1

RACIALISED NATIONALISM(S): UNDERSTANDING HINDU AND

AUSTRALIAN NATIONALISM IN RELATION TO THE CRONULLA RIOTS OF
2005 AND THE GUJARAT RIOTS OF 20021

Tejaswini Patil
PhD Researcher
University of South Australia
tejaswinipatil2050@gmail.com

Debates surrounding conflicts among Hindus and Muslims in India have variously been
described as religious nationalism or ethno-nationalism (Jaffrelot 1996; van der Veer 1994).
In the Australian context, the relationship between the Muslim other and the dominant
community has been explained from the standpoint of white multiculturalism (Hage 2003) or
ethnicised (Poynting et al. 2004) racism. Most of the writings in both the contexts emphasise
the primary nature of religion or ethnicity as the basis of discrimination especially against the
Muslim other. Though ethnicity and religion are signifying markers of conflict, the rise of
large scale nationalist movements targeting, particularly the Muslim other in the Indian and
Australian contexts leads us to ask to the question: Is nationalism an inherently racist concept
which seeks to create, sustain and reproduce differences between the dominant and the
dominated other. The paper will examine this question firstly by outlining the development
of the idea of race and racism. Secondly, it analyses how nationalism, ethnicity and the
problem racism are interconnected to create racialised structural realities that impact the
growth of nationalism in the Australian and Indian contexts.
There has been a veritable growth in comparative (Brubaker et al. 2006), global (Rex
1986) and cross-disciplinary studies (Friedland and Hecht 1998) that has constructed
ethnicity, race and nationhood as a single integrated family of forms of cultural
1

This paper was presented at the 18th Biennial Conference of the Asian Studies Association of Australia in
Adelaide, 5-8 July 2010. It has been peer-reviewed via a double referee process and appears on the
Conference Proceedings Website by the permission of the author who retains the copyright. This paper may
be downloaded for fair use under the Copyright Act (1954), its later amendments and other relevant
legislation.

2
understanding, social organisation and political contestation (Brubaker 2009, 22). The
resurgence surrounding debates around ethnicity, nationalism and racism ties with the
escalation of various ethnic, religious and nationalist conflicts in various regions of the East
and West. Cultural differentiation around religion, ethnicity, sexuality, race and nationhood
(Taguieff [2001] 1987) became the focus of defining the other in these contexts. During the
1980s and 1990s there was significant transformational change with the rapid globalising of
politics, culture and economies. The effect of these changes coupled with contingent
historical, social, economic and political conditions prevailing in India and Australia set the
stage for intense struggles within these societies between dominant and minority
communities.
An important element of these changes lies in understanding how cultural differentiation
centred on constructing pan- national identities in India and Australia. The resurgence of
Hindu nationalism and a more aggressive articulation of Australian nationalism particularly,
in the John Howard era led us to re-focus our attention on the resurgence of nationalism. The
preponderance of nationalism in its contemporary manifestations, in which discursive
violence against the Muslim other seemed to be natural had consequences for understanding
how ethnicity and religion interacted with the modern nation-state. Far from ethnicity and
nationalism being defined within concepts of group solidarity and cultural identification
(Glazer and Moynihan 1975), they became a structural mechanism to limit the fields of
possibilities for minorities and particularly so, the Muslim other in the Indian and Australian
contexts. Hence, it is worth considering how nationalism as a product of modernity was
inherently racist in character and it sought to naturalise cultural differentiation or racist
conduct rather than create homogenous identities. In this context outlining the philosophical
origins of race, and racism is warranted.
Defining race
The debates surrounding race continue to dominate and influence present day charges of
discrimination against groups like blacks in the United States of America, indigenous
communities and migrants in Australia based on religion, language and ethnicity. The
influence of race as a biological construct has receded and it is now fuelled by debates over
the social constructions of race, which is commonly considered as racism. The contestation
over whether it is race or racism over the social site raises the following questions: How has
the project of enlightenment influenced the debates surrounding race? What has been the
fundamental basis of this new contestation over race as a social construct and how does this

