gievkkaniin
gievkkaniidda
gievkkaniiguin

gvpot
gvpoga
gvpogis
gvpogii
gvpogiin
gvpogin

gvpogat
gvpogiid
gvpogiin
gvpogiidda
gvpogiiguin

54

ustit friend:
NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

fiskat yellow:

SG

PL

SG

PL

ustit
ustiba
ustibis
ustibii
ustibiin
ustibin

ustibat
ustibiid
ustibiin
ustibiidda
ustibiiguin

fiskat
fiskada
fiskadis
fiskadii
fiskadiin
fiskadin

fiskadat
fiskadiid
fiskadiin
fiskadiidda
fiskadiiguin

The gradating consonant-stem nominals show more extensive morphophonological

alterations than the non-gradating ones. Also, the pattern of gradation differs from that
exhibited by vowel-stem nominals:
NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

SG

PL

weak
strong
strong
strong
strong
weak

strong
strong
strong
strong
strong

The weak grade occurs only in the SG.NOM and the ESS case. All the other forms in the
paradigm are formed from a strong-grade oblique stem, which also undergoes the
unstressed vowel alterations i > and u > o. The unstressed -o- resulting from the latter
change triggers diphthong simplification. Moreover, nominals of this type may show
margin consonant alterations with zero: the stem-final consonant is deleted in SG.NOM
and ESS, but surfaces in the oblique stem.
Example paradigms:

NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

duottar tundra:

boagn belt:

SG

PL

SG

PL

duottar
duoddara
duoddaris
duoddarii
duoddariin
duottarin

duoddarat
duoddariid
duoddariin
duoddariidda
duoddariiguin

boagn
boahkna
boahknis
boahknii
boahkniin
boagnin

boahknat
boahkniid
boahkniin
boahkniidda
boahkniiguin

55

boaris old:
NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

boaus result:

SG

PL

SG

PL

boaris
boarrsa
boarrsis
boarrsii
boarrsiin
boarisin

boarrsat
boarrsiid
boarrsiin
boarrsiidda
boarrsiiguin

boaus
bohtosa
bohtosis
bohtosii
bohtosiin
boausin

bohtosat
bohtosiid
bohtosiin
bohtosiidda
bohtosiiguin

beana dog:
NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

eana earth, land:

SG

PL

SG

PL

beana
beatnaga
beatnagis
beatnagii
beatnagiin
beanan

beatnagat
beatnagiid
beatnagiin
beatnagiidda
beatnagiiguin

eana
eatnama
eatnamis
eatnamii
eatnamiin
eanan

eatnamat
eatnamiid
eatnamiin
eatnamiidda
eatnamiiguin

vuoni mother-in-law:

luomi cloudberry:

SG

PL

SG

PL

vuoni
vuotnma
vuotnmis
vuotnmii
vuotnmiin
vuonin

vuotnmat
vuotnmiid
vuotnmiin
vuotnmiidda
vuotnmiiguin

luomi
luopmna
luopmnis
luopmnii
luopmniin
luomin

luopmnat
luopmniid
luopmniin
luopmniidda
luopmniiguin

4.2.3. Contracting is-stem nominals

Contracting is-stems have SG.NOM forms that consist of two syllables and end in -is, e.g.
vielppis puppy, stuoris big. Note that not all nominals of such shape are contracting isstems; e.g., boaris old is a consonant-stem nominal (see 4.2.2.). It is not possible to
predict whether a given word of such shape is declined as a contracting is-stem or as a
consonant stem; this has to be learned by rote for each lexical item separately.
Contracting -is-stem nominals have oblique stems which show several morphophonemic
alterations in relation the SG.NOM form:

56

 The final -s is deleted.

The second-syllable vowel -i- changes to --.
The oblique stem has the strong grade (the weak grade occurs in SG.NOM and ESS,
which are not based on the oblique stem).
The strong grade in the oblique stem undergoes strong grade strengthening (see
3.1.3); hence, if the SG.NOM has a Quantity I weak grade, this results in gradation
between Quantity III and Quantity I.
Some examples:
SG.NOM

oblique stem
njlg- (Q III)
vielp- (Q III)
stuor'r- (Q III)
fl'l- (Q III)

njlggis (Q II)
vielppis (Q II)
stuoris (Q I)
flis (Q I)

tasty, good (of food); candy

puppy
big
whale

The case forms are formed by adding case endings in set 1 to the oblique stem, save for
the essive, which is formed by adding the essive suffix in set 2 directly to the nominative
singular.
Example paradigms:

NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

vielppis puppy:

stuoris big:

SG

PL

SG

PL

vielppis
vielp
vielps
vielpi
vielpin
vielppisin

vielpt
vielpid
vielpin
vielpide
vielpiguin

stuoris
stuor'r
stuor'rs
stuor'ri
stuor'rin
stuorisin

stuor'rt
stuor'rid
stuor'rin
stuor'ride
stuor'riguin

4.2.3. Mutating u-stem nominals

Mutating u-stem nominals are the rarest of nominal declensional types. All words
belonging in this group are nouns.
The mutating u-stem have an oblique stem that undergoes several morphophonemic
alterations, and the pattern of consonant gradation is shared with the contracting is-stems:
The oblique stem has the strong grade (the weak grade occurs in SG.NOM and ESS,
which are not based on the oblique stem).

57

 The strong grade undergoes strong grade strengthening (see 3.1.3); hence, if the
SG.NOM has a Quantity I weak grade, this results in gradation between Quantity III
and Quantity I.
The stem vowel -u changes to -o-, except before case suffixes beginning with -ibecause the sequence -oi- is not permitted in unstressed syllables (see 3.3.).
If the noun has a diphthong, it undergoes diphthong simplification (see 3.2.) in all
forms based on the oblique stem. This happens before both second-syllable -o- and ui-. Note that this is one of the rare cases where the sequence -ui- triggers diphthong
simplification.
Some examples:
SG.NOM

oblique stem
nurvo- / nurvu- (Q III)
sul'lo- / sul'lu- (Q III)
bohcco- / bohccu- (Q III)
edno- / ednu- (Q III)

nuorvvu (Q II)
suolu (Q I)
boazu (Q I)
eanu (Q I)

cold (illness), flue

island
reindeer
uncle (mothers brother)

The case forms are formed by adding case endings of set 1 to the oblique stem, except for
ESS, where the ending is attached directly to the SG.NOM form.
Example paradigms:

NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

suolu island:

boazu reindeer:

SG

PL

SG

PL

suolu
sul'lo
sul'los
sul'lui
sul'luin
suolun

sul'lot
sul'luid
sul'luin
sul'luide
sul'luiguin

boazu
bohcco
bohccos
bohccui
bohccuin
boazun

bohccot
bohccuid
bohccuin
bohccuide
bohccuiguin

4.2.4. Irregular nouns

There are only two common irregular nouns, olmmo (oblique stem olbmo- / olbmu-)
person, human and almmi (oblique stem albm-) man. Their paradigms are given
below.

58

NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

olmmo person, human:

almmi man:

SG

PL

SG

PL

olmmo
olbmo
olbmos
olbmui
olbmuin
olmmoin

olbmot
olbmuid
olbmuin
olbmuide
olbmuiguin

almmi
albm
albms
albmi
albmin
almmjin

albmt
albmid
albmin
albmide
albmiguin

4.2.5. Irregular pronouns

Many pronouns are highly irregular. Most irregular pronouns also differ structurally from
other nominals in that they have stems consisting of one syllable only (all other nominals
must have a stem consisting of at least two syllables; monosyllabic nouns, adjectives or
quantifiers are not permitted in North Saami). Note that not all pronouns are irregular;
there are also pronouns which are declined regularly, for example goabb which (of
two) (a bisyllabic vowel stem nominal, declined like oabb sister), juohkeha
everyone (a quadrisyllabic vowel stem nominal, declined like spmela Saami
person).
The paradigms of the most important irregular pronouns are given below. However, the
paradigm of the irregular reflexive pronoun ie is given under possessive declension
(4.3.), because the use of possessive suffixes is obligatory with this pronoun.
Personal pronouns.
NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

1SG
mun
mu
mus
munnje
muinna
munin

2SG
don
du
dus
dutnje
duinna
dunin

3SG
son
su
sus
sutnje
suinna
sunin

1PL
mii
min
mis
midjiide
minguin
minin

2PL
dii
din
dis
didjiide
dinguin
dinin

3PL
sii
sin
sis
sidjiide
singuin
sinin

1DU
moai
mun'no
mun'nos
mun'nuide
mun'nuin
mun'non

2DU
doai
dudno
dudnos
dudnuide
dudnuin
dudnon

3DU
soai
sudno
sudnos
sudnuide
sudnuin
sudnon

59

Demonstrative pronouns.
There are five demonstrative pronouns in North Saami:
dat it; that (not present in the context of the conversation)
dt this
diet that (which is near or in the possession of the person(s) spoken to)
duot that (visible, but not near either the speaker or the person spoken to)
dot that (visible but distant)
The declension of all five pronouns is identical, except for the first syllable vowel. The
paradigm of dat is given as an example below. (Note that the SG.NOM and PL.NOM forms
are homonymous!)
NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

SG

PL

dat
dan
das
dasa
dainna
danin

dat
daid
dain
daidda
daiguin

The interrogative-relative pronouns mii what, which and gii who.

NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

SG

PL

SG

PL

mii
man (maid)
mas
masa
mainna
manin

mat
maid
main
maidda
maiguin

gii
gean
geas
geasa
geainna
geanin

geat
geaid
geain
geaidda
geaiguin

The pronoun mii shows a unique morphosyntactic peculiarity. Its normal SG.GEN form is
man, but when the singular form of this pronoun appears as a direct object, the form man
is only used in the meaning which one, but maid in the meaning what. Otherwise,
what and which are not distinguished. Compare the examples:
Man don ostet?
what/which.SG.GEN 2SG buy.PAST.2SG
Which one did you buy?

60

Maid don ostet?

maid 2SG buy.PAST.2SG
What did you buy?
Mii dat lea?
what/which it be.3SG
What is it? / Which one is it?

4.3. Possessive declension

4.3.1. Possessive declension of nouns
In North Saami nouns may take possessive suffixes to indicate possession. The case
formation rules in the possessive declension show some notable differences from the
absolute (i.e., non-possessive) forms.
In the possessive declension the case suffixes are partially different from the absolute
declension; the possessive case endings are given in the table below. The forms marked
with a dash () do not occur in the possessive declension. Possessive suffixes are added
after the case endings. The PL.COM is an exception; the possessive PL.COM suffix consists
of two parts, and the possessive suffix (PX) is inserted between them.
SET 1:
NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

SET 2:

SG

PL

SG

PL

-st-s-in-n-

-id-in-idasa-id-PX-guin

-istt-/-istti-asa-iinn-/-iinni

-iidd-/-iiddi-iinn-/-iinni-iidds-iidd-/-iiddi-PX-guin

Like the case endings, also possessive suffixes come in two sets. The possessive suffixes
in set 1 are added after case suffixes ending in a vowel, those in set 2 after case suffixes
ending in a consonant.
SET 1:

SET 2:

PS.

SG

DU

PL

SG

1
2
3

-n
-t
-s

-me
-de
-ska

-met
-det
-set

-an -eame -eamet

-at -eatte -eattet
-is -easkka -easet

DU

PL

61

Example possessive paradigms are given separately for each case-form below. The
example words used in the paradigms are:
vowel stems:
consonant stem:
contracting is-stem:
mutating u-stem:

viellja brother, goahti Saami tent, viessu house

rhkis dear, loved one
vielppis puppy
eanu uncle (mothers brother)

SG . NOM

Vowel stem nouns undergo the unstressed vowel changes i > and u > o before 1.
and 2. person possessive suffixes.
Second syllable o triggers diphthong simplification.
The possessive SG.NOM of consonant stem nouns, contracting is-nouns and mutating
u-stem nouns is formed of the oblique stem; the forms thus look quite different from
the corresponding absolute forms.
PS.

SG

DU

PL

1
2
3

vielljan
vielljat
vielljas

vielljame
vielljade
vielljaska

vielljamet
vielljadet
vielljaset

1
2
3

goahtn
goahtt
goahtis

goahtme
goahtde
goahtiska

goahtmet
goahtdet
goahtiset

1
2
3

visson
vissot
viessus

vissome
vissode
viessuska

vissomet
vissodet
viessuset

1
2
3

rhkksan
rhkksat
rhkksis

rhkkseame
rhkkseatte
rhkkseaskka

rhkkseamet
rhkkseattet
rhkkseaset

1
2
3

vielpn
vielpt
vielps

vielpme
vielpde
vielpska

vielpmet
vielpdet
vielpset

1
2
3

ednon
ednot
ednos

ednome
ednode
ednoska

ednomet
ednodet
ednoset

62

SG . GEN

Vowel stem nouns undergo the same vowel changes as in SG.NOM: i > and u > o
before 1. and 2. person possessive suffixes; the unstressed o triggers diphthong
simplification.
Unlike in the absolute declension, vowel stem nouns have the strong grade before 1.
person possessive suffixes (but the expected weak grade before the 2. and 3. person
possessive suffixes). Hence, the forms with 1. person suffixes are homonymous with
SG.NOM forms (cf. the table above).
The possessive SG.GEN forms of all other noun types are entirely homonymous with
the possessive SG.NOM forms (see the table above).
PS.

SG

DU

PL

1
2
3

vielljan
vieljat
vieljas

vielljame
vieljade
vieljaska

vielljamet
vieljadet
vieljaset

1
2
3

goahtn
goat
goais

goahtme
goade
goaiska

goahtmet
goadet
goaiset

1
2
3

visson
visot
viesus

vissome
visode
viesuska

vissomet
visodet
viesuset

SG . LOC

The SG.LOC case ending is -st- after stems ending in a vowel, and -istt- / -istti- after
stems ending in a consonant. The former variant occurs before 1. and 2. person
possessive suffixes, the latter before 3. person possessive suffixes.
PS.

SG

DU

PL

1
2
3

vieljastan
vieljastat
vieljastis

vieljasteame
vieljasteatte
vieljasteaskka

vieljasteamet
vieljasteattet
vieljasteaset

1
2
3

goaistan
goaistat
goaistis

goaisteame
goaisteatte
goaisteaskka

goaisteamet
goaisteattet
goaisteaset

1
2
3

viesustan
viesustat
viesustis

viesusteame
viesusteatte
viesusteaskka

viesusteamet
viesusteattet
viesusteaset

63

1
2
3

rhkksisttn
rhkksisttt
rhkksisttis

rhkksisttme
rhkksisttde
rhkksisttiska

rhkksisttmet
rhkksisttdet
rhkksisttiset

1
2
3

vielpstan
vielpstat
vielpstis

vielpsteame
vielpsteatte
vielpsteaskka

vielpsteamet
vielpsteattet
vielpsteaset

1
2
3

ednostan
ednostat
ednostis

ednosteame
ednosteatte
ednosteaskka

ednosteamet
ednosteattet
ednosteaset

SG . ILL

The SG.ILL suffix is -s- after stems ending a vowel and -asa- after stems ending in a
consonant. (Note that in the absolute declension the SG.ILL suffix is altogether
different: -i / -ii.)
Vowel stem nouns undergo the unstressed vowel modifications i > and u > o. The o
resulting from the latter change causes diphthong simplification. (Note that there is no
vowel modification a > i as in the absolute declension.)
PS.

SG

DU

PL

1
2
3

vielljasan
vielljasat
vielljasis

vielljaseame
vielljaseatte
vielljaseaskka

vielljaseamet
vielljaseattet
vielljaseaset

1
2
3

goahtsan
goahtsat
goahtsis

goahtseame
goahtseatte
goahtseaskka

goahtseamet
goahtseattet
goahtseaset

1
2
3

vissosan
vissosat
vissosis

vissoseame
vissoseatte
vissoseaskka

vissoseamet
vissoseattet
vissoseaset

1
2
3

rhkksasan
rhkksasat
rhkksasas

rhkksasame
rhkksasade
rhkksasaska

rhkksasamet
rhkksasadet
rhkksasaset

1
2
3

vielpsan
vielpsat
vielpstis

vielpseame
vielpseatte
vielpseaskka

vielpseamet
vielpseattet
vielpseaset

1
2
3

ednosan
ednosat
ednosis

ednoseame
ednoseatte
ednoseaskka

ednoseamet
ednoseattet
ednoseaset
64

SG . COM

The SG.COM case ending is -in- after stems ending in a vowel (like in the absolute
declension), and -iinn- / -iinni- after stems ending in a consonant. The former variant
occurs before 1. and 2. person possessive suffixes, the latter before 3. person
possessive suffixes.
PS.

SG

DU

PL

1
2
3

vieljainan
vieljainat
vieljainis

vieljaineame
vieljaineatte
vieljaineaskka

vieljaineamet
vieljaineattet
vieljaineaset

1
2
3

goiinan
goiinat
goiinis

goiineame
goiineatte
goiineaskka

goiineamet
goiineattet
goiineaset

1
2
3

viesuinan
viesuinat
viesuinis

viesuineame
viesuineatte
viesuineaskka

viesuineamet
viesuineattet
viesuineaset

1
2
3

rhkksiinnn
rhkksiinnt
rhkksiinnis

rhkksiinnme
rhkksiinnde
rhkksiinniska

rhkksiinnmet
rhkksiinndet
rhkksiinniset

1
2
3

vielpinan
vielpinat
vielpinis

vielpineame
vielpineatte
vielpineaskka

vielpineamet
vielpineattet
vielpineaset

1
2
3

ednuinan
ednuinat
ednuinis

ednuineame
ednuineatte
ednuineaskka

ednuineamet
ednuineattet
ednuineaset

ESS

The possessive essive forms are very rarely used. They can only be formed from
vowel stem nouns and mutating u-stem nouns, but not of consonant stem nouns or
contracting is-stem nouns.
PS.

SG

DU

PL

1
2
3

vielljanan
vielljanat
vielljanis

vielljaneame
vielljaneatte
vielljaneaskka

vielljaneamet
vielljaneattet
vielljaneaset

65

1
2
3

goahtinan
goahtinat
goahtinis

goahtineame
goahtineatte
goahtineaskka

goahtineamet
goahtineattet
goahtineaset

1
2
3

viessunan
viessunat
viessunis

viessuneame
viessuneatte
viessuneaskka

viessuneamet
viessuneattet
viessuneaset

1
2
3

ednonan
ednonat
ednonis

ednoneame
ednoneatte
ednoneaskka

ednoneamet
ednoneattet
ednoneaset

PL . NOM

Nominative plural forms do not occur at all in the possessive declension.

PL . GEN

The PL.GEN case ending is -id- after stems ending in a vowel (like in the absolute
declension), and -iidd- / -iiddi- after stems ending in a consonant. The former variant
occurs before 1. and 2. person possessive suffixes, the latter before 3. person
possessive suffixes.
PS.

SG

DU

PL

1
2
3

vieljaidan
vieljaidat
vieljaidis

vieljaideame
vieljaideatte
vieljaideaskka

vieljaideamet
vieljaideattet
vieljaideaset

1
2
3

goiidan
goiidat
goiidis

goiideame
goiideatte
goiideaskka

goiideamet
goiideattet
goiideaset

1
2
3

viesuidan
viesuidat
viesuidis

viesuideame
viesuideatte
viesuideaskka

viesuideamet
viesuideattet
viesuideaset

1
2
3

rhkksiiddn
rhkksiiddt
rhkksiiddis

rhkksiiddme
rhkksiiddde
rhkksiiddiska

rhkksiiddmet
rhkksiidddet
rhkksiiddiset

1
2
3

vielpidan
vielpidat
vielpidis

vielpideame
vielpideatte
vielpideaskka

vielpideamet
vielpideattet
vielpideaset

66

1
2
3

ednuidan
ednuidat
ednuidis

ednuideame
ednuideatte
ednuideaskka

ednuideamet
ednuideattet
ednuideaset

PL . LOC

The locative plural forms are always homonymous with the comitative singular forms, as
in the absolute declension.
PL . ILL

The PL.ILL case ending is -idasa- after stems ending in a vowel (like in the absolute
declension), and -iidds- after stems ending in a consonant.
PS.

SG

DU

PL

1
2
3

vieljaidasan
vieljaidasat
vieljaidasas

vieljaidasame
vieljaidasade
vieljaidasaska

vieljaidasamet
vieljaidasadet
vieljaidasaset

1
2
3

goiidasan
goiidasat
goiidasas

goiidasame
goiidasade
goiidasaska

goiidasamet
goiidasadet
goiidasaset

1
2
3

viesuidasan
viesuidasat
viesuidasas

viesuidasame
viesuidasade
viesuidasaska

viesuidasamet
viesuidasadet
viesuidasaset

1
2
3

rhkksiiddsan
rhkksiiddsat
rhkksiiddsis

rhkksiiddseame
rhkksiiddseatte
rhkksiiddseaskka

rhkksiiddmet
rhkksiidddet
rhkksiiddset

1
2
3

vielpidasan
vielpidasat
vielpidasas

vielpidasame
vielpidasade
vielpidasaska

vielpidasamet
vielpidasadet
vielpidasaset

1
2
3

ednuidasan
ednuidasat
ednuidasas

ednuidasame
ednuidasade
ednuidasaska

ednuidasamet
ednuidasadet
ednuidasaset

PL . COM

The PL.COM possessive forms are morphologically exceptional: the PL.COM suffix
consists of two separate parts, and the possessive suffix is insesrted between them.
The PL.COM forms can always be formed from the PL.GEN forms by adding the
morpheme -guin after the possessive suffix.
67

PS.

