Professional Documents
Culture Documents
c. 1890-c. 1940
Author(s): Michael Saler
Reviewed work(s):
Source: The Historical Journal, Vol. 46, No. 3 (Sep., 2003), pp. 599-622
Published by: Cambridge University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3133564 .
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SALER
Universityof California,Davis
Sincethelatenineteenth
Western
intellectuals
havetended
todepict'modernity'as
century,
with'enchantment'.
ThusMax Weberargued
thattwoaspectsintrinsic
to modernity,
beingincompatible
andbureaucratization,
rationalization
wereinimicalto themagicalattitudes
towardhumanexistence
that
medieval
andearlymodern
His
characterized
the
'iron
reason
echoed
the
thought. gloomyimageof
cage'of
andwasto berepeated
thetwentieth
fearsof earlierromantics
century.
bylatercultural
pessimists
through
This articlerecovers
a diferentoutlookthatemerged
the
duringthefin-de-siecle, onethatreconciled
rationalandseculartenetsof modernity
withenchantment
andthatunderlies
manyforms
of contemporary
cultural
Holmesis takenas an exemplary
practice.Thepopularity
of SirArthurConanDoyle'sSherlock
instance
modern
'animistic
of a specifically
First,Holmes'sownformofrationalism,
formof enchantment.
to thenarrower
instrumental
reasonthatcultural
claimedas a
reason',oferedan alternative
pessimists
element
at theturnof thecentury
andbeyond
wereable
Second,
defining
of modernity.
manyadultreaders
to pretendthatHolmeswas real,and his creator
the
'ironic
a more
imagination',
fictitious,through
andplayfulunderstanding
thanthatheldby the earlyVictorians.
capacious
Both
of the imagination
reasonandtheironicimagination
animistic
madeHolmesan iconicfigure
whoenacted
andrepresented
the
reconciliation
andenchantment,
whereas
resorted
of modernity
Doyle,unableto acceptthisreconciliation,
tospiritualism,
a holdover
enchantment.
of'premodern'
A B ST RA C T.
599
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600
MICHAEL
SALER
had already come under public criticism for his wholehearted adoption of spiritualism in I917, but with his acceptance of fairies even the spiritualists began to
keep their distance.3 In the 'Adventure of the chuclde-headed doctor', one of
Doyle's critics had Sherlock Holmes confess to being as baffled as the public: 'But
how,' Holmes asks, 'did a sober-minded and apparently abstemious doctor, last
seen at midnight at the National Sporting Club, come to be found at four a.m. on
the Mendip Hills, bereft of his wits and professing to have spent the night dancing
with fairies ? '4
The wonderful irony of this situation is that at the same time that Doyle was
criticized for claiming that fairies were real, many of his readers were claiming
that Sherlock Holmes was real. Indeed, Holmes was the first character in modern
literature to be widely treated as if he were real and his creator fictitious.5 Since
his appearance in The Strandmagazine in 1891, many either believed Holmes
existed or at least claimed that they did; and the interwar period witnessed an
outpouring of articles in prominent magazines, and books from respectable publishers, which treated Holmes and Watson as real individuals, and that never
mentioned Doyle. For example, scholarly 'biographies' of both Holmes and
Watson appeared in I932, inspiring equally scholarly reviews and leading articles
debating such fine points as which college Holmes attended or how many wives
Watson had. Looking back years later, the author of the Watson biography stated
he was 'amazed at the number of columns which editors allotted to reviews of
these two books '.6 He was not alone in his surprise. Doyle, who clearly was willing
to countenance many unusual ideas, nevertheless thought it was 'incredible how
realistic some people take [this imaginary character] to be'.7 G. K. Chesterton
observed, 'The real inference [of these works] is that Sherlock Holmes really
existed and that Conan Doyle never existed. If posterity only reads these latter
books it will certainly suppose them to he serious. It will imagine that Sherlock
Holmes was a man.'8
Was this simply a further peculiarity of the English? One English reviewer
thought so: 'Does anything puzzle a foreigner more ... than the enthusiasm with
which our learned men ... investigate the character and career of two purely
imaginary persons?'9 But the fancy that Holmes and Watson were real was an
international phenomenon. Americans also published articles and books treating
Doyle's characters as real. The SaturdayReview of Literatureunder Christopher
withauthors,
p. 231.
9Roberts,Adventures
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6oi
Morley's editorship in the I930s and 1940s published many pieces asserting the
reality of the characters; and even a mystery novel of 1940, Anthony Boucher's
The case of theBakerStreetIrregulars,could not resist injecting a note of realism into
the fictional proceedings: the dedication read 'All characters portrayed or
referred to in this novel are fictitious, with the exception of Sherlock Holmes, to
whom this book is dedicated.'10
Today we have little trouble pretending that fantastic characters exist, as Star
Trek fandom or concordances to The lordof theringsprove. But Sherlock Holmes
was the first fictional creation that adults openly embraced as 'real' while deliberately minimizing or ignoring its creator, and this fetishization of Holmes has
continued for over a century. There were other fictional characters preceding
Holmes who evoked considerable public interest, of course: Richardson's Pamela,
Goethe's Werther, and Dickens's Little Nell immediately come to mind. But the
Holmes cult was significantly different from the sporadic fads for these other
characters. Many readers identified directly with Pamela, Werther, and Little
Nell, all of whom were noted for their passionate sensibilities, which encouraged
sentimental identification; Holmes, on the other hand, is a distinctly fantastic
creation who provides little room for the affective release these other characters
elicited. And Holmes's fantastic nature, his apparent divorce from the concerns of
the mundane world, is not the only notable difference between him and these
popular precursors. The cult of Holmes focuses not just on a singular character,
but on his entire world: fans of the 'canon' obsess about every detail of the
fictional universe Doyle created, mentally inhabiting this 'geography of the imagination' in a way that was never true for the partisans of earlier characters.
(The desire to envisage this fictional world as autonomously 'real' is such that
many readers, particularly the self-professed Sherlockians, self-consciously ignore
the existence of its creator; meetings of the 'Baker Street Irregulars', for example,
deliberately avoid mentioning Doyle. Richardson, on the other hand, was often
invoked in the discussions and satires stemming from Pamela,just as Goethe and
Dickens were inextricably linked with their popular creations. These links tended
to preclude the characters from being mistaken as real, whereas there were many
readers who thought Sherlock Holmes actually existed, as will be discussed below.)
