Professional Documents
Culture Documents
SARGENT*
*Department
of Philosophy,
University of New Mexico, Albuquerque,
New Mexico 87131,
U.S.A.
Received 10 December 1987; in revised form 6 June 1988.
Empiricism
is a term that tends to be used rather loosely. But historically,
from ancient times
to the present, empiricism has normally been identified with the position that knowledge claims
must be restricted to the actual and the observable.
See, e.g., G. E. R. Lloyd, Science, Folklore
and Ideology (Cambridge:
Cambridge
University Press, 1983), for an account of empiricism
in
the ancient medical sects; Richard H. Popkin.
The History of Skepticism from Erasmus to
Spinoza (Berkeley:
University of California
Press, 1979). fdr an acciunt of ihe empiricism of
Gassendi and Mersenne; and Bas van Fraassen,
The Scientific Imane (Oxford: Clarendon
Press.
1980), for the latest contribution
to empiricist science. Ske JosephJ.
Kockelmans,
On the
Problem of Truth in the Sciences, Proceedings and Addresses of the American Philosophical
Association 61 (1987). 5-26, for the most recent criticism of empiricist
assumptions.
Van Fraassen,
The Scientific Image, pp. l-2, e.g.. characterizes
Boyle as a failed empiricist
because he advocated
a corpuscular
explanation
of the macroworld.
A number of writers have seen Boyles advocacy of corpuscular
explanation
as indicative of
non-Baconian
influences on his thought, despite the fact that Bacon also stressed the importance
of investigations
into the latent configurations
and process of bodies which for the most part
escape the sense. [The New Organon, Bk. 2, aph. vi-viii, in: The Works of Francis Bacon,
James Spedding, et al. (eds), vol. VIII. (Cambridge:
Riverside Press, 1863), pp. 173-1771. See,
Stud. Hist. Phil. Sci., Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 19-45. 1989.
Printed in Great Britain.
19
20
The idea that there are contrary
Boyle
their appeals
to experience.
then
tendencies
practice
in the philosophy
of placing
standard
empiricism,
their
operative
in nature
be argued
goal
an inconsistency.
provides
of Bacon and
an empiricist
of experience
of discovering
the
of Science
gloss on
is not that of
hidden
In the following
a good reason
causes
it will
for rejecting
an empiricist
interpretation
of their appeal to experience.s
The legal overtones of the early experimentalists
language, the references
to trials, and witnesses, and testimony,
are hard to ignore, but the significance
of these locutions
for the rise of experimental
science has yet to be fully
appreciated.
Some previous studies have focused upon the analogy between
the notion
of law in the two realms.
These analyses
have proven
unsatisfactory,
however, because the analogy does not appear to be used in
this substantive
sense. Boyle, for example,
maintained
that law, in the
Scientific
Experiment
21
Boyle, for example, spoke of the testimony of nature and said that matters of fact ought to
be brought to trial in his Hydrostatical Paradoxes, vol. II, pp. 742,744; and spoke of judicious
and illustrious witnesses in his New Experiments Physico-Mechanical, vol. I, p. 34. Bacon spoke
of the inquisition of things in The New Organon, Preface, in The Works, vol. VIII, p. 35; and
noted that nature exhibits herself more clearly under the trials and vexations of art than when
left to herself in De Dig&ate et Augmentis Scientiarum, Bk. 2, ch. 2, in The Works, vol. VIII, p.
41.5.
Shapiro, Probability and Certainty, in her examination of law and science in the 17th
century, has shown an important link between the two realms in their shared notion of moral
certainty. However, she does not provide a detailed discussion of the notion of experience which
was the ground for this type of certainty. Neal Gilbert, Renaissance Concepts of Method (NY:
Columbia University Press, 1960), discusses the relevance of legal methodology for English
science, but he restricts his attention to the type of law taught at the universities and not that
which was practiced by common lawyers such as Bacon at the Inns of Court. This is not the onlv
time that legal practices have had an-important influence on science. See G. E. R. Lloyd, Magic,
Reason and Experience (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979). Lloyd maintains that
the legal system of the polis of ancient Greece was important for the rise of science per se.