SG

DU

PL

1
2
3

vieljaidanguin
vieljaidatguin
vieljaidisguin

vieljaideameguin
vieljaideatteguin
vieljaideaskkaguin

vieljaideametguin
vieljaideattetguin
vieljaideasetguin

1
2
3

goiidanguin
goiidatguin
goiidisguin

goiideameguin
goiideatteguin
goiideaskkaguin

goiideametguin
goiideattetguin
goiideasetguin

1
2
3

viesuidanguin
viesuidatguin
viesuidisguin

viesuideameguin
viesuideatteguin
viesuideaskkaguin

viesuideametguin
viesuideattetguin
viesuideasetguin

1
2
3

rhkksiiddnguin
rhkksiiddtguin
rhkksiiddisguin

rhkksiiddmeguin
rhkksiidddeguin
rhkksiiddiskaguin

rhkksiiddmetguin
rhkksiidddetguin
rhkksiiddisetguin

1
2
3

vielpidanguin
vielpidatguin
vielpidisguin

vielpideameguin
vielpideatteguin
vielpideaskkaguin

vielpideametguin
vielpideattetguin
vielpideasetguin

1
2
3

ednuidanguin
ednuidatguin
ednuidisguin

ednuideameguin
ednuideatteguin
ednuideaskkaguin

ednuideametguin
ednuideattetguin
ednuideasetguin

4.3.2. On the use of possessive forms of nouns

There are rather strict limitations to the use of possessive forms of nouns: a form like
goahtn [tent.1SG] my tent can only be used in certain morphosyntactic contexts,
whereas in other contexts a construction of the type mu goahti [1SG.GEN tent] my tent
must be used. The use of possessive forms is generally restricted to the following types of
environments:
a) The possessive suffix most often refers to the grammatical subject of the sentence
(regardless of whether the subject is overtly present in the sentence or not):
Mun oon dn girjji histan.
1SG get.PAST.1SG this.GEN book.GEN father.LOC.1SG
I got this book from my father.
Mhtte lii reivve oabbsis.
Matthew write.PAST.3SG letter.GEN sister.ILL.3SG
Matthew wrote a letter to his sister.

68

Rekohin biilan.
wreck.PAST.1SG car.SG.GEN.1SG
I wrecked my car.
Vldet biergasiidddet!
take.IMP.2PL thing.PL.GEN.2PL
Take (pl.) your stuff!
b) The possessive suffix may also refer to the subject of a non-finite verb form rather than
the subject of the whole sentence:
Mun gohon din vldit biergasiidddet.
1SG order.PAST.1SG 2PL.GEN take.INF thing.PL.GEN.2PL
I told you (pl.) to take your stuff.
c) In a possessive sentence (see 4.1.3.) the possessive suffix refers to the possessor in the
locative form (rather than the grammatical subject which is the thing possessed):
Mii dus lea gieastat?
what 2SG.LOC be.3SG hand.LOC.2SG
What have you got in your hand?
d) Sometimes the possessive suffix may also refer to the object of a transitive verb, but
this is rare:
Bidjen girjji sadjsis.
put.PAST.1SG book.GEN place.ILL.3SG
I put the book [back] in its place.
Oinniime su ovttas mnidisguin.
see.PAST.1DU 3SG together child.PL.3SG.COM
We (2) met him/her together with his/her children.
Other type of use of possessive forms is generally not possible; e.g., in the following
types of sentences the use of possessive forms would be ungrammatical, because the
suffixes do not refer to any constituent of the sentence:
Rekohin du biilla. (*biillat)
wreck.PAST.1SG 2SG.GEN car.GEN (*car.GEN.2SG)
I wrecked your car.
Mun gohon din vldit sin biergasiid. (*biergasiiddiset)
1SG order.PAST.1SG 2PL.GEN take.INF 3PL.GEN thing.PL.GEN (*thing.PL.GEN.3PL)
I told you (pl.) to take their stuff.

69

There is one exception to these restrictions, though. Kinship terms can take a 2. person
possessive suffix even if the suffix does not refer to another constituent of the sentence:
Oidnen ht.
see.PAST.1SG father.GEN.2SG
I saw/met your father.
Gulaime dan hkusteatte.
hear.PAST.1DU it.GEN grandmother.LOC.2DU
We (du.) heard it from your (du.) grandmother.
4.3.3. The paradigm of the reflexive pronoun ie
When the reflexive pronoun ie is inflected for case, the use of possessive suffixes is
obligatory. The inflection of the reflexive pronoun is highly irregular; the locative and
illative case forms are suppletive.
The nominative forms of the reflexive pronoun do not take possessive suffixes; in hte
nominative there are distinct forms for singular and plural (but not for dual). In all other
case forms the reflexive pronoun occurs in combination with a possessive suffix:
CASE

PS.

NOM

SG

DU

PL

ie

iea

iea

GEN

1
2
3

iean
ieat
ieas

ieame
ieade
ieaska

ieamet
ieadet
ieaset

LOC

1
2
3

alddn
alddt
alddis

alddme
alddde
alddiska

alddmet
aldddet
alddiset

ILL

1
2
3

alccen
alccet
alcces

alcceme
alccede
alcceska

alccemet
alccedet
alcceset

COM

1
2
3

ieainan
ieainat
ieainis

ieaineame
ieaineamet
ieaineatte
ieaineattet
ieaineaskka ieaineaset

ESS

1
2
3

iehanan
iehanat
iehanis

iehaneame iehaneamet
iehaneatte iehaneattet
iehaneaskka iehaneaset

The use of the reflexive pronoun is explained later in the section on the morphosyntax of
pronouns.
70

4.4. Adjectives
4.4.1. Adjectives as heads of noun phrases
In North Saami, adjectives take case marking just like nouns when they occur
independently as heads of noun phrases. This can be illustrated with the following
examples:
Ruoksat lea mu fvorihttaivdni.
red(.NOM) be.3SG 1SG.GEN favorite.color
Red is my favorite color.
Osten ruoksada.
buy.PAST.1SG red.GEN
I bought a red one.
Balan ruoksadis.
be_afraid.1SG red.LOC
I am afraid of red (color).
Liikon ruoksadii.
like.1SG red.ILL
I like red.
Mlejin dan ruoksadiin.
paint.PAST.1SG it.GEN red.COM
I painted it with red (color).
Mlejin dan ruoksadin.
paint.PAST.1SG it.GEN red.ESS
I painted it red.
Case forms of adjectives can also occur as adverbs and genitive attributes just like nouns
do, even though this is very rare.
Unlike nouns, however, adjectives cannot take possessive suffixes. For example, even
though ruoksada [red.GEN] a red one can by itself constitute a noun phrase and appear
as a direct object of a transitive verb, it seems to be impossible to attach a possessive
suffix to it: hence, *ruoksadan my red one is unacceptable.
4.4.2. Attribute forms of adjectives
When adjectives appear as modifiers of nouns, they occur in a specific attribute form.
Many adjectives have distinct attribute forms, whereas for others the attribute form is
identical to the SG.NOM of the adjective. In the following examples, the adjective guhkki

71

long has a morphologically distinctive attribute form (guhkes), whereas nuorra young
does not:
Mtki lea guhkki.
trip be.3SG long
The trip / the distance is long.
Dat lea guhkes mtki.
it be.3SG long.ATTR trip
Its a long trip / a long distance.
Mhtte lea nuorra.
Matthew be.3SG young
Matthew is young.
Mhtte lea nuorra almmi.
Matthew be.3SG young(.ATTR) man
Matthew is a young man.
The attribute forms of adjectives are indeclinable: whenever an adjective occurs as a
modifier of a noun, it stays in the indeclinable attribute form regardless of what case the
noun itself takes. For example:
guhkes mtki
long.ATTR trip
a long trip
guhkes mtkkis
long.ATTR trip.LOC
on/from a long trip
guhkes mtki
long.ATTR trip.ILL
on(to) a long trip
The formation of attribute forms of adjectives shows several irregularities, but
nevertheless, in the majority of cases it can be predicted 1) whether the adjective will
have a distinct attribute form, and 2) how this attribute form is formed. In terms of their
attribute forms, adjectives can be divided into four different categories, plus a few
irregular cases. Which category an adjective belongs to is mostly determined on the basis
of phonological and morphological criteria; the semantics of the adjectives play no role in
the classification.

72

A) No separate attribute form. This group includes the following types of adjectives:
A1) Quadrisyllabic vowel stem adjectives with a
example:
SG.NOM

SG.GEN

ATTR

dbla
dehla
duhtava
gierdava
lihkola
rfla
vrala
issoras

dblaa
dehlaa
duhtavaa
gierdavaa
lihkolaa
rflaa
vralaa
issorasa

dbla i
dehla i
duhtava olmmo
gierdava ustit
lihkola nieida
rfla olmmo
vrala biki
issoras i

SG.NOM

ending in -as or -a, for

regular, common : a common thing

important : an important thing
satisified : a satisfied person
patient : a patient friend
happy, lucky : a happy girl
calm : a calm person
dangerous : a dangerous place
terrible : a terrible thing

A2) Most consonant stem adjectives which show consonant gradation, except the ones
ending in -is as well as several ending in -as (cf. group C).
SG.NOM

SG.GEN

ATTR

amas
baha
iegus
dearvvas
dievas
guohca
rabas
riha
suohtas
varas

apmasa
bahaga
ihkosa
dearvasa
dievvasa
guohccaga
rahpasa
rihaga
suohttasa
varrasa

amas olbmot
baha gffe
iegus i
dearvvas gnda
dievas gohppa
guohca biergu
rabas uksa
riha vuolla
suohtas olmmo
varas luossa

strange, unknown : unknown people

bad (of taste) : bad coffee
secret, hidden : a secret matter
healthy : a healthy boy
full : a full cup
rotten, spoiled : rotten meat
open : an open door
bitter : bitter beer
nice, amusing : a nice person
fresh : fresh salmon

A3) The comparative and superlative derivatives of all adjectives, regardless of

whether the root adjective has a distinct attribute form or not (on comparatives and
superlatives, see 4.4.3.):
SG.NOM

SG.GEN

ATTR

buoret
buoremus

buorebu
buoremusa

buoret filbma
buoremus filbma

better : a better film

best : the best film

B) The attribute form is formed by adding the suffix -s / -es / -is. This group includes
several types of adjectives:
B1) Most bisyllabic vowel stem adjectives. The attribute forms ending in -s undergo
several morphophonemic changes: they have the weak grade (unless the adjective lacks

73

consonant gradation); in most cases also the second-syllable vowel undergoes the change
i > e or u > o, but the resulting e or o does not trigger diphthong simplification (see 3.2.).
Examples:
SG.NOM

SG.GEN

ATTR

lki
bah
buoidi
eahppi
uorbi
falli
fasti
gri
gievra
guhkki
hlbi
headju
jal'la
jllu
ropmi
som

lki (~ lkki)
bah
buoiddi
eahpi
uorbbi
fali
fastti
gri
gievrra
guhki
hlbbi
heaju
jalla
jlu
romi
som

lkis (~ lkkes) bargu

bahs beana
buoiddes almmi
eahpes nieida
uorbbes brdni
falis uoigi
fasttes dlki
gres geaidnu
gievrras nisu
guhkes vuovttat
hlbbes biebmu
heajos biila
jallas olmmo
jlus olmmo
romes lssaliinnit
soms olmmo

easy : an easy job/task

bad, evil; angry (dog) : an angry dog
fat : a fat man
skilful, skilled : a skillful girl
unskilled, flimsy : an unskilled boy
fast : a fast skier
ugly; bad (weather) : a bad weather
narrow : a narrow street
strong : a strong woman
long : long hair
cheap : cheap food
bad, weak, inferior : a bad car
crazy, insane : a crazy person
brave : a brave person
ugly : ugly curtains
pleasant, nice : a nice person

B2) Most consonant-stem adjectives that lack consonant gradation. These form two
subgroups:
B2a) The attribute suffix -is added to the stem; the only morphophonological alternation
that can occur in this group is margin consonant alteration (see 3.4.). Examples:
SG.NOM

SG.GEN

ATTR

bastil
bivval
heittot
johtil

bastila
bivvala
heittoga
johtila

bastilis niibi
bivvalis dlki
heittogis biila
johtilis biila

sharp : a sharp knife

mild (of weather) : a mild weather
bad, inferior : a bad car
fast : a fast car

B2b) Consonant-stem adjectives that in -at and have an oblique stem in -ad- show
complex morphophonological changes in the attribute form: 1) the -ad- in the oblique
stem is deleted as the ending -es is attached; 2) the consonant in the adjective root
undergoes strong grade strengthening, if applicable (see 3.1.3.); 3) the second syllable -ecauses diphthong simplification. Examples:
SG.NOM

SG.GEN

ATTR

hppat
fiskat

hppada
fiskada

hppes beana
fiskes dllu

black : a black dog

yellow : a yellow house

74

jaskat
ruoksat
earrat
seavdnjat
suohkat

jaskada
ruoksada
earrada
seavdnjada
suohkada

jaskes dllu
rukses lssaliinnit
er'res beaivi
sevdnjes idja
suhkkes vuovdi

silent : a silent house

red : red curtains
bright : a bright day
dark : a dark night
dense : a dense forest

B3) Caritive adjectives ending in -heapmi have an attribute form ending in -his:
SG.NOM

SG.GEN

bealjeheapmi -heami
almmeheapmi
lihkoheapmi
lobiheapmi

ATTR

bealjehis olmmo
almmehis olmmo
lihkohis olmmo
lobihis dahku

deaf (earless) : a deaf person

blind (eyeless) : a blind person
luckless : an out-of-luck person
permissionless : an unlawful deed

B4) Adjectives ending in -i, -ii, or -ui have attribute forms ending in -s, -es or -os,
respectively. (Note: in most dialects this adjective type is indeclinable, so there is no
SG.GEN form.)
SG.NOM

SG.GEN

ATTR

as'si
jierbmi
vuddjii
birgui

as'ss girji
jierbms olmmo
vuddjes biebmu
birgos mlli

thick (of flat things) : a thick book

sensible : a sensible person
greasy : greasy food
meaty : meaty soup
(= which has a lot of meat in it)

C) The attribute form is formed by deleting the -s in the predicative form. This
group includes many adjectives ending in -as (but not all of them; cf. group A2). It is
quite paradoxical that the attribute forms of adjectives of this type involve the deletion of
-s, whereas the attribute forms of many other types of adjectives is formed by addition of
an ending -s / -es / -is (see category B above). Examples:
SG.NOM

SG.GEN

ATTR

oas
ielggas
galmmas
garas
liekkas
njuoskkas

oasa
ielgasa
galbmasa
garrasa
lieggasa
njuoskasa

oa mohtorgielk
ielga i
galbma hci
garra biegga
liegga viessu
njuoska biergu

new : a new snowmobile

clear, obvious : an obvious thing
cold : cold water
hard; strong : a strong wind
warm : a warm house
wet; raw : raw meat

D) The attribute form is formed by changing -i- to -e- in the second syllable. This
group includes most consonant stem adjectives with an SG.NOM ending in -is (but not
contracting -is-stem adjectives with a SG.NOM ending in -is!)

75

SG.NOM

SG.GEN

ATTR

boaris
buhtis
grvvis
oahpis
ollis
rnis

boarrsa
buhttsa
grvsa
oahppsa
ol'lsa
rtnsa

boares gpmagat
buhtes biktasat
grvves biebmu
oahpes olmmo
olles beaivi
rnes sof'f

old : old shoes

clean : clean clothes
ready, finished : ready food
known : a known person
whole : a whole day
grey : a grey couch

E) Irregular attribute forms. Attribute forms of adjectives constitute the only

morphological category in North Saami where irregular forms are common. At least the
following rather common adjectives have irregular attribute forms:
E1) No separate attribute form even though one is expected:
(cf. B1:)
buorre
duohta
nuorra

buori
duoa
nuora

buorre filbma
duohta muitalus
nuorra nieida

good : a good film

true : a true story
young : a young girl

(cf. B2a:)
alit

aliha

alit albmi

blue : a blue sky

E2) A separate attribute form ending in -is, even though no such form is expected:
(cf. A1:)
aseha
oaneha
vuollega

asehaa
oanehaa
vuollegaa

asehis girji
oanehis bddi
vuollegis beavdi

thin (of flat things) : a thin book

short : a short rope
low : a low table

(cf. A2:)
ieal

iekala

iekalis jvri

deep : a deep lake

E3) An irregular attribute form ending in -a:

ppis
njlggis
stuoris

bb
njlg
stuor'r

ppa almmi
njlgga libi
stuorra dllu

beautiful : a good-looking man

good (of taste), tasty : tasty bread
big : a big house

(cf. B1)
seaggi
uhcci
un'ni

seakki
uhci
unni

seakka muorra
uhca gndda
unna mn

thin (of round things) : a thin tree

small : a small boy
small : a small child

76

(cf. B2a)
allat
gassat
govdat

allaga
gassaga
govdaga

alla vrri
gassa almmi
govda johka

high : a high mountain

thick (of round things) : a fat man
broad : a broad river

(cf. B2b)
rrat
lossat

rrada
lossada

rra iit
lossa diga

early : early morning

heavy : a heavy thing

(cf. D)
dimis

dipmsa

dipma libi

soft : soft bread

4.4.3. Comparatives and superlatives

North Saami adjectives have comparative and superlative forms. These forms are
derivatives of the corresponding root adjectives i.e., they are independent nominals
which have declinations of their own.
Formation:
Just like most suffixes in North Saami, the comparative and the superlative suffixes have
two variants. The first of these variants is attached to a stem beginning with a vowel, the
second to a stem beginning with a consonant:
comparative suffix:
superlative suffix:

variant 1:
-t : -bu-mus : -mussa- / -musa-

variant 2:
-et : -eabbo- / -eappo-eamos : -epmos-

The formation rules for comparative and superlative derivatives are fairly simple:
vowel stems:
consonant stems:
contracting is-stems:
adjectives ending in -i

weak grade stem5 + suffix -t or -mus

oblique stem + suffix -et or -eamos
oblique stem + suffix -t or -mus
delete -i- + suffix -t / -mus

Does not apply if the adjective lacks consonant gradation.

77

Examples:
SG.NOM

SG.GEN

COMPAR

SUPERL

nuorra young
hlbi cheap
uhcci small, little
buorre good
lki easy
som pleasant, fun
lihkola happy

nuora
hlbbi
uhci
buori
lki
som
lihkolaa

nuorat
hlbbit
uhcit
buoret
lkit
somt
lihkolaat

nuoramus
hlbbimus
uhcimus
buoremus
lkimus
sommus
lihkolaamus

oas new
boaris old
seavdnjat dark

oasa
boarrsa
seavdnjada

oaset
boarrset
seavdnjadet

oaseamos
boarrseamos
seavdnjadeamos

ppis beautiful
njlggis tasty

bb
njlg

bbt
njlgt

bbmus
njlgmus

as'st

as'smus

as'si thick (of flat things)

A few adjectives have irregular comparative and superlative forms; the following are the
most common:
SG.NOM

SG.GEN

COMPAR

SUPERL

stuoris big
allat high
gassat thick (round things)
govdat broad
rrat early
lossat heavy

stuor'r
allaga
gassaga
govdaga
rrada
lossada

stuort, stuorit
alit
gasit
govddit
rat
losit

stuormus, stuorimus
alimus
gasimus
govddimus
ramus
losimus

Declination:
Comparatives formed with the suffix variant -t show a morphophonological peculiarity,
which not encountered in any other words: in the oblique stem the comparative suffix
appears as -bu-, and the comparative is declined as a vowel stem noun, even though it has
an odd number of syllables:

78

SG

PL

SG

PL

buoret
buorebut
lihkolaat
lihkolaabut
GEN
buorebu
buorebuid
lihkolaabu
lihkolaabuid
LOC
buorebus
buorebuin
lihkolaabus
lihkolaabuin
ILL
buorebui
buorebuidda
lihkolaabui
lihkolaabuidda
COM
buorebuin buorebuiguin
lihkolaabuin
lihkolaabuiguin
ESS
buorebun
lihkolaabun
Comparatives taking the suffix variant -et have oblique stems ending with -eabbo- / eappo-; they are declined according like a disyllabic nominal *eabbo would be, save for
the final vowel deletion and other phonological simplifications in the SG.NOM form:
NOM

SG
NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

PL

oaset
oaseappot
oaseappo
oaseappuid
oaseappos oaseappuin
oasebbui
oaseappuide
oaseappuin oaseappuiguin
oaseabbon

Superlatives formed with the suffix variant -mus are vowel stems that are declined like a
disyllabic nominal *mussa would be; the final vowel in the SG.NOM form is deleted.
SG
NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

PL

buoremus
buoremusat
buoremusa buoremusaid
buoremusas buoremusain
buoremussii buoremusaide
buoremusain buoremusaiguin
buoremussan

SG

PL

lihkolaamus
lihkolaamusat
lihkolaamusa lihkolaamusaid
lihkolaamusas lihkolaamusain
lihkolaamussii lihkolaamusaide
lihkolaamusain lihkolaamusaiguin
lihkolaamussan

Superlatives formed with the suffix variant -eamos are consonant stems that are declined
like consonant stems ending -us (e.g. boaus result; see 4.2.2.), whith the excepetion
that also the SG.NOM and ESS have the vowel -o-. Note that SG.NOM and ESS lack of
diphthong simplification despite the fact that -o- triggers simplification in the rest of the
paradigm!

