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in
Indigenous Movements
1992-2004:
Latin America,
Ironies,
Controversies,
New Directions
Key Words
new
cultural
social movements,
intellectuals,
versus
diversity
rights,
politics,
indigenous
public
essentialism
Abstract
doi: 10.1146/
annurev.anthro.34.081804.120529
Copyright ? 2005 by
Annual Reviews. All rights
reserved
This
examines
review
America from
nic
in particular
activism,
communities
indigenous
0084-6570/05/1021
0549S20.00
literature
on
indigenous
the reindianization
as well
as the
and
para-statal
zations
and
armed
digenous
conflict.
discourses
role
of
processes
the region. We
throughout
movements
in Latin
transnational
in
occurring
explore
the
im
neoliberalism
organizations,
in ethnoracial,
Shifts
political,
are examined,
attention
special
and
organi
broadly,
in
cultural
being
to
paid
law, culture,
and
identity.
Self-representational
strategies
as is the
dialogue
between
scholars,
directions
for
the
indigenous
and
future.
549
and not,
look more
Contents
guages
INTRODUCTION.
DISCOURSE
SHIFTS?STATE,
550
551
553
SHIFTS IN
ANTHROPOLOGICAL
DISCOURSEAND PRACTICE. 556
DISCOURSE SHIFTS:
LANGUAGESOF POLITICAL
PRACTICEAND
Law.
Customary
562
.. 562
or
rhetorics
and
entirely
the discursive
tity). We
law, culture,
and
concerned
to
particularly
iden
high
now
but
impedi
else.
self-determination
on
emphasis
cultural
cal reforms
that
territorial
state;
to
movements
indigenous
and autonomy,
with
American
of Latin
distinctiveness;
an
politi
involve
of the
restructuring
re
and access to natural
rights
over economic
control
de
including
and
reforms
of
and
velopment;
police
military
over
powers
(p. 12). Our
peoples
indigenous
sources,
563
of Culture
Indigenous Deployment
564
Identity.
FUTURE DIRECTIONS.
to as lan
refer
altered
implementation:
performative
imaginarles,
NATIONAL,
TRANSNATIONAL.
SHIFTS?PUEBLOS
DISCOURSE
IMPLEMENTATION.
Indigenous Political Imaginarles
new
we
at what
closely
of
563
565
see
later,
to be
the most
important
changes.
to page
Owing
INTRODUCTION
law:
Customary
gives local
to
authorities
rights
judge, detain, settle
disputes, establish
by
not
a cross-section
examines
on
literature
indigenous
movements
normative
spans
poral
framing
from
ments,
the
important
Columbian
indigenous
peoples:
culturally
diverse political
minorities
who trace
and
of
the most
issues. Enlisting
glected
before
ture
our
from
and
of the
New World
of
through the
the
we
and
scholarly
we
argument,
three
subject
present.
see to be
some
gory
that
includes
nous,
national
and
adopt
positions:
indigenous
foreign
the
shift
struc
perspectives
states
in
and
and nonindige
then
scholars). We
and
1This Spanish term means both "town/community"
"people." Villal?n discusses this term in the Venezuelan
context (2002, pp. 18, 32). Indigenous peoples in Latin
America have tended to organize politically around the idea
of belonging to pueblos rather than to minority or racial
SSO
Jackson
We
many
for
nor
indigenous
cannot
significant
the
some
crucial
topics.
to
limit
ing Latin
Finally,
our
ability
American
nonindigenous,
The
now
brightest
young
political
on
ship
science.
these
industry.
this
various
deeply
to cite the
hav
burgeon
and
indigenous
topic.
some
interest
scholars
Latin
subjects
Surely
spectacularly
mobilizations
indigenous
on
regret
activism
several
or do more
country,
literature,
on
or ty
na
the
the work
we
per
models
characterize
of
of
research
construct
pologies,
systematically
movements
in each
than mention
organiz
comprehen
implications
historicized
can we
it
does
epistemolog
example,
tional
tual
groups.
history
imposed
review
is
nor
literature,
America.
to more
spectives,
ing
to
actors,
(henceforth
issues,
the
of
discuss
ical
the
in Latin
ing
of
survey
We
communities
indigenous
and
scholars
(a cate
"pueblos"1),
ternational
address
sively
of indigenous
aspects
important
ne
and to several
undeservedly
organizing,
in activist
cultural
the conquest
colonization
tem
mo
quincentenary
(Latin American)
identifications
the
in Latin
historical
systems
their histories
of
review
This
constraints
length
Reviews
this
format,
the Annual
in
of
the
best
Americanist
alone
one
and
and
anthropology
scholar
has become
reason
successful
for
this
a vir
is the
indigenous
uprisings
in Ecuador
(Selverston
Warren
2000).
Other
gling
to have
cases
well-known
a
sustained
are still
impact.
2002)
but
example,
an
to achieve
aged
in 1994
Ameri
(Collier
Mobi
government
tel Corporation
plans
sell
the
to allow
country's
ethno-racial
raza
to its
countries,
and Ecuador,
most
the
to create
has worked
in
ference,
spectacularly
movement
indigenous
tional
ethno-political
tions
parties
NGOs:
nongovernmental
organizations
race,"
"la
see Alonso
particular
reforms
Constitu
plural
citizenries
Nicaragua,
Brazil,
containing
Ecuador,
Paraguay,
na
multicultural
recognizing
in Guatemala,
Mexico,
cosmic
("the
2004)?shifted
in Bo
as in Vasconcelos'
difference,
c?smica^
occurred
Colombia,
Peru,
Argentina,
and Venezuela.
These
DISCOURSE SHIFTS?STATE,
NATIONAL, TRANSNATIONAL
though
between
concealment."
