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Parenting and Child Care - Psychological Issues in Parenting and Child Care

Parenting Styles
The Four Styles of Parenting

By Kendra Cherry
Psychology Expert
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Developmental psychologists have long been interested in how parents impact child
development. However, finding actual cause-and-effect links between specific actions of parents
and later behavior of children is very difficult. Some children raised in dramatically different
environments can later grow up to have remarkably similar personalities. Conversely, children
who share a home and are raised in the same environment can grow up to have astonishingly
different personalities.
Despite these challenges, researchers have uncovered convincing links between parenting styles
and the effects these styles have on children. During the early 1960s, psychologist Diana
Baumrind conducted a study on more than 100 preschool-age children (Baumrind, 1967). Using
naturalistic observation, parental interviews and other research methods, she identified four
important dimensions of parenting:
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Parenting Styles

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Disciplinary strategies

Warmth and nurturance

Communication styles

Expectations of maturity and control

Based on these dimensions, Baumrind suggested that the majority of parents display one of three
different parenting styles. Further research by Maccoby and Martin also suggested the addition
of a fourth parenting style (1983).

The Four Parenting Styles

1. Authoritarian Parenting
In this style of parenting, children are expected to follow the strict rules established by
the parents. Failure to follow such rules usually results in punishment. Authoritarian
parents fail to explain the reasoning behind these rules. If asked to explain, the parent
might simply reply, "Because I said so." These parents have high demands, but are not
responsive to their children. According to Baumrind, these parents "are obedience- and
status-oriented, and expect their orders to be obeyed without explanation" (1991).

2. Authoritative Parenting
Like authoritarian parents, those with an authoritative parenting style establish rules and
guidelines that their children are expected to follow. However, this parenting style is
much more democratic. Authoritative parents are responsive to their children and willing
to listen to questions. When children fail to meet the expectations, these parents are more
nurturing and forgiving rather than punishing. Baumrind suggests that these parents
"monitor and impart clear standards for their childrens conduct. They are assertive, but
not intrusive and restrictive. Their disciplinary methods are supportive, rather than
punitive. They want their children to be assertive as well as socially responsible, and selfregulated as well as cooperative" (1991).

3. Permissive Parenting
Permissive parents, sometimes referred to as indulgent parents, have very few demands to
make of their children. These parents rarely discipline their children because they have
relatively low expectations of maturity and self-control. According to Baumrind,

permissive parents "are more responsive than they are demanding. They are
nontraditional and lenient, do not require mature behavior, allow considerable selfregulation, and avoid confrontation" (1991). Permissive parents are generally nurturing
and communicative with their children, often taking on the status of a friend more than
that of a parent.
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4. Uninvolved Parenting
An uninvolved parenting style is characterized by few demands, low responsiveness and
little communication. While these parents fulfill the child's basic needs, they are generally
detached from their child's life. In extreme cases, these parents may even reject or neglect
the needs of their children.

The Impact of Parenting Styles

What effect do these parenting styles have on child development outcomes? In addition to
Baumrind's initial study of 100 preschool children, researchers have conducted numerous other
studies that have led to a number of conclusions about the impact of parenting styles on children.

Authoritarian parenting styles generally lead to children who are obedient and
proficient, but they rank lower in happiness, social competence and self-esteem.

Authoritative parenting styles tend to result in children who are happy, capable and
successful (Maccoby, 1992).

Permissive parenting often results in children who rank low in happiness and selfregulation. These children are more likely to experience problems with authority and tend
to perform poorly in school.

Uninvolved parenting styles rank lowest across all life domains. These children tend to
lack self-control, have low self-esteem and are less competent than their peers.

Why is it that authoritative parenting provides such advantages over other styles? "First, when
children perceive their parents' requests as fair and reasonable, they are more likely to comply
with the requests," explain authors Hockenbury and Hockenbury in their text Psychology.
"Second, the children are more likely to internalize (or accept as their own) the reasons for
behaving in a certain way and thus to achieve greater self-control."

Why Do Parenting Styles Differ?

