Professional Documents
Culture Documents
OF THE
HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY
SELECT COMMITTEE
AGAINST
Submissions …………………………………………………………… 7
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KINGDOM OF SWAZILAND
Hon. Speaker
House of Assembly
Houses of Parliament
Mr. Speaker
On behalf of the Committee, I would like to take this opportunity to thank all those
who appeared before the Committee. Without their cooperation and views the work
of the Committee would have been an uphill task.
1.The Member who sparked the whole debate (Hon Mfomfo Nkambule)
2.Mover and Seconder of the Motion (Hon Madlenkhosi Dlamini and Hon
Clement Dlamini)
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9. SBIS journalist (Phesheya Dube)
10. Times Sunday Editor (Mr. Mbongeni Mbingo)
11. Official from the AGs Office ( Mr. Mndeni Vilakati)
Moreover, I would also like to thank the Hon. Members of the House for entrusting
us with such an enormous responsibility.
Yours Faithfully
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DECLARATION OF INTEREST
I, the undersigned
Hon. Dr Titus S. Thwala
1. I am a regular columnist in the Times Sunday, the very paper this report
investigates.
2. I have declared any involvement in this assignment to the Times Sunday Editor
and no objection was made
3. I declare that in consideration to the issues arising from the Terms of Reference,
I have applied my independent and professional mind. Advice that I provide herein
is to the best of my ability, independent and unbiased by my involvement or
knowledge of Journalistic spheres.
4. As at, and up to, the date of this report the entire contents of this report have
been kept confidential and I declare that no person other than the duly appointed
Committee Members of this assignment, had access to information herewith till
report is tabled in Parliament.
5. I then took a step further, by suspending my writing of articles for Times Sunday
till the report is presented to Parliament.
__________________________
Hon. Dr. Titus Thwala
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1.0 MOTION
To investigate the allegations that the article promotes division and animosity
among Members of the August House.
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4.0 SUBMISSIONS
The Hon. Mfomfo Nkambule told the committee that he approached the Speakers‘
office to raise a matter of Privilege as per the practice.
He told the Hon Speaker that he had carried out an investigation on certain people
in the corridors of power who were meeting at Nkhanini with a view to changing the
Constitution. He stated that this was a threat to the stability of the Kingdom and
the Minister should be asked to shed some light on the developments which were
undermining the authority and sovereignty of the legislature.
The Speaker agreed and told him that the minister might not be present as he was
reported to be indisposed. He was told that if the Minister did not show up he was
to continue to raise the matter in the House so that the Speaker would be
reminded to call the Minister to the House on the following day. Indeed the matter
was raised in the House, but could not proceed due to the absence of the minister.
He was accordingly advised to defer the matter pending the availability of the
minister.
They thanked the Committee for allowing them to present their point of view. Also
asserted that the Editor of the Times Sunday should be investigated for Contempt
of Parliament and putting the august House into disrepute.
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TERMS OF REFERENCE
They submitted that the Editor abused Freedom of Expression to insult Honourable
Members and bring the office of the Speaker into disrepute.
They argued that the Editor lacks basic understanding of Parliamentary Practice
and Procedure. He failed to understand that Hon Mfomfo Nkambule was ruled to
be out of Order for wrongly using Standing Order No 58 (Point of Priviledge)
instead of raising the matter through the established procedure.
3.0 To investigate the allegation that the article promotes division and
animosity among Members of the august House.
They strongly believed that the article did promote division and animosity among
Members of the august House.
They argued that the editor‘s article did not conform to ethics since it was
inaccurate and bias.
RECOMMENDATIONS:
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4.4 WRITTEN SUBMISSION MISA DIRECTOR (MR. COMFORT
MABUZA)
FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION
At no point does the content of this article fall under the limitations on freedom of
_expression listed in the Constitution. For media coverage of Parliament, it is
critical that limitations on freedom of _expression be narrowly defined. The very
basis of any democracy is informed communication between citizens and their
representatives. The media is the vehicle for this information and therefore need
broad reign to truly be the eyes and ears for the public.
Defamation
Given that the article in question is criticizing the actions of public officials, it does
not give reason to sue for defamation. Public officials should only pursue litigation
in relation to matters that clearly belong in the private sphere. Suing for criticism of
one‘s public functions is an instrument to restrict the media‘s reporting of politicians
and limit public scrutiny.