79

SG
NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

PL

oaseamos
oasepmosat
oasepmosa oasepmosiid
oasepmosis oasepmosiin
oasepmosii oasepmosiidda
oasepmosiin oasepmosiiguin
oaseamosin

Comparative constructions:
There are two alternative comparative constructions in North Saami. There is no
difference of meaning between the two constructions, but the first one is more commonly
used than the second one:
A) COMPAR + go than + NOM
Ig lea guhkit go Mhtte.
Ing be.3SG tall.COMPAR than Matthew(.NOM)
Ing is taller than Matthew.
B) SG.GEN +

COMPAR

Ig lea Mhte guhkit.

Ing be.3SG Matthew.GEN tall.COMPAR
Ing is taller than Matthew.
Superlative constructions:
The word buot all is commonly used as an intensifying modifier before superlative
forms:
Ig lea guhkimus.
Ing be.3SG tall.SUPERL
Ing is the tallest (person).
Ig lea buot guhkimus.
Ing be.3SG tall.SUPERL
Ing is (really) the tallest., Ing is the tallest of all.
Comparatives and superlatives as attributes.
Comparatives and superlatives never have morphologically distinct attribute forms,
regardless of whether the root adjective has one or not (see 4.4.2. above).

80

Comparatives and superlatives of nouns.

Comparative and superlative derivatives can also be formed of some nouns denoting
spatial concepts. In these cases, the comparative and the superlative have the meaning
closer to X and closest to X, respectively (X being the root noun from which the
comparative and the superlative nouns are formed). The morphological and
morphophonological rules applied in the formation are the same as for adjectives.
Examples:
NOUN

COMPAR

SUPERL

davvi north
mddi south (EI)
lulli south (WI)
nuorti east
oarji west
gddi shore

davit more northern

mttit
lulit
nuorttit
oarjjit
gttit closer to the shore

vrri mountain

vrit closer to the mountain

davimus northernmost
mttimus
lulimus
nuorttimus
oarjjimus
gttimus the one closest to the
shore
vrimus the one closest to the
mountain

Comparatives and superlatives of nouns are used in essentially the same way as
adjectives are, e.g. as predicatives and as attributes of nouns.

81

4.5. Quantifiers
4.5.1. Basic numerals
The morphologically underived numerals in North Saami are:

0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
100
1000

SG.NOM

SG.GEN

nol'la
okta
guokte
golbma
njeallje
vihtta
guhtta
iea
gvcci
ovcci
logi
uoi
duht

nolla
ovtta
guovtti
golmma
njealji
via
gua
iea
gvcci
ovcci
logi
uoi
duhha

The rest of the numerals are formed by compounding. The numerals 1119 are formed by
compounding the numerals 19 with -nuppe-lohki [second.GEN.ten.ILL], which could be
translated as into the second ten: oktanuppelohki 11, guoktenuppelohki 12, etc. In
pronunciation -nuppelohki is often more or less reduced: e.g., oktanuppelohki can be
pronounced as /oktanuplohkaj/, /oktanumlohkaj/, /oktanuploh/, /oktanumloh/, and
/oktamloh/.
All numerals higher than 19 are formed by simply compounding the underived basic
numerals and the numerals for teens, as follows:
20
21
22
37
112
120
4725

guoktelogi [two.ten]
guoktelogiokta [two.ten.one]
guoktelogiguokte [two.ten.two]
golbmalogiiea [three.ten.seven]
uoiguoktenuppelohki [hundred.two.second.GEN.ten.ILL]
uoiguoktelogi [hundred.two.ten]
njealljeduhtieauoiguoktelogivihtta
[four.thousand.seven.hundred.two.ten.five]

etc.

82

The case paradigms of the numerals okta 1, guokte 2, vihtta 5, iea 7, gvcci 8,
and duht 1000 are given below as examples. (The numeral golbma 3 behaves like
okta 1, njeallje 4 like guokte 2, guhtta 6 like vihtta 5, and ovcci 9, logi 10 and
uoi 100 like gvcci 8). Note that the numerals vihtta 5 and guhtta 6 show
irregular consonant gradation (htt : ), and that the numerals gvcci 8, ovcci 9, logi
10 and uoi 100 lack consonant gradation.
okta 1:
NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

guokte 2:

SG

PL

SG

PL

SG

PL

okta
ovtta
ovttas
oktii
ovttain
oktan

ovttat
ovttaid
ovttain
ovttaide
ovttaiguin

guokte
guovtti
guovttis
guokti
guvttiin
guoktin

guovttit
guvttiid
guvttiin
guvttiide
guvttiiguin

vihtta
via
vias
vihttii
viain
vihttan

viat
viaid
viain
viaide
viviaiguin

iea 7:
NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

vihtta 5:

gvcci 8:

duht 1000:

SG

PL

SG

PL

SG

PL

iea
iea
ieas
iii
ieain
iean

ieat
ieaid
ieain
ieaide
ieaiguin

gvcci
gvcci
gvccis
gvcci
gvcciin
gvccin

gvccit
gvcciid
gvcciin
gvcciide
gvcciiguin

duht
duhha
duhhis
duhhii
duhhiin
duhhin

duhhat
duhhiid
duhhiin
duhhiidda
duhhiiguin

The case paradigms of compounded numerals are usually formed by declining the last
component of the numeral; the other parts of the compound remain unchanged. (There
are certain dialectal exceptions to this, though.) The paradigm of oktanuppelohki 11 is
given as an example.
oktanuppelohki 11:
NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

SG

PL

oktanuppelohki
oktanuppelogi
oktanuppelogis
oktanuppelohki
oktanuppelogiin
oktanuppelohkin

oktanuppelogit
oktanuppelogiid
oktanuppelogiin
oktanuppelogiide
oktanuppelogiiguin

83

4.5.2. Quantifier constructions

In numeral constructions a numeral occurs together with a noun that it quantifies: e.g.
okta dllu one house, guokte biilla two cars. In addition to true numerals there are
three other quantifiers (moadde a few, a couple of, mga many, and gal'le how
many?) which in morphosyntactic terms behave identically to numerals; these are called
numeral-like quantifiers. Numeral constructions, which contain either a true numeral or
one of the other three quantifiers mentioned, have a few peculiar morphosyntactic
features.
North Saami numeral constuctions can occur in both singular and plural. In most cases,
numeral constructions occur in the singular form even with numerals higher than one.
For example, in the following examples both the numeral and the quantified noun is are
in a singular form:
okta dllu
one house(.NOM)
one house

guokte dlu
two house.GEN
two houses

golbma dlu
three house.GEN
three houses

Plural numeral constructions are only used when counting sets of objects each of which
has a fixed number of members. Things occurring in sets include, e.g., shoes and gloves
(pairs) or tires of a car (sets of four). When quantifying such objects, singular numeral
constructions are used for counting individual objects and plural numeral constructions
for counting sets of objects. Compare the examples:
okta gma
one shoe(.NOM)
one shoe

guokte gpmaga
two shoe.GEN
two shoes

golbma gpmaga
three shoe.GEN
three shoes

ovttat gpmagat
one.PL.NOM shoe.PL.NOM
one pair of shoes

guovttit gpmagat
two.PL.NOM shoe.PL.NOM
two pairs of shoes

golmmat gpmagat
three.PL.NOM shoe.PL.NOM
three pairs of shoes

okta riekkis
one tire(.NOM)
one tire

guokte riegg
two tire.GEN
two tires

golbma riegg
three tire.GEN
three tires

ovttat rieggt
one.PL.NOM tire.PL.NOM
one set of tires

guovttit rieggt
two.PL.NOM tire.PL.NOM
two sets of tires

golmmat rieggt
three.PL.NOM tire.PL.NOM
three sets of tires

Numeral constructions also show a few other peculiar morphosyntactic features. First, the
numeral and the quantified noun do not always take the same case marking. Second, it is
84

to some extent ambiguous which word is the head of the construction; in certain case
forms the numeral appears to function as the head, whereas in others the noun could be
better analyzed as the head of the phrase.
As regards morphosyntax, the numeral okta 1 behaves differently from all other
numerals, so it can be dealt with first. When okta quantifies a noun, the case marking
pattern for the whole numeral phrase is the following:
NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

okta dllu
ovtta dlu
ovtta dlus
ovtta dllui
ovttain dluin
oktan dllun

[one.NOM house.NOM] one house

[one.GEN house.GEN]
[one.GEN house.LOC]
[one.GEN house.ILL]
[one.COM house.COM]
[one.ESS house.ESS]

As the paradigm shows, the locative and illative case is marked only on the quantified
noun, whereas the quantifier okta one occurs in the genitive case. This phenomenon is
called partial agreement; it is also exhibited by some other modifiers of nouns, such as
demonstrative pronouns that occur as modifiers as nouns.
The case marking pattern in plural numeral constructions involving okta one is
somewhat different, and also shows dialectal differences. In the locative, the illative and
the comitative, okta may either take the same case as the noun, or occur in the PL.GEN
form. (Note that the essive has no distinct plural form; see 4.2.)
PL.NOM
PL.GEN
PL.LOC
PL.ILL
PL.COM
ESS

ovttat gpmagat
ovttaid gpmagiid
ovttaid gpmagiin
~ ovttain gpmagiin
ovttaid gpmagiidda
~ ovttaide gpmagiidda
ovttaid gpmagiiguin
~ ovttaiguin gpmagiiguin
oktan gman

[one.PL.NOM shoe.PL.NOM] one pair of shoes

[one.PL.GEN shoe.PL.GEN]
[one.PL.GEN shoe.PL.LOC]
[one.PL.LOC shoe.PL.LOC]
[one.PL.GEN shoe.PL.ILL]
[one.PL.ILL shoe.PL.ILL]
[one.PL.GEN shoe.PL.COM]
[one.PL.COM shoe.PL.COM]
[one.ESS shoe.ESS]

Numeral constructions with numerals other than okta 1 differ in one particular form:
when the whole phrase is in the nominative singular, only the numeral takes the SG.NOM
marking, whereas the noun occurs in the SG.GEN. In this form, thus, it would seem as if
the numeral was the head of the construction, as it carries the marking for the nominative
case. However, in the locative and illative singular the case marking is carried by the
noun, whereas the numeral occurs in the SG.GEN!

85

NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

guokte dlu
guovtti dlu
guovtti dlus
guovtti dllui
guvttiin dluin
guoktin dllun

[two.NOM house.GEN] two houses

[two.GEN house.GEN]
[two.GEN house.LOC]
[two.GEN house.ILL]
[two.COM house.COM]
[two.ESS house.ESS]

In the plural, there is no difference between constructions involving okta 1 and other
numerals:
PL.NOM
PL.GEN
PL.LOC
PL.ILL
PL.COM
ESS

guovttit gpmagat
guvttiid gpmagiid
guvttiid gpmagiin
~ guvttiin gpmagiin
guvttiid gpmagiidda
~ guvttiide gpmagiidda
guvttiid gpmagiiguin
~ guvttiiguin gpmagiiguin
guoktin gman

[two.PL.NOM shoe.PL.NOM] two pairs of shoes

[two.PL.GEN shoe.PL.GEN]
[two.PL.GEN shoe.PL.LOC]
[two.PL.LOC shoe.PL.LOC]
[two.PL.GEN shoe.PL.ILL]
[two.PL.ILL shoe.PL.ILL]
[two.PL.GEN shoe.PL.COM]
[two.PL.COM shoe.PL.COM]
[two.ESS shoe.ESS]

The numeral-like quantifiers mga many, moadde a few, a couple of, and gal'le
how many behave identically to numerals higher than one. The paradigm of
consructions with mga is given as an example:

ESS

mga dlu
mgga dlu
mgga dlus
mgga dllui
mggain dluin
mgan dllun

PL.NOM

mggat gpmagat

NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM

PL.GEN
PL.LOC
PL.ILL
PL.COM
ESS

[many.NOM house.GEN] many houses

[many.GEN house.GEN]
[many.GEN house.LOC]
[many.GEN house.ILL]
[many.COM house.COM]
[many.ESS house.ESS]

[many.PL.NOM shoe.PL.NOM] many pairs of

shoes
mggaid gpmagiid
[many.PL.GEN shoe.PL.GEN]
mggaid gpmagiin
[many.PL.GEN shoe.PL.LOC]
~ mggain gpmagiin
[many.PL.LOC shoe.PL.LOC]
mggaid gpmagiidda
[many.PL.GEN shoe.PL.ILL]
~ mggaide gpmagiidda
[many.PL.ILL shoe.PL.ILL]
mggaid gpmagiiguin
[many.PL.GEN shoe.PL.COM]
~ mggaiguin gpmagiiguin [many.PL.COM shoe.PL.COM]
mgan gman
[many.ESS shoe.ESS]

86

In addition to numerals and the three numeral-like quantifiers, there are many other
quantifiers; some of the most common are soames some, muhtun some, ollu ~ ol'lu
much, eanet more, uhcn little, uhcit less, veh a little, a bit. These quantifiers
behave like adjectives modifying nouns: they are indeclinable when they occur in
quantifier constructions.

87

4.6. Pronouns
The North Saami pronoun system consists of both independent pronouns and pronoun
constructions. Pronouns are independent lexical items (e.g. mun I, dat it, gii who),
whereas pronoun contructions are phrases consisting of two distinct lexical items which,
nevertheless, have a fixed pronominal function (e.g. nubbi nuppi each other, mii beare
whatever, gii nu someone).
4.6.1. Personal pronouns
Personal pronouns distinguish between singular, dual and plural, and between first,
second and third person. There is no distinction between inclusive and exclusive we.
The personal pronouns are given in the table below; the case paradigms of the pronouns
can be found in section 4.2.5.
1
2
3

SG

DU

PL

mun
don
dat; son

moai
doai
dat; soai

mii
dii
dat; sii

As the table above shows, there are two different third person pronouns. Note that dat is
also a demonstrative pronoun roughly corresponding to English it and they; see the
section on demonstrative pronouns below (4.6.3). In most contexts the difference
between these two is stylistic: dat is colloquial and the one used in normal speech,
whereas son, soai, and sii are used in more formal speech and in most genres of written
language.
Son/dat boii ikte.
3SG come.PAST.3SG yesterday
(s)he came yesterday (formal / colloquial)
Muitalin dan sudnuide/daidda.
tell.PAST.1SG it.SG.GEN 3DU.ILL
I told it to them (2). (formal / colloquial)
Jerretgo sis/dain?
ask.PAST.2SG.Q 3PL.LOC
Did you ask them? (formal / colloquial)
However, there are some more intricate rules regarding the use of the two sets of third
person pronouns: son, soai and sii are preferred when the person or the people the
pronoun refers to hear the conversation. Apparently, this is at least partially motivated by

88

the fact that dat is also a demonstrative pronoun that refers to something outside the
context of the conversation (see 4.6.3).
In relative clauses there is a grammatical opposition between dat and son/soai/sii: the
latter refers back to the subject of the main clause, but the former does not. Compare the
following minimal pair:
Mhtte logai, ahte son boaht.
Matthew say.PAST.1SG that 3SG come.3SG
Matthew said that he [= Matthew] will come.
Mhtte logai, ahte dat boaht.
Mathhew say.PAST.1SG that 3SG come.3SG
Matthew said that (s)he [= someone else, not Matthew] will come.

4.6.2. The reflexive pronoun

The declension of the reflexive pronoun ie is given in section 4.3.3 above. The following
sentences illustrate the basic reflexive use of the various case forms of ie:
Moai letne iea oaidnn dan.
1DU be.PAST.1DU REFL.PL(.NOM) see.PAST_PTCL it.SG.GEN
Weve seen it ourselves.
Mhtte navddii ieas hoavdan.
Matthew claim.PAST.1SG REFL.3SG boss.ESS
Matthew claimed that he was the boss. (claimed himself as the boss)
Dan lean oahppan alddn.
it.SG.GEN be.1SG learn.PAST_PTCL REFL.LOC.1SG
Ive learnt it by myself. (i.e., no one taught it to me)
Osten alccen oa jhka.
buy.PAST.1SG REFL.ILL.1SG new.ATTR jacket.GEN
I bought myself a new jacket/coat.
The following uses of the reflexive pronoun are worth noting separately:
The comitative and essive forms are used in the meaning by oneself; there is no
difference of meaning between the two:
Son smiehtai dan ieainis ~ iehanis.
3SG think.PAST.1SG it.SG.GEN REFL.COM.3SG ~ REFL.ESS.3SG
(s)he thought about it by him-/herself. (with him-/herself / as him-/herself)

89

Reflexive pronouns are often used in non-finite constructions to refer back to the subject
of the finite verb:
Soai dajaiga alddiska leat biilla.
3DU say.PAST.3DU REFL.LOC.3DU be.INF car.GEN
They said they have a car.
The genitive forms of the reflexive pronoun are used in the meaning ones own:
Dat lea mu iean biila.
it be.3SG 1SG.GEN REFL.1SG car
It is my own car.
Vldde ieat biilla.
take.IMP.2SG REFL.2SG car.GEN
Take your own car.
A reflexive pronoun following a pronoun or a noun, taking the same case as the noun, can
be used as a form of emphasis:
Mhtte ie doppe lei.
Matthew REFL there be.PAST.3SG
Indeed, Matthew was there.
Dus alddt mun jearan.
2SG.LOC REFL.LOC.2SG 1SG ask.1SG
Im asking you (personally).
A nominative form of the reflexive pronoun before a personal pronoun subject indicates
that the action the verb pertains to has no particular aim or purpose:
Ie mun djun.
REFL.SG 1SG joke.1SG
Im just joking.
Iea mii dppe vccait.
REFL.PL 1PL here walk_about.1PL
Were just taking a stroll here.

90

4.6.3. Demonstrative pronouns

North Saami has a system of five demonstrative pronouns:
PRONOUN

GLOSS

dat

it; that

REFERS TO

1) something not present in the context of the conversation

2) refers backwards in text or conversation (i.e., something
that was already mentioned or specified)
this here something close to the speaker or in his possession (also
metaphorically)
that
1) something near the person spoken to or in his possession
(also metaphorically)
2) (?) something that is a topic of discussion and belongs to a
realm of experiences shared by the participants of the
discussion (< a preliminary hypothesis!)
that
something visible, which is not in the possession of either the
speaker or the hearer
that
something visible but distant (e.g., a car down the road, a
mountain in the horizon)

dt
diet

duot
dot

The case paradigms of the demonstrative pronouns are given in 4.2.5.

When demonstrative pronouns appear as modifiers of nouns, they show partial
agreement with the noun (a phenomenon also encountered in numeral constructions; see
4.5.2): the demonstrative pronoun otherwise agrees in case with the head noun, but when
the head noun is in the SG.LOC or SG.ILL form, the demonstrative takes the SG.GEN form.
In the plural there is variation: the pronoun can either show full agreement, or take
PL.GEN form when the head noun takes PL.LOC, PL.ILL and PL.COM marking. The paradigm
of dt biila this car is given as an example below:
SG

PL

LOC

dt biila
dn biilla
dn biillas

ILL

dn biilii

COM

dinna biillain

dt biillat
did biillaid
din biillain
~ did biillain
didda biillaide
~ did biillaide
diguin biillaiguin
~ did biillaiguin

ESS

dnin biilan

NOM
GEN

91

4.6.4. Interrogative and relative pronouns

North Saami has four pronouns that are used as both interrogative and relative pronouns:
mii what, which (refers to animals, inanimate objects, and abstract concepts)
gii who (refers to people)
goabb who, which (of two)
guhte (~ guhtemu) who, which (refers to a member of a definite, delimited group)
The declensions of mii and gii are irregular; the paradigms can be found in section 4.2.5.
The pronouns goabb and guhte are declined as regular vowel-stem nominals.
The following examples illustrate the use of the four pronouns:
Man don ostet?
what.SG.GEN 2SG buy.PAST.2SG
Which one did you buy?
Muital man don ostet.
tell.IMP.2SG what.SG.GEN 2SG buy.PAST.2SG
Tell me which one you bought.
Gii duot olmmo lea?
who that person be.3SG?
Whos that person over there?
Duot olmmo, gii duoppe uou, lea min oahpaheaddji.
that person who over_there stand.3SG be.3SG 1PL.GEN teacher
That person standing over there is our teacher.
Geas don dan gullet?
who.LOC 2SG it.SG.GEN hear.PAST.2SG
Who did you hear that from?
Dan olbmo, geas dan gullen, it didde dovdat.
it.SG.GEN person.GEN who.LOC it.SG.GEN hear.PAST.1SG
probably_be_the_case.CONNEG know.INF
I dont think you know the person I heard it from.