After learning about the impact of parenting styles on child development, you may wonder why
all parents simply don't utilize an authoritative parenting style. After all, this parenting style is
the most likely to produce happy, confident, and capable children. What are some reasons why
parenting styles might vary? Some potential causes of these differences include culture,
personality, family size, parental background, socioeconomic status, educational level, and
religion.
Of course, the parenting styles of individual parents also combine to create a unique blend in
each and every family. For example, the mother may display an authoritative style while the
father favors a more permissive approach. In order to create a cohesive approach to parenting, it
is essential that parents learn to cooperate as they combine various elements of their unique
parenting styles.

Limitations and Criticisms

There are, however, some important limitations of parenting style research that should be noted.
Links between parenting styles and behavior are based upon correlational research, which is
helpful for finding relationships between variables but cannot establish definitive cause-andeffect relationships. While there is evidence that a particular parenting style is linked to a certain
pattern of behavior, other important variables such as a child's temperament can also play a
major role.
Researchers have also noted that the correlations between parenting styles and behaviors are
sometimes weak at best. In many cases, the expected child outcomes do not materialize; parents
with authoritative styles will have children who are defiant or who engage in delinquent
behavior, while parents with permissive styles will have children who are self-confident and
academically successful.
"There is no universally "best" style of parenting," writes author Douglas Bernstein in his book
Essentials of Psychology. "So authoritative parenting, which is so consistently linked with
positive outcomes in European American families, is not related to better school performance
among African American or Asian American youngsters."

The Bottom Line: Parenting styles are associated with different child outcomes and the
authoritative style is generally linked to positive behaviors such as strong self-esteem and selfcompetence. However, other important factors including culture, children's perceptions of
parental treatment, and social influences also play an important role in children's behavior.
References

Baumrind, D. (1967). Child-care practices anteceding three patterns of preschool behavior. Genetic Psychology Monographs, 75, 43-88.

Baumrind, D. (1991). The influence of parenting style on adolescent competence and substance use. Journal of Early Adolescence, 11(1), 56-95.

Bernstein, D. A. (2011). Essentials of psychology. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.

Hockenbury, D. H. & Hockenbury, S. E. (2003). Psychology. New York: Worth Publishers.

Maccoby, E. E., & Martin, J. A. (1983). Socialization in the context of the family: Parentchild interaction. In P. H. Mussen & E. M. Hetherington, Handbook of child
psychology: Vol. 4. Socialization, personality, and social development (4th ed.). New York: Wiley.

Maccoby, E.E. (1992). The role of parents in the socialization of children: An historical overview. Developmental Psychology, 28, 1006-1017.

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The Baumrind Theory of Parenting Styles

by Beth Greenwood, Demand Media

Parenting styles affect the way children function as they grow older.
Parenting styles affect the way children function as they grow older.

Related Articles
The Impact of Extreme Parenting Styles
Examples of Each of the Four Parenting Styles
Comparison of Permissive & Authoritative Parenting Styles
Long-Term Effects of Strict Parenting
The Spoiling Theory of Parenting
Comparison of Parenting Theories

Diana Baumrind studied social, clinical and developmental psychology in the late
1940s and early '50s. She chose research after she graduated with a PhD because

she felt it would give her flexibility in caring for her daughters, according to the
American Psychological Association. During the 1970s, she conducted extensive
studies of parent-child interactions in the home. Baumrind developed the theory
that there were four main types of parenting styles and that differences in parenting
styles accounted for the way children functioned socially, emotionally and
cognitively.

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Four Dimensions, Four Styles

Baumrind felt that there were four dimensions of parent-child interactions: parental
control, maturity demands, clarity of communication and nurturance. "Parental
control" is related to such issues as enforcing rules. "Maturity demand" is the
parental expectation that children perform up to their potential. "Clarity of
communication" reflects the parents willingness to communicate with their
children, solicit their opinions and use reasoning to obtain the desired behavior.
"Nurturance" is related to parental expressions of warmth and approval, and
protection of childrens physical and emotional well-being. Using these four
dimensions, Baumrind identified four parenting styles: authoritative, authoritarian,
permissive-indulgent and permissive-uninvolved.