And the Holmesian phenomenon has continued for over a century, far longer
than the intermittent eighteenth-century vogues for Pamela, let alone the more
restricted generational enthusiasms for Werther, Little Nell, and others."
Sherlockian devotion is thus a departure from preceding public infatuations
with fictional characters, and a template for succeeding public infatuations for the
10 Green, ed., The SherlockHolmes letters,p. 40.
1 For an analysis of the eighteenth-century Pamela 'craze', seeJames Grantham Turner, 'Novel
panic: picture and performance in the reception of Richardson's Pamela', Representations,48 (1994),
pp. 70-96; T. C. Duncan Eaves and Ben D. Kimpel, Samuel Richardson:a biography(Oxford, I97I),
pp. II9-53. For an interesting exploration of the vogue for the late Victorian comic-strip character
Alley Sloper, see Peter Bailey, 'Ally Sloper's half-holiday: comic art in the I88o's', in Peter Bailey,
Popularcultureandperformancein the Victoriancity (Cambridge, I998), pp. 47-79.
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602
MICHAEL
SALER
characters and worlds ofJ. R. R. Tolkien, Star Trek, Star Wars, and so on: as
the New Tork Times reported recently, 'today there are hundreds of thousands,
perhaps millions of people, whose grasp of the history, politics and mythological
traditions of purely imaginary places could surely qualify them for an advanced
degree'.12 The popular fascination with Holmes commences this widespread
embrace of fictional and often fantastic worlds during the past century. The
question is, why Holmes?
There are several answers to this question, but the most important has to do
with the climate of cultural pessimism among intellectuals during the waning
decades of the nineteenth century and early decades of the twentieth. This
particular stance towards modernity was famously captured by Max Weber's
discussion of the 'disenchantment of the world', which he believed was the
consequence of capitalist instrumental rationality and the growth of the bureaucratic state. Many at the turn of the century mourned the apparent absence of
communal beliefs and higher ideals in an age that seemed dominated by positivism and materialism, and turned to alternative sources of spiritual sustenance.
These ranged from the nostalgic medievalism of the arts and crafts movement,
to a fascination with non-Christian beliefs and non-Western art, to attempts to
reconcile science and religion through spiritualism, occultism, and psychical
research.
However, these and other efforts to escape from the 'iron cage of rationality'
that Weber imputed to the modern West were uneasy compromises between the
past and the present that left many unsatisfied. 'Modernity' was widely associated
with progress towards the rational and away from the supernatural, and efforts
by believers to impart the veneer of scientific respectability to the supernatural
were frequently greeted with scepticism if not outright disdain by contemporary
commentators. Thus psychical research and spiritualism, both nineteenthcentury efforts at finding a via mediabetween science and religion, tended to be
marginalized by established science at the turn of the century. Several of the
prominent scientists in the Society for Psychical Research who supported spiritualism, such as Sir William Crookes, Sir W. F. Barrett, and Oliver Lodge, were
viewed by most of their professional peers as credulous believers who tried to
legitimate their faith with scientific rhetoric but without compelling scientific
evidence - just as Doyle's belief in fairies was to be viewed.l3 And while the
efflorescence of spiritualism at the popular level in Britain during and immediately after the Great War was an understandable emotive reaction to the
tremendous losses suffered by many, it too was often represented as a 'traditional'
12 A.
O. Scott, 'A hunger for fantasy, an empire to feed it', New fork Times(I6June 2002),
Section 2,
p. 26.
The other world: spiritualism and psychical research in England, I850-I9I4
13 Janet Oppenheim,
and magicalthinking,i88o-I920
(Cambridge, i985), pp. 338-97; Pamela Thurschwell, Literature,technology
(Cambridge,
2001),
p. 15.
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603
rather than 'modern' phenomenon (using the binary oppositions common to the
period) and one that was diminishing by the I930s.14
This is not to deny that the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries witnessed significant attempts to reconcile the traditional and the modern in Britain
and America, but only to emphasize the ambivalent and contested nature of these
efforts.15Among elites in Europe, a more categorical association between modernity and disenchantment had a long history, extending back to the seventeenth
century;16 despite acknowledging the advantages of modernity, by thefin-de-siecle
the discourse had become tinged with pessimism. Adherents of positivism,
materialism, and scientific as well as literary naturalism often presented a bleak
picture of human existence, governed by bestial instincts that were themselves
reducible to mere chemical and physical processes. Disenchantment was pronounced in the writings of cultural pessimists ranging from Arthur Schopenhauer
at
at the onset of the nineteenth century to Max Nordau, author of Degeneration,
the century's end. Perhaps proving that you can never get too much of a bad
thing, the discourse continued into the new century in the writings of Toynbee,
Spengler, Freud, and many others.
The character of Sherlock Holmes, however, represented and celebrated
the central tenets of modernity adumbrated at the time - not just rationalism and
secularism, but also urbanism and consumerism. The stories made these tenets
magical without introducing magic: Holmes demonstrated how the modern
world could be re-enchanted through means entirely consistent with modernity.
Because Holmes represented the values of modernity in ways that addressed the
criticisms of the cultural pessimists, he spoke to the dissatisfactions and hopes of
adults as well as to the imaginations of children. Like many of his readers, Holmes
yearned for enchantment, confessing to his 'love of all that is bizarre and outside
the conventions and humdrum routine of everyday life'. But Holmes was also
able to gratify his sense of wonder by embracing modernity, rather than turning
nostalgically to the past: 'for strange effects and extraordinary combinations we
14
AsJay Winterhas argued,'The GreatWar, the most "modern" of wars, triggeredan avalanche
of the "unmodern". One salient aspect of this apparent contradictionis the wartime growth in
sites of mourning:
the GreatWar in Europeanculturalhistory
spiritualism.'Jay Winter, Sites of memory,
(Cambridge,1998),p. 54. Terms like 'tradition' and 'modernity' are complex and not necessarily
mutually exclusive; there were significantefforts to reconcile the two by intellectualsin the nineinKafka,Benjamin,
teenth and twentiethcenturies.See RobertAlter,Necessasy
andmodernity
angels:tradition
and Scholem
scienceandreligion:thedebatein early(Cambridge,MA, I99I); PeterJ. Bowler, Reconciling
Britain(Chicago,2002); Bruno Latour, Wehaveneverbeenmodern,
trans.CatherinePorter
twentieth-century
(Cambridge,MA, I993). But this line of thought, arguably,was not the dominant one in Europe
duringthefin-de-siecle:
contemporariestended to see modernityand traditionas opposingone another.