NEG.2SG

Guhte dn lea dahkan?

who this.SG.GEN be.3SG do.PAST_PTCL
Who has done this? [implies that there is limited group of possible suspects]
Gal mun ielggadan, guhte dn lea dahkan.
indeed 1SG find_out.1SG who this.SG.GEN be.3SG do.PAST_PTCL
Ill find out for sure who has done this.
92

Goappid gpmagiid iggut oastit?

which_of_two.PL.GEN shoe.PL.GEN intend_to.2SG buy.INF
Which pair of shoes are you going to buy?
In diee, goappid gpmagiid oasttin.
NEG.1SG know.CONNEG which_of_two.PL.GEN shoe.PL.GEN buy.COND.1SG
I dont know which pair of shoes to buy.
When interrogative-relative pronouns occur as modifiers of nouns, they show partial
agreement just like demonstrative pronouns do (see 4.6.3 above). In addition, the the
pronouns mii and gii show a unique morphosyntactic peculiarity: when a noun phrase
with the modifier mii or gii occurs in SG.NOM, only the pronoun takes the SG.NOM
marking, whereas the noun itself appears in the PL.GEN (even though the referent of the
NP is singular and not plural!). The paradigms of mii biillaid what car, gii olbmuid
what person (lit. who person), and goabb gma which shoe are given as examples
below:
SG
NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

PL

mii biillaid
man biilla
man biillas

mat biillat
maid biillaid
main biillain
~ maid biillain
man biilii
maidda biillaide
~ maid biillaide
mainna biillain maiguin biillaiguin
~ maid biillaiguin
manin biilan
SG

NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

SG

PL

gii olbmuid
gean olbmo
gean olbmos

geat olbmot
geaid olbmuid
geain olbmuin
~ geaid olbmuin
gean olbmui
geaidda olbmuide
~ geaid olbmuide
geainna olbmuin geaiguin olbmuiguin
~ geaid olbmuiguin
geanin olmmoin

PL

goabb gma
goapp gpmaga
goapp gpmagis

goappt gpmagat
goappid gpmagiid
goappin gpmagiin
~ goappid gpmagiin
goapp gpmagii
goappide gpmagiidda
~ goappid gpmagiidda
goappin gpmagiin goappiguin gpmagiiguin
~ goappid gpmagiiguin
goabbn gman

93

4.6.5. Distributive pronouns

Distributive pronouns can be formed out of the four interrogative-relative pronouns mii,
gii, guhte and goabb by adding the clitic -ge also (in the EI dialects) or -nai also (in
the WI dialects). The distributive pronouns formed from gii and guhte may also have the
reflexive pronoun ie compounded with them. There is no difference in meaning between
guhtege and ieguhtege, etc., but the forms with ie- are more common.
miige ~ miinai each, each thing (of several things)
(ie)giige ~ (ie)giinai each person (speaking of an indefinite group of people)
(ie)guhtege ~ (ie)guhtenai each person (of a definite group of people)
goabbge ~ goabbnai each (of two)
The distributive pronouns are declined just like the interrogative-relative pronouns; the
clitic -ge remains unchanged.
The following examples illustrate the use of the distributive pronouns:
Mun jehan dutnje, gos miige ~ miinai lea.
1SG show.1SG 2SG.ILL where what.also be.3SG
Ill show you where each thing is.
Doppe vldet mvssu uoi ruvnnu (ie)geasge ~ (ie)geasnai.
there take.3PL payment.GEN hundred crown.GEN (REFL.)who.LOC.also
They charge a hundred crowns per person there.
(They take a payment of a hundred crowns from each person there.)
De (ie)guhtege ~ (ie)guhtenai vulggii.
then (REFL.)who.also leave.PAST.3SG
Then everyone left. (i.e., each person went his own way)
Sudnos lea goappsge ieas biila.
3DU.LOC be.3SG each_of_two.LOC.also REFL.3SG car
Each of them (2) has a car of their own.

4.6.7. Indefinite pronouns

There are several types of constructions that function as indefinite pronouns; these are
phrases consisting of an interrogative pronoun and the words vaikko (even though),
feara (this word is not used independently), fal (an emphasizing particle), beare (only,
just), and nu (like that, in that way, so).

94

1) vaikko ~ feara + interrogative pronoun:

vaikko ~ feara mii
whatever, all kinds of things
vaikko ~ feara gii
whoever, any person
vaikko guhte
whoever (of a definite group)
?vaikko goabb
whichever
2) intrerrogative pronoun + fal / beare:
mii fal ~ beare
anything, whatever
gii fal ~ beare
anyone, whoever
guhte fal ~ beare
whoever (of a definite group)
goabb fal ~ beare
whichever
3) interrogative pronoun + nu:
mii nu
gii nu
goabb nu

something
someone
either of two, one of two

The paradigms of the indefinite pronoun constructions are formed by declining the
pronoun mii, gii, goabb or guhte; the other lexical component remains unchanged. The
paradigms of vaikko mii and gii nu are given as examples below:

NOM
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM
ESS

SG

PL

SG

PL

vaikko mii
vaikko man
vaikko mas
vaikko masa
vaikko mainna
vaikko manin

vaikko mat
vaikko maid
vaikko main
vaikko maidda
vaikko maiguin

gii nu
gean nu
geas nu
geasa nu
geainna nu
geanin nu

geat nu
geaid nu
geain nu
geaidda nu
geaiguin nu

The following examples illustrate the usage of indefinite pronoun constructions:

Da gvppiin vuvdojuvvo feara mii.
Norway.GEN store.PL.LOC sell.PASS.3SG feara what
In Norwegian stores they sell all kinds of things.
Dan gal mhtt vaikko gii dahkat.
it.SG.GEN for_sure know_how_to.3SG vaikko who do.INF
Anyone can do that for sure
Dat mhtt rhkadit vaikko maid.
3SG know_how_to.3SG make.INF vaikko what.PL.GEN
(S)he can make all kinds of things.

95

Dat shtii leat gii beare.

it be_possible_that.PAST.3SG be.INF who only
It could have been anyone.
Vldde gue fal sihkkela.
take.IMP.2SG which fal bike.GEN
Take whichever bike (you want to).
Rige, juos mii nu dhphuvv.
call.IMP.2SG if what so happen.3SG
Call if something happens.
Goabb nu din jhkain ferte leat mu.
which_of_two so this.PL.LOC jacket.PL.LOC must.3SG be.INF 1SG.GEN
One of these (two) jackets must be mine.
There is also a specific set of indefinite pronouns that is used in negated sentences; these
are nearly always homonymous with the distributive pronouns (see 4.6.5):
miige (~ mihkkege)
giige
guhtege
goabbge

(not ...) anything

(not ...) anyone
(not ...) anything / anyone (of a definite group)
(not ...) either one

Usage examples:
Dt ii leat miige oahppogirjjiid.
this NEG.3SG be.CONNEG what.also learning.book.PL.GEN
This is no textbook.
Dppe ii leat giige.
here NEG.3SG be.CONNEG who.also
Theres no one here.
Ii mis guhtege leat oaidnn Mhte.
NEG.3SG 1PL.LOC who.also be.CONNEG see.PAST_PTCL Matthew.GEN
No one of us has seen Matthew.
Goabbge ii beassan vuolgit.
which_of_two.also NEG.3SG get_to.PAST.CONNEG leave.INF
Neither of them could go / had the chance to go.

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Note, however, that the SG.NOM form miige is never used alone as an indefinite pronoun;
instead, a form mihkkege is used:
Mus ii leat mihkkege.
1SG.LOC NEG.3SG be.CONNEG mihkkege
I dont have anything.
(cf. the example Dt ii leat miige oahppogirjjiid above!)

4.6.8. Reciprocal pronouns

Like many languages, North Saami does not have lexically independent reciprocal
pronouns. Instead, what function as reciprocal pronouns are phrases consisting of two
lexical items (cf. English each other, Russian drug druga each other [cf. drug friend],
etc.).
There are two alternative reciprocal pronoun constructions one based on the word nubbi
another; second, and another based on goabbat each (of two) or guhtet each (of 3+)
and the noun guoibmi companion, spouse, girl- or boyfriend. There appears to be no
difference of function or meaning between the two types of constructions.
1) nubbi nuppi

each other

2) goabbat guoibmi + dual possessive suffix

guhtet guoibmi + plural possessive suffix

each other (of two)

each other (of 3+)

The nubbi nuppi construction can be declined in the singular or in the plural. The singular
forms have a dual function, and the plural forms a plural function. The latter component
carries case and number marking, but the former only number marking (SG.NOM or
PL.NOM). Possessive suffixes are never used in the nubbi nuppi construction. The case
paradigm of nubbi nuppi is given below (reciprocal pronoun constructions do not have
NOM or ESS forms):
SG (dual
GEN
LOC
ILL
COM

function)
nubbi nuppi
nubbi nuppis
nubbi nubbi
nubbi nuppiin

PL (plural

function)
nuppit nuppiid
nuppit nuppiin
nuppit nuppiide
nuppit nuppiiguin

In the goabbat guoibmi ja guhtet guoibmi constructions the noun guoibmi always takes
possessive suffixes. The goabbat guoibmi construction is used in dual fucntion, and
hence dual possessive suffixes are used; the construction guhtet guoibmi has a plural
function, and takes plural possessive suffixes. In the guhtet guoibmi construction the
97

noun guoibmi may be conjugated either in the singular or in the plural; both forms are
used, and there is no difference of meaning between them.

GEN
LOC
ILL
COM

GEN
LOC
ILL
COM

GEN
LOC
ILL
COM

1DU
goabbat guoibmme
goabbat guoimmisteame
goabbat guoibmseame
goabbat guimmiineame

1PL
guhtet guoibmmet (~ guimmiideamet)
guhtet guoimmisteamet (~ guimmiineamet)
guhtet guoibmseamet (~ guimmiidasamet)
guhtet guimmiineamet (~ guimmiideametguin)

2DU
goabbat guoimmde
goabbat guoimmisteatte
goabbat guoibmseatte
goabbat guimmiineatte

2PL
guhtet guoimmdet (~ guimmiideattet)
guhtet guoimmisteattet (~ guimmiineattet)
guhtet guoibmseattet (~ guimmiidasadet)
guhtet guimmiineattet (~ guimmiideattetguin)

3DU
goabbat guoimmiska
goabbat guoimmisteaskka
goabbat guoibmseaskka
goabbat guimmiineaskka

3PL
guhtet guoimmiset (~ guimmiideaset)
guhtet guoimmisteaset (~ guimmiineaset)
guhtet guoibmseaset (~ guimmiidasaset)
guhtet guimmiineaset (~ guimmiideasetguin)

Some basic usage examples:

Moai veahkehetne nubbi nuppi ~ goabbat guoibmme.
1DU help.1DU another another.GEN ~ each companion.GEN.1DU
We (2) help each other.
Soai liikoba nubbi nubbi ~ goabbat guoibmseaskka.
3DU like.3DU another another.ILL ~ each companion.ILL.3DU
They (2) like each other.
Dii oahppabehtet nuppit nuppiin ~ guhtet guoimmisteattet ~ guhtet guimmiineattet.
2PL learn.2PL another.PL another.PL.LOC ~ each companion.LOC.2PL ~ each
companion.PL.LOC.2PL
You (3+) learn from each other.
Mii rdalaimet nuppit nuppiiguin ~ guhtet guimmiineamet ~ guhtet
guimmiideametguin.
1PL negotiate.1PL another.PL another.PL.COM ~ each companion.COM.1PL
~ each companion.PL.1PL.COM
We negotiated with each other.

98

North Saami also has quite a few reciprocal verbs, such as oaidnalit to see/meet each
other, suhtadit to get mad at each other, bealkkait to bicker at each other, soabadit
to make up with each other, heaitalit to stop doing X to each other; to break up. If
reciprocity is already coded in the verb, a reciprocal pronoun construction cannot appear
as an overt object in the sentence:
Moai oaidnaletne ihttin.
1DU see_each_other.1DU tomorrow
Well meet tomorrow.
Mhtte ja Ig suhtadeigga.
Matthew and Ig get_mad_at_each_other.PAST.3DU
Matthew and Ing got mad at each other.
(cf.:)
*Moai oaidnaletne nubbi nuppi ~ goabbat guoibmme ihttin.
1DU see_each_other.1DU another another.GEN ~ each companion.GEN.1DU
tomorrow

99

5. THE VERB SYSTEM

5.1. An overview of the verb system
The North Saami verb system is morphologically fairly complex. The following
morphosyntactic categories are regularly realized in predicates (verb phrases):
person
number
tense
mood
aspect
negation

1., 2., 3.
singular, dual, plural
non-past, past, perfect, pluperfect
indicative, imperative, conditional, dubitative
neutral, progressive

These categories are partially marked by verb conjugation, and partially by periphrastic
constructions applying the verb leat be or the negative verb in addition to
morhpological marking. For instance:
Pure morphological marking:
bora-n eat-1SG
borre-n eat.PAST-1SG
bora--in eat-COND-1SG

I eat / I will eat

I ate
I would eat

Morphological marking and periphrasis:

lea-n borra-min be-1SG eat-PROG
Im eating
i-n lea-ma borra-min
NEG-1SG be-PAST_PTCL eat-PROG
I havent been eating
i-n li-ve lea-ma borra-min
NEG-1SG be-COND.CONNEG be-PAST_PTCL eat-PROG
I would not have been eating
There are also about a dozen non-finite verb forms. These can be used to express, e.g.,
such semantic functions as simultaneousness (boradettiin while eating), negation
(borakeahtes uneaten), means (borramiin by eating), purpose (borrandihte in order to
eat) and susceptibility (borranlhkai ready to be eaten).

100

In addition to conjugation and periphrastic constructions, also derivation plays an

important grammatical role in the North Saami verb system. Derivation is used, e.g., to
express the following grammatical categories:
passive:
adversative passive:
automative passive:
causative:
reciprocity:
reflexivity:
punctual aspect:
iterative aspect:
diminutive aspect:
subitive aspect:
inceptive aspect:

bor'rojuv'vot to be eaten borrat to eat

gotthallat to get killed goddit to kill
gvdnot to be found (coincidentally) gvdnat to find
logahit to make someone read lohkat to read
dorodit to fight each other doarrut to fight
basadit to take a bath bassat to wash
hoigadit to give a push hoigat to push
luoddut to split (many objects) luddet to split (one o.)
borastit to eat a little bit borrat to eat
borralit to eat suddenly borrat to eat
borragoahtit to begin eating borrat to eat

5.2. Verb stem types

The basic form of the North Saami verb is infinitive. All verbs are listed in dictionaries
according to their infinitive form. The infinitive has the endings -t and -it, and hence the
infinitives of all verbs end in -t: e.g. vldit to take, fidnet to get, muitalit to tell,
rehkenastit to count.
Nearly all the verbs in North Saami are conjugated regularly. The only irregular verbs in
North Saami are leat to be and the negative verb, which does not have an infinitive
form. Note that leat is the only verb in Saami which has only one syllable in the
infinitive; all the other verbs have at least two syllables.
All verbs (except for leat and the negative verb) belong to one of three morphological
types. Each of the types behaves differently in their conjugation. In order to conjugate a
verb correctly one must know which type of stem it has. Luckily, this can nearly always
be easily determined from the infinitive form of the verb:
A) Gradating verbs. These verbs participate in consonant gradation, hence the name
of the group. The infinitive form always ends in either -at, -it or -ut. The infinitive
usually has two syllables, e.g. geahat to look, to watch, boahtit to come, goarrut to
sew. However, it can also have four syllables, as in rehkenastit to count, to calculate
and dolastallat to keep a campfire. Note that verbs with an odd number of syllables
(e.g. muitalit to tell, rehkenastalit to try to count) are almost never gradating verbs.
The only exception to this rule is verbs form with the inceptive derivational suffix (i)goahtit, such as muitaligoahtit to begin telling.

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The stem can be formed by removing the ending -t form the infinitive:
stem
geahat
geahaboahtit
boahtigoarrut
goarrurehkenastit
rehkenastidolastallat
dolastallamuitaligoahtit muitaligoahtiINF

to watch, to look
to come
to sew
to count, to calculate
to keep a campfire
to begin telling

B) Trisyllabic verbs. The infinitive of the verb nearly always has three syllables and
ends in -it, e.g. muitalit to tell, berotit to care for, care about. Also verbs with five
syllables, such as rehkenastalit to try to count, belong in this category (except for the
inceptive derivatives in -(i)goahtit mentioned above). As verbs with five syllables are
rare, the category is named according to the more common three-syllable type.
Trisyllabic verbs do not participate in consonant gradation.
You get the stem of the verb by removing the ending -it form the infinitive:
INF

muitalit
berotit
rehkenastalit

stem
muitalberotrehkenastal-

to tell
to care for, care about
to try to count

C) J-stem verbs. The infinitive form of these verbs always ends in -t, -et or -ot. The
infinitive usually has two syllables, e.g. ohkkt to sit, sddet to send, digot to order,
to subscribe. Some have four syllables, e.g. vldojuv'vot to be taken, and even six
syllables is possible: rehkenastojuv'vot to be counted. An odd number of syllables is
also possible, even though quite rare: e.g., rigeret to make a racket. Like the trisyllabic
verbs, j-stem verbs never participate in consonant gradation.
The group is called the J-stem verbs because all verbs of this type have two stems: a
shorter stem which you get by removing the infinitve ending -t, and a longer stem with
the consonant increment -j-. Certain forms of these verbs are based on the shorter stem,
while others are formed from the longer j-stem:
INF

ohkkt
sddet
digot
vldojuv'vot
rigeret

short stem
ohkksddedigovldojuv'vorigere-

j-stem
ohkkjsddejdigojvldojuv'vojrigerej-

to sit
to send
to order, to subscribe
to be taken
to make a racket

102

5.3. Verb endings

Just like endings attached to nouns (e.g., case endings and possessive suffixes; see 4.2.
and 4.3), North Saami verb endings typically have two allomorphs: one that is attached to
stems ending in a vowel, and another that is added to stems ending in a consonant. the
former type of allomorphs are called vowel stem endings, the latter type consonant stem
endings. Vowel stem endings usually begin with a consonant, whereas consonant stem
endings usually begin with a vowel. However, some suffixes may have the allomorph -
(zero, i.e. no suffix at all) either for vowel stems or for both vowel and consonant stems.
Consider the following example forms of the verbs borrat to eat (a gradating verb with
a vowel stem) and muitalit to tell (a trisyllabic verb with a consonant stem):
form

vowel stem

consonant stem

1SG
2DU
1DU
IMP.2SG

bora-n
borra-beahtti
borre(-)
bora(-)

muital-an
muital-eahppi
muital-etne
muital(-)

In the paradigms of j-stem verbs, a shorter stem ending in a vowel and a longer stem
ending in the consonant -j- alterate. Certain forms are based on the shorter stem, while
others are based on the j-stem. As a result of this, in certain forms these verbs take vowel
stem endings, whereas other forms in the paradigm take consonant stem endings.
Consider the following forms of the verb ohkkt to sit:
form

vowel stem

1SG
2DU
1DU
IMP.2SG

ohkk-n
ohkk-beahtti

consonant stem (j-stem)

ohkkj-etne
ohkk(-)

5.4. Finite verb forms

5.4.1. The indicative mood
The indicative mood combines with any of the four tenses: non-past, past, perfect, and
pluperfect. The latter two are expressed with periphrastic constructions involving the
verb leat to be. Negation is expressed with a periphrastic construction that involves the
negative verb marked for person and number, and the main verb in connegative form
marked for tense only.