Authoritative Parenting

The authoritative style is considered the ideal parenting style and seems to
produce children with high levels of self-reliance and self-esteem, who are socially
responsible, independent and achievement-oriented, according to Education.com.
Authoritative parents set clear expectations and have high standards. They monitor
their childrens behavior, use discipline based on reasoning and encourage their
children to make decisions and learn from their mistakes. They are also warm and
nurturing, treating their children with kindness, respect and affection.

Authoritarian Parenting

Although the word sounds similar, authoritarian parenting is different in many ways
from authoritative parenting. The authoritarian parent tends to set rigid rules,
demand obedience and use strategies such as the withdrawal of love or approval to
force a child to conform. These parents are more likely to use physical punishment
or verbal insults to elicit the desired behavior. They lack the warmth of the
authoritative parent and may seem aloof to their children. Children with
authoritarian parents may be well-behaved, but they are also likely to be moody
and anxious; they tend to be followers rather than leaders, according to
Education.com.

Permissive-Indulgent Parenting

The permissive-indulgent parent is overflowing in parental warmth. This parent may

be openly affectionate and loving but sets few or no limits, even when the childs
safety may be at risk. Permissive-indulgent parents make few demands for maturity
or performance, and there are often no consequences for misbehavior. Children of
permissive parents often have problems with controlling their impulses; they may
display immaturity and be reluctant to accept responsibility, according to Dr. Anita
Gurian, clinical assistant professor of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry at the NYU
School of Medicine.

Permissive-Uninvolved Parenting

Permissive-uninvolved parenting, also called simply "uninvolved parenting," is

characterized by the same lack of limits or demands seen in the permissiveindulgent style. However, the uninvolved parent displays little or no parental
warmth. At its extreme, the uninvolved style can be neglectful or involve outright
rejection of the child. Children with uninvolved parents are likely to have low levels
of functioning in many areas. They tend to do poorly in school and, particularly as
they move into high school, are more likely to exhibit delinquent behavior and to be
depressed, says Education.com.

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References
American Psychological Association: Diana Blumberg Baumrind
Education.com: Parenting Styles
NYU Child Study Center: Parenting Styles/Children's Temperaments, The Match
University of California, Berkeley: Effects of Authoritative Parental Control on Child
Behavior

About the Author

Beth Greenwood is a registered nurse and writer. She served as a columnist for the
Tides Foundation's Community Clinic Voice on quality improvement and now
contributes to various websites. Greenwood holds an Associate of Science in nursing
from Shasta College and is a graduate of the California HealthCare Foundation
Health Care Leadership Program.

Authoritarian parenting: How does it affect the kids?

2010-2013 Gwen Dewar, Ph.D., all rights reserved

The authoritarian parenting style is about being strict and stern.

Is it the best way to raise kids?

Most studies say no.

Kids from authoritarian families may be relatively well-behaved. But they also tend
to be less resourceful, have poorer social skills, and lower self esteem. Compared
with kids from authoritative households, kids exposed to authoritarian discipline
may also achieve less at school.

Here is an overview of the research.

What happens to kids who are raised by authoritarian parents?

Authoritarianism versus the alternatives

Researchers recognize at least three alternatives to authoritarian parenting:

Permissive parents are emotionally warm, but reluctant to enforce rules or

standards of conduct.

Uninvolved parents are like permissive parents, but they lack warmth

Authoritative parents, like authoritarian parents, set limits and enforce standards.
But unlike authoritarian parents, authoritative parents are very responsive or
nurturing. In addition, authoritative parents encourage their kids to ask questions,
and they explain the rationale behind the rules. Authoritative parents are also less
likely to control kids through the induction of shame, guilt, or the withdrawal of love.

How does authoritarianism measure up?

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Kids from authoritarian families are relatively well-behaved.

Overall, studies report that kids from authoritarian families get into less trouble than
kids from permissive or uninvolved families.

This is true for drug and alcohol use, and it seems to be the case for other risky
behaviors, like driving without a seat belt (Ginsburg et al 2004).

Its also true for externalizing behavior problems--i.e., disruptive, aggressive, or

anti-social behavior (e.g., Lamborn et al 1991; Sternberg et al 1996; Sternberg et al
2006; Williams et al 2009).