3
affect social divisions based on caste, religion and sexism in society? And finally, how does
deploying race as a social construct affect the construction of people, nationhood and
nationalism?
A brief philosophical, historical and epistemological development of the notion of race
highlights how the conceptual category of race has undergone significant change from a
biological to a social and political construct. It has become as much a basis of cultural
differentiation as the need to maintain economic and political dominance of Western powers,
since the dawn of the enlightenment era. Race as a category was constructed purely as a
biological model that was used to classify groups according to superiority and inferiority
(Gobineau [1915] 1853-54). Most of the basis of European expansionism and colonisation of
Africa and Asia arises from such thinking. Ironically, Kants writings on the question of race
point to such bias (Kant [2001]1788). Shifts started to occur around the late nineteenth
century with the emergence of social Darwinism (Spencer 1893) and the socio-biological
conceptions of race (Wilson 1976).
Most of the critiques directed (Crook 1994) against social Darwinism and other forms of
biological conceptions of race assumed largely ahistorical and homogenous social conditions.
Both social Darwinism and sociobiological conceptions sought to examine the primary
differences between races. Furthermore, these studies sought to identify common
characteristics among superior groups and argued that some groups were suited to perform
certain roles better than other groups. Essentially, those who advocated biological and sociobiological versions of race were accused of being racist, but, inadvertently, anti-racist
advocates, in their enthusiasm to disavow racist theories, fell in the trap of analysing racism
as homogenous social collectivity. These positions are later challenged in the context of the
Black Civil Rights Movements in the United States and the breakdown of Britains
hegemony over world affairs.
In order to overcome three centuries of analyses based on scientific and biological
justifications a host of studies emerged, such as Banton (1967), and Rex and Tomlison
(1979), drawing on empirical methodologies in sociology, social psychology and economics.
This methodological shift (Banton 1967) reduced race and race relations either to economic
factors or sociological forces of domination (Rex 1983). They popularly came to be known as
the race relations paradigm. They provided a theoretical framework for analysing race
relations and racism. Rexs work in particular ran parallel with many emerging critiques in
the USA, which was plagued with social unrest between the Southern Whites and Blacks.

4
The Civil Rights movement helped in re-shaping the politics of race relations and racism in
the British and American contexts. Yet at the conceptual level, the race relations paradigm
had a profound effect in moving from a scientific/biological model of race to race formation
being contested in the social realm.
The late 1970s and early 1980s saw the emergence of various critiques (Centre for
Contemporary Cultural Studies [CCCS] 1982; Miles 1989) of the race relations paradigm.
These critiques were influenced by neo-Marxist and feminist analysis. The central question
for these critiques was the need to understand racism as the object of analysis rather than
sociology of race. This shift led to questions like: what kinds of meaning can be given to the
category of race? How should racism be identified as a political force within European
societies, the United States of America (USA) and other parts of the globe? Have we seen a
growth of new forms of racist expression in contemporary societies? (Back and Solomos
2000, 6).
These questions highlight the shift from analysing race as a sociological category to
racism which is contested in the political realm. This shift was important in so far as
understanding how the process of othering could be deployed through the technologies of the
state. Furthermore, the 1970s and 1980s brought about new challenges to the traditional
forms of explanation in terms of object(s) and analysis, phenomena and understanding a
form of racism as a function of the analytic tools and further emergent forms beyond the
tools (Goldberg 1990, p.xii). Though Miles (1989) prefigures this theoretical/methodological
shift, he retains the notion of race through what he calls the process of racialisation. Miles
refers to racialisation as:
those instances where social relations between people have been structured by the
signification of human biological characteristics in such a way as to define and
construct differentiated social collectivities (Miles 1989, 75).
His articulation of racialisation does not distance itself from race as a valid social
category. Instead Anthais and Yuval-Davis (1993) argue it restricts itself to defining racism
when racial categories are attributed with negative connotations. In other words, for Miles
(1989), racism occurs only when racial categories are deployed to discriminate against
minorities. However, such a notion of racism does not throw light on how cultural forms
(Taguieff [2001] 1987) of racism operate. For Taguieff ([2001] 1987), cultural differentiation
among groups seeks to maintain cultural distances between the dominant self and the other