103

The functions of the past, perfect and pluperfect tenses correspond in a rather
straightforward way to the functions of those tenses in English, for instance. The non-past
tense functions as both a present and future tense. No grammatical distinction between a
present and future tense exists in North Saami.
5.4.1.1. Indicative, non-past tense
The indicative mood non-past tense endings are the following:
vowel stems:
1
2
3

consonant stems:

SG

DU

PL

SG

DU

PL

-n
-t
-

-
-beahtti
-ba

-t
-behtet
-t

-an
-at
-a

-etne
-eahppi
-eaba

-it
-ehpet
-it

Gradating verbs take the vowel stem endings. The following morphophonological
alterations occur in the verb root:
the weak grade occurs in the 1SG and 2SG forms (the rest of the forms have the strong
grade)
the 1SG and 2SG forms undergo unstressed vowel alteration 1 (i > ; see 3.3.)
the 3SG form undergoes unstressed vowel alteration 2 (i > , a > ; see 3.3.)
the 1DU and 3PL forms undergo unstressed vowel alteration 4 (i > e, a > e, u > o; see
3.3.)
in the 1DU and 3PL forms, second-syllable e and o trigger diphthong simplification
(see 3.2.)
Trisyllabic verbs take the consonant-stem endings; the verb root undergoes no
morphophonological alterations.
J-stem verbs show the longer j-stem in the 1DU and 3PL forms, whereas the rest of the
forms are based on the shorter vowel stem.
Example paradigms (geahat to look, to watch, vuolgit to leave, to go (away),
doalvut to take (somewhere), muitalit to tell, ohkkt to sit, sddet to send, digot
to order, to subscribe):
SG

1 geahan
2 geahat
3 geah

DU

PL

gehe
geahat
geahabeahtti geahabehtet
geahaba
gehet

SG

DU

PL

vuolggn vulge
vuolgit
vuolggt vuolgibeahtti vuolgibehtet
vuolg
vuolgiba
vulget

104

SG

DU

PL

SG

doalvut
doalvubehtet
dolvot

muitalan muitaletne
muitalit
muitalat muitaleahppi muitalehpet
muitala muitaleaba
muitalit

DU

PL

SG

DU

ohkkjetne
ohkkbeahtti
ohkkba

ohkkt
ohkkbehtet
ohkkjit

sdden
sddet
sdde

sddejetne
sddet
sddebeahtti sddebehtet
sddeba
sddejit

DU

PL

digojetne
digobeahtti
digoba

digot
digobehtet
digojit

1 doalvvun dolvo
2 doalvvut doalvubeahtti
3 doalvu
doalvuba
SG

1 ohkkn
2 ohkkt
3 ohkk
SG

1 digon
2 digot
3 digo

DU

PL

PL

The paradigm of the verb leat to be is partially irregular and has to be learned by rote;
the indicative mood non-past tense forms are:
SG

1 lean
2 leat
3 lea

DU

PL

letne
leahppi
leaba

leat
lehpet
leat

The negative non-past indicative forms are formed by combining a form of the negative
verb (marked for person and number) with the non-past indicative connegative form of
the main verb. The indicative paradigm of the negative verb is:
SG

1 in
2 it
3 ii

DU

PL

ean
eahppi
eaba

eat
ehpet
eai

The rules for forming the non-past indicative connegative forms of verbs are:
a) gradating verbs:
no ending (-)
weak grade
unstressed vowel alteration 3 (i > e, u > o; see 3.3.)
note that the second-syllable e and o do not cause diphthong simplification!
b) trisyllabic verbs:
no ending (-)
margin consonant alteration may occur (see 3.4.)
c) j-stem verbs:
no ending (-)
the connegative form is identical to the short stem (vowel stem)

105

d) the verb leat to be has the irregular connegative form leat (which is homonymous
with the infinitive).
Examples:
INF

CONNEG

geahat
vuolgit
doalvut
muitalit
berotit
boradit
ohkkt
sddet
digot

geaha
vuolgge
doalvvo
muital
bero
borat
ohkk
sdde
digo

to look, to watch
to leave, to go (away)
to take (somewhere)
to tell
to care
to have a meal
to sit
to send
to order, to subscribe

Examples of negative constructions:

in geaha
it vuolgge
ii doalvvo
ean muital
eahppi bero
eaba borat
eat ohkk
ehpet sdde
eai digo
in leat

I dont look/watch
you (SG) dont leave/go
(s)he doesnt take
we (2) dont tell
you (2) dont care
they (2) dont have a meal
we (3+) dont sit
you (3+) dont send
they (3+) dont order/subscribe
Im not

5.4.1.2. Indicative, past tense

Past tense is not marked by a separate suffix. Instead, there is a distinctive set of past
tense personal endings:
vowel stems:
1
2
3

consonant stems:

SG

DU

PL

SG

DU

PL

-n
-t
-i

-ime
-ide
-iga

-imet
-idet
-

-in
-it
-ii

-eimme
-eidde
-eigga

-eimmet
-eiddet
-edje

106

Gradating verbs take the vowel stem endings. The following morphophonological
alterations occur in the verb root:
the strong grade occurs in the 1SG, 2SG and 3PL forms (the rest of the forms have the
weak grade)
the 1SG, 2SG and 3PL forms undergo unstressed vowel alteration 4 (i > e, a > e, u >
o; see 3.3.)
second-syllable e, o and ii trigger diphthong simplification (see 3.2.)
Trisyllabic verbs take the consonant-stem endings; the verb root undergoes no
morphophonological alterations.
J-stem verbs show the longer j-stem in the 1SG, 2SG and 3PL forms, whereas the rest of
the forms are based on the shorter vowel stem;
second-syllable e and o undergo the unstressed vowel changes e > i and o > u
whenever a suffix beginning with -i- follows (see 3.3).
Example paradigms (geahat to look, to watch, vuolgit to leave, to go (away),
doalvut to take (somewhere), muitalit to tell, ohkkt to sit):
SG

1 gehen
2 gehet
3 geahai
SG

1 dolvon
2 dolvot
3 doalvvui
SG

DU

PL

SG

DU

PL

geahaime
geahaide
geahaiga

geahaimet
geahaidet
gehe

vulgen
vulget
vulgii

vulggiime
vulggiide
vulggiiga

vulggiimet
vulggiidet
vulge

DU

PL

SG

DU

PL

doalvvuime
doalvvuide
doalvvuiga

doalvvuimet
doalvvuidet
dolvo

muitalin
muitalit
muitalii

muitaleimme muitaleimmet
muitaleidde muitaleiddet
muitaleigga muitaledje

DU

PL

SG

DU

PL

ohkkimet
ohkkidet
ohkkjedje

sddejin
sddejit
sddii

sddiime
sddiide
sddiiga

sddiimet
sddiidet
sddejedje

1 ohkkjin ohkkime
2 ohkkjit ohkkide
3 ohkki ohkkiga
SG

1 digojin
2 digojit
3 digui

DU

PL

diguime
diguide
diguiga

diguimet
diguidet
digojedje

The past-tense forms of leat to be are somewhat irregular:

SG

1 ledjen
2 ledjet
3 lei

DU

PL

leimme
leidde
leigga

leimmet
leiddet
ledje

107

The negative verb does not have separate past tense forms. Instead, the negative past
tense is formed by combining a form of the negative verb (see 5.4.1.1. above) by a
separate past tense connegative form of the main verb. The rules for forming the past
tense connegative forms of verbs are:
a) gradating verbs:
ending -n
strong grade
unstressed vowel alteration 5 (i > , u > o; see 3.3.)
second-syllable o causes diphthong simplification (see 3.2.)
b) trisyllabic verbs:
ending -an
no morphoponological alterations
c) j-stem verbs:
ending -n added to the vowel stem
no morphophonological alterations
d) the verb leat to be has the past tense connegative form lean.
Examples:
INF

CONNEG

geahat
vuolgit
doalvut
muitalit
berotit
boradit
ohkkt
sddet
digot

geahan
vuolgn
dolvon
muitalan
berotan
boradan
ohkkn
sdden
digon

to look, to watch
to leave, to go (away)
to take (somewhere)
to tell
to care
to have a meal
to sit
to send
to order, to subscribe

5.4.1.3. Indicative, perfect and pluperfect tense

The perfect and pluperfect tenses are expressed with periphrastic constructions that
involve the verb leat to be combined with a past participle form of the main verb.
With the exception of the verb leat to be, the past participle of all verbs is
homonymous with the past tense connegative form (see 5.4.1.2. above). The verb leat
has the past participle leama (~ dialectally also leamaan), as opposed to the past tense
connegative form lean.

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The patterns for forming the perfect and pluperfect tenses are the following:
perfect:
a non-past tense indicative form of leat + past participle
negative perfect:
negative verb + non-past tense connegative of leat + past participle
pluperfect:
a past tense indicative form of leat + past participle
negative pluperfect: negative verb + past tense connegative of leat + past participle
Examples:
(geahat to look, to watch)
perfect:
letne geaha-n
be-1DU watch-PAST_PTCL
we (2) have watched
negative perfect:

ean lea-t geaha-n

NEG.1DU be-CONNEG watch-PAST_PTCL
we (2) havent watched

pluperfect:

le-imme geaha-n
be-PAST.1DU watch-PAST_PTCL
we (2) had watched

negative pluperfect: ean lea-n geaha-n

NEG.1DU be-PAST.CONNEG watch-PAST_PTCL
we (2) hadnt watched
(leat to be)
perfect:

lehpet lea-ma
be.2PL be-PAST_PTCL
you (3+) have been

negative perfect:

ehpet lea-t lea-ma

NEG.2PL be-CONNEG be-PAST_PTCL
you (3+) havent been

pluperfect:

leiddet lea-ma
be.PAST.2PL be-PAST_PTCL
you (3+) had been

negative pluperfect: ehpet lea-n lea-ma

NEG.2PL be-PAST.CONNEG be-PAST_PTCL
you (3+) hadnt been

109

5.4.2. The imperative-optative mood

The imperative-optative mood is not marked for tense. The imperative-optative mood has
no distinctive suffix of its own, but it is marked by a separate set of impertive-optative
personal endings:
vowel stems:
1
2
3

consonant stems:

SG

DU

PL

SG

DU

PL

-
-os

-u
-
-oska

-ot
-t
-oset

-
-ehkos

-eadnu
-ehkot ~ -eatnot
-eahkki
-ehket
-ehkoska -ehkoset

There are two notable things regarding the shape of the endings. First, the vowel stem
and consonant stem allomorphs of most endings are phonologiclly highly dissimilar.
Second, the the vowel stem endings in the first and third person impertaive forms are
exceptional in that they begin with a vowel rather than a consonant. When these endings
are attached to vowel stems, the final vowel of the verb stem disappears through stem
vowel deletion. This morphophonological process occurs in no other inflectional forms,
but is common in derivation (see 3.3. for discussion).
The rules for forming the impertative paradigms are the following:
Gradating verbs take the vowel stem endings. The following morphophonological
alterations occur in the verb root:
the weak grade occurs in the 2SG form; the rest of the forms have a strong grade
the 1DU and 2DU forms (and in some dialects also the 1PL and 2PL forms) undergo
strong grade strengthening (see 3.1.3.)
the 2SG form undegoes unstressed vowel alteration 1 (i > e, u > o; see 3.3.)
the 2DU form undergoes unstressed vowel alteration 7 (a > i; see 3.3.)
the 2PL form undergoes unstressed vowel alteration 4 (i > e, a > e, u > o; see 3.3.)
all 1. and 3. person forms undergo stem vowel deletion (see above and 3.3.)
all forms with second-syllable -e- or -o- except for 2SG undergo diphthong
simplification
Trisyllabic verbs take the consonant-stem endings. In the 2SG form, which lacks an
ending, a margin consonant alteration can occur (see 3.4.).
J-stem verbs have the vowel stem only in the 2SG form; all the other forms are based on
the longer j-stem, and hence show the consonant-stem endings.

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Example imperative-optative paradigms (jearrat to ask, boahtit to come, goarrut to

sew, veahkehit to help, ohkkt to sit):
SG

DU

PL

SG

DU

jear'ru

boahttu

jeara

jear'ri

jerros

jerroska

jerrot
~ jer'rot
jerret
~ jer'ret
jerroset

SG

DU

PL

goar'ru

goaro

gorros

boae
bohtos

PL

bohtot
~ bohttot
boahtti
bohtet
~ bohttet
bohtoska bohtoset

gorrot
~ gor'rot
goar'ru
gorrot
~ gor'rot
gorroska gorroset

SG

DU

PL

veahkeheadnu

2
3

veahket
veahkehehkos

veahkeheahkki
veahkehehkoska

veahkehehkot
~ vehkeheatnot
veahkehehket
veahkehehkoset

SG

DU

PL

ohkkjeadnu

2
3

ohkk
ohkkjehkos

ohkkjeahkki
ohkkjehkoska

ohkkjehkot
~ ohkkjeatnot
ohkkjehket
ohkkjehkoset

The imperative forms of leat are partially irregular:

1
2
3

SG

DU

PL

leage
lehkos

leadnu ~ leahkku lehkot ~ lehkkot ~ leatnot

leahkki
lehket ~ lehkket
lehkoska
lehkoset

Negative imperative-optatives are periphrastic constructions consisting of an imperativeoptative form of the negative verb followed by the non-past tense connegative form of
the main verb. The formation of the non-past connegative form is explained in 5.4.1.1.
The imperative-optative paradigm of the negative verb is:

111

1
2
3

SG

DU

PL

ale
allos

al'lome
al'li
alloska

allot ~ al'lot
allet ~ al'let
alloset

The functions of imperative-optative forms.

The 2. person forms are used in a true imperative function:
Vldde gfe!
take.IMP.2SG coffee.GEN
Have some coffee!
Goki lasa!
cover.IMP.2DU glass.GEN
Close the window! (you two)
Allet djo.
NEG.IMP.2PL joke.CONNEG
Stop joking. (you pl.)
The 1. and 3. person forms are used in an optative function, i.e. to express a suggestion
or wish:
Vuolgu eahkedis filmma geahat.
leave.IMP.1DU evening.LOC film.GEN watch.INF
Lets go watch a movie tonight. (the two of us)
Allot via dohko vuolgit.
NEG.IMP.1DU bother_to.CONNEG there leave.INF
Lets not go there. (us pl.)
Vulgos Mhtte baicce.
leave.IMP.3SG Matthew instead
Let Matthew go instead.
The optative function is relatively rare in the case of 3. person forms; they are more
commonly used to express indifference towards the proposition:
Vulgos vaikko gosa, mun in vuolgge frrui.
leave.IMP.3SG even_though where.ILL 1SG NEG.1SG leave.CONNEG along.ILL
Let him/her go anywhere, I wont go along.

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5.4.3. The conditional mood

Two tenses are distinguished in the conditional mood: non-past and past tense. The
conditional non-past is marked with suffix attached to the verb root, and the conditional
past is expressed with a periphrastic construction.
The conditional suffix has two allomorphs, -- and -ive- / -ivi-. The former is
attached to vowel stems, and the latter to consonant stems. To conjugate verbs in
conditional non-past, one has to for a conditional substem that consists of the verb root
and the conditional suffix; personal endings are then attached to this substem.
The conditional substems are formed as follows:
gradating verbs:
verb stem has the weak grade
verb stem undergoes unstressed vowel alteration 5 (i > , u > o)
the unstressed syllable o causes diphthong simplification in some (but not all!)
dialects
the conditional suffix -- is added to the verb stem
trisyllabic verbs:
the conditional suffix -ive- is added to the verb stem
j-stem verbs:
the conditional substem is formed by adding the suffix -- to the vowel stem
Examples:
verb
geahat
vuolgit
doalvut
muitalit
ohkkt

COND substem

geaha-vuolgg-dolvvo-- ~ doalvvo-muital-iveohkk--

to look, watch
to leave, go (away)
to take (somewhere)
to tell
to sit

The conditional non-past forms take the same set of personal endings as the indicative
past tense (see 5.4.1.2.), not the non-past tense personal endings (5.1.1.1.). The
conditional substems with the suffix in -- take the consonant stem endings, whereas the
substems with the suffix -ive- take the vowel stem endings. Note that the -e- in the
allomorph -ive- automatically changes to -i- (> -ivi-) before any ending beginning
with -i- (see the unstressed vowel alteration rules in 3.3.).

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Example conditional non-past paradigms (geahat to look, watch, ohkkt to sit,

muitalit to tell):
SG

DU

PL

1
2
3

geahain
geahait
geahaii

geahaeimme
geahaeidde
geahaeigga

geahaeimmet
geahaeiddet
geahaedje

1
2
3

ohkkin
ohkkit
ohkkii

ohkkeimme
ohkkeidde
ohkkeigga

ohkkeimmet
ohkkeiddet
ohkkedje

1
2
3

muitaliven
muitalivet
muitalivii

muitaliviime
muitaliviide
muitaliviiga

muitaliviimet
muitaliviidet
muitalive

The verb leat to be has the following conditional paradigm:

1
2
3

SG

DU

PL

liven
livet
livii

liviime
liviide
liviiga

liviimet
liviidet
live

Negative conditional non-past is formed by a periphrastic construction consisting of the

negative verb followed by the conditional connegative form of the main verb. The
conditional connegative is formed by simply adding -e after a conditional substem ending
in --; in the case of the conditional allomorph -ive-, the conditional connegative is
simply identical to the substem itself. Examples:
in geahae NEG.1SG look.COND.CONNEG
it ohkke NEG.2SG sit.COND.CONNEG
ii muitalive NEG.3SG tell.COND.CONNEG
ean live NEG.1DU be.COND.CONNEG
etc.

I would not look/watch

you would not sit
(s)he would not tell
we would not be

There are two periphrastic constructions for exprssing the conditional past tense. As far
as is known, the two constructions have an identical meaning. Nevertheless, since both
types of constructions are attested in all dialects, the difference does not seem to be
dialectal; hence, it is possible that there is some kind of as yet undiscovered semantic
difference between the two conditional past tense constuctions.
type 1:
type 2:

conditional form of leat to be + past participle of main verb

indicative past tense form of leat to be + infinitive of main verb
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For example:
liven vuolgn
be.COND.1SG leave.PAST_PTCL
I would have gone

~ ledjen vuolgit
be.PAST.1SG leave.INF

The functions of the conditional mood

a) The conditional is used to express hypothetical and controfactual propositions.
Mun oasttin biilla, jos mus live ruhta.
1SG buy.COND.1SG car.GEN if 1SG.LOC be.COND.3SG money
I would buy a car if I had money.
Liviime vuolgn gvpogii, jos ii live arvn.
be.1DU.COND leave.PAST_PTCL city.ILL if NEG.3SG be.COND.3SG rain.PAST_PTCL
~ Leimme vuolgit gvpogii, jos ii lean arvit.
be.PAST.1DU leave.INF city.ILL if NEG.3SG be.PAST.CONNEG rain.INF
We would have gone to the city if it had not rained.
Vare livii jo geassi!
I_wish be.COND.3SG already summer
Oh, I wish it was summer already!
b) The conditional is used to in polite commands and suggestions.
Govaitgo uvssa?
cover.COND.2SG.Q door.GEN
Could you shut the door please?
Ehpetgo veahkehive mu?
NEG.2PL.Q help.COND.CONNEG 1SG.GEN
Could you (pl.) help me out a bit? (would you not help me?)
D livii gffe.
here be.COND.3SG coffee
Theres some coffee here (if you like).

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5.4.4. The dubitative mood

Like the conditional, the dubitative mood is marked by a suffix with two types
allomorphs: -- (- in final position) ja -eaa- / -eaa-. The former attaches to vowel
stems, the latter to consonant stem. The dubitative mood distinguishes between non-past
and past tense.
To conjugate gradating verbs and j-stem verbs in the dubitative non-past, a dubitative
substem is formed by adding the suffix --. The following morphophonological
alterations take place in gradating verbs:
the verb stem takes the weak grade
the verb stem undergoes unstressed vowel alteration 3 (i > e, u > o; see 3.3.); the
resulting e and o cause diphthong simplification (see 3.2.)
Examples:
verb
geahat
vuolgit
doalvut
ohkkt

DUB substem

geaha-vulgge-dolvvo-ohkk--

to look, watch
to leave, go (away)
to take (somewhere)
to sit

The dubitative takes the non-past tense personal endings (see 5.4.1.1.). The substems
ending in -- take the consonant stem endings. There is one exception, though: the
DUB.3SG form takes no personal ending (-), in contrast to the 3SG ending -a in the
indicative non-past (cf., e.g. muital-a tell.3SG (s)he tells). Due to the lack of a personal
ending in the DUB.3SG form, the DUB suffix -- ends up in final position and is realized as
- (because affricates are not permitted word-finally).
Example dubitative paradigms:
SG

1
2
3
1
2
3

DU

PL

SG

DU

geahaan geahaetne
geahait
geahaat geahaeahppi geahaehpet
geaha
geahaeaba
geahait

vulggean
vulggeat
vulgge

vulggeetne
vulggeit
vulggeeahppi vulggeehpet
vulggeeaba
vulggeit

SG

DU

SG

DU

dolvvoan
dolvvoat
dolvvo

dolvvoetne
dolvvoit
dolvvoeahppi dolvvoehpet
dolvvoeaba
dolvvoit

ohkkan
ohkkat
ohkk

ohkketne
ohkkit
ohkkeahppi ohkkehpet
ohkkeaba
ohkkit

PL

PL

PL

The dubitative forms of trisyllabic verbs are formed in a manner similar to the indicative
non-past forms of quadrisyllabic gradating verbs. The dubitative suffix -eaa- itself

116

participates in consonant gradation and other morphophonemic alterations. The dubitative

forms thus look similar to the indicative paradigm of the verb vieat to fetch, go and
get, for instance. However, in the DUB.3SG form the suffix can be shortened to -e(a).