But we should keep two things in mind:

1. Kids from authoritarian families may not be as well-behaved as kids from

authoritative families. Studies suggest, for instance, that kids exposed to
authoritarian parenting show less advanced moral reasoning and self-regulation
(see below).

2. Many studies reporting links between behavior problems and parenting style
depend on self-reports, meaning that they measure behavior problems by asking
the kids to report on their own misdeeds.

It seems to me that kids raised by authoritarian parents might be especially

reluctant to confess wrongdoing to authority figures--even if those authority figures
are researchers who promise to keep their answers confidential. So perhaps we
should be skeptical about studies that rely on self-reports.

Self-reports suggest that kids from authoritarian families are about as well-behaved
as kids from authoritative families. But when researchers have used other ways of
measuring misbehavior, they have gotten different results.

For example, a study of African-American preschoolers found that authoritative

caregivers--not authoritarian caregivers--were the least likely to report externalizing
behavior problems in their children (Querido et al 2002).

Another study tracked American kids of different ethnicities for four years--from the
ages of 9 to 13. At several points in time, researchers asked teachers to rate the

kids tendencies for social and physical aggression. The results suggested that
authoritarianism might contribute to child aggression:

Compared with kids from authoritative families, kids with authoritarian mothers
became more aggressive over time (Underwood et al 2009).

Kids from authoritarian families are less resourceful and less socially-adept

This generalization appears to apply across a variety of cultures. Kids from

authoritarian families may find it more difficult to fend for themselves and make
friends.

Examples?

The United States. Widely-cited studies of American adolescents have reported

that teens with authoritarian parents were the least likely to feel socially accepted
by their peers. They were also rated as less self-reliant (Lamborn et al 1991;
Steinberg et al 1992; Steinberg et al 1994).

China. One study of 2nd graders in Beijing found that kids from authoritarian
families were rated as less socially competent by their teachers. They were also
more aggressive and less likely to be accepted by their peers (Chen et al 1997).
Other Chinese research has linked the punitive aspects of authoritarianism with
poorer social functioning (Zhou et al 2004).

Cyprus. When researchers questioned 231 young adolescents about their cultural
values and experiences with peers, they found that kids from authoritarian homes
were more likely to have experienced bullying -- both as victims and perpetrators
(Georgiou et al 2013).

 Turkey. In a study of Turkish high school students, kids from authoritarian families
were rated as less resourceful than kids from authoritarian or permissive parents
(Turkel and Tzer 2008).

South America and Spain. Researchers in Latin cultures report that authoritarian
parents are more likely to have kids with low social competence (Martinez et al
2007; Garcia and Gracia 2009).

The Netherlands. In Dutch studies, kids with authoritarian parents were rated as
less helpful and less popular by their teachers and classmates. They were also rated
as less mature in their reasoning about moral issues (Dekovic and Jannsens 1992;
Jannsens and Dekovic 1997).

Kids from authoritarian families are more likely to suffer from emotional
problems...at least in some populations

Does authoritarian parenting put kids at greater risk of anxiety, low self-esteem, and
depression?

Maybe yes.

For example, a survey of middle-aged Americans found that people who

remembered authoritarian childhoods were more likely to report depressive
symptoms and poor psychological adjustment (Rothrauff et al 2009).

This was true for all ethnic groups, but the effect was strongest among European
Americans.

Other research agrees:

 Studies of Spanish and Brazilian adolescents have reported that teens from
authoritarian homes had lower self-esteem than did teens from authoritative or
permissive families (Martinez and Garcia 2007; Martinez and Garcia 2008).

German researchers found that teens with authoritarian parents were more likely
to suffer from trait anxiety. They were also more likely to experience
depersonalization--the feeling of watching oneself act without being in control of
ones actions (Wolfradt et al 2003).

And research in China suggests that kids with harsh parents have more trouble
regulating their emotions (Chang 2003; Wang et al 2006).

But the authoritarian parenting style isnt always linked with emotional problems.
Studies of contemporary American adolescents have failed to find emotional
differences between kids from authoritarian, authoritative, and permissive homes
(Lamborn et al 1991; Steinberg et al 2006).