If public officials want to correct inaccurate or offensive media content, they should
exercise their right to reply. Determining matters of defamation is the exclusive
domain of the courts and Parliament should respect this separate role of the
judiciary.
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Contempt of Parliament
Training of Journalists
Journalists can best be compared to politicians who also must be versatile enough
to address a wide range of people‘s concerns. Neither is obliged to obtain training
or a license to do their job. With regard to specific training for parliamentary
reporters, as with all journalism portfolios the world over, specialization usually
occurs on the job.
RECOMMENDATIONS:
Parliament should repeal Standing Order 195 and cease seeking to punish
the media and others for offending the dignity of Parliament by criticizing the
institution or its members.
Public officials should tolerate criticism and scrutiny of their public functions
and not pursue litigation.
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Eligibility of media access to Parliament should be determined by the media
itself.
He said the article which appeared in the Times Sunday is judgmental in that it
questions the credentials of the Speaker of Parliament. No Editor of any country
should assume that he /she is equipped with knowledge to tell qualifications of an
officer selected by Member of Parliament. The whole notion of denigrating
parliament is a sign of disrespect for a duly constituted institution where national
matters are discussed. If criticism is done in the name of Press Freedom, it must
be remembered that whereas such freedom is contained in the constitution, it is
nevertheless limited. Press Freedom is one side of the coin- the other side is
respect for privacy and responsibility.
It must be remembered that some two years ago a Danish newspaper journalist
drew cartoons of Prophet Mohammed. This was done in the name of Press
Freedom. These cartoons failed to recognize respect for religion. Muslims around
the world labeled the cartoons as an offence punishable by death. The feelings
were that those responsible should be beheaded.
The cartoon controversy spread throughout the world one time threatened to cause
a Third World War. Various leaders said caricatures of Prophet Mohammed were
an attack on the spiritual values of Muslims. The leaders said should be a limit to
Press Freedom. The then British Foreign Secretary, Jack Straw said while he was
committed to press freedom ―I believe that the re-publication of these cartoons has
been insulting, it has been insensitive, it has been disrespectful and it has Muslims
….Inciting religious or ethnic hatred in this manner is not acceptable. Some
commentators said ―the real issue surrounding the Danish cartoons of the Prophet
Mohammed is hate speech and incitement to violence rather than freedom of
expression‖. The cartoons were seen as inflammatory, showing disrespect and
lack of moral maturity.
The Times Sunday article fell into the above category of lacking moral maturity and
lacking respect for Swazi tradition and custom. The article had uncalled-for satire
that cartooned Parliament. The language used was derisive and disdainful. It
portrayed Parliament as an institution that did not deserve respect. It certainly was
unSwazi and could not be protected by freedom of speech and or opinion.
In conclusion, the freedom of speech has limits in any society and should observe
traditions and culture of the society which it operates. Parliament and its
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committees should be given the respect it deserves. It cannot be labeled as a
Kangaroo Court at any stage of its operation. He stressed that this was not
suppose to be done by a journalist.
He thanked the committee for inviting him to a meeting that is of critical importance
to the role of the Media in society. He indicated that he would respond against
each Term of Reference. He also made a brief presentation on journalism ethics.
TERMS OF REFERENCE
Had difficulty in answering the question since he did not know much about the
editors
3.0 To investigate the allegation that the article promotes division and
animosity among Members of the august House.
He also declined to answer this Terms of Reference because he was not too sure.
TERM OF REFERENCE
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In a general response, he stated that freedom of expression is a fundamental
human right.
Could not answer the question since he did not know much about the Editor‘s
background.
3.0 To investigate the allegation that the article promotes division and
animosity among Members of the August House.
He thanked the committee for inviting him and he apologized that as a Government
Spokesperson he should have said something about the matter but he was away
with the Prime Minister in Ghana.
3.0 To investigate the allegation that the article promotes division and
animosity among Members of the august House
Stated that the article was divisive. He pointed out that the issue of
Parliamentarians and Speaker being called stooges is an insult to the entire nation
because the Honorable are chosen by the people.
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The article violated ethics moreso because it was subjective and very insultive to
Hon. Members.