5
and, significantly, it seeks to highlight the incommensurability between the communities
(Balibar and Wallerstein 1991). These forms of differentiation highlight best the way
contemporary racism seeks to naturalise and normalise racist conduct. The writings of
Taguieff ([2001] 1987), Balibar and Wallerstein (1991) and Barker (1981) are influential in
signalling a shift to understanding racism from the cultural standpoint.
Contemporary references of racism do not depend on racial typologies or biological
notions of race to discriminate against minorities. Instead they discuss cultural distances,
social and political differentiations based on ethnicity, religion or masculinity that renders
minorities as the other in public discourse. This shift to cultural forms of racism is important
in as much as indentifying the multiple-layered nature of discourses that seek to differentiate
human beings and also the emergence of multiple subject positions based on ethnicity, race
and masculinity in contemporary post-colonial societies (Hall ([1996] 1989). Though Halls
([1996] 1989) insight on the multiple subject positions is valuable, his retention of ethnicity
as synonymous with cultural identity poses a problem in understanding how contemporary
racism operates from a cultural standpoint. Hence, the writings of Balibar (1991) and
Taguieff ([1987] 2001) around the concept of cultural racism are more relevant in studying
the field of discourses produced around the Muslim other in the Indian and Australian
contexts and more particularly during the Gujarat and Cronulla riots.
To sum up briefly: the shifts in understanding racism within the context of the political,
cultural and social differentiations allow us to examine how the discourses of Muslim
othering where central in the rise of Hindu nationalism and Australian nationalism.
Understanding the field of discourses from a cultural racism standpoint allows us to uncover
how cultural, political and social distances are maintained between the superior dominant
self and the inferior, uncouth, uncivilised other. Furthermore it locates how intersections
between ethnicity, masculinity, race, religion and nationalism operate in the Indian and
Australian contexts.
Ethnicity, race, nationalism and the problem of racism
The conceptual evolution of notions of race and racism highlight not only the dynamic nature
of race categories but also refer to the influence ethnicity and nationalism has in the process
of othering in the Indian and Australian contexts. The term ethnicity since the 1960s
became increasingly important in the aftermath of various anti-racist and decolonisation
struggles in various parts of the East and the West. But the positive attributes of being

6
associated with a cultural group turned contentious with the collapse of the former Soviet
Union and the rise of intense ethnic struggles between communities in Eastern Europe.
Parallel to these transformations was the widespread immigration of many people from
various ethnic backgrounds to Europe and the Australian continent.
These developments led scholars from CCCS and Hall to reclaim ethnicity from the old
ethnic studies approach that had been criticised by Miles (1989) as inadequate in
understanding the problematic of racism and race. Halls ([1996] 1989) writings in redefining
ethnicity were particularly influential. Hall ([1996] 1989) makes two significant points in his
article on New Ethnicities. First, he criticises the old ethnic studies approach for overlooking
the influence racial characteristics has on constructing identities. Second, without abandoning
ethnicity or cultural identity he firmly places contemporary black identity within the politics
of representation itself.
The domination of ethnic and cultural difference in understanding the black subject led to
concerns over the absence or marginality of the black experience and its simplification and
stereotypical character ([1996] 1989, 442). The struggle for Hall was as much in the
representation of the black subject within fetishised images on the one hand, and the question
of access to the rights of representation of black artists and black cultural performers ([1996]
1989, 442)on the other hand. To put it differently, Hall was trying to criticise the
homogeneity involved in the representation of the black subject within the ethnic studies
school and sought to locate new ethnicities of the black subject in multiple subject positions
that are demonstrated in the politics of representation itself.
Hall ([1996] 1989a) revives the link between ethnicity and cultural identity by locating it
in the postmodern condition. He states ([1996] 1989a, 443) that black is essentially a
politically and culturally constructed category which cannot be grounded in a set of fixed
transcultural or transcendental racial categories, which inevitably leads to the weakening or
fading of the notion of race or some other composite notion of race around the term black
(Hall [1996] 1989, 443). By retaining ethnicity within cultural identity, Hall ([1996] 1989) is
sharply distancing himself from race or racial characterisations of the black subject. He
makes a sharp distinction between ethnicity and racism and connotes race with creating the
other with fixed categories. However, contemporary manifestations of racism or racist
conduct do not seek to identify origin or skin colour as the basis of cultural differentiation.
They are interested more in highlighting cultural distances between communities without