And research on adolescents in the Middle East have also failed to find a link
between authoritarian caregiving and psychological problems like depression
(Dwairy 2004; Dwairy and Menshar 2006).

Why the inconsistencies?

I suspect the effects of authoritarianism depend on how harsh, cold, or punitive the
parent is.

For instance, some research suggests that corporal punishment is linked with higher
rates of depression and anxiety among children.

It also seems likely that culture plays a role. If kids perceive authoritarianism as
normal and mainstream, they may be less distressed by it.

What about school?

Experimental research suggests that authoritarian approaches interfere with

learning

In a fascinating study of kindergarteners, Melissa Kamins and Carol Dweck have

shown that a common tactic of authoritarian caregiving--shaming a child for poor
performance--can make kids perform more poorly on problem-solving tasks (Kamins
and Dweck 1999).

In addition, experiments suggest that people learn better from positive feedback
than from negative feedback, and this may be especially true for kids (Schmittmann
et al 2006; van Duijvenvoorde et al 2008).

Other studies report correlations between authoritarianism and lower school

achievement.

For example, a study of adolescents in the San Francisco Bay Area found that the
authoritarian parenting style was linked with lower school grades for all ethnic
groups (Dornbusch et al 1987). These findings are supported by other, similar
studies (Steinberg et al 1989; Steinberg et al 1992).

Counter evidence: Are the effects less harmful when parents are less educated? Or
live in disadvantaged neighborhoods? Or Chinese?

Some studies of kids from lower socioeconomic groups have failed to show any
difference in academic performances between authoritative and authoritarian
families (Lamborn et al 1996; Steinberg et al 2009).

Its even been suggested that kids with relatively less-educated parents do better in
school when they are from authoritarian homes (Leung et al 1998).

There is also controversy about the effects of authoritarian caregiving in Chinese

families.

On the one hand, authoritarianism has been linked with poorer school performance
in Beijing (Chen et al 1997) and Taiwan (Pong et al 2010).

On the other hand, studies of Hong Kong Chinese (Leung et al 1998) and of Chinese
immigrants to North America (Chao 2001) have linked authoritarian parenting with
higher school achievement.

Why the discrepancies?

Researchers have suggested several possibilities.

Perhaps kids living in dangerous, disadvantaged neighborhoods are less likely to

run afoul of authority figuresin and out of schoolwhen they are taught
unquestioning obedience.

Maybe peer pressure swamps the effects of parenting. Some peer groups support
school achievement. Others discourage it. One study of U.S. school students found
that Asian Americans tended to have peer groups that encouraged scholarship, and
they performed well at school even when their parents were authoritarian. African
Americans tended to have peer groups that rejected good students. These kids did

more poorly in school even when their parents were authoritative and highlyeducated (Steinberg et al 1992).

Authoritarian parenting may have different meanings in different cultures. Ruth

Chao has argued that the Chinese version of authoritarian parenting is
fundamentally different. Unlike Western authoritarian parents, Chinese authoritarian
parents have closer relationships to their kids, and closeness is a predictor of higher
school achievement (Chao 2001).

But Im a bit skeptical about the idea that authoritarian parenting could make some
kids into better students. The experimental research is compelling. Moreover,
achievement in math, science, and many other academic fields depends on critical
thinkingsomething that authoritarian parenting seems to discourage.

Indeed, there is evidence that schools run along authoritarian principles produce
inferior students. In a study comparing American high schools, Lisa Pellerin found
that authoritative schools got the best results. Authoritarian schools had the worst
rates of dropouts (Pellerin 2004).

And morality?

Authoritarian parents might see themselves as champions of morality. But, as noted

above, studies suggest that kids with authoritarian parents are actually less
advanced when it comes to self-regulation and moral reasoning (Dekovic and
Jannsens 1992; Jannsens and Dekovic 1997; Karreman et al 2006; Piotrowski et al
2013).

Moreover, kids from authoritarian families may be more likely to tune out their
parents as they get older.

For instance, when researchers tracked American middle and high school studies
over 18 months, they found that kids who identified their parents as more
authoritarian were more likely to reject their parents as legitimate authority figures.
They were also more likely to engage in delinquency over time (Trinker et al 2012).