1
2
3

SG

DU

PL

veahkeheaan
veahkeheaat
veahkehea
~ veahkehe(a)

veahkehee
veahkeheaabeahtti
veahkeheaaba

veahkeheaat
veahkeheaabehtet
veahkeheet

(Compare the indicative non-past of vieat:)

1
2
3

SG

DU

PL

viean
vieat
vie

vie
vieat
vieabeahtti vieabehtet
vieaba
viet

The dubitative paradigm of leat to be is the following:

1
2
3

SG

DU

leaan
leaat
lea
~ le(a)

lee
leaabeahtti
leaaba

PL

leaat
leaabehtet
leet

Negative dubitative is formed by periphrasis: a form of the negative verb is followed by

the dubitative connegative form. As for gradating verbs and j-stem verbs, the
DUB.CONNEG form is identical to the DUB.3SG form. Trisyllabic verbs and the verb leat to
be have a DUB.CONNEG form ending in -eaa: e.g. ii muitaleaa, ii leaa.
The dubitative past tense is also expressed by a periphrastic construction consisting of the
dubitative form of the verb leat to be followed by the past participle of the main
verb: e.g., lea vuolgn maybe (s)he has gone.
The function of the dubitative mood
The dubitative mood expresses that the speaker considers it uncertain or doubtful whether
the proposition is true. In North Saami grammars the mood has previously been called
potential mood, which seems to be a misnomer, though.
The following examples illustrate the use of the dubitative mood:
In diee gii dat lea, vaikko le Mhtte.
NEG.1SG know.CONNEG who it be.3SG, even_if be.DUB.3SG Matthew

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I dont know who that is, it might even be Matthew.

In diee vulggego Mhtte frrui.
NEG.1SG know.CONNEG leave.DUB.3SG.Q Matthew along.ILL
I dont know if Matthew will come along (but I doubt it).
Mun vuoan gfe, jugaehpet dahje ehpet.
1SG cook.1SG coffee.GEN drink.DUB.2PL or NEG.2PL
I will cook coffee, no matter whether you (pl.) will drink it or not.
Leetgo sus nu olu ruat?
be.DUB.3PL.Q 3SG.LOC so much money.PL
I wonder if (s)he really has that much money. (= I consider it unlikely)
Mhtte ii leat ruovttus, lea mannan gvpi.
Matthew NEG.3SG be.CONNEG home.LOC be.DUB.3SG go.PAST_PTCL store.ILL
Matthew is not at home, I guess he has gone to the store. (= but I dont really
know where he is)

5.4.5. The progressive aspect

Progressive aspect is expressed by a periphrastic construction that consists of the
auxiliary leat to be and a specific progressive form of the lexical verb, marked with a
suffix -min / -eamen. (Note that this form also has a few other functions in addition to
marking the progressive aspect; see the discussion on non-finite verb forms in 5.5.
below). The rules for forming the progressive form of verbs are quite simple:
gradating verbs:

verb stem + -min

(e.g. mannat > mannamin)

trisyllabic verbs:

verb stem + -eamen

(e.g. boradit to have a meal > boradeamen)

j-stem verbs:

short stem (vowel stem) + -min

(e.g. sddet to send > sddemin)

The progressive aspect can be combined with all moods and tenses except for the
imperative-optative mood (see 5.4.2.) and the conditional past tense type 2 (see 5.4.3.).
The following examples illustrate the conversion of various types of constructions into
the progressive mood. As the lexical verb of the construction is put into the progressive
form, all information regarding mood and tense is marked on the auxiliary leat:

118

Mhtte mann
Matthew go.3SG
Matthew goes

Mhtte lea mannamin

Matthew be.3SG go.PROG
Matthew is going

Mhtte ii mana
Matthew NEG.3SG go.CONNEG
Matthew doesnt go

Mhtte ii leat mannamin

Matthew NEG.3SG be.CONNEG go.PROG
Matthew isnt going

Mhtte manai
Matthew go.PAST.3SG
Matthew went

Mhtte lei mannamin

Matthew be.PAST.3SG go.PROG
Matthew was going

Mhtte ii mannan
Matthew NEG.3SG go.PAST.CONNEG
Matthew didnt go

Mhtte ii lean mannamin

Matthew NEG.3SG be.PAST.CONNEG go.PROG
Matthew wasnt going

Mhtte lea ~ lei mannan

Matthew be.3SG ~ be.PAST.3SG
go.PAST_PTCL
Matthew has ~ had gone

Mhtte lea ~ lei leama mannamin

Matthew be.3SG ~ be.PAST.3SG
be.PAST_PTCL go.PROG
Matthew has ~ had been going

Mhtte ii leat ~ lean mannan

Matthew NEG.3SG be.CONNEG
~ be.PAST.CONNEG go.PAST_PTCL
Matthew hasnt ~ hadnt gone

Mhtte ii leat ~ lean leama mannamin

Matthew NEG.3SG be.CONNEG
~ be.PAST.CONNEG be.PAST_PTCL go.PROG
Matthew hasnt ~ hadnt been going

Mhtte manaii
Matthew go.COND.3SG
Matthew would go

Mhtte livii mannamin

Matthew be.COND.3SG go.PROG
Matthew would be going

Mhtte ii manae
Matthew NEG.3SG go.COND.CONNEG
Matthew would not go

Mhtte ii live mannamin

Matthew NEG.3SG be.COND.CONNEG go.PROG
Matthew would not be going

Mhtte livii mannan

Matthew be.COND.3SG go.PAST_PTCL
Matthew would have gone

Mhtte livii leama mannamin

Matthew be.COND.3SG be.PAST_PTCL
go.PROG
Matthew would have been going

Mhtte ii live mannan

Matthew NEG.3SG be.COND.CONNEG
go.PAST_PTCL
Matthew would not have gone

Mhtte ii live leama mannamin

Matthew NEG.3SG be.COND.CONNEG
be.PAST_PTCL go.PROG
Matthew would not have been going

119

Mhtte mana
Matthew go.DUB.3SG
Matthew might go

Mhtte lea mannamin

Matthew be.DUB.3SG go.PROG
Matthew might be going

Mhtte ii manae
Matthew NEG.3SG go.DUB.CONNEG
Matthew presumably doesnt go

Mhtte ii leaa mannamin

Matthew NEG.3SG be.DUB.CONNEG go.PROG
Matthew presumably isnt going

Mhtte lea mannan

Matthew be.DUB.3SG go.PAST_PTCL
Matthew might have gone

Mhtte lea leama mannamin

Matthew be.DUB.CONNEG be.PAST_PTCL
go.PROG
Matthew might have been going

Mhtte ii leaa mannan

Matthew NEG.3SG be.DUB.CONNEG
go.PAST_PTCL
Matthew presumably hasnt gone

Mhtte ii leaa leama mannamin

Matthew NEG.3SG be.DUB.CONNEG
be.PAST_PTCL go.PROG
Matthew presumably hasnt been going

There are certain semantic limitations to the use of the progressive aspect. Typically,
progressive aspect is only used when the verb has a high degree of agentivity i.e., when
the subject is a conscious agent that is perceived as actively doing something. The less
agentivity the verb shows, the less probable and less grammatical the use of the
progressive aspect is. Consider the following continuum:
Mhtte lea uohppamin muoraid.
Matthew be.3SG cut.PROG tree.PL.GEN
Matthew is cutting wood.
Mhtte lea mannamin gvpi.
Matthew be.3SG go.PROG store.ILL
Matthew is going to the store.
Mhtte lea smiehttamin iht logaldaga.
Matthew be.3SG ponder.PROG tomorrows lecture.GEN
Matthew is thinking about tomorrows lecture.
Mhtte uou ~ ?lea uoumin duoppe.
Matthew stand.3SG ~ be.3SG stand.PROG there.LOC
Matthew is standing over there.
Mhtte jurddaa ~ ?lea jurddaeamen.
Matthew think.3SG ~ be.3SG think.PROG
Matthew is thinking.

120

Mhtte buohc ~ jpm ~ ??/*lea buohcamin ~ ??/*lea jpmimin.

Matthew be_sick.3SG ~ die.3SG ~ be.3SG be_sick.PROG ~ be.3SG die.PROG
Matthew is sick ~ dying.
Johka dulv ~ *lea dulvamin.
river flood.3SG ~ be.3SG flood.PROG
The river is flooding.
Arv. ~ *Lea arvimin.
rain.3SG ~ be.3SG rain.PROG
Its raining.

5.5. Non-finite verb forms

5.5.1. The (first) infinitive
The infinitive is the citation form of North Saami words in dictionaries; it has an ending t / -it (see 5.2.). The infinitive is used as an argument of both verbs and nominals (nouns,
adjectives or even pronouns).
The infinitive commonly occurs as an argument of verbs that express:
a) modality, e.g. shttit possibly/perhaps be the case that..., soaitit perhaps be the case
that... (in the speakers subjective opinion), didit probably be the case that..., veadjit
probably be the case that... (in the speakers subjective opinion), fertet must (= in the
speakers opinion, quite certainly be the case that...)
Shtt dat Mhttege boahtit.
shttit.3SG it Matthew.also come.INF
Matthew might come as well.
Soait dat Mhttege boahtit.
soaitit.3SG it Matthew.also come.INF
Matthew might come as well. (= I presume he might come)
Ii dat didde boahtit.
NEG.3SG 3SG didit.CONNEG come.INF
(S)he probably wont come.
Don veajt diehtit gos Mhtte lea.
2SG veadjit.2SG know.INF where.LOC Matthew be.3SG
I guess you know where Matthew is.
Dat ferte leat gvppis.
3SG must.3SG be.INF store.LOC
(S)he must be at the store.
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b) capability, attempt, necessity, permission, or moral and social responsibility, e.g.

mhttit can, to know how to, have the skill to, astat to have (enough) time to, beassat
to get to, to have the chance to, nagadit to have the strength or capacity to, viggat to
try to, keep trying to, drbbait to need to, oaut to be allowed to, have the
permission to, fertet must, to have to, galgat must (= to have a moral obligation to),
heivet to be appropriate to.
Mhtte ii mhte goarrut.
Matthew NEG.3SG know_how_to.CONNEG sew.INF
Matthew cant sew.
Asttatgo gvppis fitnat?
have_the_time_to.2SG.Q store.LOC go_and_return.INF
Do you have time to go to the store?
Beasaime vuolgit easkka eahkedis.
get_to.PAST.1DU leave.INF only_then evening.LOC
We could set off only in the evening. (i.e., no sooner)
Eai dat nagadan vzzit olles mtkki.
NEG.3PL 3PL have_the_strength.PAST.CONNEG walk.INF whole.ATTR trip.GEN
They didnt manage to walk the whole way.
Mhtte vikkai mu orbmadit.
Matthew try_to.PAST.3SG 1SG.GEN punch.INF
Matthew tried to punch me.
Drbbaabat oa biilla oastit?
need_to.3SG.Q new.ATTR car.GEN buy.INF
Does one really need to buy a new car?
Oaugo dsa guoit biilla?
be_allowed_to.3SG.Q here.ILL leave.INF car.GEN
Can one park here? (Is one allowed to leave the car here?)
Mun fertejin sirdit biilla.
1SG must.PAST.1SG move.INF car.GEN
I had to move the car.
Dat eai galggae nu lhttet.
3PL NEG.3PL must.COND.CONNEG so behave.INF
They shouldnt behave like that.

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Heivego borgguhit?
be_appropriate_to.3SG.Q smoke.INF
Can I smoke here? (Is it appropriate to smoke?)
c) a mental state or a mental action, e.g. igut to intend to, jurddait to think,
hliidit to want, lohpidit to promise.
Mhtte iggui oa svnni hukset.
Matthew intend_to.PAST.3SG new.ATTR sauna.GEN build.INF
Matthew was going to build a new sauna.
Lean jurddaan olgoriikii frret.
be.1SG think.PAST_PTCL out.country.ILL move.INF
Ive been thinking of moving abroad. (= and I intend to do it)
Hliidehpetgo filmma geahat?
want.2PL.Q film.GEN watch.INF
Do you (pl.) want to watch a movie?
Dal'le mun easkka fuomin ohcagoahtit Mhte.
then 1SG only_then notice.PAST.1SG search.INCEPT.INF Matthew.GEN
Only then I noticed that I must/should start looking for Matthew.
Mhtte lohpidii vieat mu biillain.
Matthew promise.PAST.3SG fetch.INF 1SG.GEN car.COM
Matthew promised to pick me up by car.
d) beginning (e.g., lgit to begin)
Dasto lggii uorpmastit.
after_that begin.PAST.3SG hail.INF
Then it began to hail. / Then a hail storm began.
e) motion, as a verbal argument that in terms of directionality corresponds to an NP in
the illative case:
Mannen libbi oastit.
go.PAST.1SG bread.GEN buy.ILL
I went to buy some bread.
(cf. mannen gvpi [go.PAST.1SG store.ILL] I went to the store)

123

Mhtte vulggii mohtorgielkkin vuodjit.

Matthew leave.PAST.3SG snowmobile.COM drive.INF
Matthew went riding his snowmobile.
(cf. vulggii meahcci [leave.PAST.3SG wilderness.ILL] went to the wilds)
Mhtte boii galledit vnhemiiddis.
Matthew come.PAST.3SG visit.INF parent.PL.GEN.3SG
Matthew came to visit his parents.
(cf. boii gvpogii [come.PAST.3SG city.ILL] came to the city)
The infinitive can also be used as a dependent of nouns, adjectives or even pronouns:
Mhtes lea miella ~ hllu vuolgit.
Matthew.LOC be.3SG mind ~ wish leave.INF
Matthew would like to go. (has a mood ~ wish to go)
Mhtes ii leat lohpi vuolgit.
Matthew.LOC NEG.3SG be.CONNEG permission leave.INF
Matthew is not allowed to go. (doesnt have a permission to go)
Mhtte lea grvvis ~ gearggus vuolgit.
Matthew be.3SG ready ~ eager leave.INF
Matthew is ready ~ eager to go.
Mhtte lea eahppi vuodjat.
Matthew be.3SG skillful swim.INF
Matthew is a good swimmer.
Mhtes eai leat ruat maiguin mksit.
Matthew.LOC NEG.3PL be.CONNEG money.PL.NOM what.PL.COM pay.INF
Matthew doesnt have money to pay with.

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5.5.2. The second infinitive (mis-infinitive)

The second infinitive is marked by a suffix -mis (on consonant stems) or -eames (on
vowel stems); the rules for forming the second infinitive forms are simple, as no
morphophonoloical alterations are involved:
gradating verbs:

verb stem + -mis

(e.g. arvit to rain > arvimis)

trisyllabic verbs:

verb stem + -eames

(e.g. boradit to have a meal > boradeames)

j-stem verbs:

short stem (vowel stem) + -mis

(e.g. ddet to understand > ddemis)

The second infinitive has two main functions. Firstly, it is used as an argument of verbs
that signify that an action, event or process stops, ends, is not carried out, does not
occur, or is avoided:
De heittii arvimis.
then stop.PAST.3SG rain.2INF
Then it stopped raining.
Mhtte gearggai boradeames.
Matthew be_done_with.PAST.3SG have_a_meal.2INF
Matthew finished his meal.
Mhtte dolkkai ~ vibbai luopmniid oaggimis.
Matthew get_bored_with.PAST.3SG ~ get_tired_with.PAST.3SG
cloudberry.PL.GEN gather.2INF
Matthew got bored ~ tired with picking cloudberries [and stopped].
(compare:)
Mhtte dolkkai ~ vibbai luopmniid oaggit.
Matthew get_bored_with.PAST.3SG ~ get_tired_with.PAST.3SG
cloudberry.PL.GEN gather.INF
Matthew got bored ~ tired with picking cloudberries [but didnt stop].
Mhtte gjui mu heavvaneames.
Matthew rescue.PAST.3SG 1SG.GEN drown.2INF
Matthew saved me from drowning.
Mhtte gilddii mnid gddi mannamis.
Matthew forbid.PAST.3SG child.PL.GEN shore.ILL go.2INF
Matthew told the children not to go to the shore.

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Biehttalin dohko vuolgimis.

refuse.PAST.1SG there.ILL leave.2INF
I refused to go there.
Ballen dohko vuolgimis.
be_afraid.PAST.1SG there.ILL leave.2INF
I was afraid to go there.
A construction consisting of a finite form of leat + second infinitive is used to express
that the action expressed by the word is possible or can be carried out. This
construction is most commonly used in questions and negated sentences.
Leago dppe luossa oaumis?
be.3SG.Q here.LOC salmon get.2INF
Is salmon available here? (Is there salmon to get here?)
Dat i ii leat min mearrideames.
it matter NEG.3SG be.CONNEG 3PL.GEN rule.2INF
We have no jurisdiction over that issue. (That issue is not in our ruling)
Dat lea lkit ddemis.
it be.3SG easily understand.2INF
Thats easy to understand.

5.5.3. Converbs (verbal adverb forms)

5.5.3.1. Gerund
The gerund is a converb used to express simultaneousness. It is marked by the suffix
-dettiin (vowel stems) / -ettiin (consonant stems). Gradating verbs have the weak grade in
the gerund and undergo the unstressed vowel changes i > e and u > o before the gerund
suffix (but the vowels e and o do not cause diphthong simplification in the gerund).
gradating verbs:

verb stem (weak grade, vowel change i > e, u > o) + -dettiin

e.g.
mannat to go > manadettiin
boahtit to come > boaedettiin
goarrut to sew > goarodettiin

trisyllabic verbs:

verb stem + -ettiin

e.g.
muitalit to tell > muitalettiin

j-stem verbs:

short stem (vowel stem) + -dettiin

e.g.
ohkkt to sit > ohkkdettiin

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The following examples illustrate the use of the gerund. Normally the underlying subject
of the gerund is the same as the subject of the finite verb in the sentence. A possessive
suffix that refers to the subject can be attached to the gerund form, but this is not
obligatory:
Mhtte lvllui goarodettiin(is).
Matthew sing.PAST.3SG sew.GER(.3SG)
Matthew sang while (he was) sewing.
Mnt galget ohkkt siivvus boradettiin(easet).
child.PL.NOM must.3PL sit.INF quietly have_a_meal.GER(.3PL)
Children are supposed to sit quietly while (they are) eating.
Moai nohkaime filmma geahadettiin(eame).
1DU fall_asleep.PAST.1DU film.GEN watch.GER(.1DU)
We (2) fell asleep while watching the film.
Mhtte bii lotti uoiggadettiin(is).
Matthew shoot.PAST.3SG bird.GEN ski.GER(.3SG)
Matthew shot a bird while skiing.
The underlying subject of the gerund can also be the direct object of the finite verb in the
sentence, even though this is rather rare. In such a case, no possessive suffix can be
attached to the gerund:
Mhtte bii lotti girddedettiin.
Matthew shoot.PAST.3SG bird.GEN fly.GER
Matthew shot a bird in flight.
Gerund forms, which have a subject that does not correspond either to the subject or the
object of the finite verb, are quite rare. Even so, such constructions are possible at least if
the subject of the gerund is marked as an experiencer in the main clause, or if the
subject is an indeterminate person or group of people:
Gov'vedettiin mus doarggistigohte gieat.
take_a_picture.GER 1SG.LOC tremble.INCEPT.PAST.3PL hand.PL.NOM
Taking a picture my hands started trembling on me.
Mnn lei gietkama siste joedettiin ja orodettiin.
child be.PAST.3SG cradle.GEN inside.LOC travel.GER and stay.GER
The child was kept in the cradle both during travel and when people stayed
in one place.

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5.5.3.2. Negative converb

The negative converb is a non-finite form used to express that an action is not or has
not been carried out. Often (but not always) there is a sense that the action either will be
or ought to be carried out in the future.
The negative converb is marked by a suffix -keahtt. Gradating verbs have the weak
grade and undergo the unstressed vowel changes i > e and u > o before the negative
converb suffix (but the vowels e and o do not cause diphthong simplification).
gradating verbs:

verb stem (weak grade, vowel change i > e, u > o) + -keahtt

e.g.
mannat to go > manakeahtt
boahtit to come > boaekeahtt
goarrut to sew > goarokeahtt

trisyllabic verbs:

verb stem (possible final consonant alteration) + -keahtt

e.g.
muitalit to tell > muitalkeahtt
berotit to care > berokeahtt

j-stem verbs:

short stem (vowel stem) + -keahtt

e.g.
ohkkt to sit > ohkkkeahtt

Examples illustrating the use of the negative converb:

Gusat leat baekeahtt.
cow.PL.NOM be.3PL milk.NEG_CONV
The cows have not been milked. (are unmilked)
Dan Mhtte gal guii muitalkeahtt.
it.GEN Matthew indeed leave.PAST.3SG tell.NEG_CONV
Matthew left that untold, though.
Mus lea dt girji ain logakeahtt.
1SG.LOC be.3SG this book still read.NEG_CONV
I havent read this book yet (but I ought to read it).
(I still have this book unread.)
Mhtte vulggii mtki mis berokeahtt ~ min vuorddekeahtt.
Matthew leave.PAST.3SG trip.ILL 1PL.LOC care.NEG_CONV ~ 1PL.GEN
wait.NEG_CONV
Matthew went off without caring about us ~ without waiting for us.
Mhtte dagai dan min dieekeahtt.
Matthew do.PAST.3SG it.GEN 1PL.GEN know.NEG_CONV
Matthew did it without us knowing.