7
necessarily appealing to common origin or descent. Hence, we would turn to Balibars (1991)
understanding of the links between ethnicity, racism and nationalism.
Balibar (1991), unlike Hall ([1996] 1989), rejects the validity of the concept of ethnicity
as fictive or a fabrication. This notion is vital in the creation of nation and the sustenance of
its population. He argues that:
no nation possesses an ethnic base naturally, but as social formations are nationalised,
the populations included within them, divided up among them or dominated by them
are ethnicised(Balibar 1991, 96).
These communities are represented both in the past and future as natural because of
common origins, interests and culture (Balibar 1991, 95-96). Additionally, this ethnicity is
produced within the institutions of language and race that continue to define relations among
communities in nation-states. For Hall ([1996] 1989), ethnicity is fundamentally linked to
identity formation, but Balibar (1991) argues it is an ideological institution produced by the
nation-state to control and maintain its population. It is in the maintenance of an ethnicised
nation that racist conduct tends to become naturalised and normalised within the discursive
technologies of the state. In this regard, Balibar argues, contemporary forms of racism are
based on cultural racism or cultural differentiation, and states neo-racism is:
a racism whose dominant theme is not biological hereditary but the insurmountability
of cultural differences, a racism which, at first sight, does not postulate the superiority
of certain groups or peoples in relation to others but only the harmfulness of
abolishing frontiers, the incompatibility of life-styles and traditions (Balibar 1991,
21).
Unlike Hall, Balibar locates racist conduct as inherent in the universalising project of
modernity. The functions and logics of normalising racist conduct is most effectively
explained by Balibar (1991) particularly in understanding contemporary forms of racism that
are hidden and covert. Though, Balibars analysis emerges from the undergoing changes in
the debates about nationalism and racism in France the broader question which occupies his
analysis most is whether the new racisms which we have been lately witness to [are] a
product of historical legacies or just a mere tactical adoption (Balibar 1991b, 17). Neoracism, for him, is a product of the inherent racism embedded in the universalism of the
bourgeoisie ideology, and, as such, exclusions and hierarchies are nothing new since racism
and sexism co-exist in a liberal system.

8
The arguments of Balibar (1991) need to be located within the context of how racist
conduct forms the basis of nationalist tendencies globally. Moreover a study on racialised
nationalism tends look at the Indian and Australian societies as sites, (re)producing new
possibilities for understanding the complex dynamic of social formations in local and
global contexts. The growing trends of migration and greater integration of global
economies has transformed the way nations perceive their roles. Winant (2000, 186) argues
that globalisation of capital and labour has reached a point where the empire strikes back, as
former neo-colonial subjects, now re-defined as immigrants, challenge the majoritarian
status of the formerly metropolitan group. The transformations brought about by migration
and the movement of people across transnational borders has facilitated in internationalising
and racialising (Winant 2000, 186) what seemed to be national cultures. This phenomenon
explains the global as well as local significance of the notion of race and its relationship to
nationalism.
A broad survey of race debates and, more importantly, the writings of Wallerstein and
Balibar (1991) propose to argue that the concept of nationalism, ethnicity and race were
inherent to the development of the modern nation-state. The divisions between ethnicity, race
and nationalism are not mutually exclusive. The linkages between these divisions have not
only been complex but also contingent on specific historical conditions to create conditions
for racialised nationalisms. Hence, the notion of neo-racism is significant in terms of how the
politics of representation and identity formation, with regard to the other or minority
communities, plays out in the Indian and Australian context. It is against this conceptual
background that the proceeding section briefly outlines aspects of Australian nationalism and
Indian nationalism that form the basis of the violence during the Cronulla riots of 2005 and
the Gujarat riots of 2002.
Mapping the Australian and Indian contexts
Australian Nationalism
The previous section provided a rationale for the global and comparative context in which the
Hindu and Australian nationalism can be analysed within the framework of racialised
nationalism. This section seeks to define how ethnicity, nationalism and race, which are
separate conceptual categories at one level, can be examined as interrelated units of analysis.
It foreshadows arguments that will seek to draw on how the concept of racialised nationalism,