22
The examination
culture
of the relations
of a particular
historical
between
society
science
has been,
areas
of the
and other
a task
in scientific
argument.
one
finds
that
a more
Analogously,
the legal tradition could be seen as important
for the acceptance
of experimental
science in England; but my aim is not so much to provide a historical explanation
for the rise of
the experimental
ideal, as to investigate how the experimental
ideal was justified by reference to
the tradition.
There is controversy
within the sociology of science about the proper methods and aims of
sociological analysis. See the exchange in Social Studies of Science 12 (1982) between Thomas F.
Gieryn, RelativisUConstructivist
Programmes
in the Sociology of Science, pp. 227-297; H. M.
Collins, Knowledge,
Norms and Rules in the Sociology of Science.
pp. 229-309; Michael
Mulkay and G. Nigel Gilbert. What is the Ultimate Question?,
pp. 309-319; and Karin D.
Knorr-Cetina.
The Constructivist
Programme
in the Sociology
of Science:
Retreats
or
Advances?,
pp. 32&324. Historians of ideas have tended to shy away from social analyses
because they do not share some of the normative
conclusions
traditionally
associated
with the
sociology of science. But, the incursion of social factors into scientific discourse need not entail
radical theses about the arbitrary nature of knowledge.
In the following my analysis will be closer
to a comparative
study of the corresponding
communities
in other fields, suggested by Thomas
S. Kuhn, The Sfrucrure of Scientifi:c Revolu/ions, 2nd edn (Chicago: Chicago University
Press,
1970), p. 209. There are many ways in which social factors may influence science. I agree with
Delamonts
evaluation
of the work done in the sociology of science to date, that it has failed to
compare
and contrast
science with other bodies of knowledge
and members
of other
occupational
groups. See Sarah Delamont.
Three Blind Spots? A Comment on the Sociology
of Science by a Puzzled Outsider,
Social Studies of Science 17 (1987). 163-170. p. 165.
The common law is that which was practiced by Bacon and that which was most familiar to
educated Englishmen.
That is. while the content of the law itself was extremely complex and only
someone educated at the Inns of Court would understand
these intricacies,
the procedures.
e.g.
of precedent and jury trial, were well known. Blackstone,
in his Commenturies [vol. I, p. 71. cited
Lockes claim that it would be a strange absurdity
to suppose that gentlemen
of independent
estates and fortune would be ignorant of the law. For Boyles dealings with the law see R. E. W.
Maddison,
The Life of the Honourable Robert Boyle (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1969). Since
the legal analogy is methodological
and not substantive,
acquaintance
with legal procedures
is
sufficient
for my purposes.
23
24
Flexibility was not the sole concern, however. The common lawyers also
maintained that their practice was able to yield a greater degree of certainty
than the Roman one - a certainty that was based upon a vast amount of
experience. Early in the 17th century, Sir Edward Coke maintained that
Roman law was less certain than common law because it depended upon a
number of interpretations and glosses that gave rise to so many diversities
of opinions, as they do rather increase than resolve doubts and uncertainties.16 In contrast, common law was based upon:
the resolutions of Judges in Courts of Justice
. reported in our books, or extant
in judicial records or in both, and therefore,
being collected together, shall (as we
perceive)
produce certainty.
25
Once equipped with this artificial perfection of reason, the lawyer would have
the experience necessary for the discernment of similarities and differences in
past cases and for the analogical application of these precedents to new cases.
In the construction and application of a law, experience had to guide the use
of reason.23 But clearly, this type of experience is not that which is today
commonly associated with sense perception or mere observation. When the
lawyers claimed an experiential foundation for the justification of their
decisions, they did not appeal merely to an accumulation of facts, but to a
sophisticated process of interpreting the facts. Reason was not (and could not
be) excluded. But it had to be restrained more than it was in the case of those
speculators that take upon them to correct all the governments in the world
and to govern them by certain notions and fancies of their own.24
The common lawyers did not claim that experience could yield infallible
judgments, but maintained that it was preferable to adopt laws that had
Between a Philosopher and a Student of the Common Laws of England [in vol. VI of The English
Works of Thomas Hobbes, William Molesworth (ed.) (London: John Bohn, 1840), pp. l-160],
championed the analytical approach to the law. Hale criticized Hobbes on two points: (1) the
weakness of a purely analytical and logical criticism of existing laws and (2) Hobbes doctrine of
absolute sovereignty. Not surprisingly, in his Dialogus Physicus [Simon Schaffer (transl.) in
Leviathan and the Air-Pump, pp. 3463911 Hobbes was opposed to experimental science and
championed a rational, mathematical approach instead.