RECOMMENDATIONS:
There must be a Media Bill which would guide the media houses
INTRODUCTION
The test applied in courts in other jurisdictions to determine what amounts to libel
is stated in the law1 which provides that –
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To this end, in order to determine whether an article is libelous, one needs to
consider the nature of the article in contention and answer the following questions
–
1. Is it the truth
2. Is it offensive
3. Is the article merely giving information to the general public or does it
amount to hate speech (one must also look at if the article can instigate
violence or adverse reaction from the general public)
4. Has the inherent right to dignity of the person(s) referred to in the article
been violated
On the question of whether the article under consideration is the truth, the Alaska
Supreme Court in the case of Elizabeth Pitka2 in reversing the verdict of the trial
court stated that the truth of a defamatory statement is an absolute defense to an
action of defamation.
The Supreme Court also ruled that the newspaper in this case should have had the
opportunity to raise the defense that the statements in the headlines were true.
Under the common law truth is an absolute defense and would constitute a
complete justification for the statements.
On the second question of whether the statement was offensive, the test applied in
this case is ―if statement is defamatory on its face, the law assumes that the
individual‘s reputation has been injured‖.
On the other hand, if the false statements are not defamatory per say, the injured
party must prove that he or she was directly harmed in some way by the
statements. To be defamatory, the false statements must relate to the individual‘s
professional performance. Once the statements are determined to be libelous then
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the amount of damages are decided based on how serious the plaintiff‘s reputation
was harmed.
Thirdly, in determining whether the article was merely giving information to the
general public or if it does amount to hate speech, one has to consider if the article
can instigate violence or adverse reaction from the general public. In the statement
of the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) it case of National Party
Vs Maharaj Kasrils and Mokaba,3 it was stated that
For speech to fall outside the protection of the Constitution it must comply with the
following requirements -
If the article was merely ―in pursuit of the truth, within the context of fair political
comment and in the public interest‖4 it might not be said to amount to hate speech.
In addition, if nothing in the article can be linked to or construed to be referring to a
―race ethnicity, gender or religions‖, then it cannot be said that the article
constitutes hate speech.
The final test, to determine if the article constitutes libel is that there must have
been a violation of the inherent right to dignity of the person(s) against which the
article was directed. Everyone has a corresponding duty to have the dignity of
others respected and protected.
3 Report in terms of Section 15 of the Human Rights Commission Act, 1994 (Act No 54 of 1994)
4 This was stated in the letter dated 28 May in the case of National Party Vs Mahraj Kasrils and
Makaba (see note 2 above).
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In the case stated above, it was contended that the inherent right of Mr. de Klerk
had been violated. This was also based on the fact that Mr. de Klerk is a senior
politician and, in a democracy as a leader of the opposition, he is entitled to
respect and dignity, which is in accordance with his status in society. Failure to
render such respect and honour would have grave consequences for the upholding
of democracy and the duty of trust that should be accorded to someone of his
stature.
The thrust of the complaint is that the complainants‘ right to have their dignity
respected has been impaired by the statements reported and that under these
circumstances; the right to human dignity should take precedence over the right to
freedom of expression. Alternatively, that the right to freedom of expression did
not extend so far as to justify an infringement of the right to dignity.
CONCLUSION
One must look at the general information being passed in the article to determine if
the article constitutes a libel. After a careful consideration of the position of the law
under other jurisdictions, it is settled that the law is clear on what constitutes a
libelous document.
Once this has been determined, the person(s) who‘s right has been violated by the
libelous article needs to prove that he or she has suffered substantial damage by
virtue of the violation before a meaningful compensation can be awarded by the
court of law.
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…that he didn‘t see the urgency in the matter that is simple to a grade 1 child…
―… The truth is that the MPs didn‘t have enough guts to go for someone else who
would handle this job properly, to this decision was to lament the lack of adequate
people to lead the legislators.‖
―…let me end by saying that perhaps the reason MPs couldn‘t tell the difference
and couldn‘t care less is that they are what could be the problem really, when they
don‘t even know the document?‖
… a man who must rally count himself lucky to occupy that position in the first
place
…It must be pointed out that Prince Guduza is lucky to occupy that seat because
the MPs failed to see the danger in getting him to replace S‘gayoyo Magongo.
… if prince Guduza displays such ignorance while still Speaker of the House, there
is no doubt in my mind that our Parliament would have also gone to the dogs.
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…but with the arrogance which he displayed this past week, he is showing us all
that he wouldn‘t be bothered what the rest of us think of him and how he carries his
job, so long as his cronies are satisfied.
…MPs couldn‘t tell the difference and couldn‘t care less is that they are clueless
when it comes to the constitution, a document which they supposedly approved.