9
and the politics of othering of the Muslim community in the Indian and the Australian
contexts operates.
In the Australian context, the Muslim/Lebanese1 other has been situated within debates
around multiculturalism, certain forms of exclusive Australian nationalism and growing fear
of the outsider, particularly in the post 9/11 context. The fear of the Muslim other paralleled
developments in many Western democracies, which coupled economic liberalism with
aggressive attacks against immigrants based on race and nationalism. This strategy formed
the cornerstone of Thatcherism and Reaganism (Gilroy 1987). In Australia, the intense social
and economic transformations of the late 1970s and 1980s had an impact not only on
immigration policy but also conceptions of race and nationalism. In many ways, they laid the
foundation for aggressive forms of othering, as demonstrated with the rise of Hansonism
(Stratton 1998) and the election of the John Howard government. Before examining the late
1990s and the impact of 9/11 on the process of Muslim othering in Australia, a brief outline
of the 1970s and 1980s is necessary.
The official renunciation of the White Australia policy and the introduction of the policy
of multiculturalism under the Whitlam government transformed the politics of immigration.
Additionally, the economic reforms implemented by the Hawke-Keating governments in the
1980s created winners and losers. This heightened anxiety among so-called ordinary
Australians who played an important role in defeating the Keating government (Manne
2004). Fear of Asian immigration and the Muslim other grew culminating with the rise of
Pauline Hanson in the mid-1990s. Hansons xenophobic attacks against Asian migrants and
other non-white migrants set the stage for an intense debate between proponents of
multiculturalism and certain forms of exclusive Australian nationalism. Furthermore, the
Howard governments failure to aggressively counter Hansonism acted as a catalyst in the
rising fear towards Asian migrants and the Muslim other. The politics of fear centred on
highlighting the cultural incommensurability of the other based on ethnicity, race and
nationalism.
If Hansonism of the mid-1990s sought to ignite fear of the other, the 9/11 attacks on the
World Trade Centre, the serial gang rapes attributed to Muslims (Maddox 2005, 166), and the
Tampa crisis shifted the focus on constructing the Muslim other as the inferior, uncivilised,
terrorist other. These events were constructed within discourses of us versus them and
tacit references to the cultural incompatibility of the Muslim other became commonplace.
During the Tampa crisis Howard argued that Australians could not be held hostage to our

10
own decency (cited in Perera 2002, 26). Howard later sought to exploit the paranoia towards
the Muslim other after the 9/11 attacks by linking asylum seekers and refugees to terrorism
(Allard & Clennell 2001, Sydney Morning Herald, November 8, 6). Despite claiming he had
no evidence to that effect Howard continued to assert that there is a possibility some people
having links with organisations that we don't want in this country might use the path of an
asylum seeker in order to get here (Allard & Clennell 2001, Sydney Morning Herald,
November 8, 6). Howards effective use of the politics of fear in the post 9/11 context set up
the discursive field of relations where the Muslim other was differentiated on themes of
ethnicity, race and nationalism.
In summary, the events in Australia from the mid-1990s to the 9/11 attacks indicate a
deliberate attempt by various state, for example, the Howard government, and non state
actors, such as talk back radio hosts like John Laws and Alan Jones, to justify and naturalise
racist conduct by raising the specter of us versus them and enabling cultural distances
between the dominant self and the other by basing it on ethnicity, race and nationalism.
Hindu Nationalism
In the Indian context the early post-independent phase saw the formation of the Jan
Sangh2 as a political organisation. Though it registered minor victories in the 1950s and
1960s, in 1977 the Jan Sangh as coalition member of the Janata Party assumed power. After
the fall of the Janata Party, the founders of the Jan Sangh decided to form a new political
formation, namely the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) (Indias Peoples Party). The
establishment of the BJP as a political force and its aggressive brand of Hindu nationalism,
the decline of the Congress and Nehruvian secularism coupled with other social and
economic transformations fostered the rise of various sectarian, ethnic and religious
movements, particularly in the 1980s.
The cultural/religious change of the 1980s acted as a catalyst to the dramatic rise of the
BJP. The fluid nature of the early 1980s provided the BJP and its extra-parliamentary
wingsthe Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP)
the opportunities to penetrate the social and cultural consciousness of everyday Indians. The
BJP leaders used the strong organisation and grass root base of the RSS to spread the
message of Hindutva at the societal level (Jaffrelot 1996). The political arena saw the BJP
arguing for an alternative to the redundant Congress. The serialisation of the Ramayana and
the Mahabharata was used cleverly by the BJP as a political strategy (Rajagopal 1993). The

