Professional Documents
Culture Documents
28
29
Nath (1995)6 focused on the Indian Industrial law, its inadequacies for a
growing industrial economy and its judicial interpretations and implications in
the light of I L Os conventions and universal practices. He strongly argued for
pragmatic and practical industrial laws which meet the growing needs of a fast
industrializing economy. While pleading for equality in enforcement of laws, he
concluded that India can attain the universally acceptable objectives of industrial
relations only after an overhaul of the existing industrial laws.
Johnnie (1992)7 has presented an account of Dunlops Industrial Relation
System theory, critically examining and commenting on Dunlops methodology,
and the theoretical contributions which have been used by other scholars to
further develop the frontiers of knowledge in the study of Industrial Relations.
Although Dunlops work attracted criticism from a good number of scholars, the
author contended that Dunlops work still stands out clearly as a monumental
effort in contemporary industrial relations analysis.
Nayar (1985)8 has attempted to develop a conceptual model of
effectiveness of industrial relations at the enterprise level by building on two
distinct streams of literature-organizational theory and industrial relations. The
purpose was to develop an operationalizable model of industrial relations subsystem effectiveness. Her model was helpful in developing linkage between the
variables, to assess any given system as to its effectiveness and to identify some
of the characteristics of the internal system variables which contribute to
effectiveness.
Sharma and Sundara Rajan (1983)9 reported the findings of an All-India
survey of organizational climate and its influence on labour -management
relations. They isolated two factors that together explain 58% of the variation in
labour-management relations in India. Those are (1) grievance handling system
and (2) scope for advancement.
Johri (1996)10 has analyzed several consequences of badly designed
legislative controls over Indian industrial relations system. The failure of
30
tripartite consultations in producing the agreed outcomes has left the industrial
relations system with only one anchor and it is the body of labour laws as
administered by the Government machinery and interpreted by the courts.
Various suggestions are offered for amending the Industrial Disputes Act, 1947.
He suggested that in accordance with the requirements of Indias more rapidly
developing modern economic sector, all the actors, including the Government
machinery, would learn to adapt and moderate the I R system to accommodate
its main pressures and growth determined needs.
Reddy (1992)11 has approached the problem of industrial relations in the
context of new economic realities, competitive environment and strategic quest.
According to him, the reformation of the industrial relations climate to cope with
the emerging strategic environment requires efforts from all the three parties to
the system. He suggested that the trade unions need to play a complementary
role in understanding the strategic directions, and in turn use their primary power
of opinionating among their members to bring about greater human resource
integration in the firms movement towards the future.
Ghosh (1995)12 observed that not all industrial restructuring exercises can
be lumped together in one undifferentiated category. He identified three distinct
patterns, which have been shaped as much by economic environment and market
compulsions as by prevailing labour-management relations. He suggested some
strategic choices available to labour and management as conventional responses
like bargaining and casualisation are proving inadequate in the wake of
fundamental changes in work practices and employment relations.
Khurana (1972)13 has tried to evaluate the industrial relations in the
private and public sectors in India. He found that industrial relations in both the
sectors had progressively deteriorated during 1962-68 and that public sector
registered a better performance on the criterion of industrial conflict, but when
viewed in the context of its performance in terms of the tripartite forums, the
code of discipline, and the prevalent attitudinal climate it has been no difference
31
from the private sector. He concluded that it cant be said with certainty that
there exist any linear relationship between ownership and industrial relations.
Chander (1979)14 and Rao (1981)15 have analyzed the Gandhian
philosophy of Industrial relations specifically related to minimum wages, labour
strikes and trusteeship and advised to follow Gandhian values for a congenial
industrial atmosphere.
Sharma (1988)16 argued that like employers, unions too have catered only
to the physical well-being of the worker and have paid little attention to improve
the quality of his work life. He argued that the bond between the worker and the
union is not at all strong as the relationship is based on negative motivation. He
suggested that employers and unions can co-operate and collaborate with each
other if they come to agree upon some common goal like improvement of
quality of work life.