*See Richardson, History of the Inns of Court, pp. 91-150, for the fullest account of education
at the Inns. See also Baker, Reports of Spelman, vol. II, pp. 161-163; and Ives, The Common
Laywers, pp. 37-38, 158-161; for the common erudition learned at the Inns.
Richardson, History of the Inns of Court, pp. 148-149.
3Precedent was only a guide because it was notstrictly binding. See Baker, Reports of
Spelman, vol. II, pp. 161-163. Individual cases had small authority, the common opinion based
upon a number of cases carried more weight.
Hale, Reflections, in Holdsworth, A History of English Law, vol. V, p. 506. Jardine,
Francis Bacon, has argued that Bacons Great Instauration should be viewed as being in line
with the dialectical tradition. However, her argument does not seem to do much more than
establish that he was motivated by his aversion to dialectic, which would be a typical response of a
common lawyer. Common lawyers believed that a training in logic and dialectic was a necessary
preliminary to the study of law, but when Abrahm Fraunce, a member of Grays Inn at the time
of Bacon, published his Lawyers Logicke in 1588, it was viewed as little more than an English
translation of the dialectic of Ramus and received little attention. See Prest, The Inns of Court,
pp. 132-146, and Richardson, History of the Inns of Court, pp. 147-149. The usefulness of logic
was for the development of natural reason, but the study of law involved the development of
legal reason.
proven
reason.
successful
As Hale
than
to follow
the dictates
of individual
.
the unknown,
arbitrary, uncertain judgment of the uncertain reason of
pilrticular persons, bath been the prime reason, that the wiser sort of the world
have in all ages agreed upon some certain laws and rules and methods
of
administration
of common justice, and these to be as particular and certain as could
be well thought of.s
Mere reasoning
is not sufficient.
Unlike
consider
the relations
between
abstract
experience
of how similar
the mathematician
who could
definitions,
the lawyer needed
precedents
should apply to the present case. But the common law did have a
method of proof, sometimes
referred to as moral demonstration,
that was
considered
superior to mathematical
demonstration.
The manner by which
this type of proof was achieved can be seen in the way that trials were
conducted.
Here again. there was a marked difference between Roman law
and common
law.2
Ibid.,
p. 503.
Baker,
21
Roman law required complete proof (probatio pfena) before a verdict could
be reached. Proof did not consist in the balance of persuasion. Rather, strict
mechanical rules of evidence were followed. Different pieces of evidence
carried different numerical values (from 0 to l), and by a simple arithmetical
calculus, complete proof was achieved when these values totalled 1. If the
evidence provided only a probario semi-plena, then other measures, such as
torture, were employed to obtain certainty. The method of taking evidence
consisted of questioning witnesses in private and then introducing their
depositions as evidence to a closed court. Based upon this evidence, the
judicial bench would determine the facts of the case and pass legal ruling on
its own findings. In common law, on the other hand, trials were a public
affair, and witnesses testified in an open court. A jury of 12 men would
deliver their verdict on the facts of the case, and the bench would pass
judgment on their verdict. There was a sharp boundary of duties in the trial
court: the jury had the responsibility of deciding matters of fact, while it
was the task of the judges to decide matters of law.32
The common law courts did not require a complete proof in order for a
verdict to be reached by the jury. Originally, the method of proof, derived
from the Anglo-Saxon law of the ninth century, was that of cornpurgation.