National
and
policy
class-based
organizing
encouraged
indige
to
Bolivians
and Peruvians
self-identify
nous
as
State
campesinos.
communities
indigenous
indigenous
"glorious
them
nationalism
in
the
associates
the
with
nation's
past," marginalizing
for museums,
present?except
of
state
tizo hegemony
The
markable
viously
campesinos
past
projects
inMexico,
three
decades
reversal.
seen
for a "modern"
In Ecuador
basically
have
been
as
mes
seen
groups
al
that,
away, were
withering
a re
pre
Quichua-speaking
into a set of
classified
state
the
increasingly
and
and
plural
ternational context"
Various
hardly
in states
place
becom
Until
course
took
changes
social
women's
rights
movements
(hu
environmental
rights,
In many
the
ways
rights,
ism) have proliferated.
digenous
in
transnational
man
[in an]
society
change
transnationalised
movement
itself
was
in
"born
many
new
for
opportunities
national
legislative
nongovernmental
pueb
agendas,
organizations
rights
came
to see
indigenous
peoples
as
Latin American
international
human
rights
signed
and covenants:
The
provided
leverage
vention
nous
organizations
challenged
democratic
Free Trade
Agreement
the Bech
water
NAFTA: North
American
and self-definition
unthinkable.
previously
of reindi
processes
com
30 new
recognized
indigenous
a
in the northeast,
region
previously
munities
re
of
one underwent
campesino
Brazil
man
measure
important
Stephen
it nonetheless
gional self-administration
in a manner
strug
national
$$i
and
IMF:
International
Monetary
Neoliberal
Under
Fund
reforms:
to help
the fiscal,
and
legitimacy,
intended
resolve
governability
crises
"cit
Latin
crises,
many
1997,
adopt
neoliberal
liberalization,
Neoliberalism
to
agreed
to promote
reforms
economic
many
Authors,
de
measures
made,
ment
toward
move
to foster
taken
a more
soci
civil
participatory
alike,
nic
and
racial
to a
state
pluralist
further
ipates,
so it is not
in which
this
and
everyone
"social
adjustment"
in some
agendas.
goal,
cases
from
international
NGOs
which
ence,
indigenous
claims
that enlist
to make
groups
about
with
allows
and
tradition
and
sol
and
passing
reforms.
these
exists
and compromise
struggle
for the
necessary
of
evidence
Striking
that
showing
have
been
implementing
in
have
changes
to democratic
authoritarian
took
aMarxist
place,
for
cultural
organizing
ery to be mistaken
and
and
govern
that
paradigm
historical
regressive
saw
recov
declined,
inclusion
the national
increasingly
rary
political
came
to be
sociocultural
within
ticulated
come
Jackson
in
of indigenous
peoples
Ethnic
process.
groups
political
seen
as
configurations
national
society"
force
without
"contempo
ar
strongly
able to "be
renouncing
that
ways
eth
to be
continue
and
far
remains
of
from
especially
and
refugees
pro
and
deaths,
indigenous
indigenous
has
hundreds
repression,
political
of
conflict,
and Colombia,
Peru,
thousands
a million
armed
decades,
severe
over
internally
persons.
displaced
states
American
of outside
and
pressure,
about
reasons.
resonate
community
three
esized
discourses
that
community
on
discourses
neoliberal
activists
nonindigenous
duced
partic
that
surprising
neoliberal models
pueblos'
diversity,
remained.
in Guatemala,
Appeals
structures
discrimination
embedded
past
to
deliberately
power
citizen
creases
services.
is particularly
indigenous
out the numerous
point
that
sometimes
and
so deeply
in a way
of the older
between
with
in
a less
get
peace
implementation
and ambiguous,
one
ment"
and
constitutions
complicate
norms
ternational
democ
SS2
may
vague
and
that pri
argues
But
988).
p.
International
states
American
centralization.
countries
the
from
pressure
ratization,
faced by Latin
American
of undifferentiated
responsibilities
occur
solely
because
have
scholars
hypoth
domestic
contributing
believe
multicultural
scholars
possible
Some
to
reforms
elites
citizenship
appealed
ruling
as a way for the state to
that
its
citizens
signal
a
to their
it was
interests,
despite
attending
to meet
demands
material
decreasing
ability
provide
to
groups
digenous
mands
favorable
of others.
negative
reject
Other
of fiscal
impact
to certain
terms
the more
scholars
radical
argue
austerity
that
measures
in
de
the
on
some
of
states to negotiate
it successful
enough
to force
2
Van Cott DL. Forthcoming. Multiculturalism
against ne
inLatin America. InDoesMulticulturalism Erode
theWelfare State? ed. K Banting, W Kymlicka. New York:
Oxford Univ. Press.
oliberalism
Warren
stances
in which
bolstered
neo-liberal
ideol
of
comparison
tween
cultural
the
be
relationship
maintenance,
identity
legis
structures.
agrarian
in
reforms,
their
to
efforts
strengthen
ization,
new
both
provided
Some
1092).
p.
to
Fox
terms
Mexican
Presi
of busi
"government
223)
p.
the
tainly
ment,
an
negative
privatization,
on national
vices
Cer
disaster.
unmitigated
of structural
effects
adjust
of state ser
and rollbacks
economies
and
in adverse
local-level
result
for pueblos.
that
ogy's
and
neoliberalism
of
racism
variety.
on culture,
emphasis
choice,
she argues,
economic
of
racism,
a
thinly
Neoliberal
class
denies
at all. Neoliberalism's
veiled
ideol
issues
of
race,
power,
and
to put
circumstances
that
"will be forced
resources
these
at
DISCOURSE SHIFTS?PUEBLOS
being pursued by pueblos?
politics
and
demanding
of
race
privilege
route
for achieving
of autonomy
degree
as well
as
convincing
and
fun
and
of the reasonableness
of
legislators
a tradi
of claims,
such as titling
collective
land tenure
system.
Securing
other
kinds
tional
successfully
and
courts
the
likely
govern
of
va
the
are
inter
and
national
attaining
bureaucrats
by
ment
structural
obscured.
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on a confidence
rests
that
the persistence
seis
for
plans
pueblos
multicultural
professed
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when
marginalization
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meaningfulness
land alienations
Petroleum's
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rural
ders
consequences
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authors
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such
constraints
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control
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discuss
and multi
indigenousness
have
culturalism
of authors
number
local
generating
over
issues
communities
mandates,
substantial
so-called
encouraged
while
process,
and political
demands.