SeeJ. W. Burrow, The crisis of reason:Europeanthought,i848-19i4 (New Haven, 2000), pp. 112-13.
15 Michael Saler, Theavant-garde
in interwar
modernism'
England:'medieval
andtheLondonunderground
(New York, I999).
16 LorraineDaston and Katherine Park, Wonders
andtheorderof nature:ii50-I750 (Cambridge,MA,
I998).
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604
MICHAEL
SALER
must go to life itself, which is always far more daring than any effort of the
imagination' 17
Sherlock Holmes became a modern icon partly because he utilized reason in a
manner magical and adventurous, rather than in the purely instrumental fashion
that many contemporaries feared was the stultifying characteristic of the age.18
He expanded the definition of rationality beyond a narrow, means-ends instrumentalism to include the imagination - he calls his procedure 'the scientific use of
the imagination'9- resulting in a more capacious concept that can be termed
'animistic reason' because it imbues its objects with meaning. It was through his
animistic reason that Holmes the private detective bested professional detectives
on cases, as he himself admitted. (In one case he confides to Watson that 'Inspector
Gregory, to whom the case has been committed, is an extremely competent
officer. Were he but gifted with imagination he might rise to great heights in his
profession.')20 Holmes solved cases by relating seemingly discrete facts to a more
encompassing and meaningful configuration, whose integuments were derived
from a combination of rigorous observation, precise logic, and lively imagination.
The professional investigators whom Holmes trumps in these cases tend to be
unimaginative positivists who miss everything that is not presented directly before
their senses, or are unable to interpret creatively those facts that are:
'Is there any point to which you would wish to draw my attention?'
'To the curious incident of the dog in the night-time.'
'The dog did nothing in the night-time.'
'That was the curious incident', remarked Sherlock Holmes.21
17 Arthur Conan
Doyle, The completeSherlockHolmes (New York, I992), p. I76.
18
While many nineteenth-century writers feared that positivism excluded the imagination as a
legitimate source of knowledge, a closer reading of the positivists themselves reveals that several were
less antagonistic towards art and the imagination than their contemporaries gave them credit for. See
Peter Allen Dale, In pursuit of a scientificculture:science,art, and societyin the Victorianage (Madison, WI,
1989); Jonathan Smith, Fact and feeling: Baconian science and the nineteenth-centuyliterary imagination
(Madison, WI, 1994). And the turn towards idealism in late Victorian intellectual culture also gave
wider sway to the imagination than was to be found among the scientific naturalists and materialists;
see Bowler, Reconciling,pp. i8-I9. Nevertheless, the dominant discourse of mid- to late nineteenthcentury positivists, materialists, scientific naturalists, and cultural pessimists associated Western modernity with a narrow form of rationality inimical to wider sources of meaning, and this pervasive
association of modernity with disenchantment continued to be perpetuated among intellectuals in
Europe and America through the twentieth century: 'To be a member of a modern elite is to regard
wonder and wonders with studied indifference; enlightenment is still in part defined as the antimarvelous.' Daston and Park, Wonders,p. 368. In recent years, however, a number of scholars have
attempted to redress this discourse by demonstrating ways in which modernity can be reconciled with
enchantment. SeeJane Bennett, The enchantment
of modernlife: attachments,crossings,and ethics(NewJersey,
2001); Kelly Besecke, 'Speaking of meaning in modernity: reflexive spirituality as a cultural resource',
Sociologyof Religion,62 (2001), pp. 365-8i; James Cook, The arts of deception:playing withfraud in the age of
Barnum (Cambridge, MA, 2001); Simon During, Modern enchantments:the culturalpower of secularmagic
(Cambridge, MA, 2002); Edward A. Tiryakian, 'Dialectics of modernity: reenchantment and dedifferentiation as counterprocesses', in Hans Haferkamp and NeilJ. Smelser, eds., Social changeand
19
Doyle, The completeSherlockHolmes, p. 687.
modernity(Berkeley, CA, I992), pp. 78-93.
21 Ibid.,
20
Ibid., pp. 338-9.
p. 347.
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605
Holmes's dramatic use of animistic reason was the mass culture exemplification
of a complex of ideas that circulated as part of the fin-de-sieclerevolt against
the dominant discourses of positivism, materialism, and scientific naturalism. In
creating Holmes, Doyle had been influenced by earlier writers, such as Edgar
Allan Poe andJules Verne, whose tales linked the processes of ratiocination with
an imaginative sense of wonder, and many of Doyle's contemporaries - figures as
diverse as Friedrich Nietzsche, Henri Bergson, Oscar Wilde, Ernst Mach, Henri
Poincare, and William James - were among those who maintained that reason
and the imagination were inextricable.22 By insisting on the integration of
reason and the imagination, these thinkers - and popular icons such as Holmes gainsaid the fashionable cultural pessimism of the period and made it possible to
see modernity and enchantment as compatible rather than antagonistic.
At the level of mass culture, this effort took on momentum with the increasing
popularity of detective fiction in the wake of Holmes. It was aided by the establishment of'science fiction' as a defined literary genre in 1926, when Hugo
Gernsback published Amazing Stories in America, the first magazine devoted
entirely to what he initially termed 'scientifiction'.23 An early contributor to
Amazing Storieshighlighted the role that Gernsback intended this new genre to
play in breaking down the seeming antagonism between reason and imagination,
modernity and enchantment: 'Scientifiction is the product of the human imagination, guided by the suggestion of science. It takes the basis of science, considers
all the clues that science has to offer, and then adds a thing that is alien to
science - imagination. 24 While writers like Poe and Verne and the later genres
of detective and science fiction celebrated the romance of reason, providing an
antidote to the narrower construal of rationality so pervasive at the time, it was
arguably Holmes who made this romance most explicit and attractive to a mass
reading public in sixty narratives published over the course of four decades.