Jurors were chosen on the basis of the knowledge that they had of the case
before the court, frequently coming from the same neighborhood as the
accused. Compurgators (witnesses) would take an oath and the truthfulness
of their testimony would be judged by the jury. While by the 17th century the
procedure had changed somewhat - jurors prior knowledge was not always
possible or desirable - in practice the jury frequently retained its self-
Langbein,
Prosecuting Crime in the Renaissance, pp. 237-239; Holdsworth,
A History of
English Law, vol. V, pp. 17S187. Torture was used because a confession carried the value of 1.
England also used torture for serious crimes, but there were no apparent criteria for when or why
it would be used.
Langbein,
Prosecuting Crime in the Renaissance, p. 211; Holdsworth,
A History of English
Law, vol. V, pp. 169-175.
See Langbein,
Prosecuting Crime in the Renaissance, p. 251. for the distinction
between
matters of fact and matters of law. The jury, for example, would find homicide.
and the
bench would decide if it was murder or manslaughter
and pass sentence
accordingly.
See
Holdsworth,
A History of English Law, vol. V, pp. 195-196 for the open, public nature of trials.
See Green, Verdict According to Conscience, pp. 110-111; and Baker, Reports of Spelman, vol.
II, pp. 92-100, for the necessity of oral testimony.
By the 17th century the practice of written
depositions
had been introduced
into English law, but they were not part of the official record
and were not binding. An example of all of these factors can be found in the 1649 Trial of
Lieutenant-Colonel
John Lilburne,
in: State Trials, compiled
by T. B. Howell,
21 vols.
(London,
1816), vol. IV, pp. 1270-1470.
Also in this trial one can see the great amount of
freedom that the defendant
had to speak in contrast with the Roman procedures
where the
defendant
was extremely limited in what he could say and when he could say it. See Langbein,
Prosecuting Crime in the Renaissance, p. 237; and Holdsworth,
A History of English Law, vol. V
pp. 169-175.
28
informing role. 33 If the evidence was incomplete, for example, the jury could
proceed upon its knowledge. The final decision was to be based upon the
probable merits of the cases put forth by the accused and the accuser, and the
case would be decided in favor of the one whose account appeared to them
most likely to be true. The proof of the case was said to consist in the
finding of a body of reasonable men, according to the probabilities of the
case.s4
In opposition to the notion of a mathematical demonstration,
and the
Roman law notion of strict numerical probability, the common law offered a
model of demonstration
in which experience was fundamental in the
determination
of the reasonable resolution of cases. The experiential
foundation of the lawyers went beyond a mere accumulation of facts to a
reasoned interpretation
of the facts. Their notion of experience relied
heavily on the idea of an expert.
The expert was one who had mastered the common erudition; who had
developed his reason by experience in a specific area and was thus the most
qualified to judge in that area. 35 The jury would have expert status in the
judgment of the veridical nature of the witnesses testimony, by virtue of their
past experience of the reputations of the accused and the witnesses, and thus
of the likelihood of the matter of fact having occurred. The judge (a lawyer)
was the expert, who, by reason of his long experience of the workings of the
law, was able to deliver the best judgment on matters which related to the
interpretation of the facts and the resolution of the case. In the process of
rational adjudication, the use of background knowledge was necessary both
for the establishment of the facts and the application of past cases that would
determine the relevance and interpretation of the facts. This same broad
notion of experience, and the type of demonstration grounded upon it, played
an integral part in the attempts by English experimentalists to justify the
knowledge-producing
character of their enterprise. This can be seen most
clearly in the case of Robert Boyle, who, expanding upon the methodological
precepts of Bacon, made frequent use of the lawyers arguments in the
interest of advancing the cause of experimental philosophy.
III. Boyles Experimental
Boyle,
the leading
advocate
Philosophy
philosophy
in
Baker,
Reporfs ofSpelman, vol. II, p. 107-112; Holdsworth,
A History ofEnglish Law, vol.
II, pp. 108-117; vol. III, pp. 59-34;
and Green, Verdict According to Conscience, pp. lOC107,
to the evidence and your conscience.
142. The jurors were told to judge according
Holdsworth,
A Hisfory of English Law, vol. III. p. 633. The right of the accused to challenge
the testimony of his accusers turned the trial into a proper test, according to Green, Verdicf
According fo Conscience,
p. 136.