11
BJP and its affiliates organised mass processions, distributed devotional songs, video
recordings, pamphlets, buttons, stickers, saffron armbands, shovels and coupons contributing
to public rituals. The retail Hindutva contributed to the commodification of the abstract and
other worldly nature of religion by creating and distributing religious symbols as matter of
day-to-day practice (Rajagopal 2001, 66). The popularity of the epic television serials and
the general discontentment with the Congress-led government led the BJP to emerge as a
strong political force that combined aggressive Hindu nationalism, economic liberalisation
and backward caste politics.
The rise of the BJP as a credible political alternative to the Congress for the first time
since independence, led Hindu religious practices to be defined as acts of national citizenship
(Rajagopal 2001, 67).Also it signalled a shift to an aggressive form of Hindu nationalism in
public discourse that sought to construct a homogenous national identity around the dominant
Hindu self as opposed to the Muslim other. The BJP and its affiliates combined economic
liberalisation with an aggressive form of Hindu nationalism to sustain and, importantly,
justify violence against the Muslim other.
The epochal events of the early 1990s like the Ram janmabhoomi (the birthplace of Lord
Rama) movement, the demolition of the Babri Masjid, and the Mandal commission agitations
proved influential in altering the politics of Hindu nationalism in India. The BJP not only
established its political dominance but also actively constructed the Muslim other as inimical
to a pan-Hindu identity. The Muslim other was considered as an enemy within (Lankala
2006, 88) because of the threat posed by Muslim terrorism, hypermasculinity, and
overfertility. Islamic religion was demonised and most Indian Muslims were considered
foreigners who should go back to Pakistan. The 9/11 attacks fuelled further suspicions against
the Muslim other. The BJP-led governments at the federal and state levels like Gujarat
continued to construct a discursive field of relations that sought to justify and normalise
violence against the Muslim community based on ethnicity, religion, race and masculinity. It
could be argued, the rise of the BJP as a major political force, the Babri Masjid demolition
and the 9/11 attacks fostered a rise in employing militant and discursive violence by various
state and non state actors when violence erupted between Hindus and Muslims in late
February 2002 in Gujarat.
In summary, the process of modernity, rapid globalisation and rise in ethno nationalisms
re-opened questions around the process of Muslim othering in India. These parallel but
contiguous changes in the Australian and Indian democracies shifted the focus on the basis of

12
discrimination of minorities. And the rise of Hindu nationalism highlights how the process of
cultural differentiation is central to the project of treating the Muslim other as a danger to
homogenous nationalism.

Conclusion
The main argument of this article is that discourses employing nationalism in the Australian
and Indian contexts seek to deliberately construct, sustain and re-produce cultural
differentiation between the dominant community and the Muslim other. And the strategy of
cultural differentiation rests on maintaining cultural distances between communities based on
ethnic, religious and racial incompatibility. This strategy is deployed through the
technologies of the modern nation-state which creates a unity based on fictive ethnicity. And
it is this inversion which creates a fragmented and limited discursive field in which prejudices
and subjugation of the Muslim other occur. It is the capacity of the modern nation state to
create structural and ideological barriers against the Muslim other that renders nationalism an
inherently racist concept. Hence, analysing nationalism more within a racialised sphere rather
than as markers of ethnicity or religion will help us draw global comparisons in a crosscultural context, namely the Indian and Australian contexts.

Reference List
Allard, Tom, and Andrew Clennell. "'Howard Links Terrorism to Boat People." Sydney
Morning Herald, November 8 2001.
Anthais, Floya. "'Connecting "Race" And Ethnic Phenomena." Sociology 26, no. 3 (1992):
421-38.
Anthais, Floya, and Nira Yuval-Davis. Racialised Boundaries: Race, Nation, Gender, Colour
and Class and the Anti-Racist Struggle. London: Routledge, 1993.
Back, Les, and John Solomos. "'Introduction: Theorising Race and Racism." In Theories of
Race and Racism, edited by Les Back and John Solomos, 1-32. London: Routledge,
2000.