These tales made analysis an adventure, quotidian facts an infinite source of
wonder: 'Depend upon it,' insists Holmes, 'there is nothing so unnatural as the
commonplace.'25 When Watson suggests that Holmes's analytical methods are
the most exciting aspects of the stories he narrates, Holmes demurs: 'Pshaw, my
dear fellow, what do the public, the great unobservant public, who could hardly
tell a weaver by his tooth or a compositor by his left thumb, care about the finer
shades of analysis and deduction! 26 Perhaps this was true before Holmes came
into their lives. But it was his example that helped thousands of readers to perceive
the romance of reason, ranging from elites disillusioned with the instrumentalized,
means-ends form of cognition that seemed to embody the spirit of the age, to
22
For a discussionof intellectualswho tried to fuse the 'two cultures'of science and art, see Wolf
andscience:theriseof sociology
Lepenies,Betweenliterature
(Cambridge,I988).
23 The phrase 'science fiction' and the first magazine devoted to it were establishedin America
by the Luxembourg immigrant Gernback. AmazingStorieswas established in I926 to publish
'scientifiction';Gernsbackmodified the ungainlyphrase to 'science fiction' in I929.
24
Jack Williamson, 'Scientifiction, searchlightof science', Amazing Stories Quarterly, I (1928),
P. 435.
26
Ibid., p. 317.
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MICHAEL
SALER
ordinary readers who might not have associated reason with disenchantmentbut probably did not associate it with enchantment, either. After encountering
Holmes, many of them did.
Indeed, numerous fans of the great detective emulated his own methods by
bringing their intellects and imaginations to bear on Doyle's stories, scrutinizing
every particular as if Holmes himself was a mystery that had been presented to
them to solve. Some actually believed that Holmes existed- 'naive believers'but most were 'ironic believers', who were not so much willingly suspending
their disbelief in a fictional character as willingly believing in him with the doubleminded awareness that they were engaged in pretence. Since the Enlightenment,
belief in imaginary beings had been relegated to an immature stage of development, one more suited to children, the lower classes, or 'primitives' than to
bourgeois adults. But thefin-de-sieclerecognition that perceived reality was to some
extent an imaginative construct, and that reason itself was beholden to imaginative insights and desires, made indulgence in the imagination more permissible:
one could actively believe, albeit ironically, in fictions, rather than merely suspending one's disbelief in accordance with Coleridge's formulation. By emulating
Holmes's deployment of animistic reason, adults could immerse themselves
in imaginary worlds without relinquishing their practical reason: they could
'believe' in Holmes in an 'enchanted' yet still rational way. The Times noted in
i932 that the authors who treated Holmes and Watson as real did so with the
greatest sobriety, but that this was 'only their fun the single-minded fun of
spiritually young Sherlockians at play'.27
'Play' was precisely what many cultural pessimists thought had been driven out
of the modern world by the ineluctable advance of an impoverished instrumental
reason. Johan Huizinga, in his classic survey of the role of play in the creation of
civilization, Homo ludens(I938), ended on a morose note: 'More and more the sad
conclusion forces itself upon us that the play-element in culture has been on the
wane ever since the eighteenth century. '28But the widespread 'belief' in Sherlock
Holmes is a telling illustration that precisely the opposite situation existed in
Western culture at the very time Huizinga was writing. With the wider acceptance of the interrelations between reason and imagination in everyday life, as well
as the extension of leisure and the spectacularization of culture in the forms of
mass literature, films, and radio, individuals were both encouraged and enabled
to play without relinquishing their grip on reality.29 The double-minded consciousness of the 'ironic imagination' accompanied these intellectual and social
changes; rational adults could immerse themselves in imaginary worlds of mass
culture without mistaking these worlds for reality because between thefin-de-siecle
and the interwar period these adults had become highly conscious of the artifices
that comprise human subjectivity and 'reality' itself.
27
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607
Thus a widespread form of modern rationality has become the animistic reason
employed by Sherlock Holmes, and a prevailing form of the modern imagination
is the ironic imagination deployed by many of his devotees. Together they contribute to a particular form that enchantment takes in the modern period. The
conceptual intertwining of reason and imagination in the twentieth century yields
modern, secular enchantments that replace the supernatural enchantments of
the premodern period: as Richard Rorty argues, the progressive disenchantment
of the world through science 'force[s] us to the conclusion that the human
imagination is the only source of enchantment'.30 Modern enchantments are
enjoyed as constructs in which one can become immersed but not submerged.
Rationalist scepticism is held in abeyance, yet complete belief is undercut by
an ironic awareness that one is holding scepticism at bay. Cultural pessimists have
frequently criticized mass culture as a form of false consciousness or dismissed
it as a pernicious escape from reality. While both of these positions can have
a measure of truth, depending on the situations they discuss, neither takes into
account the buffering roles of animistic reason and the ironic imagination, which
inhibit complete acceptance or acquiescence into any particular cultural construct. This rational and ironic stance distinguishes modern enchantment from
earlier forms of enchantment: the distinction, as we shall now see, between
Conan Doyle's premodern belief in preternatural fairies, and his readers' modern, ironic belief in the fictional Sherlock Holmes.
I
Many of the early readers of the Sherlock Holmes stories assumed that the author
must share those attributes that made Holmes so quintessentially modern: his
secularism, his rationalism, his scepticism. But from an early age Doyle had
expressed ambivalence about modernity. He had been raised as a Catholic and
educated by Jesuits, but as a young man he renounced Catholicism and gravitated toward the rationalist and positivist stance of his medical school instructors
at the University of Edinburgh. Yet he was not comfortable with modern atheism
and materialism either; his disenchantment with these aspects of modernity, and
dissatisfaction with agnosticism, led him to explore spiritualism beginning in
1886, a year before he wrote the first Holmes story. His spiritualist convictions
increased over the decades, and he announced his full-fledged conversion to
spiritualism in I9I7 (before either his son or his brother were killed in the Great
War).