Baker,
Reports of Spelman, vol. II, p. 124.
29
30
The rationalists,
given us of things
the Baconian
who content
themselves
with the superficial
account
by their obvious appearances
and qualities,
he likened to
spider
in a place
who
taking notice only of those objects, that obtrude themselves upon her senses, lives
ignorant of all the other rooms in the house, save that wherein she lurks; and
discerning
nothing either of the architecture
of the stately building. or of the
proportion
of the parts of it in relation to each other. and to the entire structure,
makes it her whole business. by intrapping of flies, to continue a useless life or
exercise
herself to spin cobwebs,
which though consisting of very subtile threads,
are unserviceable
for any other than her own trifling uses.
He did not discount the use of reason. Rather, reason had to be improved by
meditation,
conferences,
observations
and experiments,
that need not
destroy a dictate of reason, but only give it a limitation
and restrain it.4
Boyle wished to speak physically of things and pure reason is not sufficient
for that task. But, neither is mere observation
sufficient for revealing truths
about those causes actually operative
in the world. The appreciation
of the
complexity and subtlety of the world created a demand for a new science to be
built upon two foundations,
reason and experience.4
For the physical
world, the use of natural reason and common observation
is not sufficient; the
testimony of nature is also necessary, and one needs experience in order to be
able to ask the right questions
of nature
and to interpret
the answers.
Experimentation
was to be the method by which one was to discover, by
artifice and skill, things that were hidden from common
observation:
The experimental
philosopher
is not a mere empiric
who too often makes
experiments.
without making reflection on them, as having it more in his aim to
produce effects, than to discover truths.
/bid.. p. 9. For Bacon. the spider represented reasoners who make cobwebs out of their
own substance (The New Orgmon. Bk. I. aph. xcv, in The Works, vol. VIII,
p. 131). Boyle
expanded
somewhat
upon the spiders activities,
but the conclusion is the same the
experimentalist
is to use both sense and reason.
Boyle,
The Christim Virtuoso. vol. VI, p. 715.
SBoylc, The Origin of Quuiiries. vol. III. p. 25.
*Boyle,
The Christian Virtuoso. vol. V, p. 512.
l&d., p. 524. This is an obvious reference to Bacons distinction between experiments of light
and experiments of fruit. in The New Organon, Bk. 1, aph. xcix, in The Works. vol. VIII, p. 135.
Also. in Dr Augmentis, Bk. II, ch. 2, in The works. vol. VIII,
p. 415, Bacon maintained that
History mechanical
will give a more true and real illumination concerning the investigation
of causes of things and axioms of arts. than has hitherto shone upon mankind. The difficulties
encountered in the discovery of causes will be discussed below. But it is important to note here
that while Boyle wished to discover actual causes. he did not restrict a knowledge of them to
the observational
level. Observations
were only one of a number of constraints on theorybuilding; they did not play the empirical role of a straight-forward
criterion for the truth of a
theory - indeed. frequently observations had to be corrected by the use of theories. As we will
see. theories do not simply fall out of, and receive their complete warrant from, experimental
results.
31
Boyle did not regard reason and experience as contrary notions. To gain
experience of the world, we must make reflections on the information of the
senses, and not simply receive sense impressions passively.4x We must do
more than look at the world, we must actively investigate it. The information
of the senses could not provide an evidential warrant for a theory until it had
been itself validated by experimental trials. But even the experiments
designed for this investigation could miscarry. Contingencies of experiments resulted from the presence of such circumstances as are very difficult
to be observed, or seem to be of no concernment to an experiment but yet
may have a great influence on the event of it.4 When working with metals,
for example, the experimenter must be very cautious because samples may
appear perfectly similar to the eye yet small quantities of other metals may
lie concealed, and their presence is hardly to be discerned before
experience have discovered it. The experience used here to decide the issue
is to be gained either from exquisite separations or from unexpected
operations exhibited in experimental trials.5 By manipulating nature, we
not only increase the quantity of information that we have of natural
processes, we improve the quality of that information by extending our
knowledge of the world beyond that of the mere appearances which could be
had from common observation.