And in a study of American undergraduates, researchers asked students who they

consulted when they had to make moral decisions. Undergraduates with
authoritative parents were the most likely to say they would talk with their parents.

Students with authoritarian parents--like students from permissive families--were

more likely to reference their peers (Bednar et al 2003).

More information

For more information about the four basic parenting styles, check out "Parenting
styles: A guide for the science-minded."

For a more information about the ways that researchers define and identify
authoritarian parents, see "The authoritarian parenting style: Definitions, research,
and cultural differences."

And if you're interested in Chinese child-rearing, see my article, Traditional Chinese

parenting: What research says about Chinese kids and why they succeed

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

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Parenting Styles

Collect It!

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By Kathryn Wentzel | Shannon Russell

Updated on Dec 23, 2009

BAUMRIND'S TYPOLOGY OF PARENTING STYLES

CORRELATES OF PARENTING STYLES

CLASS, ETHNICITY, AGE, AND GENDER

CONCEPTUAL AND METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES

Parenting style refers to the normative patterns of behavior and tactics that parents
use to socialize and control their children. Early work on parenting styles in the
1950s (e.g., Sears, Maccoby, & Levin, 1957) documented that adults who were
nurturing and able to exert control were especially influential on children's
development of self-regulated and disciplined behavior. Others (Lewin, Lippitt, &
White, 1939) documented that adult leadership styles in classroom-like settings
resulted in different levels of engagement on the part of children, with relatively

warm and egalitarian styles resulting in greater task involvement, more selfregulated and autonomous behavior, and more competent performance than either
highly controlling or permissive styles. From this work evolved a general approach
to the study of parenting styles focused on socialization strategies reflecting
demandingness and responsiveness. Demandingness, or control, refers to the
degree to which parents attempt to integrate a child into the family social system
by enforcing family rules and standards for behavior, setting expectations that are
developmentally appropriate, and providing structure; responsiveness, or warmth,
refers to parental attempts to support the development of their child's individuality
and self-assertive tendencies by being attentive to the child's emotional well-being,
special needs, and interests.

BAUMRIND'S TYPOLOGY OF PARENTING STYLES

Following this early work, Diana Baumrind (1971) conducted extensive observations
of parents interacting with their children in their homes and concluded that four
dimensions of parent-child interactions reflecting types of responsiveness and
control could predict reliably children's social, emotional, and cognitive functioning.
Parental control reflected consistent enforcement of rules, provision of structure to
children's activities, and persistence in gaining child compliance; maturity demands
reflected expectations to perform up to one's potential, and demands for selfreliance and self-control; clarity of communication reflected the extent to which
parents solicit children's opinions and feelings, and use reasoning to obtain
compliance; and nurturance reflected parental expressions of warmth and approval
as well as conscientious protection of children's physical and emotional well-being.

These dimensions were then used to develop a typology of qualitatively different

parenting styles based on levels of responsiveness and control: authoritative,
authoritarian, permissive indulgent, and permissive uninvolved (Baumrind, 1971;
Maccoby & Martin, 1983). Authoritative parenting is responsive and demanding in
that parents communicate high expectations, provide clear standards for behavior,
monitor child behavior, and discipline based on reasoning and explanation rather
than power assertion or withdrawal of love. Authoritarian parenting is similar to
authoritative parenting in terms of being demanding; however, parents are
described as less responsive in that they are more likely to use power assertive
disciplinary techniques and rely on love withdrawal to gain child obedience.
Permissive indulgent parents display relatively high levels of responsiveness but low
levels of control. Specifically, this style is typified by low levels of control and

maturity demands, but high levels of solicitation and demonstrations of warmth. In

contrast, permissive uninvolved parenting is described as being relatively low on
both warmth and control. At its extreme, this style is considered to be rejecting or
neglectful of children.