The Holmes stories reflect Doyle's ambivalence about modernity. Twentiethcentury critics often argue that Holmes's continued popularity is partly due to
the nostalgic vision of the late Victorian era the stories convey: T. S. Eliot, for
example, claimed that 'Sherlock Holmes reminds us always of the pleasant
30 Richard
Rorty, TimesLiterarySupplement,3 Dec. i999, p. II.
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MICHAEL
SALER
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609
medieval romances The WhiteCompanyand Sir Jigel. Doyle was not simply bored
with Holmes, as he himself maintained; rather, Holmes's ambivalences about the
modern world were those of his creator, but Holmes's solution - the use of reason
to re-enchant the world - was not one that Doyle found possible. Like Holmes,
Doyle had been trained to be analytical and sceptical, but unlike Holmes (as far
as we can tell), Doyle had also been brought up in a religious environment, and
he continued to crave the unambiguous certainties, along with the traditional
mysteries, that religion provided. Thus Doyle converted to the faith of spiritualism in 1917, and in I920 eagerly accepted
the photographic
evidence
of fairies:
'these little folks ... will become familiar', he proclaimed in his article for The
Strand.'The recognition of their existence will jolt the material twentieth-century
mind out of its heavy ruts in the mud, and will make it admit that there is a
glamour and a mystery to life.'39 But Doyle's belief in fairies and supernatural
spirits, a premodern form of enchantment, no longer had a future. Instead, many
of his readers believed in Sherlock Holmes as a way to re-enchant the modern
world without rejecting the secular and sceptical tenets of modernity.
II
Many readers of the Holmes stories no doubt took them as little more than
entertaining fictions, but Holmes also found readers who believed in his existence
from his earliest appearance. After the second Holmes story was published in
1890,
actually wrote to
me under cover to you, to ask me where he could get a copy of the monograph in
which Sherlock Holmes described the difference in the ashes of I40 different types
of tobacco'.40 There were two types of Holmes believers: the 'naive believer' and
the 'ironic believer'. Let me take each in turn.
The naive believer genuinely believed that Holmes and Watson were real. The
press had field days reporting on these naive believers, who wrote letters to
Holmes requesting his assistance or scoured Baker Street looking for his residence.
Doyle received numerous letters addressed to Holmes, as did the magazines that
ran the stories.41 Some responded coyly to their earnest enquirers; in 1892 the
penny weekly Tit-Bits remarked, 'Buttons wishes to know whether Sherlock
Holmes, the detective genius ... is or is not an actual person. We cannot positively
say ... [I]f...
we shall then
39 Doyle, The comingof thefairies, p. 32. Doyle's Uncle Richard was a famous illustrator, who was
known for his depictions of fairies; his father, Charles, had also been interested in fairy lore, and drew
fairies while he was confined to a sanitarium. Arthur Conan Doyle's willingness to believe in fairies
may thus have had personal as well as spiritual origins. See Martin Booth, The doctor,the detective,and
ArthurConanDoyle: a biographyof ArthurConanDoyle (London, I997), p. 321.
40 Green, ed., The SherlockHolmes letters,p. 4.
41 The General Post Office continued to receive letters for Holmes through the I950s. Booth, The
Doctor, p. I II.
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6TO
MICHAEl.
SALTER
12.
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'CLAP
IF YOU
BELIEVE'
G6iI
who
Indeed, Doyle was one of several prominent writers of the fin-de-siecle
reacted against the dominance of literaryrealismby artfullycombining the empiricism and apparentobjectivityof the realistswith the imaginativefabulations
of the early nineteenth-centuryromantics.Followingthe precedentsset by Edgar
Allan Poe andJules Verne, writerslike Doyle, H. Rider Haggard, Robert Louis
Stevenson,RudyardKipling, Bram Stoker,H. G. Wells, and others clothed their
fantastictales in the guise of realism,creatingthe genre of the New Romance.51
48
(Cambridge, I999), p.
I2.
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6I2
MICHAEL
SALER
52
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'CLAP
IF YOU
BE,IEVE6
6I3
61
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The writers were some of the most prominent figures in Britain and America,
including journalists like Desmond MacCarthy and Christopher Morley, novelists
like Dorothy Sayers and Vincent Starrett, academics likeJacques Barzun, broadcasters like Elmer Davis, and businessmen like Edgar Smith, the vice-chairman
of General Motors. In I934 Sherlock Holmes Societies were formed on both sides
of the Atlantic, to pursue these studies and to celebrate the memory of the greatest
detective who ever 'lived'. Morley, during his tenure as an editor at the Saturday
Review,used the weekly journal to promote this conceit to a wide audience.
The aspect of Holmes that made him into a modern icon for all those who
professed belief in him, to whatever degree, was that he re-enchanted modernity
without compromising the central tenets of modernity: rationalism, secularism,
urbanism, mass consumerism. He made reason magical, the prosaic poetic. He
believed that every detail of modern life, ranging from the footprints of a giant
hound to advertisements in mass circulation newspapers, was charged with
meaning.64 By I920, Doyle no longer believed that; only the existence of the
supernatural could imbue modernity with enchantment. But Holmes, and the
conventions of the mystery genre he stood for, could assuage the modern craving
for the magical without ever reverting to the supernatural. In a 1942 interview
Jacques Barzun stated, 'We believe in Holmes because he believes in science and
we do too.'65
But Holmes's science of observation was not the same as positivistic science.
It re-enchanted the world by imbuing everything with hidden import. Holmes
demonstrated that profane reality could be no less mysterious or alluring than the
supernatural realm; the material world was laden with occult significance, which
could be revealed to those with an observant eye and logical outlook. When
Watson remarks that Holmes has made deductions based on clues 'quite invisible
to me', Holmes replies in exasperation, 'not invisible but unnoticed, Watson. You
did not know where to look, and so you missed all that was important. I can never
bring you to realize the importance of sleeves, the suggestiveness of thumb-nails,
or the great issues that may hang from a boot-lace.'66 While Holmes is obviously
gifted in his powers of observation, the implication of the tales is that such skills
can be practised by anyone. In 'The red-headed league', this democratic message
is made explicit. The client of this tale is initially dumbfounded when Holmes
scrutinizes him and determines that the man has engaged in manual labour,
takes snuff, is a Freemason, has visited China, and has recently done a great deal
of writing. Holmes then explains how he deduced each point from the man's
appearance, and the client is pleasantly surprised at the apparent simplicity of the
detective's methods: 'I thought at first that you had done something clever, but
I see that there was nothing in it, after all.' The client reveals his ignorance, of
64 Franco Moretti suggests that Doyle's detective stories may have become canonical, unlike those
of his rivals, because of Doyle's novel emphasis on the use of clues in the narrative. Franco Moretti,
'The slaughterhouse of literature', Modem LanguageQuarterly,6i (2000), pp. 207-27.