The difficulties encountered entail, not that experimental science cannot
yield knowledge, but that an immense amount of labor and skill is required
for the proper design of experiments and the validation of our interpretations
of the results. Repetition and variation of the experimental conditions are
necessary. As Boyle reminds his readers, he provides numerous examples of
the contingency of experiment so that they would realize the obligation:
. . . to try those experiments very carefully, and more than once, upon which you
mean to build considerable
superstructures,
either theoretical or practical; and to
think it unsafe to rely too much upon single experiments5
*Boyle,
medicinal remedies, for example, a drug could be effective for the cure of a specific disease, but
could result in the death of the patient nonetheless
because of some unforeseen
or unheeded
condition
in the particular
patient that made the drug either too strong or too weak to be
effective. He also noted that a patients expectations
could influence the effectiveness of the cure.
Interestingly,
Hale used the medical analogy to illustrate legal procedures:
But the texture of
human affairs is not unlike the texture of a diseased body
., it may be of so various natures
that such physic as may be proper for the cure of one of the maladies may be destructive
in
relation to the other and the cure of one disease may be the death of the patient.
Hale,
Reflections,
p. 503.
Ibid., p. 322.
Ibid., pp. 348-349. Repetition
and variation
are techniques
required
to validate that the
experiment
can be used as a legitimate
piece of evidence.
32
to produce
of the senses,
such a despondency
them.52
nor empiricist.
The demand
is equally
suspect:
The information
for repetition
judgments
of mind,
of
indicates
of reason
was designed as a
means by which both the sensory and rational faculties would be used to their
best advantage
primarily by being used as constraints
upon each other. The
study of contingent
matters requires a methodological
strategy similar to that
which is found in the law. It is a strategy of rational adjudication
by which the
evidence
is carefully
collected,
weighted,
and verified.
Based upon this
evidence,
reason then decides on the truth of the matter. The method is
fallible.
The truths obtained
from it will not possess the metaphysical
necessity of Cartesian
first principles,
but will be limited to a knowledge
of
how things are actually produced
in the world as it is now constituted.
As
Boyle explained,
the experimental
philosopher
does not seek axioms
metaphysical
or universal
but rather axioms collected or emergent,
by
which I mean such as result from comparing
together
many particulars.
These axioms are so general that they rarely admit of exceptions yet they may
not be unlimitedly
true.54 Experimental
science may also sometimes fail to
identify even such limited truths. But all that is required for a justification
is
that the method
often succeeds,
not that it never fails. The striking
experimental
success of Harvey
and Galileo,
for example,
provided
a
precedent
for the future
success of experimental
science.
As Boyle
explained,
physicians and merchants do not forsake their businesses because:
. though they sometimes miss of their ends, yet they oftentimes attain them, and
are by their successes requited not only for those endeavours
that succeed, but for
those that were lost, so ought we not by the contingencies
incident to experimental
attempts,
to be deterred
from making them.s6
The experimental
philosophy
the facts upon which theories
Ibid., p. 352.
3Boyle, The Christian Virtuoso, vol. VI, p. 707.
54BovIe, Things Said to Transcend Reason. vol. IV, p. 462.
Bo;le
held bbth men in high esteem. For his frequent yeferences to Harvey, see Richard A.
Hunter and Ida MacaIDine. William Harvev and Robert Bovle. Notes and Records ofthe Roval
Society of London 13 i1958). 115-127. For Boyles referencks to Galileo, see, for example,
fhe
Usefulness of Natural Philosophy, vol. III, esp. p. 467, where he calls Galileo the great master
of mechanics.
ShBoyle, Of Unsucceeding
Experiments,
vol. I, pp. 352-353.