A
and
Space
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a much
more
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ation
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and
and normative
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manees
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ethnic
as
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be
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nents
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take
litical
misconstrued
tactically
critics
by
empowerment.
the
that
position
asserriveness
Oppo
po
any
race
threatens
and
war,
cal subjects].
This kind of "politics of recognition"
(Taylor 1994) takes place in complex fields of
that
structure?which
opportunity
that,
and
not mean
does
so
it somehow
doing,
content.
Even
historical
by
cultural
loses
more
goals
ex
ing
to
resources
and
training
in terms
ticulated
that
insist
to mod
or
subsistence
modes
ify traditional
of
and
health
education
quality
raise
are ar
status,
on
these
goals
in culturally appropriate
being accomplished
and historical
cultural
are
if pueblos
that
recognizes
strat
recovery
to succeed
self-determination
to assume
that,
sees
Brazilian
Xavante
that
realized
such
employed
ceeded. Ticona
an urban-based
argumentation
suc
notwith
movement,
are intended
performances
for a va
as national
and
international
actors
Jackson
when
polemical,
these
for
unlike
secession,
in general,
politicians
as
leaders
country's
for good
newspaper
and
projects
moder
for mobiliz
fact,
indige
auton
and
secessionist
include
that
in the morning
copy
strategies
good
voters.
In
ing nonindigenous
nous
to self-determination
claims
do not
of
dupes
or
toward
journey
nity make
seem
even
projects,
and
rhetoric
other
sized
ucation,
goals
have
practices
and
such
demands
and
restructuring,
judicial
empha
as ed
re
land
tend to decry
a state
in maintaining
interested
of
uNunca
the poor.
sin
nosotros!"
out
us!")
expresses
of
indigenous
jority
run
by
above
power
m?s un M?xico
state,
exclusionary
rejecting,
elites
("never
again
the aims
a Mexico
with
the
vast ma
of
(Rus
organizations
et al.
emphasizing
a desire
indigenous
the
is
self-determination
from
other
countries,
"agitators"
asserts
that
revitalization
ethnic
the needs
self-identification
ing
to
omy
The
egy
tantamount
that
for
demand
any
impede
the
ways.
SS4
can
perfor
rebellion
represents
a new
form
of
rural
the way
change
ico were
pueblos
throughout
in state discourse
represented
to
about
bring
dorian
democratic
indigenous
activism
elections.
prioritizes
Mex
and
Ecua
inclu
and
present
indigenous
themselves
legitimate
political
movement
"not
simply
party
but
in general
as a new and
also
as a van
natives
who
protest
integration
are
re
Warren
CONAIE
as literate
participate
status
oxymoronic
prior
"national
culture"
did
195)
(p.
especially
of
telling
"threats
indigenous
reply
to
mass
demonstrations
ernments'
invitations
resource
subsoil
a form
express
tism
corrupt,
grabs.
of
nationalism
sell-out
incompetent,
the most
of
sition
papers
make
effective
out
coming
inclusive,
populist
and
speeches
the movement
first
and
foremost.
Such
fa
The
levantamientos
impressive
of
secessionist
their
strategies;
sell
ests
and protested
country's
to the
on
of
plat
to
common
Scholars
will
emphasis
sus the
most
on
pueblo
to continue
need
activists
organizing
level. We
particularly
their
encounter
see
such
in Guatemala
and
class
to thwart
solidarity
not
may
factionalism.
internal
research
ways
that
suggests
and sense of
repression
is also needed
into
(or indigenous
pueblo's
are vulnerable
to in
agendas
Clearly,
pueblo's
ability
to critique
tivist/conservationist
describes
both
to the out
and
alliance,
see
Chapin
are fluid
themselves
and temporary,
the
term
Maya
as
"an
any
(2004)
embattled
zone of contestation
analy
between
at the national
rise, which
of
enemy.
2002).
resent
represents
facing
to
legitimacy
it. Here
in
impoverished
that
indigenous
organizing
of a wider
the concerns
constituency
the
threat
ethnic
various
affect
adjustment
see
the
enough
NGOs
indifference
structural
sectors
those
citizens who
we
of
grassroots
Mayas
inter
foreign
governmental
consequences
squeezes
to
patrimony
Isthmus
ternational NGO
(upris
greater
granted
organization's)
and
popular
ofWorkers,
Peasants,
Students
(1995, 1996).
Pan-Mayanism
(1996) notes that as the Mexican
to be on
without
the
them
Ethnographic
sim
rhetoric
culturalists
ver
tensions
(Montejo
of belonging, identity,
and differentiation" (p. 41). Schwittay (2003)
describes Kollas as articulating the language
of national citizenship and the language of in
digeneity (p. 146). Pueblo discourse about in
digenous identity is especially fluid and mul
tiple in land claims. Ramirez (2002) describes
the
emergence
www.annualreviews.org
of
a new
indigenous
group
in
of
COCEI: Coalition
com
the
of
Ecuador
ex
For
analyze
Indigenous
Nationalities
of
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CONAIE:
Confederation
COCEI
be
po
Guatemala's
urgency,
government.
of
to
able
contribution.
Camus
among
seemed
to a
&
relation
leftists,
government
patrio
arguments
Bastos
Campbell
protests
and
substantial
cap
(Stephen
Some
Their
gov
as land
are perceived
protesting
to multinational
are
organizations
indigenous
plex
is
state"
with
ample,
accusa
the
of Aymara
espousal
causes?a
necessar
to
where
2003, p. 204).
Researchers who become deeply involved
257). Warren
(1998) points out thatMayas
who challenged the Guatemalan model of
not
apparent
(p.
struggle
in Bolivia,
Mu?oz
activists,
indigenous
to this
555
and
of the
Colombia's
dians
who,
Putumayo
of the state's
exist by virtue
"In
that
realizing
system,"
legal
pueblos
region
that
arguing
the
claim
describes
between
tug-of-war
Colombia's
Choc?
an
offers
province
histories
of
cooperation,
exchange,
how
state
the Colombian
de
approaches,
paying
how
they
constructed.
are constructed,
negotiated,
the cultural
put,
Simply
the political
K.B. Warren
ical and
is cultural
1998).