66
65 Shreffler, ed., BakerStreet,p. 26.
Doyle, The completeSherlockHolmes, p. I96.
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615
course, since Holmes is supremely clever, but readers could nevertheless share
his delight that the method is accessible to the common individual. Watson's
occasional successes in its practice are further confirmations of this enchanting
notion.
G. K. Chesterton readily perceived both this reinscription of supernatural
glamour into the profane world, and the democratic implications of the mystery
genre Doyle helped establish. A fan of the great detective, Chesterton argued in
I9OI that mysteries were the modern equivalent of fairy-tales that encouraged
ordinary readers to perceive marvels in the commonplace:
No one can have failed to notice that in these storiesthe hero or the investigatorcrosses
London with somethingof the lonelinessand libertyof a prince in a tale of elfland,that in
the course of that incalculablejourney the casual omnibusassumesthe primarycoloursof
a fairy ship ... It is a good thing that the average man shall fall into the habit of looking
imaginativelyat ten men in the street even if it is only on the chance that the eleventh
might be a notorious thief.67
Contemporaries agreed with Chesterton, arguing that the Holmes tales should
not be considered mere escapism, because they encouraged readers to emulate
Holmes's rational scrutiny of everyday life. Writing to Tit-Bits in 1894, one
physician said that the stories 'make many a fellow who has before felt very
little interest in his life and daily surroundings, think that after all there may be
much more in life, if he keeps his eyes open, than he has ever dreamed of in his
philosophy'.68 Tit-Bits reported on readers like F.W.B. who 'has been applying
the principles of this great detective in various matters connected with actual
private life'.69
69
Holmesletters,
Green, ed., TheSherlock
p. 79.
Tit-Bits, 28 (I895).
70
Blakeney, SherlockHolmes, p.
I20.
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MICHAEL
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III
Thus Holmes became an icon of modernity precisely because he served as an
example of, and provided the means to, re-enchant the modern world. By combining reason and imagination in a tight synthesis he was able to vivify inert facts
and reveal underlying correspondences; his readers could apply this example of
animistic reason to their own lives, and many - the ironic believers - certainly
applied it to the Holmes canon itself. In so doing, they helped to legitimate the
71 David Frisby, Fragmentsof modernity:theoriesof modernityin the work of Simmel,Kracauer,and Benjamin
(Cambridge, MA, I990). For a response to this fear by German scientists who turned to biological
holism in the interwar period as a way to reconcile modernity and enchantment, see Ann Harrington,
Reenchantedscience:holismin GermanculturefromWilhelmII to Hitler (NewJersey, I996).
72 Green, ed., The SherlockHolmes letters,pp. 78-79.
73 Shreffler, ed., BakerStreet,p. 39.
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617
idea that Western adults could indulge their imaginations without losing their
reason - indeed, by engaging in such imaginative play they could bring the two
together, as Holmes himself did.
There were those who were not amused by the spectacle of respectable,
rational, and seemingly responsible adults devoting their leisure to the fiction that
Holmes was not a fiction. Arthur Conan Doyle's son Denis, trustee of the Doyle
Estate, indicated his 'grave disapproval' when he attended a Baker Street Irregulars (BSI) dinner in 1940. According to one account, he listened with perplexity
to the numerous toasts to Holmes, and to the short papers explicating aspects
of Holmes's life. Turning to a BSI member, he whispered, 'I don't understand
this! My father's name has not been mentioned.' The member explained that
this was the highest compliment an author could obtain: not even Shakespeare
created characters that were seen as more real than their creator. When Doyle
asked the member what exactly the BSI saw as his father's role, he was told
that his father was usually referred to as Watson's literary agent.74 By the end of
the decade Denis and his brother Adrian were sending messages to the BSI to
'Cease, Desist, and Disband. '75
While Doyle's sons had a certain proprietary interest in establishing that
Holmes was fictional and their father factual, there were others who felt that the
spectacle of adults pretending to believe in a fictional character was unbecoming.
Edmund Wilson bluntly called the phenomenon 'infantile',76 and S. C. Roberts
recalled that when news of his election as president of the Sherlock Holmes
Society was published in The Times of London, he received a chiding letter from
an old friend: 'I could hardly believe the evidence of my eyes when I read about
[your election]. Sherlock Homes and Watson were two ficti[t]ious characters
invented by Conan Doyle. All there is about these two invented people is what
Conan Doyle wrote. There is nothing more to it and very little at that!'77
But this was a residual Victorian understanding of how responsible adults
should behave. By the early twentieth century there was an increasing recognition
by artists and intellectuals of the constitutive role of the imagination in perceptions of reality: a new, 'aestheticist' episemology that gave adults greater latitude
to indulge their imaginations than had been the case in the early to mid-nineteenth
century. Friedrich Nietzsche, Oscar Wilde, Stephane Mallarme, and William
James extolled the fictive aspects of existence; emblematic of this turn of thought
was the I911 publication of Thephilosophyof' as if', a manifesto of' Fictionalism' by
the philosopher Hans Vaihinger, in which he discussed the prevalence and utility
of fictions in science and in everyday life.78 We are accustomed to think of this
'aesthetic turn' at the turn of the century in terms of elite culture, but it is also
74
memories
anarchival
Jon L. Lellenberg,ed., Irregular
ofthethirties:
history
of theBakerStreet
Irregulars'first
decade,I930-1940
75
Ibid., p. 253.
76
77
p. 5.
Shreffler,ed., BakerStreet,
Roberts,Adventures,
p. 231.