3.0 To investigate the allegation that the article promotes division and
animosity among Members of the august House
It does not conform to ethics of journalism since it is bias and insultive. Also
put the Honourable House into disrepute. He took great exception to the use of
vulgar words like stooges to insult Honourable Members who are people‘s
representatives.
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1.0 To investigate the alleged abuse of Freedom of Expression to insult
Honorable Members and bring the office of the Hon Speaker into disrepute
3.0 To investigate the allegation that the article promotes division and
animosity among Members of the august House
Defending my opinion:
I am not a journalist, or writer, to pick a fight for the heck of it. I am normally also
very respective, aware of my boundaries and my responsibility as editor and Swazi
living (and always will be) in Swaziland. I do not write for the sake of it either. I do
write because there is a point to be made, and that there is an argument to be
stimulated. I don‘t often write because I want to simply start a debate, though I am
fully aware that one of the key things needed for a progressive and democratic
nation is dialogue and to stimulate debate is a move in that direction.
I have, over the years, learned that journalism does not allow journalists or editors,
carte blanche to write anyhow—at least responsible journalists and editors. Ours is
nation building, and to do that takes a lot of responsibility of the issues we write
about. I take a lot of responsibility in my writing, because that to me is how one can
earn respect for the job that he does.
This country, however, while having a constitution that grants us a bill of rights that
arguably compares with the rest of the world, still struggles to accept that this
document is the supreme law of the land that we all have to live by it. The
constitution offers us journalists and every living soul of this country, freedom of
expression, thought and opinion.
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But, it does not give that right without securing the next person‘s right, which is
simply to say the right to expression has its own boundaries. I for one, knows this
and live by it because we can‘t always be right, and we can‘t run roughshod over
other people‘s rights so that we enjoy ours.
Having said that, I must point out that ever since The House of Assembly agreed to
institute a probe to ascertain whether or not I had overstepped my boundary in my
article ‗Our Worst Fears Confirmed‘, I have looked at the article countless number
of times. I have read every word and paragraph and am still feel I was still within
reasonable bounds of freedom of expression. The article, which raised the furore
of Members of Parliament—and I now understand the Speaker of the House of
Assembly—did not tarnish the image of the House as it was alleged during the
debate in the House.
Rather, what the article served was to argue a certain point. The article was
topical, fair and well argued. It also was about an issue that concerned all Swazis
who were told to defend the constitution as their supreme law. I am one of those
people. When the king said he would be the constitution‘s number one defender,
he wasn‘t merely just saying that, or endorsing it (constitution), he was telling all of
us to take the constitution as ours and fight for it. So when the honourable Member
of Parliament Mfomfo Nkhambule raised his concern over a meeting that was
outside of Parliament but purporting to look into certain clauses of the constitution,
I had every right as a journalist, editor and Swazi to sit up and notice.
I certainly noticed his argument and call for explanation the first day he raised the
matter, and I supported the way that he felt the second day he raised the matter in
Parliament and was duly told to ‗shut up‘. The MP, it must be understood, used the
same standing orders when bringing into the house the motion. He was not told he
used the wrong standing orders. Rather what he was told was that the minister
responsible for that issue was out of the country due to health reasons, but as
soon as he returned, the MP would be at liberty to raise the matter.
Consequently, when the minister returned to Parliament the next time, the MP
stood on the same standing order to seek a response, as had been promised.
It was then that the Speaker could now say the MP‘s matter was not urgent, and
that he was quoting a wrong standing order.
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It was then that the MP retaliated emotionally and said he felt he was being
humiliated and made a fool. It was then that the MP argued the Speaker was
treating him unfairly. It was in that respect, therefore, that I approached my article,
and basing it in the manner the MP felt as a result of the treatment accorded him
by the MP. My point was to say the Speaker was wrong, and I substantiated my
reasons for it, hence the reason the article goes on to review how the Speaker was
appointed to that demanding position. The people, especially journalists, cannot be
fickle and therefore it is essential the background to his election to the position was
brought up.
Likewise, I reacted to the events in Parliament, by finding that the Speaker‘s action
was unfair towards MP Nkhambule. I felt it was wrong to say the matter was not
urgent because we were all aware by then that there was a meeting taking place at
Nkhanini and which we were told through Cabinet office, had something to do with
the constitution and in particular looking at clauses regarding the elections
commission and the boundaries commission.