(2001)
and re
is polit
et al.
(Alvarez
re
as
Cul
turning
scholarship
"away from
to the
of
and
ture' as uniformity
social
study
con
the ethnographic
cultural
heterogeneity,
cent
rather
as more
nicity
the
foundational
privileging
than other
of eth
identi
discourses
rather
than
essentialized
interesting
work
employs
tion
of
search;
sites.
it
however,
takes
examine
Investigators
tradi
re
face-to-face
intense,
long-term,
at
multiple
place
a
of inter
variety
activists;
tivist
"collaborators";
regional,
national,
tions. Marcus
yjd
Jackson
translocal,
sees
and
and
such
ac
nonindigenous
practitioners
international
"mobile
from
institu
ethnography"
understanding
communities,
local
including
Latin American
Although
assumed
always
that
anthropology
activism
and
schol
like Rodolfo
arship go together?scholars
Stavenhagen, Alcida Ramos, Myriam Jimeno,
Stefano
Nellie
V?rese,
Manuela
Carneiro
and
Arvelo-Jim?nez,
come
da Cunha
to mind?
activities
(Of
course,
that
stressed
keep
their
their
"scientific"
to
from
separate
tive
anthropologists
concerns
activist
research
for
the
parti
through
as
such
Innova
decades.)
to
assign
designs
roles
secretary
the
anthro
or
transla
assumed
(2004)
Sawyer
ad
strong
on Ecuadorian
fieldwork
that were
bilizations
indigenous
multinational
protesting
of
mo
section of the
are
(see
England's
examples
re
in the Maya
involvement
2003)
language
for some 3 0 years,
and Speed's
vival movement
Other
country.
information
methodolo
deep
of knowledge.
pologist
and
characterizes
of
the discipline's
given
a
achieving
small-scale
systems
their
attention
circulation
culturalist
on
emphasis
work.
SHIFTS IN ANTHROPOLOGICAL
DISCOURSE AND PRACTICE
Anthropologists
are considerable,
lenges
san
more
the
earlier
orthodoxies
jecting
need
for activist
scholars
"indianizes"
communities.
these
to "examine
attempt
of
Putumayo
as an
ence
analyses
of
absent
these
in political
very
sci
There
processes.
Sawyer
as a supporter.
researcher
had
she
It is difficult
to
reports
could
avoid
taking
not
signed
how
imagine
a stand
on
on
a
such
approaches
knowledge
Warren
raises
to the
production
complex
questions,
of
and
epistemological
are not
exactly
answers
ethical,
to which
corner
the
around
as
issues
tivist
being
productively
do try to be
researchers
possible,
as
in
and
earlier
analyses,
One
help.
illustrates
scholarship
dichotomies
usefully
uniquely
or
nous/nonindigenous"
an
underneath
structures.
nous
above
and,
nuanced,
The
and
all,
dynamic
nonindigenous
such
must
ral,
exists.
binary
resist
constantly
straightforward,
The
It does
literature
many
that
ex
fascinating
gree
For
ways.
does
able
being
be fluent in a colonizer
the
speaker?
Such
to what
example,
to
speak
may
fluency
traversed
has permanently
speaker
and ideological
boundary
its
(i.e.,
and
that
issue
subaltern
trates
puts
speak?"
the meagerness
chotomy
with
a new
on
spin
question.
the
no
the
illus
of the "same/other"
description
di
grada
Brazil
Nicaragua, which, like Northeastern
and El Salvador (Tilley 2002), was officially
seen
to have
lost
its indigenous
and
"being
to occur
saw
community
it
she charac
becoming
indigenous"
at the
level,
community
to
indige
examination.
require
on
write
language
and validate
confer,
signal,
the problematic
ethnic
populations.
element
equa
Brown
identity.
in emerging
a
represents
people
seen as a
tragedy,
ethnic
presen
in all kinds
but
of ways,
is not
the
this
"Can
(2003) de
saw processes
(2002)
loss
domestic
Rappaport
of complex
of
can
of
continue
a cultural
hence
members
authors
Many
tion
often
language) disqualify
mean
between
gradations
de
to power
to
a crucial
identity
indigenous
subtle
a natu
division.
uncomplicated
provides
is seen
nousness
that we
it as
seeing
(p. 432).
community-based
unprob
mean
Speed
as
in Chiapas
indige
how
ilarly,
complex,
is never
out
point
terizes
meaning
between
dichotomy
between
divi
are
binaries
such
contrasts
scribes
the mestiza
"indige
"same/other"
"proudly
also
constructs
dichotomy
in terms
of
craftswomen
though
maintained"
versus individual-based
employed
more
than
hinder
earlier
even
movement,
The
certain
why
simple
overly
difference
concepts,
now
nous
system
indigenous,
saw themselves
they
another
community
though
whereas
as
objective
comprehensive,
producing
Ac
refrained.
even
movement,
(see Field
in Guatemala
family
activists
turalist
and,
nity's
as a result,
indigenous
that
economic
often
had
came
strategy.
from
to relearn
languages
a new
reflected
as
cul
Early
such families
commu
their
they
advocated
lexicon
stigmatize
also oc
indigeneity
cur:Whitten's
(2003) examples of Quichua
used by elite Ecuadoreans (p. 69) resemble
the "mock Spanish" described by Hill (1999).
Various institutional authorities try to require
some
ers,
form
such
as
of
link
language,
www.annualreviews.org
between
and
cultural
cultural
mark
identities.
s51
some
In the past,
states
a person
required
who
neither
traditional
indige
such policies
however,
may
Today,
so
are
be overruled,
these politics,
dynamic
In sum, cases exist where
local and national.
rondas
(self-defense
during
the period
digenous."
cases where
other
guage,
ulations
do
still other
pop
nonindigenous
a traditional
speak
cases where
people
and
language,
a lan
speaking
a common
struggle,
confers
of suffering,
ancestry
are examined
sev
by
indigenousness
that
this requires
"to
the anthropologist
Dover
indigenous
sees
(1997)
to emerge
tices
sense
organization's
of
consciousness
of colonization"
they
are
the
is, we
truth
with
struggle
lost Tzeltal
their
recovering
"[t]he
indigenous
(p. 217).