13
Balibar, Etienne. "The Nation Form: History and Ideology." In Race, Nation, Class:
Ambiguous Identities, edited by Etienne Balibar and Immanuel Wallerstein, 86-106.
London: Verso, 1991.
Barker, Martin. The New Racism: Conservatives and the Ideology of the Tribe. London:
Junction Books, 1981.
Brubaker, Rogers. "Ethnicity, Race and Nationalism." Annual Review of Sociology 35,
(2009): 21-42.
Brubaker, Rogers, Margit Feischmidt, John Fox, and Liana Grancea. Nationalist Politics and
Everyday Ethnicity in a Transylvanian Town. Princeton: Princeton University Press,
2006.
Crook, Paul. Darwinism, War and History: The Debate over the Biology of War from The
"Origin of Species" To the First World War. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1994.
Friedland, Roger, and Richard Hect. "The Bodies of Nations: A Comparative Study of
Religious Violence in Jerusalem and Ayodhya." History of Religions 38, no. 2 (1998):
101-49.
Gilroy, Paul. There Ain't No Black in the Union Jack: The Cultural Politics of Race and
Nation. London: Hutchison, 1987.
Glazer, Nanthan, and Daniel Moynihan. Ethnicity, Theory and Experience. Cambridge,
Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1975.
Gobineau, de Arthur. The Inequality of Human Races. Translated by Adrian Collins. London:
Heinemann, 1915(1853-54).
Hage, Ghassan. Against Paranoid Nationalism: Searching for Hope in a Shrinking Society.
Annandale, Victoria: Pluto Press, 2003.
Hall, Stuart. "New Ethnicities." In Stuart Hall: Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies, edited
by David Morley and Kuan-Hsing Chen, 441-49. London: Routledge, 1996(1989).

14
Jaffrelot, Christopher. The Hindu nationalist movement and Indian politics: 1925 to the
1990s: strategies of identity-building, implantation and mobilisation (with special
reference to central India). Delhi: Viking, 1996.
Kant, Immanuel. On the Use of Teleological Principles in Philosophy. In Race, edited by
Robert Bernasconi, 37-56. Malden, Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishers, 2001(1788).
Lankala, Srinivas. "Mediated Nationalisms and ''Islamic Terror'': The Articulation of
Religious and Postcolonial Secular Nationalisms in India." Westminster Papers in
Communication and Culture 3, no. 3 (2006): 86-102.
Maddox, Marion. Under Howard: The Rise of the Religious Right in Australian Politics.
Crows Nest, New South Wales: Allen and Unwin, 2005.
Manne, Robert, ed. The Howard Years. Melbourne: Black Inc. Agenda, 2004.
Miles, Robert. Racism. London: Routledge, 1989.
Perera, Suvendrini. "A Line in the Sea: The Tampa, Boat Stories and the Border." Cultural
Studies Review 8, no. 1 (2002): 11-27.
Poynting, Scott, Greg Noble, Paul Tabar, and Jack Collins. Bin Laden in the Suburbs: Attacks
on Arab and Muslim Australians before and after 11 September. Sydney: Sydney
Institute of Criminology, 2004.
Rajagopal, Arvind. "The Rise of National Programming: The Case of Indian Television."
Media, Culture & Society 15, (1993): 91-111.
Rex, John. Race Relations in Sociological Theory. 2nd ed. London: Routledge and K. Paul,
1983.
Rex, John, and Sally Tomlinson. Colonial Immigrants in a British City: A Class Analysis.
London: Routledge and K. Paul, 1979.
Spencer, Herbert. "The Inadequacy of Natural Selection." Contemporary Review 64, no.
February-Match (1893): 153-66.
Stratton, John. Race Daze: Australia in Identity Crisis. Sydney: Pluto Press, 1998.
Studies(CCCS), Centre for Contemporary Cultural. The Empire Strikes Back: Race and
Racism in 70s Britain. London: Hutchinson, 1982.

15
Taguieff, Pierre-Andr. The Force of Prejudice: On Racism and Its Doubles. Translated by
Hassan Melehy. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2001(1987).
van der Veer, Peter. Religious nationalism: Hindus and Muslims in India, Berkeley :
University of California Press, 1994.
Wilson, Edward. Socio-Biology: The New Synthesis. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard
University Press, 1976.
Winant, Howard. "Theoretical Status of the Concept of Race. In Theories of Race and
Racism, edited by Les Back and John Solomos, 181-90. London: Routledge, 2000.

Poynting et al. (2004) argue that the Lebanese other, came to be constructed synonymously with the Muslim
other, particularly after September 11 2001 attacks.

The Jan Sangh was founded by S.P. Mookerjee in 1949. The Jan Sangh described itself as a party with a
difference[it] is not a party but a movement. It springs from the craving of the nation to come into its own. It
is the urge of the nation to assert and accomplish what it has been destined to (Jaffrelot 1996, 114).
2