The Swazi people, I argue, deserve to know what role the MPs, the legislators
elected by the people and who must speak for the people, play in this. This is why I
sided with MP Nkhambule in the urgency of the matter. However, I can accept a
counter argument from the Speaker on why the matter was not urgent, something I
felt the honourable Speaker could have pursued if he had felt the argument was
wrong. Such is what dialogue is about.
I also sided with the manner that MP Nkhambule felt he was treated, largely
because I had been aware that he had raised the matter previously, and therefore
could not understand why it was not being entertained when the minister was in
the House. I am aware of course that perhaps the Speaker exercised his right but
then again, this he could still say, without the need of a Parliamentary probe.
I should also point out that as politicians, the Speaker and the Members of
Parliament need to develop a thick skin to criticism because that is part and parcel
of their job. The press as the fourth estate must always do its job of keeping
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everyone on their tours, and therefore cannot be seen to be muzzled—which is
what it will look like when MPs disagree with an opinion to the extent of constituting
a probe. I have to conclude by pointing out of course, and reemphasizing the point
that there is no malice in my article, and there was non intended. There is only the
issue of taste, which can be the subject of another debate.
MPs can not start now disagreeing with the way people see things, that is not how
things work. I have attended several courses on political reporting, and everywhere
I go, I am schooled to hold politicians accountable for their actions. Public officials
must be more open to public scrutiny and they must tolerate comment and criticism
than ordinary citizens because they have sought and attained public office, they
use public money and they are supposed to be accountable to the public. Let me
also pint that the freedom to openly criticize and scrutinize public officials, be it
accurate or inaccurate criticism is a cornerstone of robust democracy.
Here, I did nothing wrong, and I find it absurd that we have wasted the public funds
to constitute a probe over a matter that would have needed a phone call from that
aggrieved person and in which he would have been allowed to voice his own
opinion. We are now governed by the constitution and we must all abide by it.
He thanked the Committee for the invitation and stated categorically that there was
no Contempt of Parliament in this case.
3.0 To investigate the allegation that the article promotes division and
animosity among Members of the august House.
He said that he was not too sure if the article did to promote division and animosity
among MPs.
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4.0 To investigate whether the article conforms to ethics of journalism
It does because it merely refers to something that happened and the Columnist
was expressing his personal opinion.
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Findings and Recommendations
1.1 It is the finding of the Committee that the Times Sunday Editor did
not abuse freedom of the press more so because he was
expressing his personal opinion.
2.1 It is the finding of the Committee that the Times Sunday Editor lacks a
basic understanding of Parliamentary Practice and Procedure. Worse
still, he does not comprehend the interpretation and the contextual usage of
Standing Order No 58.
2.2 The Committee recommends that the Rt. Hon Prime Minister together
with the Minister for Public Service and Information should consult
media stakeholders like the Media Institute of Southern Africa with the
view to holding workshops on Parliamentary Practice and Procedure for
journalists covering Parliament. Furthermore, should put in place
mechanisms for the accreditation of Parliamentary Reporters.
Thereafter, report progress within eight weeks.
3.1 It is the finding of the Committee that the comment of the Times
Sunday Editor did not promote division and animosity among Hon.
Members of the august House . It brought about different view points
which are a vital ingredient of a lively debate.
4.2 The Committee recommends that the Minister for Public Service and
Information together with media stakeholders should hold workshops on
the importance of Ethics of Journalism.
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Terms of Reference No 5
5.1 It is the finding of the Committee that media stakeholders have dragged
their feet in establishing a Self Regulatory Media Complaints
Commission that was recommended by a House of Assembly Select
Committee in 1997. The absence of such a Commission has denied the
public the fundamental right to lodge complaints and seek reddress on
issues of poor reporting.
5.2 The Committee recommends that the Minister for Public Service and
Information should pilot a Media Council Bill within eight weeks.
5.3 It is the finding of the Committee that there are inherent difficulties and
loopholes in the laws of Defamation and Libel that makes the process to
be arduous, time consuming and very expensive
5.4 The Committee recommends that the Minister for Public Service and
Information should pilot a bill within eight weeks dealing with issues of
defamation and libel in order to make the process less costly and more
expedient.
_____________________ _________________
HON. Dr T.T THWALA THANDO DLAMINI
COMMITTEE CHAIRPERSON COMMITTEE CLERK
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