The overly simple dichotomy
tional"
and
in most
recent
(1996) andWarren
gue
that Latin
urban,
and
seen
people"
of "tradi
satisfacto
and
professional.
are
Jackson
era"
as
characterized
by
traditional
urban,
class
of Mayas,
cosmopolitan,
as do authors
cussion
nous
ticular
the
out
the
and
problems
in a relationship
also
environment,
with
indige
in a par
as based
or
system,
land
whether
seen
be
should
economic
with
over
debate
the
identity
standards
points
on
based
the
"traditional."
notes
Briggs
that
cal
and
a central
in local
embedded
inexorably
envi
has
subjects"
and politi
"cosmopolitan
epistemological
of modern
discourses
component
since
en route
demonstrators,
Venezuela's
targeted
a cholera
of
handling
at
military
checkpoints
to protest
epidemic,
set up
movement,
had
government
other
identity
larity
&
emerging
and professional
Another
bilingual
Kearney
an
of
amples
nous
Kearney
(2002b) ar
nor
modern
wholly
were
native
peoples
as transnationalized,
border-crossing,
proletarian,
trilingual,
publications.
& Jackson
America's
to be
increasingly
.in
rily characterize
scribed
not
does
"modern"
neither
been
culture
are Tzeltales..
cri
judiciously
in nondichotomous
reconstituted
being
terms,
ronments,
are
who
of
indigenousness
senses
the injus
people
see also Pallares
(p. 23;
"when
forces),
counter-insurgency
tions
being
united
that arose
organizations
extreme
involv
of
violence
Sj8
nor
modern
wholly
had moved
is
overly
that
oughly Western
inauthentic,
Western,
simple
between
conventional
"authentic"
po
(a
thor
fake,
invented,
etc. When
culture
Warren
new,
becomes
modern,
a form
of
may
empowerment
around
that
mobilizing
seem fraudulent
precisely
empowerment,
may
the
"no
form
of
claims
that
are
they
challenges
on
variant
revealing
the
In
is
to
challenges
the
Argentine
sectors
of
Guaran?
that
citizens.
as
status
their
as critics
of the movement
dard
the
of
any one
time.
our
is on
the
focus
in in
authorities
communities
digenous
who
determine
sees no absolute
dy
stan
Rather,
authenticity.
authenticates?on
more
its current
with
Anthropology,
namic notion
of culture,
what
beyond
at
authentic
is deemed
Critics
their narrow
with
model
terpret
examples
amples
of
notions
to be moves
and
resisting
of co-optation
in
authors
movements'
indigenous
of occidental
appropriation
tic tradition
tradition
Several
leaders.
university-trained
toward
safeguarding
and not ex
"inau
in Chiapas
contesting
a tradition
that
role
in processes
of
ethnic
can
continuity
as
appear
that
representations
freeze and reify an
identity in a way that
hides the historical
their work
of
write-ups
intellectuals
illustrate
within
politics
it develops
with
com
the
some
when
modernity
reorganiza
and
people,
indigenous
to
to be
opposed
see
not,
"authenti
the
development
at
develop
society.
Indigenous
can
do question
the
ties
of some
and
leaders'
de malet?n
gentes
communi
appropriateness
as "diri
them
seeing
corbata"
(briefcase
choices,
and
tie
not
will
indigenousness
be automatically
rejected.
"essentialism,"
By
mean
anthropologists
it develops. Of course
are served
in
interests
study whose
Racist
forms
of
economic
process.
pro
has
to
and
state
authority
use
essentializing
to
justify
of human
violence,
value
perpetuate
and
reward,
hierar
and
leave
sectors
the neglect
of
of certain
unquestioned
as
their populations
than hu
less
something
man. The
au
focus on the "other"
by these
in its own
Indigenous
trast
is seen
www.annualreviews.org
interest.
"self-essentializing"
by many
by
anthropologists
con
as
and
processes
transitions.
and
disjunctures,
duction
of authen
hegemony
and consequent
characterizing
identity
merely
community
em
actively
Essentialism:
of
cally" indigenous
Some indigenous
Argen
cultural
sum,
indigenous
reappropriate
a cultural
to create
government's
its Guaran?
ofWest
elements
history
Researchers'
own
elements
appropriate
the mode
a state's
of
theme
and
to
culture
their
of their "un
because
indigenous"
More
behavior.
political
specific
to urban-based
have been
activism
longer
traditional"
leaders work
ern
s59
which
America
tonomy
and
2004,
to
for
push
greater
pp.
124?30).
assumptions
that
of indigenous
women's
rights
during
the negotiations
between
the Zapatistas
and
the Mexican
Rubin
(see
self-government
favor
au
comments
encountered
Frequently
(2002)
a balance
finding
between
vian women
uments
women
indigenous
are constructed
must
as "more
Indian"
to urban
travel
wear
traditional
"the
and
as more
argues
what
to
ment
"so
into
that
of women
are
mujer
and
can
soar
cyberspace."
culture,
out
and
of
rural,
monolingual,
place?alien?when
leave
they
up not
prop
they
movement's
the pan-Mayan
only
but
Guatemalan
ideology,
as
national
well.
identity
women's
outside
due to the
the broader Maya Movement
difficulties in locating a place for weaving
and
women
see
also Dean
in
the
movement"
(2003)
on
(2000) on
and Radcliffe
163;
[p.
lowland Peru
the Ecuadorian
such
sectors,
marginalized
as
conditions
autonomy.
and pueblo,
are
all actors
can become
when
unstable
quite
repeatedly
modifying
to the
in response
ever-shifting
their
dis
terms
same
the
historical
time,
also made
point
by
Wilson
as a
rather
than a statement,
paradox
ismade,
for as soon as such a statement
women,
cultural
'tradition'?here
to
keep
process?in
political
own
demands
for
order
greater
the margins
to advance
producers
of
their
and
participation
(Sieder 2002,
p.
independence"
Hern?ndez
(1997) describes women
organic
in
prescriptions
on
women
movement
193).