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The underlying subject of a negative converb has to be a conscious being, and usually
(though not necessarily) the subject is a true agent who is conceived as consciously
leaving something undone. Therefore, the first of the following sentences is grammatical
but the second is not:
Lssa lea cuvkekeahtt.
glass be.3SG break(TR).NEG_CONV
The glass / the window has not been broken.
(but someone is supposed to or is going to break it)
*Lssa lea cuovkankeahtt.
glass be.3SG break(INTR).NEG_CONV
(The glass / the window has not broken.)

5.5.3.3. Progressive converb

The progressive forms of verbs (see progressive aspect, 5.4.5.) are also used as
progressive converbs. The underlying subject of a progressive converb is the direct object
of the finite verb in the sentence. The progressive converb is typically used with verbs
that signify a sensory experience, perception, mental state, or a verbal action:
Gulan beatnaga ciellamin.
hear.1SG dog.GEN bark.PROG
I hear a dog barking.
Oidnen ~ gvdnen Mhte goais oaimin.
see.PAST.1SG ~ find.PAST.1SG Matthew tent.LOC sleep.PROG
I saw ~ found Matthew sleeping in the tent.
Mhtte orru oaimin.
Matthew seem.3SG sleep.PROG
Matthew seems to be sleeping. (= it looks like it)
Dien ~ jhkn Mhte llimin dl.
know.1SG ~ believe.1SG Matthew write.PROG now
I know ~ believe Matthew is writing now.
Dat logai Mhte boahtimin ihttin.
3SG say.PAST.3SG Matthew.GEN come.PROG tomorrow
(S)he said Matthew will come tomorrow.

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5.5.3.4. Instrumental converb

The instrumental converb is a non-finite form that expresses the means (but not the
manner) by which something is done or accomplished. The instrumental converb is
marked with a suffix -miin (vowel stems) / -emiin (consonant stems); no
morphophonological alterations take place in the forms:
gradating verbs:

verb stem + -miin

e.g.
bivdit to hunt > bivdimiin

trisyllabic verbs:

verb stem + -emiin

e.g.
geahalit to try > geahalemiin

j-stem verbs:

short stem (vowel stem) + -miin

e.g.
stueret to study > stueremiin

The instrumental converb is a rather late development in the North Saami verb system. It
is originally a comitative case form of a deverbal noun: e.g., bivdimiin hunt.INSTR_CONV
by hunting is at least historically analyzable as bivdim-iin (hunting-COM), which is a
regular comitative form of the noun bivdin hunting. However, morphosyntactic criteria
warrant the analysis of these forms as independent converbs: the instrumental converb
takes complements typical of verbs rather than nouns (e.g., adverbs and direct objects).
Rievssahiid bivdimiin ill gal eall.
ptarmigan.PL.GEN hunt.INSTR_CONV hardly really live.3SG
One hardly makes a living (lives) by hunting ptarmigans.
Geahalemiin dat ielg.
try.INSTR_CONV it become_clear.3SG
Trying will make it clear. (= one will see how it goes when one tries)
Vialit stueremiin beasat guhks eallimis.
eagerly study.INSTR_CONV get_somewhere.2SG far life.LOC
You will accomplish a lot (you will get far) in life by studying eagerly.
Due oskumiin Kristusii gul add vnhurskkisin.
only believe.INSTR_CONV Christ.ILL it_is_said become.3SG righteous.ESS
They say that only by believing in Christ one will become righteous.

5.5.3.5. Purposive converb

The purposive converb is used to express the purpose or aim of an action. It is marked
with the suffix -ndihte ~ ndihtii (vowel stems) / -andihte ~ -andihtii (consonant stems).
No morphophonological alterations occur in the formation of the purposive converb:
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gradating verbs:

verb stem + -ndihte ~ -ndihtii

e.g.
ohcat to seek > ohcandihte ~ -ndihtii

trisyllabic verbs:

verb stem + -andihte ~ -andihtii

e.g.
geahalit to try > geahalandihte ~ -ndihtii

j-stem verbs:

short stem (vowel stem) + -ndihte ~ -ndihtii

e.g.
stueret to study > stuerendihte ~ -ndihtii

The purposive converb has only very recently developed from a postpostional
construction consisting of the genitive form of a verbal noun and the postposition dihte ~
dihtii because of. Nevertheless, it must be analyzed as an independent non-finite verb
form for several reasons:
1) The purposive converb is no longer formally identical to a normal postpositional
construction: compare bargandihte [work.PURP_CONV] vs. bargama dihte
[working.GEN because_of].
2) There is a semantic difference between purposive converbs and true postpositional
constructions with a verbal noun as a complement: bargandihte in order to work vs.
bargama dihte because of working.
3) The purposive converbs take arguments typical of verbs, such as direct objects.
Examples of the use of the purposive converb:
Mhtte vulggii gvpogii ohcandihte barggu.
Matthew leave.PAST.3SG city.ILL seek.PURP_CONV work.GEN
Matthew went to the city in order to look for a job.
Mhtte dajai dan due bilkidandihte mu.
Matthew say.PAST.3SG it.GEN only mock.PURP_CONV 1SG.GEN
Matthew said that only to mock me.
Due to its postpositional background, the purposive converb allows conjunction
reduction (i.e., morphological marking is present only on the latter member of a
conjoined phrase):
iehkdin uvssa duohkai oaidnin- ja gullandihte maid Mhtte igu dahkat.
hide.PAST.1SG door.GEN behind.ILL see-n and hear.PURP_CONV what Matthew
intend_to.3SG do.INF
I hid behind the door in order to see and hear what Matthew was going to do.

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5.5.3.6. The converb in -nlhkai

The functions of the converb in -nlhkai are somewhat difficult to exactly describe. This
converb can express at least: 1) that the action denoted by the converb form can (easily
or readily) be carried out; 2) that something is done in a manner resembling the
action denoted by the converb form.
This converb is marked with the suffix -nlhkai (vowel stems) / -anlhkai (consonant
stems). No morphophonological alterations occur:
gradating verbs:

verb stem + -nlhkai

e.g.
ohcat to seek > ohcanlhkai

trisyllabic verbs:

verb stem + -anlhkai

e.g.
geahalit to try > geahalanlhkai

j-stem verbs:

short stem (vowel stem) + -nlhkai

e.g.
stueret to study > stuerenlhkai

Like the purposive converb, the converb in -nlhkai has only very recently developed
from a postpostional construction; its original components are the genitive form of a
verbal noun and the postposition lhkai in the manner of. Nevertheless, it must be
analyzed as an independent non-finite verb form for the same reasons as the purposive
converb: both in terms of form and function it has become independent of the
postpositional constructions.
Some usage examples:
Virgi lea ohcanlhkai.
post be.3SG seek.nlhkai
The post/position is open. (= in the state that it can be applied to [sought])
Mhtes lea vuolla beavddi alde juhkanlhkai.
Matthew.LOC be.3SG beer table.GEN on.LOC drink.nlhkai.
Matthew has a beer to drink on the table.
Mhtte iccai lotti ja rohttii hvlra bhinlhkai.
Matthew notice.PAST.3SG bird.GEN and pull_quickly.PAST.3SG shotgun.GEN
shoot.nlhkai
Matthew noticed a bird and quickly drew out the shotgun. (= so that it was ready
to shoot with)

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Mhtte ordnii svnni orrunlhkai.

Matthew organize.PAST.3SG sauna.GEN dwell.nlhkai
Matthew tidied up the sauna so that one could live there.
Govvadidda oahpahuvvo mnide stoahkanlhkai.
picture.art teach.PASS.3SG child.PL.ILL play.nlhkai
The visual arts are taught to children (as if) through play.
hci dikasii fatnasa ala borranlhkai.
water splash.PAST.3SG boat.GEN on.ILL eat.nlhkai
Water splashed on the boat as if devouring it.

5.5.4. Participles
5.5.4.1. The present participle
The present participle is marked by a zero suffix (-) on gradating verbs and by a suffix
-eaddji on trisyllabic verbs and j-stem verbs. To form the present participle, apply the
following rules:
gradating verbs:

strong grade strengthening + unstressed vowel change a > i

e.g.
oait to sleep > oa'i
buohcat to be sick > buohcci
goarrut to sew > goar'ru

trisyllabic verbs:

verb stem + suffix -eaddji

e.g.
muitalit to tell > muitaleaddji

j-stem verbs:

j-stem + suffix -eaddji

e.g.
ohkkt to sit > ohkkjeaddji

The present participle is used as a modifier of nouns, as follows:

oa'i beana [sleep.PTCL dog]
addi mnnu [grow.PTCL moon]
eal'li guolli [live.PTCL fish]
buohcci olbmot [be_sick.PTCL person.PL.NOM]
jbmi olbmot [die.PTCL person.PL.NOM]

a sleeping dog
waxing moon
a live fish
sick people
dying people

When used as a modifier, the present participle is indeclinable: just like attribute forms of
adjectives (see 4.4.2.), it shows no agreement with the noun.

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Numerous present participle forms have been lexicalized as nouns, for example:
bargat to work
dutkat to examine, to investigate
buohcat to be ill
jorrat to roll, to spin, to go around
girdit to fly
llit to write
vuodjit to drive
eallit to live
njoammut to crawl
oahpahit to teach
doaimmahit to edit; to deliver

bargi employee
dutki researcher
buohcci patient
jor'ri cart, carriage, stroller
girdi airplane; pilot
l'li secretary
vuoddji driver
eal'li animal
njoam'mu reptile
oahpaheaddji teacher
doaimmaheaddji journalist; editor

These nouns can be declined for case, number and possession just like other nouns.
However, they show a few morphophonological peculiarities: they lack consonant
gradation and in the Eastern Inland dialects also diphthong simplification. See 4.2.1. for
an example paradigm of vuoddji driver.

5.5.4.2. The past participle

The past participle has a suffix -n (on vowel stems) / -an (on consonant stems); the verb
leat to be has an irregular past participle form leama. The formation of the past
participle is explained in subsectin 5.4.1.3. above.
The past participle can be used as modifier of nouns quite like the present participle:
oahppan olmmo [learn.PAST_PTCL person]
juhkan olmmo [drink.PAST_PTCL person]
jpmn olmmo [die.PAST_PTCL person]
buolln dllu [burn.PAST_PTCL house]
cuovkanan lssa [break.PAST_PTCL glass]

an educated person
a drunk person
a dead person
a burned house
a broken glass/window

Note that also passive verbs (see 5.6.1.1. below) can be put in a passive past participle
form:
juhkkov'von gffe [drink.PASS.PAST_PTCL coffee]
coffee that has been drunk
boldojuv'von dllu [burn(TR.).PASS.PAST_PTCL house]
a burned house (= a house that someone has burned on purpose)
cuvkejuv'von lssa [break(TR.).PASS.PAST_PTCL glass]
a broken glass/window (= that someone has broken on purpose)

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The past participle can also occue as a complement of modal verbs, as well as verbs
signifying knowledge, belief or verbal expression:
Mhtte soait ~ did vuolgn.
Matthew perhaps_be_the_case.3SG ~ probably_be_the_case.3SG leave.PAST_PTCL
Matthew may have left. ~ Presumably Matthew has left.
Son dieht ~ jhkk ~ gdd Mhte vuolgn.
3SG know.3SG ~ believe.3SG assume.3SG Matthew.GEN leave.PAST_PTCL
(S)he knows ~ believes ~ thinks Matthew has left.
Son dajai ~ muitalii Mhte vuolgn.
3SG say.PAST.3SG ~ tell.PAST.3SG Matthew.GEN leave.PAST_PTCL
(S)he said ~ told that Matthew has left.
The past participle is also used as component of several periphrastic constructions: the
indicative perfect and pluperfect tenses (see 5.4.1.3.), the conditional past tense (see
5.4.3.), and the dubitative past tense (see 5.4.4.).

5.5.4.3. The past agentive participle

The past participle has a suffix -n (on vowel stems) / -an (on consonant stems). To form
the present participle, apply the following rules:
gradating verbs:

verb stem + suffix -n

e.g.
oastit to buy > oastin
borrat to eat > borran
goarrut to sew > goarrun

trisyllabic verbs:

verb stem + suffix -an

e.g.
muitalit to tell > muitalan

j-stem verbs:

short stem (vowel stem) + suffix -n

e.g.
duddjot to make > duddjon

The past agentive participle can be formed of transitive verbs and used as a modifier of
nouns which are the underlying object of the past agentive participle; the underlying
subject of the participle is expressed by a genitive complement:
hi oastin biila
father.GEN buy.PAST_AG_PTCL car
the car bought by father

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sin muitalan sgat

3PL.GEN tell.PAST_AG_PTCL rumor.PL.NOM
the rumors/news told by them
njurjo duddjon ghkku
seal.GEN make.PAST_AG_PTCL flatbread
the flatbread made by the seal
The past agentive participles are indeclinable, i.e. the stay in the same form regardless of
what case the head noun might take:
Bohten deike hi oastin oa biillain.
come.PAST.1SG here.ILL father.GEN buy.PAST_AG_PTCL new.ATTR car.COM
I came here with the new car father bought.
Munge gullen daid sin muitalan sgaid.
1SG.also hear.PAST.1SG it.PL.GEN 3PL.GEN tell.PAST_AG_PTCL rumor.PL.GEN
I also heard those rumors/news told by them.
Granas liiko njurjo duddjon ghkkui.
crow like.3SG seal.GEN make.PAST_AG_PTCL flatbread.ILL
The crow likes the flatbread made by the seal.

5.5.4.4. The negative participle

The negative participle is marked by a suffix -keahtes. It is the participle counterpart of
the negative converb (see 5.5.3.2.). To form the negative participle, apply the following
rules:
Gradating verbs have the weak grade and undergo the unstressed vowel changes i > e and
u > o before the negative participle suffix (but the vowels e and o do not cause diphthong
simplification).
gradating verbs:

verb stem (weak grade, vowel change i > e, u > o) + -keahtes

e.g.
lohkat to read > logakeahtes
bahit to milk > baekeahtes
goarrut to sew > goarokeahtes

trisyllabic verbs:

verb stem (possible final consonant alteration) + -keahtes

e.g.
muitalit to tell > muitalkeahtes

j-stem verbs:

short stem (vowel stem) + -keahtes

e.g.
saht to saw > sahkeahtes

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The negative participle is used as a complement of nouns, as follows.

logakeahtes girji [read.NEG_PTCL book]
baekeahtes gusat [milk.NEG_PTCL cow.PL.NOM]
goarokeahtes gkti [sew.NEG_PTCL Saami_costume]
muitalkeahtes sgat [tell.NEG_PTCL rumor.PL.NOM]
sahkeahtes muorat [saw.NEG_PTCL tree.PL.NOM]

an unread book
unmilked cows
an unsewed Saami costume
untold rumors/news
unsawed logs

Like the other participles, the negative participle is indeclinable.

5.6. Verb derivation

North Saami has a complex and largely productive system for deverbal verb derivation.
Deverbal verb derivatives can be grouped in two categories:
1) Valency-changing verb derivation changes the argument structure of the verb in
question. For example:
active verb passive verb: borrat to eat borrojuvvot to be eaten
active verb automative verb: oaidnit to see oidnot to be visible
active verb causative verb: goarrut to sew goaruhit to have/make
someone sew
2) Aspectual verb derivativation changes the aspect but not the argument structure
of the verb. For example:
neutral aspect inceptive aspect: oaidnit to see oaidnigoahtit to
begin to see
neutral aspect deminutive aspect: borrat to eat borastit to eat a
little bit, to have a quick snack
neutral aspect subitive aspect: bhit to shoot bhilit to shoot
suddenly or unexpectedly
neutral aspect habitual aspect: uovvut to follow uvodit to follow
constantly / all the time

5.6.1. Valency-changing verb derivation

5.6.1.1. Passive verbs
The functions of passive constructions. The function of Saami passives differs from
the passive constructions in English or other Germanic languages. In Saami, the main
function of the passive is to conceal the agent (i.e., the subject of the corresponding
active sentence). If the active sentence is intransitive, the corresponding passive sentence
has no subject. If the active sentence is transitive, its object becomes the subject of the
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passive construction. The subject is often (but not always) topicalized by placing it first
in the sentence.
Intransitive sentence

passive sentence

Nu dalle olbmot elle.

so then person.PL.NOM live.PAST.3PL
People lived like that back then.

Nu dalle ellojuv'vui.
so then live.PASS.PAST.3SG
One lived like that back then.

(subject: olbmot people)

(no subject)

Transitive sentence

passive sentence

Mhtte lii girjji.

Matthew write.PAST.3SG book.GEN
Matthew wrote a/the book.

Girji l'lojuv'vui.
book write.PASS.PAST.3SG
A/The book was written.

(subject: Mhtte Matthew)

(subject: girji book)

Note that because the function of the Saami passive is to conceal the subject of the
corresponding active sentence, it is not possible to express the agent in a Saami passive
construction. While English passive constructions, for instance, can have an overt agent
(e.g. The book was written by Matthew), such constructions have no equivalents in
Saami.
There is also another crucial difference between Saami and English passives: even though
the agent is concealed and thus never expressed in a Saami passive contruction, the
passive always presupposes that there is an underlying conscious agent. The passive also
tends to imply that the act was consciously committed (as opposed to being accidental).
This can be illustrated with the following example:
Mhtte cuvkii lsa.
Matthew break.PAST.3SG window.GEN
Matthew broke the window.

Lssa cuvkejuv'vui.
window break.PASS.PAST.3SG
The window was broken.
(i.e., someone broke it on purpose)

The following passive construction seems strange because the act is not purposeful:
Mhtte cuvkii lsa vahgis.
Matthew break.PAST.3SG window.GEN accident.LOC
Matthew accidentally broke the window.

?Lssa cuvkejuv'vui vahgis.

window break.PASS.PAST.3SG
accident.LOC
The window got broken
accidentally.

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In the following case, no corresponding passive construction exists, because the subject
of the active sentence is not a true agent:
Biegga cuvkii lsa.
wind break.PAST.3SG window.GEN
The wind broke the window.

(no corresponding passive)

Formation of passive verbs. In Saami, passive verbs are independent derived verbs
that have conjugations of their own. Passive verbs are formed are formed from active
verbs according to the following rules:
gradating verbs:
trisyllabic verbs:
j-stem verbs:

strong grade strengthening + diphthong simplification +

stem vowel deletion + derivational suffix -ojuv'vo-t
stem + derivational suffix -uv'vo-t
j-stem + derivational suffix -uv'vo-t

Examples:
llit
atnat
lohkat
dadjat
vldit
oaidnit
uohppat
gvdnot
jearrat
muitalit
rhkadit
loktet
hukset
lebbet

to write
to tie
to read
to say
to take
to see
to cut
to find
to ask
to tell
to make
to lift
to build
to spread

> l'lojuv'vot
> adnojuv'vot
> lohkkojuv'vot
> daddjojuv'vot
> vldojuv'vot
> oidnojuv'vot
> uhppojuv'vot
> gvdnojuv'vot
> jer'rojuv'vot
> muitaluv'vot
> rhkaduv'vot
> loktejuv'vot
> huksejuv'vot
> lebbejuv'vot

to be written
to be tied
to be read
to be said
to be taken
to be seen
to be cut
to be found
to be asked
to be told
to be made
to be lifted
to be built
to be spread

The passive verbs of most gradating verbs also have a shorter variant, where the passive
suffix is merely -o-. Examples:
llit
atnat
lohkat
dadjat
vldit
jearrat

to write
to tie
to read
to say
to take
to ask

> l'lot
> adnot
> lohkkot
> daddjot
> vldot
> jer'rot

to be written
to be tied
to be read
to be said
to be taken
to be asked

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However, some verbs formed with the shorter suffix -o- have a special automative
meaning these express that the action denoted by the root verb occurs automatically
and there is no true agent:
oaidnit
gullat
haksit
gvdnat
doadjit
geassit
oaggit

to see
to hear
to smell (trans.)
to find
to break in two
to pull, to drag
to gather, collect

> oidnot
> gul'lot
> haksot
> gvdnot
> doddjot
> ges'sot
> oggot

to be visible, to happen to be seen

to be audible, to happen to be heard
to smell (intr.)
to happen to be found
to get broken in two
to get dragged behind
to accumulate

Many automative verbs do not translate very well to English; the following usage
examples illustrate the automative semantics involved in these words:
Duoppe oidnojit muhtun olbmot.
there see.AUTOM.3PL some person.PL.NOM
There are some people over there
(some people are visible over there)
Olgun gul'lui biilla jietna.
outside.LOC hear.AUTOM.PAST.3SG person.PL.GEN sound
The sound of a car could be heard from outside [the house]
(a cars sound was audible from outside)
Meahcis gvdnui boares goahtesadji.
wilderness.LOC find.AUTOM.PAST.3SG old.ATTR tent.place
An old dwelling site was found in the forest
(but no one was looking for it)
Mus giehta doddjui.
1SG.LOC hand break.AUTOM.PAST.3SG
I broke my arm
(at me an arm got broken)
The contrast between a passive and an automative verb can be illustarted with the
following examples:
Mhtte oidnui gvppis.
Matthew see.AUTOM.PAST.3SG store.LOC
Matthew was seen in the store (just by coincidence)
Mhtte oidnojuv'vui gvppis.
Matthew see.PASS.PAST.3SG store.LOC
Matthew was seen in the store (and he had been looked for)
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Mhtes doddjui giehta.

