Non-Finite Verbal Constructions in Iranian Turkmen: A Contact Linguistics

Perspective
This paper aims to discuss non-finite verbal constructions in Iranian Turkmen from a contact
perspective with Persian as the official language. The non-finite verbal constructions will be analysed
from within the framework proposed by Csat (1990).
The speech of three generations of Iranian Turkmen people will be analysed in order to assess how
the syntactic and semantic behaviour of their speech is influenced by Persian with respect to their
use of non-finite verbal constructions. It will be demonstrated that, in the case of the older
generation who have minimal contact with Persian, the use of non-finite verbal constructions is still
highly employed. In the middle aged generation,depending on the type of non-finite verbal
construction, there seems to be a marked increase in the use of Persian replacement structures,
particularly among the educated speakers. Nevertheless, non-finite verbal constructions are still
actively used to a significant extent. By contrast, the young generation exhibits a high degree of
Persian influence, in particular the use of Persian finite forms to replace non-finite verbal forms. For
instance, the use of verbal nouns and non-finite possessive and non-possessive relative clauses
seems to have notably diminished, especially in urban areas.
The data include a variety of genres, including folk tales, third person narratives, life stories, customs
and conversations by elderly, middle aged and young speakers of the Yomut, Gokleng and Teke
dialects living in the province of Golestan, north-east Iran.
Based on Csats framework, the inventory of non-finite verbal constructions in Turkic languages,
including Turkmen, contains 6 types. Examples of these 6 types, along with a corresponding
replacement Persian-influenced example, are as follows:
1. Participle constructions that function as complements: -en/-en/-n; -jek; -dik constructions such
as:
(i)

gel-en-i-ni
come-PTCP-POSS.3SG-ACC

bil-e-n
know-PRS-1SG

'I know his coming' (I know that he came).

Replaced by:
(ii)

men
I

bilen
ki
know-PRS-1SG KE.PRTCL

I know that he came.

gel-di
come-DI.PST

2. Infinitive constructions functioning as complements:

(iii)

xanvada-la
family-PL

hele-ler-ni
wife-PL-GEN

gid-mek-i-ni
go-INF-POSS.3-ACC

qabul
acceptance

ed-me-di-le
do-NEG-HAB.PST-3PL
The families did not accept their wives going.
Replaced by:
(iv)

xanvada-la
family-PL

qabul
acceptance

ed-me-di-le
do-NEG-HAB.PST-3PL

ki
KE.PRTCL

xanom-lar-y
wife-PL-POSS.3

naraxat
sad

ed-di
do-DI.PST

gid-sin-le
go-VOL-3PL
The families did not accept that their wives would go.
3. Constructions based on verbal nouns with '-i'
(v)

o-ny
he-GEN

gl-
laughter-poss.3SG

biz-i
we-ACC

'His laughing made us sad.'

Replaced by:
(vi)

o-ny xnde-si
he-GEN laughter-poss.3SG

biz-i
we-ACC

naraxat ed-di
sad
do-DI.PST

His laughing made us sad.

4. Constructions in which the head is a lexicalized verbal noun:
(vii)

ota-da
There-LOC

olaqan
big

wuru bol-ybdyr
fight become-INDIR.PST

'(It is said that) there was a big fight there.'

Replaced by:
(viii)

ota-da
There-LOC

olaqan
big

dva
fight

bol-ybdyr
become-INDIR.PST

'(It is said that) there was a big fight there.'

5. Possessive and non-possessive relative clauses:
(ix)

il-n
Work-PTCP

adam dil-r
ile-me-dik
person bite-AOR.3SG work-NEG-PTCP

adam dile-me-r
person bite-NEG-AOR.3SG

'A working person will bite (have things to eat) and a not working person will not bite (have
anything to eat).

Replaced by:
(x)

adam-i
ke
Person-I.CLTC KE.PRTCL
ke
KE.PRTCL

ile-e
work-PRS

dil-r
bite-AOR.3SG

adam-i
person-I.CLTC

ile-me-e
dile-me-r
work-NEG-PRS bite-NEG-AOR.3SG

A person who works will bite (have things to eat), a person who does not work will not bite
(have anything to eat).
6. Different types of gerundial constructions:
(xi)

-e
Home-DAT

gid-ib
go-CONV

nahar i-ib
lunch eat-CONV

gel-di
come-DI.PST

'Going home, eating lunch, he came.'

Replaced by:
(xii)

-e
Home-DAT

gid-di
go-DI.PST

ve
and

nahar i-di
lunch eat-DI.PST

o
and

gel-di
come-DI.PST
He went home and ate lunch and came.
The ways and the extent to which these types of non-finite verbal constructions are used across the
three generations will be illustrated by examples from the speech of various individuals from each of
the generations, highlighting the specific syntactic patterns of each replacement structure. It will be
demonstrated that there is an increasing level down the generations from old to young - of Persian
finite structures replacing the non-finite constructions (types 1, 2, 5 and 6), with clear evidence that
type 5 structures are more frequently replaced than any of the other types. It will also be shown that
types 3 and 4 generally retain their non-finite structure, with the verbal nouns being replaced by a
Persian ezafe structure and/or corresponding Persian lexical noun.

Selected References:
Clark, L. (1998) Turkmen reference grammar. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz.
Csat . . (1990) Non-finite Verbal Constructions in Turkish. In: Brent Brendemon (ed.), Altaisca
Osloensia. Proceedings of 32nd meeting of Permanent International Altaistic Conference, Oslo,
June 12-16,1989. Universitets forlaget. 75-88.
Doerfer, G. (1998) Turkic languages of Iran. In: Johanson, L. & Csat, . . (eds) The Turkic languages.
London & New York: Routledge. 273-282.
Goksel, A. & Kerslake, C. (2005) Turkish: A comprehensive grammar. London: Routledge.
Johanson, L. (2002) Structural factors in Turkic language contacts. Surrey: Curzon Press.
Schnig, C. (1998) Turkmen. In: Johanson, L. & Csat, . . (eds) The Turkic languages. London &
New York: Routledge. 261-272.