from
arguing
in
insist,
he
says,
it blurs
authors
& Hirsch
respond
a certain
than
(2003)
a
represent
still find
to critics
rather
campesino
labels
some
that
example,
is "really"
such
to
having
for
Gordillo
now
even
However,
themselves
Jackson
work
in which
Scholars
the
such
goals
in power,
those
of
better
inclusion,
organize
for
and dissolves.
situation].
tended
interests
to
Mayan
costume?traje?"remains
best
accountability
cultural
courses
Hendrickson
how Guatemalan
(1996) describes
as greater
and
maneu
self-essentializing
these women's
chances
own
their
to render
argues
move
to
maneuvered
these
democratic
role,
maya's
hackers
Maya
to
expected
She
illegitimate
vers limits
in
Nelson
the Maya
idioms
and
women
how Mayan
of which
societies.
ground
transnational
duties
assigned
status
urban
to
likely
traditional?all
women
that Maya
she terms
the
functions
which
be
in Andean
female"
play
and more
centers
dress
in a second-class
results
s6o
Sieder
government.
that
who
population
indigenous.
group's
campesino,
than a positioning
then,
Warren
is
no
as a member
more
of
"valid"
a
"pueblo
180). A
(p.
originario"
of
number
cite
essays
rather,
ically
draws
that
positioning
sedimented
practices,
repertoires
of meaning,
particular
patterns
histor
upon
of
emerges
poses
through
and
engagement
relational,
conceptual
pinpoints
ent actors
lar, often
challenge
presents
to
an
analytic
that
a
albeit
of
to very
dynamic
anthropologists.
define
and
competing,
situations.
to
try
Differ
impose
particu
Some
meanings.
terms'
dominant
meaning,
adamantly
Peru
"to be
into
slotted
the
'savage
Maya
have
not
only
another
iden
"multiple
critics?indigenous
communities
and
identi
for advanc
credit
the
dimensions
foundational
nonindigenous
on the national
its own
see
to
set of
problems
a unit?individual
an
possessing
community?as
not
the need to
al
as
far
Re
identity.
of conceptualization,
to claim
that
this mode
challenge
be
"iden
though
not exist. Rather,
is
identity
tity" does
again,
to be seen as a fluid,
The
process.
dynamic
and
pueblos,
us
allows
perspective
to
organizations.
This
acknowledge
a pro
cess of self-definition
the identity being
time
and
other
and
cial
ral,
we
can
"After
what
to where
place
and
by whom?"
Literature
negotiations?"
serted
"As
ask,
kinds
of
in
examines
that
and
indigenous
identity
like
race,
components
religion,
identity
cru
how
demonstrates
gender
clearly
to see identities
in the
it is always
plu
in processual
and
their formation
terms,
than
between
asking
questions
like "What
char
pol
or
rather
indige
as
raises
paradigm
cause
it continues
tersections
although
maintained
race
deserves
pro
composite
alike?in
of identities
ing beyond
tion, Little-Siebold
(2001) finds fluid and
bidirectional uses of identity labels (p. 193;
see also Smith 1990). These usages alter the
their
literature
framework
single
identity,
the notion
because
and
analytical
be
any
ties. Anthropology
paired
in
appear
Clearly,
and
often
any
one,
struggle."
ways
so
"paradox"
and
landscapes,
and
society"
seen
discourses
and
practices.
that multiculturalist
inscribed
into
constitutions,
We
distinctions,
stipulate
$61
are
as
as
to
in
participate
both
special,
the
citizens
regular
of
process
political
a country
and
citizens.
indigenous
ar
Scholars
for
ship. Rhetoric
civil
to attain
them
with
concerned
in fact,
society,
and
democracy
reveals
Several
moves
complex
to processes
attends
that
which
or
in
some
contexts
underspecified
the
has
recent
anyone?scholars,
national
the
pueblos,
institutions?who
inter
state,
to get
attempts
no
and historians,
but
categories,
vides
the recent
evidence
ample
such
and
human
of
that
pro
are
signifiers
on
actual
ficatory
have
may
not
populations
It is very
clear
agendas.
ing who
"Indians"
were
created
other
classi
that
know
is crucial. Yes,
by European
colonial
pendence.
certainly
the
notions
of
"in
562
politicized
in ways
that make
about
to
the
them
of
basis
stances
The
have
Pan-Mayanists
of a separate
regional
the
outside,
totally
also
to operate
whether
Utopian
goal
or a radical
federalism,
however,
Strategically,
Mayan
both
sys
spoken
na
organized
Mayan
languages,
on
focused
they
creat
ing alternative
Mayan
shamans,
lishers,
and other
Opposition
only
forms
will
professional
shape
of
activist
pub
linguists,
professionals.
a movement's
but
resistance,
and
schools
elementary
from
found
revitalization,
language
training
also
and
self-image
at times
will
ensure
that a national
indige
paradoxically
nous
will
consciousness
Both Reed
develop.
an
nored
and
economic
their
concerns.
social
that
agenda
O'Connor
ig
notes
(2003)
Ecuador,
strategies
lacking
alternative
solutions
tional
se.
tration
the development
were
primarily
re
or
widespread,
long-term,
to
too,
Here,
oppression.
of national
and even transna
actionary,
Jackson
sec
to cultural
projects,
literature
significantly
for exam
or environmentalist
groups.
choices
in
stances
The
about,
unions
rights
influence
as
opposed
tem. Guatemalan
de
a stance
society.
can
making
as labor
tors
tion
discusses
decision
movements
attitude,
movement
given
within,
of be
(Rajagopal 2003,
literature
an
been
to the
point
by
influence
imaginary,
to the dominant
regard
Imaginarles
how
address
an
taken
produce
overused
authors
velop
Political
Indigenous
citizen
equal
DISCOURSE SHIFTS:
LANGUAGES OF POLITICAL
PRACTICE AND
IMPLEMENTATION
strategies
following
Warren
resulted
unsuccessful
in part
from
local
frus
actions.