78 Hans
of 'as if' a systemof the theoretical,
Vaihinger, Thephilosophy
practicaland religious
fictionsof
trans. C. K. Ogden (I9II; London, I924 edn).
mankind,
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MICHAEL
SALER
found in the popular literature of the period. While aesthetes were turning to
formalist works of art as a way to escape a disenchanted world, mass culture was
providing ordinary readers with equally autonomous worlds of the imagination
that gratified the sense of wonder without denying modernity. Using terms similar
to those used by contemporary aesthetes, Robert Louis Stevenson described
how reading popular fiction can transport readers into a separate sphere of consciousness:
The process itself should be absorbingand voluptuous;we should gloat over a book, be
wrapt clear out of ourselves,and rise from the perusal, our mind filled with the busiest,
kaleidoscopicdance of images, incapableof sleep or of continuousthought. The words, if
the book be eloquent, should run thenceforwardin our ears like the noise of breakers,or
the story, if it be a story, repeat itself in a thousand coloured pictures to the eye. It was
for this last pleasure that we read so closely and loved our books so dearly in the bright
troubledperiod of our boyhood.79
Stevenson's recollection of his childhood reading reminds us that the autonomous worlds of the imagination created by both modernist and popular writers
during the fin-de-sieclewere indebted to the genesis of children's literature as a
genre beginning in the i86os - the new genre itself marking the decline of earlier
Victorian evangelical and utilitarian strictures against the indulgence of the
imagination.80 Works by Charles Kingsley, George MacDonald, Lewis Carroll,
and others absorbed their young readers in autotelic worlds of fantasy, and the
generation that came of age in the i88os was anxious to recapture the enchanted
spheres they had inhabited in their youth.81 Many of the authors of the New
Romance of the i88os and i89os, such as Doyle, Stevenson, Haggard, and
Kipling, intended their fiction to restore the enchantments of their own childhood
reading; and their novels, replete with maps, photographs, and footnotes, combined realism and romance in a knowing, ironic manner acceptable to rational,
responsible adults no less than children. (Doyle famously dedicated The lost world
(1912) 'To the boy who's half a man/Or the man who's half a boy.') Such works
appealed to a fin-de-sieclereadership that had been acclimated in childhood to
inhabiting imaginative worlds as well as mundane reality, just as their forebears
had lived in worlds at once sacred and profane.
The illusions created by this attention to realist detail did more than heighten
the 'reality effect' and induce the willing suspension of disbelief: they allowed
rational readers to become immersed in these fantastic worlds, while at the same
time maintaining an ironic distance - to remain rational and enchanted simultaneously. The influence and practice of these writers continued through the next
century. J. R. R. Tolkien, for example, created in his The lordof theringsa fictional
79 Edward Salmon, Juvenile literatureas it is (London, I888), p. 105.
80 For
eighteenth- and nineteenth-century concerns about the moral and spiritual effects of reading
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6I9
universe that rivals in popularity that of the Holmes canon. In his I938 discussion
of fantastic literature, Tolkien argued that modern readers would accept autotelic
'Secondary Worlds' of 'arresting strangeness', provided that these worlds were
also logically and internally consistent. Like the writers of the New Romance,
Tolkien's works exemplified a form of animistic reason, combining rationalist
and aestheticist outlooks. (He also outdid his predecessors when it came to the
incorporation of maps, glossaries, and other paratextual apparatus.) He insisted
that 'fantasy is a rational not an irrational activity'; that 'it does not either blunt
the appetite for, nor obscure the perception of, scientific verity. On the contrary.
The keener and the clearer is the reason, the better fantasy will it make.' While
rational, the modern enchantments found in fantastic literature are also allied to
aesthetic formalism: 'Enchantment produces a Secondary World into which both
designer and spectator can enter, to the satisfaction of their senses while they are
inside; but in its purity it is artistic in desire and purpose. '82
Another interwar author who has attracted a wide and devoted following,
the American writer of 'cosmic fiction' H. P. Lovecraft, echoed this definition.
Lovecraft was an agnostic and materialist, and stated that he wrote his tales of
cosmic wonders and terrors in order to re-enchant modernity without denying its
secular and rational foundations. While an adherent of modern scientific thought,
he also thought of himself as a symbolist whose fictions were intended to evoke
sensations of wonder, fear, and astonishment, so as to re-enchant a world that
instrumental reason had stripped of its marvels. His autonomous fictional universe, which became known after his death as the 'Cthulhu Mythos', consisted of
plausibly invented New England towns and the extraterrestrial entities that
menace them; this universe was brought to life through a wealth of realist detail
and intertextual references among the stories themselves. (Indeed, one of the
'dread' tomes he invented, the Jecronomicon,has taken on a virtual life of its
own - although the text is only mentioned briefly in his stories, in recent years
there have appeared at least two full-length paperback editions, purporting to be
the 'real' thing.) Lovecraft claimed he got a
big kick ... from takingrealiyjust as it is - acceptingall the limitationsof the most orthodox
science - and then permitting my symbolizingfaculty to buildoutwardfrom the existing
... But the whole secret of the
facts; rearing a structureof indefinite
promiseandpossibility
kick is thatI knowdamnwellit isn'tso ... I'm probablytrying to have my cake and eat it at
the same time - to get the intoxication of a sense of cosmic contact and significanceas
the theists do, and yet to avoid the ignorant and ignominious ostrich-actwhereby they
cripple their vision and secure the desiderateresults.83
Thus, beginning with the genre of children's literature in the I86os, gaining momentum with the New Romance of the fin-de-siecle,and continuing into the next
century, realistically conceived, autonomous worlds of wonder provided readers
82
83
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MICHAEL
SALER
with the enchantments that the discourse of modernity claimed to have superseded. The double-consciousness of the ironic imagination enabled adults to
immerse themselves in these worlds while simultaneously remaining grounded
in the real.
In addition to the influence of children's literature and aestheticist epistemologies, the concomitant spectacularization of everyday life resulting from the new
mass media during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries made such
imaginary worlds an almost inescapable aspect of everyday existence for many.84
The ubiquity of the fictive worlds of mass literature, film, and radio rendered the
conscious engagement in pretence common and even habitual among adults, far
more so than had been the case in the early to mid-nineteenth century, when
there were fewer venues and the exercise of the imagination had been circumscribed by a more puritanical outlook. The sheer onslaught of images, representations, and symbols fostered by a spectacularized commodity culture cultivated
the ironic imagination, which had already been nurtured by the prevailing climate
of scientific scepticism. As Michael North has argued,
even by the turn of the century,irony had become less a defense against commercialized
modernity and more a way of participating in it ... As society becomes progressively
85 Michael
North, Reading1922: a returnto thesceneof the modern(New York, 1999), pp. 206-8.