Pandey (1999)17 has evaluated the role of IR managers in changing
industrial scenario and concluded that collective action by individuals on issues
of mutual interest shall lay the foundation for individual growth and freedom
which shall be fostered by industrial relations managers of the organization.
Bhatnagar and Sharma (1984)18 studied about the role and effectiveness of
labour welfare officer in industrial relations. They concluded that labour welfare
officers, by and large, are not able to perform their duties faithfully. They
suggested that the mode of appointments and service conditions of the labour
welfare officers be suitably modified so as to accord them a reasonable degree of
functional autonomy. They also suggested for periodic reports to the
Government regarding the welfare activities so that the Government might
proceed against the recalcitrant managements.
While studying the aftermath of Structural Adjustment Programme upon
the labour standards, Palo et al (2000)19 pointed out that Structural Adjustment
Programme has brought income gains to the working class despite their relative
32
33
34
34
pay is the most important part of the link between performance and job
satisfaction. That is, relative deprivation (a discrepancy between a workers
expectation and rewards) and perceived fairness of pay may mediate the
relationship between performance and job satisfaction, regardless of the actual
rewards obtained.
Although it is conceivable that a worker could be quite satisfied with a
job but have low feelings of commitment to the organization, or vice versa, the
feelings tend to be positively related. Studies showed mixed results as to the
direction of influence between these two constructs. ODriscoll and colleagues
(1992)35 found that job satisfaction may directly affect organizational
commitment, whereas another study (Becker & Billings, 1993)36 indicated that
organizational commitment leads to job satisfaction.
35
36
37
38
63
39
relations. Like conciliation, arbitration has also been severely criticized for its
poor performance.
The role of labour courts and tribunals for settling disputes has also
received greater attention of various scholars. Banerjee (1963) 72 reported that
adjudication in India is prevalent because workers are poor and uneducated and
trade unions are incoherently organized.
Giri (1972)73 was also opposite to any court at all as they retarded the
growth of unions and favoured voluntary negotiation. Chowda (1971) 74 also
reported the delay in settlement of disputes through adjudication.
Murty (1980)75 observed that the adequacy and competence of a grievance
procedure for the maintenance of good industrial relations depend to a large
extent upon the good spirit with which the individuals concerned use it rather
than a comprehensive and elaborate structure of grievance procedure. He
suggested that it must subject to change to keep pace with the changing
aspirations and interests of management and labour, and with the fluctuating
needs and demands of the developing economy.
Ratna Sen (1988)76 observed that the effects of the political bias in union
verification, in conciliation or adjudication or other political interventions, is
apparent from the increasing recourse to court decisions. Both management and
trade unions or workers have more faith in the judiciary than the Government
machinery for dispute settlement. He found that both short term and long-term
strikes are increasing. It indicates less patience and greater obduracy on the part
of both labour and management.
Most of these studies are mainly concentrated in wage issues and have
suggested that unless suitable measures for the eradication of these problems are
taken the cordial climate of industrial relations will only be a myth.
40
82
41
role, status, and style of local trade union leaders, their political affiliation and its
consequences etc.
Halder (1985)86 felt that the Indian unions are very sensitive politically
and multi-unionism has become a fact of life in most of the industries. Ashraf
(1974)87 and Ramaswamy (1973)88 also noted the relationship between union
politics and management politics, relationship between political dependence and
union weakness, political manipulations, transfer of union funds for political
activities and vice-versa, consequence of outside influence, politicization of
workers and their commitment to unions.
Choudhury (1980)89 and Foneseca (1965)90 studied the attitude of workers
towards unions, their perception of union functions, degree of unionization and
the union participation and its socio-economic variables. They concluded that
the level of participation was low in Indian situation and reported considerable
apathy or hostility among workers towards union works.
Pandey and Vikram (1969)91 and Sinha and Pai (1963)92 observed that
economic and protective functions of the unions seem to appeal to the workers
and the union is looked more as the guardian of their interest than as an agency
for political power.