that were
mobilizations
Political
protests,
in Bolivia
notably
strengthened
against
organizing
that
a common
unify
in national
they
were
communities
been
ways
run
to
are
granted
their
internal
an
fashioning
interface
autonomy
countries
challenged
or intrusive
positivist
is detaining
between
must
to
in particular
cases.
be
no
observed:
enforcement
torture,
issues
these
addressing
with
to
respect
and
punish.
autonomy
to the
prevailing
an official
show
that
For
example,
to work
someone
forcing
serious
of
be
and
negotiation
as a
seen
and
evolving
liberal Western
greatest
apparatus
and
be
may
authoritarian,
discriminatory,
into private
space.
should
ralism
and
rights
decisions
renego
of contin
plurality
interconnected
processes
Local
as
enmeshed
(2002,
Stavenhagen
kind
ually
indigenous
indi
or
in
resulting
however,
rights,
executions,
Authors
banishment.
criminal
adjudicate
fundamental
courts.
to Western
most
degree
affairs,
have al
of
Western
before,
themselves,
indigenous communities
Although
resolution
enemy.
Law
Customary
in both,
and pueblos
transformation
produces
a more
of dispute
model
complex
is needed.
were
and Ecuador,
sense
the
by
to
able
is
of universal
concepts
human
collective
culture-specific
is
rights
individual
leave
then
community,
cer
instantiate
the
seriously
attempting
status as a multicultural
and pluri-ethnic
try's
nation.
Its encounters
with
law, de
customary
coun
to
that
are at times
Western
simply
incommensurate
for
make
culture,
fascinating
cosmological
shamanic
consultations,
thorizations
Western
sometimes
and
assumptions
notions
of
justice,
due
read
require
and au
prehensive
in the
examination
literature,
of
after
a com
in actual
situations:
integrity
the proposition
(2002)
rights
be
may
the
that
seen
as
that
concedes
a novel
such
idea
concern
to
indigenous
commu
institutionalized
but he
are of great
offering
of group
cultural
Stavenhagen
2002a, p. 119).
always
recognition
rights,
and
process,
further,
threaten
the
1997; Jackson
(see Gray
the
allows
argument
perceived
conflict resolution
to
basic
with
land. The
selling
Given
that
in
Indigenous
The
in
Deployment
arrival of multiculturalism
transforming
www.annualreviews.org
stigmatized
of Culture
played a role
indigenous
563
one
into
identity
moral
capital
sorely
sectors
of
ety.
as
racy,
proach
as
state
the
possess
soci
come
have
society
and
the
Authors
Church.
practice
and
culture,"
"indigenous
to revive
and
strengthen
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own
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in
at times
concept,
to
opposed
tions
it to
oppose
"an
ethos
a movement
stresses
to
system
the
other
ways
ideologies
and cultural
"are national,
hybridity
formal
consciousness
local,
regional,
this
without,
however,
materials
nous
of
school
reforms
new
we
promoting
students.
to be
interculturality
ilation' now
can
be
the
above,
and
complex
relationship
Many
down
as
the
indigenous
apparatus,
to
road
"others"
state
the
including
problem
the
on
tendency
the
does
it to freeze-dry
mon
response
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reform
state
assim
'"neoliberal
is
its
in principle
this
traditions,
to criticism
that
is nontraditional
require
is a com
particular
and therefore
set
inauthentic.
Indige
education
intercultural
seen
have
state hegemony
of behaviors
auricular
As
between
determination
diasporic,
in
for nonindigenous
critics
"is
nomenclature
do
emerging
static",
interculturality
pluri-national,
and
regional
of
and
pluralism
need
to be
contentious,
particularly
around
these
increasing
incorporation?albeit
the state
from
another,
consti
is
?into
of
with
of understanding
purpose
explicit
seem
a considerable
no
side's
what
identity?revolves
to
actually
members
research
claims
(p. 134).
A
Each
"culture"?just
what
commu
leave.
Huichol
"essential"
cation
increase
to
have
activities
of Huichol
to
refuse
Evangelicals
in certain
"traditional"
tion
around
who
re
of
process
whether
nity
tutes
outlines
protestants
participate
institutions
hegemonic
ical
solving
to see
democ
legitimacy,
as amoral
re
serving
representing
and accountability,
to status quo
such
to
inWestern
lacking
Some
pueblos
seen
often
it is undeniable
munities,
being
officially
affects,
indigenous
in native languages"
(Gustafson 2002, p. 278; also see Lukyx 2000).
dressed
sense
members'
that,
weren't registered
they
as
recognized
sometimes
of who
com
for many
substantially,
are:
"Before,
we
we weren't
affairs],
anything.
indigenous
now
are
to be aware
of
starting
just
an
as
ourselves
community'"
'indigenous
of
We
Identity
Intra-pueblo
is
member
can
who
about
negotiations
hinge
an
tutes
on
adequate
who
decides
performance
what
of
consti
identity.
Jackson
2003,
(Occhipinti
communities
prefer
pp.
pueblo,
Some
159-60).
to "in
"people,"
that
of
configures
cultural
groups
the movement
rather
than
as a
as a
Warren
discrimination
race.
over
Negotiations
perennially
identity
to be "irresolvable,"
tity
insecure
be
shot
are
of
constitutive
seem
each
must
relationality
be
iden
for
present
to the
crossing-over
leads
difference
in
of signi
we
the
gains,
for
struggle
in
not
have
been
on
to agree
able
short
continue
counteroffensives.
and mount
like Paraguay,
mies
pp. 80-83).
in
made
been
opponents
has
progress
celebrate
should
leaders
(see,
practice
other,
"that
much
Clearly,
culture
an "inher
"The
5):
(p.
other
2002).
e.g., Tilley
possessing
ontology"
to
and
contingent,
ambiguous,
seem
or
ritual,
guage,
the
in Guatemala,
and
state,
indige
The
three
past
in Latin
seen
have
decades
transformation
profound
American
vi
states'
35).
the
Establishing
right
demands
strengthened
determination
previous
it drove
because
modernist
corporatist
no
Indigenous
as minorities
mands
but
a stake
state
communities
many
and
projects
covery"
been
have
countries.