86 James Cook, The arts of deception(Cambridge, MA, 200o).
87
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62IT
how poems and novels provide subtle instructions for the reader's mind to
recreatethe images that the author attemptedto capturein words;88 when other
media - pictorialand audio - are enlistedfor this purposethe fictionscan appear
even more familiarand believable. Earliernineteenth-centuryfiction may have
attained some synergistic effects when texts were simultaneouslyadapted for
the stage and representedpictorially,89but the number, type, and circulationof
images increaseddramaticallyby the end of the century.Holmes's continuedlife
as a serial character,for example, was extended and made more durableby his
appearancesnot only in illustrated,mass circulationmagazinesand on the stage,
but also on the screen and through radio,just as the fictionalpersonaeknown as
'movie stars' (as opposed to the real-lifeactorsthey represent)owed their 'virtual
life' to the concertedeffortsof Hollywoodpublicists,newspapercolumnists,radio
broadcasters,newsreel compilers, and fan magazines. The synergisticeffect of
the new media emerging at the turn of the century was qualitativelyand quantitativelydifferentfrom all that went before, and is one of the factors that distinguishesHolmes's reception and continued longevity from that of Pamela and
other popular charactersthat preceded him.
Fictive creationsbecame even more 'alive' when individualsjoined together
in groups to share in a communal fantasy, as was also the case with both the
SherlockHolmes societiesand (to take but one example)the movie-starfan clubs
that originated in the interwarperiod. The fact that so many adults united to
share these imaginary worlds over a protracted period of time indicates how
acceptable and alluring- indeed, enchanting- these virtualworlds had become
by the early decades of the twentieth century. By the end of the century such
virtual realities of the imagination had become substantiallyaugmented by information technologies, but arguably there is a direct line of descent from the
Baker Street Irregularsto the denizens of online computer gaming worlds and
the enthusiastsof fantasy role-playinggames.90And the fashion for publishing
biographiesof fictionalcharactershas continuedsince those of Holmes: even the
in the new edition scheduled to be published in
Dictionary
of NationalBiography,
2004, will contain entriesforJohn Bull, SpringheelJack,and Robin Hood.91
The ironic imaginationhas thus become ubiquitous,re-enchantinga secular,
rational, and commodifiedworld without rejectingthese central components of
modernity.Modernistself-reflexivitywas as much a part of mass cultureas it was
of the so-called fine arts from the turn of the century onwards. Naive believers
might have been misled by the footnotesin Haggard'sSheto thinkit an historical
88 Elaine
Scarry, Dreamingby the book(NewJersey, 200oo).
Martin Meisel, Realizations: narrative,pictorial, and theatricalarts in nineteenthcenturyEngland (New
Jersey, I983).
90 There are several interesting overlaps between the Sherlock Holmes societies and gatherings of
those who play fantasy role-playing games such as 'Dungeons and Dragons.' For a sociological
analysis of the phenomenon of these games, see Gary Alan Fine, Sharedfantasy:role-playinggamesas social
worlds(Chicago, I983).
91 Anon., 'Welcome faces in the
family album', Sunday Times, 15July 200I, p. 9.
89
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MICHAEL
SA,
ER
account, but readers attuned to irony would have recognized the citations to be
almost as extravagant in their mock sobriety as the events of the novel. (Indeed,
when Haggard's friend Andrew Lang read Shein proof, he cautioned the jocular
Haggard against being too facetious: 'I'm sure the note about a monograph on
Ayesha's Greek pronunciation for the use of public schools, will show the Public
you are laughing - a thing I can never help doing, and the B[ritish] P[ublic] hate
it. )92 Examples of ironic self-reflexivity from mass culture easily could be multiplied, but one seems particularly apt here in light of earlier references to the
fictional yet 'living' personae of movie stars. In an early scene from the wonderful
Ernst Lubitsch comedy 'To be or not to be' (I942), Carole Lombard plays a
famous actress, Maria Tura, who is visited by an ardent male fan who starts to
recount all sorts of fanciful events from her life that he has read in gossip columns.
Tura is puzzled, until she realizes that the fan is a naive believer in her movie-star
persona, which, thanks to the creative imagination of her publicists, carries on a
romantic existence quite different from that of the genuine Maria Tura. So she
politely goes along with the naive believer and becomes an ironic believer in
the fictitious life she is supposed to have led. The scene elicits a laugh even from
those who continue to follow the exploits of movie stars, just as many of the
activities of the Sherlock Holmes societies contain deliberate notes of self-parody.
The self-reflexivity of the ironic imagination is not incompatible with provisional
belief, and permits a wide range of enchantments to be enjoyed without necessarily incurring the dangers often imputed to modern entertainment: from aimless
'escapism' to insidious 'false consciousness'.
Cultural pessimists of the fin-de-sieclepromoted a concept of instrumental
rationality that distinguished reason and the imagination, rendering modernity
as disenchanted. But at the same moment a countervailing trend was emerging
within elite and popular cultures, one that has become commonplace today. We
now acknowledge that what we call 'real' is also a provisional and contingent
construct; that so-called 'objectivity' is always tinged with our imagination.
Holmes was the first fictional character to embody this synthesis overtly, through
his animistic reason. His way of combating modern ennui has become our way
(setting aside the cocaine use). In so doing he replaced our need for fairies to
enchant the world, and became one of the many fictive enchantments purveyed
by the mass media to be enjoyed with the ironic imagination. While there were
those, like Arthur Conan Doyle, who found modernity disenchanting and turned
to the security of premodern beliefs, others were content to relegate those premodern beliefs to imaginary fancies, and then to embrace imaginative fancy as
a distinctly modern form of enchantment. As Dorothy Sayers asked in a deadpan
manner in I934, 'Why, if mere creatures of the imagination, like Peter Pan, are to
be commemorated with statues, this honour should be withheld from national
figures such as Sherlock Holmes'?93
92
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