Based on the nature of bargaining and the contents of the agreement,
Murty and Das (1988)93 concluded that steel industry bargaining involves all the
four sub-processes of negotiation behaviour viz., distributive bargaining,
integrative
bargaining,
attitudinal
structuring
and
intra-organizational
42
43
opposed to the reform process. He said that the new economic scenario is also
making various unions join hands.
Sen (1997)100 argued that unionization has been growing in the small,
medium and informal sectors or even in the unorganized pockets of organized
industry. He warned that the tendency to depoliticize workers require a response
from unions to decentralize union structures and decision-making and much
greater concern for plant level issues.
Mankidy (1993)101 observed that the new workforce have different
orientation to trade unionism and may not be as loyal to unions as their earlier
counterparts. He warned that unless management take a proactive stance and
introduce greater industrial democracy, the new united front being formed by the
unions may still lead to a return of the spectre of trade union militancy.
Singh102explored the pattern of I R in Maharashtra and analyzed the
inevitability and universality of the conflict in any industrial unit, between the
employer and the employees. He stressed the need for the management of the
conflicts and not the eradication of it. He put forward the suggestion that there
should be a central trade union organization, to which all the unions should be
affiliated.
Pandey (1998)103 exclaimed how the antiquated Trade Union Act of 1926,
which was formulated by an alien Government permitting indiscriminate
registration of trade unions in tune with its divide and rule policy, is still on the
Statute Books of an independent democratic country. He criticized that the
political overtones of Government decisions in labour matters and the
unnecessary interference weakening the forces of collective bargaining.
Choudhury (1998)104 felt that in the western parts of India Trade Unions
were dominated by the individual leaders, whereas, in the east, trade unions were
dominated by the political party affiliation. The strength changes on the basis of
44
the party in power in the State. He put forward the following roles for an ideal
Trade Union.
a) Organize worker education programme for better quality of work life
of the workers, making them hygiene and safety conscious, organize small group
activities for better team work and inter dependence.
b) Bargain with the worker-colleagues for the improvement of
productivity and establishment of eight-hour work culture.
c) Protest against unfair management practices and social evils like AIDS,
alcoholism, pollution etc. in the interest of the workers and the society at large.
Varma (1998)105 studied about the new roles to be played by different
actors of industrial relations and suggested that each state Government should
prepare a panel of arbitrators who must be experts(not necessarily judges)with
practical knowledge and experience of industrial issues, ethos and work culture.
There should be no scope or possibility of appeal against the arbitrators award.
Rath and Misra (1996)106 analysed the effects of economic environment
change on the industrial relations scenario of our country and made an attempt to
put forth a possible futuristic model of industrial relations in the years to come.
They argued that with the specter of obsolescence on the horizon, the attention
of the trade unions will be more to secure appropriate training and empowerment
techniques from the management than to strive for short-term benefits of wages
and welfare.
Rao and Patwardhan (1998)107 analysed how the trade unions see
themselves and concluded that a vast majority of Indian employers are generally
comfortable with unions and that non-unionism is not a priority item on their
agenda. They also found out that external leaders drawn from political parties
have lost their traditional charisma to inspire todays workers.
45
Gani (1991)108 found that workers have shown relatively higher degree of
interest and have positive attitudes towards unions in that they consider unions to
be important and essential aspect of their working lives.
Das (1999)109 observed that the trade unions are exploited for political
purposes and their legitimate functions are completely neglected and through
this door, militancy in trade union arena is brought in.
Jhabvala (2003)110 observed that as production became decentralized, as
the demand for flexible labour grew, and as capital and production moves to
countries and areas where trade unions were weak or non-existent, the power
and effectiveness of trade unions began to decline and weaken.
Bhangoo (2006)111 suggested that the new economic scenario demands
that trade unions must function with alliances and coaliations at national,
regional and global levels to achieve solidarity to mitigate the problems of the
workers of the world.