"inherent
discourses
and
they
come
at a
price.
has
relegated
other
discourses
de
indigenous
communities
who
times
against
can
situation
is often
and Van
dire,
governments
violent
no
conflicts
the
establish
ago,
long
involving
are a continual
communities
In
armed
indige
worry.
Not
insurgents
indigenous
commu
Indigenous
seen as subversives
be
and Mexico.
Guatemala,
in
the
successive
too
based
At
areas
The
nous
huge problems
vast areas to low
constitution.
successful
remarkably
However,
countries,
has ceded
into
de
rights"
Colombia
class/ethnic
self
with
"people"
in several
increased
remain.
projects.
made
longer
as
level,
and
and
Cott
to difference,
racism
that promotes
project
FUTURE DIRECTIONS
can
come
they
to be
are poor,
they
live
in rural
areas,
exploitative,
neglectful,
Accusations
serve
elites'
or
terrorist
state.
self-interest
"the
patron
p.
in well-oiled
relationships"
37) or can
www.annualreviews.org
ensure
that
systems
of client
(Stavenhagen
zero
resistance
2002,
will
<??6$
greet
projects
mega-development
exploiting
or
resources.
subsoil,
forest,
hydroelectric
as
view
of pueblos
the romantic
Clearly,
and
cohesive
consensus-based
collectivities
and
exclude
but
anything
as defined
tarian,
and
ridden
have
in mind
less
more
ex
conflicts
such
allies.
the movement
within
stratification
within
the communities
to
granted
can
pueblos
and weaken
the po
We
close
by
suggesting
with
articulates
search
tional
has
and multicultural
America.
Debates
concerning
processes of modernity
duced
a
level,
global
or
arguments
compelling
whether
the
debates
have
peoples
on
over
both
sides.
whether
eth
ments
that
ethnonationalisms.
Indigenous
in Latin
however,
ethnic
mobilization
the
challenges
relations
international
Jackson
U.S.-centric
Comparative
have
of violence,
of
a remil
have
new
these
been
configu
insur
by armed
forces
on
the war
in
produced
counterinsurgent
the war
In Colombia,
populations
crossfire
of
effects
and
directed
policing
indigenous
in the
and
(military
and narcotraffickers.
land rights?continues
Territory?gaining
to be the
prime
goal
of
indigenous
organiza
need
as
as well
the ways
and
jurisdiction
Ameri
Latin
fail to link?territorial
In Mexico,
pueblos.
re
the
for ethnolinguistic
tonomy
important
Many
does
research
present
opportunities
on violent
conflicts
and
international
refugees,
outside
tained
close
countries.
connections
have
Many
with
main
their homelands
genuine
for
themselves
community
suggest
foster
development
some
youths
of violence,
In these
projects.
have
experienced
like U.S.
urban
di
new
gangs,
line of comparative
Another
S66
can
move
democratization.
grassroots
America.
America,
and
caught
become
pro
drugs,
America.
state
of
the
drugs
mentioned.
in Latin
meanings
homogenized
clearly
community
national politics
advisers
contributions,
on
interna
activism
Indigenous
in
active
role
shaping
an
re
American
issues.
played
On
first
important
in Latin
military
promis
area
especially
The
terrorism
processes,
on
provide
Nicaragua,
in the region. We
"Rights"
sectors
the
strengthen
power
possessing
already
and
themselves.
policies
by
and economic
valuable
investigations
like the war on
paramilitary),
to ei
or their
nonindigenous
the pueblos
also makes
on
brought
political
U.S.
gents,
upper
pueblo's
not at all evident
is often
tensions
example,
rations
who
interest
given
recent
for
itarization
are no
to enemies
ammunition
giving
do not
values
the more
U.S.
egali
in the West.
certainly
to represent
How
clusionary.)
without
and
are
that
or
valorized
and
It
actions
and
provides
different
America
pressures
that
members.
democratic,
fair,
institutions
(Western
conflict
most
values
display
are
ther
some
and marginalize
in short,
will,
hierar
mechanisms
decision-malting
histo
regional
crucial
analyses
out of
of the playing
transforma
geopolitical
as
the end of
such
the
of
tions,
consequences
and
in Latin
waves of neoliberal
resolved
as factions,
well
forgotten?as
chies,
and others
ongoing
cial movements
ries
scholarship
perspective
on
Latin
research
research
on
new
of
so
American
towns.
the
Given
sustained
periods
tigate
researchers
indigenous
Warren
are
beginning
experiences
to inves
of individual
former
the reincorporation
into
combatants
peace
and
processes
commis
truth
economic
have
state
been
ests,
important
about
the
degree
on
exert
tions
social
national
cratic
We
persuasions.
of
control
these
community
Serious
governance.
problems
move
development
on
to new
when
own
come
have
are
they
to
profit
ture
to
examine
tivism
a
of
kinds
remittance
and
of funds
from
the new
ways
state
of work
forms
issue is whether
find
The
altogether.
movements
other
or distance
themselves
younger
category,
heterogeneous
see
and
opportunities
which
into
cul
com
diasporic
nontraditional
At
activism,
compelling,
customers.
Research
numer
the
consumer
of
importance
growing
nous
their
indigenous
to restruc
new
con
this
indigenous
youth will follow existing forms of indige
example,
be forced
attract
on
research
that
approaches
for NGOs.
non
may
services
For
current
the
munities,
leaving
to generate
expenses,
organizations
their
on.
depend
compelled
operating
the
ture,
bereft of support
indigenous organizations
they
projects.
logging
is indigenous
activism,
youth
especially important given the
between
rich and poor, and
gaps
growing
and
crises
inter
by capitalist
engaged in hu
reconstruction,
postwar
to
resistance
sexualized.
oc
often
is sponsored
as are
organiza
regional
state demo
and
movements,
projects
such as
is research
welcome
pueblo
and
life,
in which
more
to know
need
Also
situations
mestizaje,
programs,
as
that have
companies
state
A similar
functions.
international
of tendencies.
versity
into
development.
Neoliberal
state
resist
communi
their
communities
digenous
very
agencies
different
cultural
and
more
from
ac
is
generation
the members
constraints
economic
of
from
vantage
points.
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