Matthew.LOC hand break.AUTOM.PAST.3SG
Matthew broke his arm (accidentally)
Mhtes doddjojuv'vui giehta.
Matthew.LOC hand break.PASS.PAST.3SG
Matthews arm was broken (i.e., someone broke it on purpose)
Whenever a shorter derivative with the suffix -o- is lexicalized in an automative function,
it cannot be used in the passive sense. Instead, the longer passive form with the suffix ojuv'vo- must be used.
Passive sentences. Because Saami passives are independent derived verbs, they can
be conjugated in all numbers, persons, moods and tenses. Morphologically, passive verbs
behave just like all other j-stem verbs with an infinitive ending in -ot. Because the object
of the underlying active sentence becomes the grammatical subject of the passive
sentence, the passive verb agrees with it in number and person. Compare the example:
hi doalvu mn skuvlii.
father take.3SG child.GEN school.ILL
Father takes the child to school.

Mnn dolvojuv'vo skuvlii.

child take.PASS.3SG school.ILL
The child is taken to school.

hi doalvu mnid skuvlii.

father take.3SG child.PL.GEN school.ILL
Father takes the children to school.

Mnt dolvojuv'vojit skuvlii.

child.PL.NOM take.PASS.3PL school.ILL
The children are taken to school.

Moai uohpaime muoraid kuin.

1DU cut.PAST.1DU tree.PL.GEN ax.COM
We (2) cut the trees with an ax.

Muorat uhppojuv'vojedje kuin.

tree.PL.NOM cut.PASS.PST.3PL ax.COM
The trees were cut with an ax.

Hoavda mearridii mu vuolgit Dii.

boss order.PAST.3SG 1SG.GEN leave.INF
Norway.ILL
The boss ordered me to go to Norway.

Mun mearriduv'vojin vuolgit Dii.

1SG order.PASS.PAST.1SG leave.INF
Norway.ILL
I was ordered to go to Norway.

Mii vlljet du l'lin.

1PL choose.1PL 2SG.GEN secretary.ESS
We (pl.) choose you as the secretary.

Don vlljejuv'vot l'lin.

2SG choose.PASS.2SG secretary.ESS
You are chosen as the secretary.

As noted above, passive verbs can be formed out of intransitive verbs as well. In such a
case, the resulting passive sentence does not have a subject; the passive verb appears in
the 3SG form. Such passive sentences are often difficult to translate into English:

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Dii ehpet vuolgge dohko.

3PL NEG.3PL leave.CONNEG there.ILL
You wont go there.

Dohko ii vulgojuv'vo.
there.ILL NEG.3SG leave.PASS.3SG
Nobodys going there.
(It is not gone there)

Olbmot elle dolin goiin.

person.PL.NOM live.PAST.3PL long_ago
tent.PL.LOC
Long ago people used to live in tents.

Dolin el'lojuv'vui goiin.

long_ago live.PASS.PAST.3SG
tent.PL.LOC
Long ago people used to live in tents.
(Long ago, it was lived in tents)

Buohkat uiget dppe dlvit.

everyone ski.3PL here.LOC in_winter
Everyone skis here in winter

Dppe uigojuv'vo dlvit.

here.LOC ski.PASS.3SG in_winter
People ski here in winter
(Here it is skied in winter)

5.6.1.2. Causative verbs

Causative derivatives are formed with a suffix -h- / -ahtti- as follows:
gradating verbs:
trisyllabic verbs:
j-stem verbs:

verb stem, weak grade + -h-it

stem + -ahtti-t
short stem (vowel stem) + -h-it

Examples:
borrat to eat
llit to write
ierrut to cry
uohppat to cut X
goarrut to sew
rhkadit to make X
hukset to build X

> borahit to make someone eat, to feed

> lihit to have/make someone write
> ieruhit to make someone cry
> uohpahit to have someone cut X
> goaruhit to have someone sew
> rhkadahttit to have someone make X
> huksehit to have someone build X

Causatives are used in two types of basic constructions.

1) The grammatical object of the causative verb is the logical subject of the underlying
verb i.e., the person who is made to do something. As all grammatical objects in Saami,
it appears in the genitive case:
Eadni boraha mn.
mother eat.CAUS.3SG child.GEN
The mother feeds the child.

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It oao ieruhit unnavielja!

NEG.2SG be_allowed.CONNEG cry.CAUS.INF little.brother.GEN
You arent allowed to make (your) little brother cry!
2) The grammatical object of the causative verb is the logical object of the underlying
verb as well. For example, in the following example the object is gkti Saami costume,
which appears in the genitive case:
Mhtte goaruha gvtti.
Matthew sew.CAUS.3SG Saami_costume.GEN
Matthew is having a Saami costume sewn for him (by someone).
In these kinds of constructions, the agent of the underlying verb can also be incorporated
in the sentence. The agent is marked with the illative case:
Mhtte goaruha Igi gvtti.
Matthew sew.CAUS.3SG Inga.ILL Saami_costume.GEN
Matthew is having a costume sewn to him by Inga.
Ig uohpahii vuovttaid El'lii.
Inga cut.CAUS.PAST.3SG hair-PL.GEN Elle.ILL
Inga had Elle cut her hair.
Mhtte rhkadahtii fatnasa Jovnnai.
Matthew make.CAUS.PAST.3SG boat.GEN John.ILL
Matthew had John make the boat.
Geasa leat goaruhan duon gvtti?
who.ILL be.2SG sew.CAUS.PAST_PTCL that.GEN Saami_costume.GEN
Who has made that Saami costume for you?
(By who did you have that costume sewn for you?)
3) Some causative verbs can also be used in the special sense of to be suitable for Xing: e.g., borrat to eat borahit to feed, to make someone eat; to be edible. This
use is lexically restricted. Examples:
Dt libi gal boraha.
this bread indeed eat.CAUS.3SG
This bread is edible. (i.e., it is not spoiled)
Dt deadja ii jugat.
this tea NEG.3SG drink.CAUS.CONNEG
This tea is not drinkable. (i.e., it tastes bad)

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Logahago diet girji?

read.CAUS.3SG.Q that book
Is that book any good to read? (i.e., is it interesting?)

144

6. ADPOSITIONS
6.1. Basic features
There is a large number of adpositions (pre- and postpositions) in North Saami.
Postpositions are more common than prepositions; there are also some ambipositions
(i.e., adpositions that can be used as both pre- and postpositions). The complements of all
adpositions are always in the genitive case. For example:
postposition:

viesu duohken [house.GEN behind.LOC]

rua haga [money.GEN without]

behind the house

without money

presposition:

mieht lhtti [all_over floor.GEN]

all over the floor

ambiposition:

vri badjel [mountain.GEN over]

~ badjel vri [over mountain.GEN]

over the mountain

jvrri guovdu [lake.GEN middle]

~ guovdu jvrri [middle lake.GEN]

in/to/from the middle of

the lake

In the lists below, adpositions used as prepositions are marked with

ambipositions with AMBI.

PRE

, and

6.2. Local adpositions

Adpositions with local functions can often be grouped into sets of three in terms of their
semantic function:
1) function corresponding to the locative case (LOC): a) location at the point of
reference; b) movement away from the point of reference
2) function corresponding to the illative case (ILL): movement to the point of
reference
3) a prolative function (PROL): movement along a path, through or via the point of
reference
Some adpositions with LOC and ILL function also show LOC and ILL morphology, whereas
others do not, but only functionally correspond to locatives and illatives. The prolative is
a functional category confined to adpositions and adverbs in North Saami, and has no
regular morphological expression (i.e., there is no prolative suffix). Consider the
following examples, where the series blddas ~ bldii ~ bldda shows regular LOC and
ILL endings (cf. blda side, place next to), whereas in the series vuolde ~ vuollai ~ vuole
the LOC postposition lacks LOC morphology:
Mhtte ohkk mu blddas.
Matthew sit.3SG 1SG.GEN side.LOC

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Matthew is sitting next to me.

Mhtte ohknii mu bldii.
Matthew sit_down.PAST.3SG 1SG.GEN side.ILL
Matthew sat down next to me.
Mhtte vccii mu bldda.
Matthew walk.PAST.3SG 1SG.GEN side.PROL
Matthew walked by my side / past me.
Ks'sa lea beavddi vuolde.
box be.3SG table.GEN under.LOC
The box is under the table.
Vlden kssa beavddi vuolde.
take.PAST.1SG box.GEN table.GEN under.LOC
I took the box from under the table.
Bidjen kssa beavddi vuollai.
put.PAST.1SG box.GEN table.GEN under.ILL
I put the box under the table.
Sirden kssa beavddi vuoli.
move.PAST.1SG box.GEN table.GEN under.PROL
I moved the box under the table. (= so that it came out on the other side)
A few series of adpositions lack a PROL counterpart: e.g. alde [on.LOC] on (top of), off
(from the surface of) and ala [on.ILL] onto have no corresponding PROL adposition.
Some others show no morphological distinction: e.g., the adposition birra around can
be used in LOC, ILL and PROL functions.
Local adpositions are given in the following table:
spatial concept

LOC

ILL

PROL

upper surface
above
next to
side
around (= in a circle)
around (= here and there)
opposite to
behind (= the back side)
between
middle
someones home

alde on, off

bajbealde
blddas
bealde
birra
birra PRE
buohta
duohken
gaskkas
gasku PRE
geahen

ala onto
bajbeallai
bldii
beallai
=
=
=
duohkai
gaskii
=
geahai

badjel AMBI over

bldda
beale
=
=

duoge ~ duogi
gaskka

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middle
beside
near
immediate vicinity
behind (= the direction
one is coming from)
all over
along with
front

guovdu AMBI
guoras
lahka AMBI
luhtte
mais

=
gurrii
=
lusa
mai

guora
=
=
mail

mieht PRE
mielde
ovddas

=
=
ovdii

inside
under
against

siste
vuolde
vuost

sisa
vuollai
=

=
=
ovddal towards (from
opposite direction)

vuole
=

In addition to the ones listed in the table above, there are four functionally PROL
postpositions that are not members of adpositional sets: bokte ~ bakte via, aa AMBI
through, meatt past and rast AMBI across.
Some further usage examples:
Girji lea beavddi alde.
book be.3sg table.gen on.loc
The book is on the table.
Vlden girjji beavddi alde.
take.PAST.1SG book.GEN table.GEN on.LOC
I took the book off the table.
Bija girjji beavddi ala.
put.IMP.2SG book.GEN table.GEN on.ILL
Put the book on the table.
Dllu lea meara bealde.
house be.3SG sea.GEN side.LOC
The house is on the seaward side.
Mhtte huksii dlu vri beallai.
Matthew build.PAST.3SG house.GEN mountain.GEN side.ILL
Matthew built a house on the side towards the mountain.
(= as opposed to some other side, e.g. the seaward side)
Mhtte boii vri beale.
Matthew come.PAST.3SG mountain.GEN side.PROL
Matthew came by the way along the mountain side.
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(= as opposed to some other route, e.g. along the coast)

Biila lea dlu duohken.
car be.3SG house.GEN behind.LOC
The car is behind the house.
Vudjen biilla dlu duohkai.
drive.PAST.1SG car.GEN house.GEN behind.ILL
I drove the car behind the house. (= and parked it there)
Vudjen dlu duoge.
drove.PAST.1SG house.GEN behind.PROL
I drove behind the house. (= and came out on the other side)
Mhtte lea Igg geahen.
Matthew be.3SG Ing.GEN someones_home.LOC
Matthew is at Ings place.
Mhtte vulggii Igg geahai.
Matthew leave.PAST.3SG Ing.GEN someones_home.ILL
Matthew went to Ings place.

6.3. Temporal adpositions

The following belong to the most common temporal adpostions: aa AMBI throughout,
for the entire..., gasku PRE in the middle of, geaes in (= after an Xs time has passed),
ma after, ovdal PRE before, rdjai until and rjes since. Some examples:
Lohken girjji aa ~ gasku ija.
read.PAST.1SG book.GEN through ~ middle night.GEN
I read a book through ~ in the middle of the night.
Mhtte boaht vahku geaes.
Matthew come.3SG week.GEN in
Matthew will come in a week. (= after a week has passed)
Mhtte vulggii ovdal oasiid ~ oasiid ma.
Matthew leave.PAST.3SG before new.PL.GEN ~ new.PL.GEN after
Matthew left before ~ after the news.
Mhtte vurddii duorastaga rjes ~ rdjai
.
Matthew wait.PAST.3SG Thursday.GEN since ~ until
Matthew waited since ~ until Thursday.

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6.4. Other adpositions

Other common adpositions that signify abstract concepts and relations include: beales on
behalf of, as far as X cares, dfus in regard to, dihte ~ dihtii because of, earret PREP
except for, ektui in comparison to, gullut so that X overheard, haga without,
oaidnut so that X saw, sajis instead of, vrs for, vuoul on the basis of. Some
examples:
Mu beales oaut vuolgit.
1SG.GEN on_behalf_of be_allowed.2SG leave.INF
As far as Im concerned, you can go.
Mn dfus lea buoret jos it vuolgge.
child.GEN in_regard_to be.3SG good.COMPAR if
It is better for the child if you dont go.

NEG.2SG

leave.CONNEG

In vuolgn arvvi dihte.

NEG.1SG go.PAST.CONNEG rain.GEN because_of
I didnt go because of the rain.
In birge veahki haga.
NEG.1SG manage.CONNEG help.GEN without
I wont manage without help.
Osten bierggu gussiid ~ dlvvi vrs.
buy.PAST.1SG meat.GEN guest.PL.GEN ~ winter.GEN for
I bought meat for the guests ~ winter.

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7. Some notes on syntax

7.1. Existential sentences
Existential sentences have leat to be or addat to become functioning as the predicate
(either as a finite verb or as an infinitive complement of a modal verb). The normal word
order is VS.
Lea garra ru.
be.3SG hard.ATTR heavy_rain
Theres a great rainstorm.
Doppe ledje guokte albm.
there be.PAST.3PL two man.GEN
There were two men there.
attai ppa geassi.
become.PAST.3SG beautiful.ATTR summer
It became a nice summer.
Leat menddo ollu uoikkat.
be.3PL too much mosquito.PL.NOM
Theres too much mosquitos.
Lea juovlamnnu ~ gaskavahkku.
be.3SG December ~ Wednesday
Its December ~ Wednesday.
Leago nealgi ~ goiku?
be.3SG.Q hunger ~ thirst
Are you hungry ~ thirsty? (Is there hunger ~ thirst?)
Did addan suhttu.
probably_be_the_case.3SG become.PAST.PTCL anger
Someone seems to have gotten angry.

7.2. Subjectless sentences

Unlike English, for instance, North Saami does not require a formal subject to occur in
sentences (cf. the semantically void it in English its raining, its summer). In North
Saami sentences which lack a subject (i.e., have a zero subject) the verb mostly takes the
3SG form. The following types of subjectless sentences can be distinguished:

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a) The verb signifies a natural phenomenon:

Arv. ~ Muohtt. ~ Biegg.
rain.3SG ~ snow.3SG ~ blow(wind).3SG
Its raining ~ snowing. ~ The wind is blowing.
Olgun did sevnnjodit.
outside.LOC probably_be_the_case.3SG get_dark.INF
I guess its getting dark outside.
b) The verb is a passive derivative of an intransitive verb (see 5.6.1.1.)
Dohko ii man'nojuv'vo.
there NEG.3SG go.PASS.CONNEG
There is not gone. (= no one is allowed to go there)
c) The verb is a transitive verb that signifies causation of some bodily sensation or mental
state; the formal object is the person experiencing the sensation:
Mu vuovssiha.
1SG.GEN make_sick.3SG
I feel sick (= I am about to vomit) ([zero subject] makes me vomit)
Mhte hrddii issorasat.
Matthew.GEN irritate.PAST.3SG terribly
Matthew was really irritated. ([zero subject] irritated Matthew terribly)
d) The proposition is assumed to be generally or universally valid (cf. English oneimpersonals); these kinds of sentences usually contain a modal verb:
Dan gal dieht.
it.GEN indeed know.3SG
One certainly knows that.
Ii nu galgga lhttet.
NEG.3SG so must.CONNEG behave.INF
One mustnt behave like that.
Oppa igge grt buotlgan skoviid deavdit.
entire time.GEN have_to.3SG all_kinds_of form.PL.GEN fill.INF
One has to fill all kinds of forms all the time.

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e) The sentence expresses what is considered normal or usual for people to do; in such
sentences the verb takes the 3PL form:
Suomas juhket ollu mielkki.
Finland.LOC drink.3PL much milk.GEN
In Finland people drink a lot of milk.
akat bidjet bohccuid idi.
in_fall put.3PL reindeer.PL.GEN corral.ILL
In fall the reindeer are gathered (put) in a corral.

7.3. Question formation

Questions are formed in two ways in North Saami. Wh-questions (content questions)
are formed with interrogative words, and yes/no-questions are formed with
interrogative clitics.
Interrogative words include interrogative pronouns (e.g. gii who, mii what, goabb
which of two; see 4.6.4.), interrogative pro-adjectives (makkr what kind of),
interrogative quantifiers (gal'le how many, gal'lt which (in order)), and interrogative
pro-adverbs (e.g. mo how, gos where (at/from), gosa where (to), goas when, manin
why (= for what purpose), man'ne why (= due to what cause)). The interrogative must
be placed first in the sentence (excluding discourse particles), but no other changes in
word order occur.
Gii dppe finai?
who here go_and_return.PAST.3SG
Who was (came and went) here?
Na makkr biilla Mhtte lei oastn?
well what_kind_of car.GEN Matthew be.PAST.3SG buy.PAST.PTCL
Well, what kind of a car had Matthew bought?
Gal'lt dlus Mhtte orru?
which_in_order house.LOC Matthew live.3SG
In which house does Matthew live? (i.e., in which number?)
Manin Mhtte vulggii?
why Matthew leave.PAST.3SG
Why did Matthew leave/go?
Yes/no-questions are formed by interrogative clitics; the most common interrogative
clitic is -go. The clitic is attached to the head of that phrase in the sentence which the

152

question concerns; the phrase must occur as the first member in the sentence (excluding
preceding discourse particles).
Boahtgo Mhtte maid?
come.3SG.go Matthew also
Is Matthew coming as well?
Leago Mhtte dppe?
be.3SG.go Matthew here.LOC
Is Matthew here?
Dppego Mhtte lea?
here.LOC.go Matthew be.3SG
Is Matthew here? (and not somewhere else)
Mhttego dppe lea?
Matthew.go here.LOC be.3SG
Is it Matthew who is here? (and not someone else)
Note that an interrogative clitic can only be attached to the head of a phrase. Hence, the
first of the following sentences is grammatical, the second is not:
Rukses dlusgo Mhtte orru?
red.ATTR house.LOC.go Matthew live.3SG
Is it a red house that Matthew lives in?
*Ruksesgo dlus Mhtte orru?
red.ATTR.go house.LOC Matthew live.3SG
Is it a red house that Matthew lives in?
When attached to the adverbs olu ~ ollu much and guhk for a long time, the clitic -go
forms questions of degree:
Olugo mkset biillas?
much.go pay.PAST.2SG car.LOC
How much did you pay for the car?
Guhkgo oet?
for_a_long_time.go sleep.PAST.2SG
How long did you sleep?

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Another clitic -son may be attached after -go. The clitic -son indicates that either the
question is rhetorical (i.e. that the speaker is not really expecting an answer for it), or that
the speaker expects a negative answer.
Boahtgoson Mhtte?
come.3SG.go.son Matthew
I wonder if Matthew is coming.
There is also another interrogative clitic -bat. Compared to the neutral interrogative clitic
-go, the clitic -bat adds an impression of surprise to the question:
Boahtbat Mhtte?
come.3SG.bat Matthew
Is Matthew coming? (= Im surprised that he might be coming)
Inbat oao oppa aviissa rfis lohkat?
NEG.3SG.bat be_allowed.CONNEG even newspaper.GEN peace.LOC read.INF
Cant I even read the newspaper in peace?
The clitic -bat can even be added to an interrogative word to express the speakers
surprise:
Gosbat Mhtte lea?
where.loc.bat Matthew be.3SG
Wheres Matthew? (= Im surprised he isnt here)
Note that the rhetorical question clitic -son cannot be attached after the interrogative clitic
-bat.

154