CORRELATES OF PARENTING STYLES

There is widespread recognition that Baumrind's dimensions describe socialization

processes central to the development of childhood and adolescent social and
cognitive competence (Grusec & Goodnow, 1994; Maccoby & Martin, 1983).
Baumrind's studies established that elementary-aged children of authoritative
parents display adaptive levels of self-reliance and self-esteem, and socially
responsible, independent, and achievement-oriented behavior; children with
authoritarian parents display relatively less independent behavior and lower levels
of self-reliance and self-esteem; and children with permissive parents display less
positive behavior and self-reliance but high levels of self-esteem. Work by Steinberg
and his colleagues (Steinberg, Lamborn, Darling, Mounts, & Dornbusch, 1994)
supported the validity of the four-dimension typology in that adolescents with
authoritative parents fared best with respect to a range of social, emotional, and
academic competencies; students with authoritarian parents reported relatively
lower levels of psychological well-being; those with indulgent parents were
characterized as enjoying high levels of psychological and emotional well-being but
lower levels of achievement coupled with higher levels of misconduct; and students
with uninvolved/neglectful parents were characterized as demonstrating the lowest
levels of competence in all areas. Moreover, over the course of the high school
years, the academic functioning of adolescents with neglectful parents declined and
levels of delinquency and internalizing symptoms such as depression increased
significantly, especially in comparison to that of students with authoritative parents.

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Other researchers have documented similar advantages for children with

authoritative parents such that they demonstrate competent social interaction
skills, self-reliant and independent problem solving, emotional well-being and
overall psychological adjustment, and few maladaptive internalizing and
externalizing behaviors (Grusec & Goodnow, 1994; Pomerantz, Grolnick, & Price,

2005). These children enjoy academic success, demonstrate socially responsible

and prosocial forms of classroom behavior, and competent relationships with their
peers. They also report strong intrinsic interest in learning, positive beliefs about
ability and control, and mastery goal orientations toward learning (see Wigfield,
Eccles, Schiefele, Roeser, & Davis-Kean, 2006). It is important to note, however, that
few of these findings reflect comparisons of parenting styles based on Baumrind's
typology, but rather on parenting described more generally along dimensions of
control or warmth or in terms of authoritative versus non-authoritative parenting.

CLASS, ETHNICITY, AGE, AND GENDER

The benefits of authoritative parenting have been documented mostly in samples of

middle-class families in industrialized Western societies. However, some evidence
indicates that parenting in working class and low socio-economic status families
tends to be more authoritarian, with fathers using power assertive discipline more
often than mothers. Children raised in more communal and extended family
networks such as those found in Native American cultures, tend to be treated more
permissively than European American children. Chinese mothers tend to
demonstrate more controlling, authoritarian parenting practices than their European
American counterparts (Fisher & Lerner, 2005). Research on age-related differences
suggests that as children get older, outward displays of warmth and affection and
direct disciplinary encounters by parents lessen, as verbal communication and
discussion increase. Parents also tend to provide greater opportunities for autonomy
and self-regulation as children enter adolescence and early adulthood (Maccoby,
2007).

Despite these group-level differences, the positive effects of responsiveness and

developmentally appropriate levels of control are quite similar for all children.
However, work on gender differences suggests that girls tend to be generally more
susceptible to socialization practices than boys, whereas parental control tends to
be more critical for boys' well-being than for girls' (Pomerantz et al., 2005; Weiss &
Schwartz, 1996). Authoritative parenting also tends to predict social competence
and adaptive psychological functioning for African American, Asian American,
European American, and Hispanic American children; positive relations between
authoritative parenting and academic outcomes have been found mostly for
European American children.

CONCEPTUAL AND METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES

Although findings have been fairly robust and consistent with respect to the benefits
of responsive and demanding parenting, several conceptual and methodological
issues preclude strong conclusions about the effects of parenting styles on children.
A central issue is that most researchers document parenting on the part of just one
parent, most often the mother. Little is known about the frequency with which both
parents display similar parenting styles or about the effects of discordant styles on
children's development. Similarly, few studies document parenting styles within the
context of broader family systems. It also is not clear how consistent parenting
styles are across contexts and age of the child. In this regard, the degree to which
consistency moderates the effects of parenting styles on child outcomes is not
known. However, inconsistent parenting has been related to aggressive and
noncompli-ant behavior throughout childhood and adolescence (Wentzel, 1994).