While analyzing the important reason for the declining influence of trade
unions, Srivastava (2006)112 felt that the profile vis--vis aspirations of new
generation of workforce have changed drastically and there exist a mismatch
between agenda of unions and expectations of new workers. Moreover, the
volatile market, increasing competition and emerging business compulsions have
diluted the needs of unions.
Ghosh (2008)113 noticed a perceptible change in the unions strategy and
approach to labour problems although some pockets of resistance still exist in
certain industries. He pointed out that the unity of the workers brought forward
by the formation of joint forums of major trade unions at different levels has also
contributed to the rise of concern for common and untouched issues of trade
union struggle.
From the above it can be concluded that though considerable efforts have
been made to study some vital aspects of trade unionism, yet some other wider
46
questions have been left out of analysis. A closer and systematic analysis of the
contribution of the outside leaders to the growth of movement and in directing
industrial disputes, within the national concern, still continues to be unexplored.
Workers participation in management
In todays labour relations, workers participation is one of the widely
debated issues. Intensive research has been carried out in the past to examine the
impact of participation on productivity, performance, and job satisfaction,
morale of workers, industrial peace and organizational effectiveness. Underlying
all these studies is the assumption that workers have a desire to participate in
management decision-making and by satisfying that desire organizational
objectives can be effectively achieved to a varying extent.
Research works of Saini (1983)114 and Indira and Harigopal (1985)115,
have shown that participation of workers in various decision-making processes
increases their job satisfaction and decreases their work apathy, reduces
industrial tension and conflict, and works as a positive instrument for the
promotion of productivity and creativity.
Sahus (1981)116 work has pointed out that the majority of the workers
favour the idea of giving them a right to influence the process of management,
particularly in those areas, where their interests are involved.
The studies of Sinha and Sinha (1974)117 have brought to light the
relationship between the workers desire for participation and their background
variables such as education, skill, length of service, interest on job and aspiration
etc.
Very few studies have focused on the attitude of management personnel
towards the workers participation, though some research has tried to elicit the
thinking and belief of the managers about participation. Indira and Harigopal
(1985)118 and Mehta (1977)119 found that the management in general displayed
47
48
49
power of the workforce, they are still a force to be reckoned with in maintaining
proper industrial relations.
While examining the collective bargaining experiences in Kerala, Nair
(1982)134 observed that the flexibility and broad minded realism in management
approach, the remarkable degree of trade union unity, and constructive role
played by the State in employment relationship are unique features of industrial
relations in Kerala, that have positively contributed to the growth of a variety of
collective bargaining situations in the State at the plant and industry levels.
Paulsons (1999)135 study revealed that the innumerable labour laws
covering the various facets of industrial relations are full of loopholes, not
comprehensive and not helpful to improve our existing work culture. The study
also showed that though the interest in and inclination of workers towards trade
unions are declining, trade unions can regain their faith through proper remedial
measures.
While studying the industrial relations in Kerala State Electricity Board,
Nair (1993)136 concluded that the nature of industrial relations system depends to
a great deal on the power context. According to him, the intervention of
Government, the style of the management, the degree of unionization, extent of
membership, availability of adequate funds, political ideologies etc. are the
factors which exert great influence on industrial relations.
Remesh (2003)137 described how the bad image of the trade unions among
masses enabled the Government of Kerala to withdraw some of the deserved
rights of the employees including those with full salary and permanency in job.
Thomas (2003)138 found that an indigenous class of entrepreneurs never
emerged in Kerala and the savings mobilized in Kerala have been channeled to
investment in real estate, house construction and some service sector
establishments.
50
51
2.6 Conclusion
Despite the above studies, no serious attempts have ever been made to
make an up to date assessment of the industrial relations situations in Kerala
especially after the implementation of the new economic policy and the
consequent changing scenario. The present study is mainly intended to make a
thorough scan of industrial relations in Kerala by making a comparative analysis
of public and private enterprises in selected areas of the State. The results of the
study are expected to be of immense use to the administrators, personnel policy
makers, industrial employers, trade union leaders and the community as a whole.
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