Additional concerns surround the methods employed to document parenting styles

(Maccoby, 2007). In studies of young children, observations of mother-child
interactions during prescribed laboratory-based activities typically are used to
identify specific parenting styles. Or mothers are asked to self-report on their
parenting behaviors. In the case of observational studies, issues focus on how to
capture behavior in real time and take into account the sequential and reciprocal
nature of parent-child interactions. Decisions concerning whether to interpret
interactions as a function of time, event, or context also are cause for debate. The
use of mothers' reports has been met with concern given the psychological
investment that mothers have in presenting themselves and their children in the
best light. In studies of older children, self-report methodologies typically are used
to ask children about their parents' behavior. In this case, researchers place
importance on children's cognitive understanding of their parents' actions rather
than on objective forms of behavior. However, the degree to which these reports are
reliable and valid assessments of parents' behavior as opposed to characteristics of
the child is not well understood.

Of final interest are the processes and mechanisms by which parenting styles might
have their influence on child outcomes. To illustrate, reasons for why responsive
parenting should be related to a child's academic performance have not been well
articulated. Darling and Steinberg (1993) argued that parenting styles are part of a
more complex system of parental inputs that include goals and expectations for
their children (e.g., expectations for academic performance) and provisions of

opportunities, resources, and instruction (e.g., academic enrichment programs, help

with homework) targeted at achieving specific outcomes (e.g., mastery of academic
subject matter). Additional research and theorizing that clarifies these possibilities is
needed.

See also:Parent Involvement

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Baumrind, D. (1971). Current patterns of parental authority. Developmental

Psychology Monograph, 4, (1, Pt.2).

Darling, N., & Steinberg, L. (1993). Parenting style as context: An integrative model.
Psychological Bulletin, 113(3), 48749.

Fisher, B. C., & Lerner, M. R. (2005). Encyclopedia of applied developmental science.

Vol. 2. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

Grusec, J. E., & Goodnow, J. J. (1994). Impact of parental discipline methods on the
child's internalization of values: A reconceptualization of current points of view.
Developmental Psychology, 30(1), 419.

Lewin, K., Lippitt, R., & White, R. K. (1939). Patterns of aggressive behavior in
experimentally created social climates. Journal of Social Psychology, 10, 271299.

Maccoby, E. E. (2007). Historical overview of socialization research and theory. In J.

E. Grusec & P. D. Hastings (Eds.), Handbook of socialization: Theory and research
(pp. 1341). New York, NY: Guilford Press.

Maccoby, E. E., & Martin, J. A. (1983). Socialization in the context of the family:
Parent-child interaction. In P. H. Mussen (Ed.), Handbook of child psychology. Vol. 4:
Socialization, personality, and social development (pp. 1101). New York: Wiley.

Pomerantz, E. M., Grolnick, W. S., & Price, C. E. (2005). The role of parents in how
children approach achievement. In A. J. Elliot & C. S. Dweck (Eds.), Handbook of
Competence and Motivation. New York: Guilford Press.

Sears, R. R., Maccoby, E. E., & Levin, H. (1957). Patterns of child rearing. Evanston,
IL: Row, Peterson.

Steinberg, L., Lamborn, S. D., Darling, N., Mounts, N. S., & Dornbusch, S. M. (1994).
Over-Time Changes in Adjustment and Competence among Adolescents from
Authoritative, Authoritarian, Indulgent, and Neglectful Families. Child Development,
65(3), 754770.

Weiss, L. H., & Schwartz, J. C. (1996). The relationships between parenting types
and older adolescents' personality, academic achievement, adjustment, and
substance use. Child Development, 67, 21012114.

Wentzel, K. R. (1994). Family functioning and academic achievement in middle

school: A social-emotional perspective. Journal of Early Adolescence, 14, 268291.

Wigfield, A., Eccles, J. S., Schiefele, U., Roeser, R., & Davis-Kean, P. (2006).
Development of achievement motivation. In W. Damon and N. Eisenberg (Eds.),
Handbook of child psychology (Vol. 3, 6th ed. pp. 9331002). New York: Wiley.

Copyright 2003-2009 The Gale Group, Inc. All rights reserved.

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