Scientific
Experiment
33
Finally, while mathematics was a useful and necessary tool for the
advancement of natural philosophy, its use was limited to proving the truth of
descriptive laws about the world; it could not take us beyond to the physical
causes responsible. In hydrostatical investigations, for example:
Boyle, Hydrostatical Paradoxes, vol. II, p. 142. Previous studies have given the impression
that Boyle did not understand mathematics. For example, A. R. Hall, The Scientific Revolution,
2nd edn (Boston: Beacon Press, 1983), p. 278, states that Boyle had no natural aptitude
towards the mathematization of nature. In works such as the Hydrostatical Paradoxes, however,
Boyle does display his knowledge of mathematics. The absence of mathematical demonstrations
in his work should be attributed to his philosophical arguments against reasoning more
geometrico and to his interest in the qualitative aspects of natural philosophy.
Boyle, Of Unsucceeding Experiments, vol. I, p. 347.
Boyle, The Christian Virtuoso, vol. VI, p. 705.
MBoyle, Hydrostatical Paradoxes, vol. II, p. 742.
34
ofScience
For Boyle,
the importance
of hydrostatical
inquiry
and without
referring
extended
beyond
them to
proving
Ibid.. p. 740. In his Usefultless qf Nutural Philosophy. vol. III. p. 477, he argued for the
usefulness of mathematics,
stating that many properties
and uses of natural things
are not
likely to be observed by those men, though otherwise never so learned, that are strangers to the
mathematicks.
Boyle, Hydrostatical Paradoxes, p. 746. Compare
this with Bacons advice in The New
Organon. Bk. I. aph. xcvi. in The Works, vol. VIII. p. 132. that mathematics
ought only to give
definiteness
to natural philosophy,
not to generate
or give it birth. See Peter Dear Jesuit
Mathematical
Science and the Reconstitution
of Experience
in the Early Seventeenth
Century,
Studies in History und Philosophy of Science 18 (1987). 133-175. for a discussion of the distinction
between mathematical
and physical sciences. Dear traces what he finds to be a transformation
in
the term experience
from the Aristotelian
notion of a universal evident statement
used as a
premise in a scientific demonstration
to the notion in the 17th century of a discrete historical
event. With this transformation,
Dear argues that expertise and witnessing became fundamental
to the establishment
of facts that could be used as evident suppositions
in scientific argument.
Boyles notion of experience does not seem to fit well within this discussion. The facts established
by experience
are not discrete events but are regularities,
e.g. that animals will die ten times
faster in a pump from which most of the air has been removed than from one left full. But these
regularities
are not to be used as suppositions
in scientific explanation.
Rather they are the facts
to be explained
by science. If Dear is right, it would seem that there were (at least) two
experimental
traditions:
one that derived from the mathematical
sciences, and one from the
low sciences of law. chemistry
and medicine.
Boyle. The Origirz of Qualities. voi. III, p. 75. In his Received Notiorl of Narure. vol. V. p.
170, Boyle denies that a law can define the nature of a body because a law omits the general
fabric of the world and the contrivances
of particular
bodies that are necessary
to produce
effects.
hJBoyle, Certain Physiological Essays, vol. 1, p. 356.
is
h5Boyle,
Experiments
Touching Colours, vol. I, p. 746. Boyles corpuscularianism
different from the mechanical philosophy
of others. See Stillman Drakes discussion of Galileos
shift from the Aristotelian
search for causes to the quest of laws of nature based on experiment
and measurement
[Cause, Experimenl and Science (Chicago:
University
of Chicago Press,
1981), p. ix]; and Lisa Sarasohns
discussion
of the mechanical
philosophy
of Gassendi
and
Hobbes where the law of inertia had the central explanatory
role. (Motion and Morality: Pierre
Gasscndi. Thomas Hobbes and the Mechanical
World-View,
Journal of the History of Ideas 46
(19X5), 36.3-379.) Although Boyle was a vocal critic of Aristotelianism,
he retained the notions of
formal and final causality by transforming
them into notions compatible
with his corpuscularianism. See Peter Alexander,
Ideus, Qualities and Corpuscles; Norma E. Emerton,
The Scientific
Reinrerprekztion of Form (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1984); Marie Boas Hall, Roherr Boyle
35
avoided the occult qualities and forms of the Aristotelians and chemists, and
was more fertile and comprehensive than the previous doctrines. For
example, even if the elements of the chemists could be proven to exist, these
ingredients would still owe their nature to a union of insensible particles.66
Yet, he sided with the chemists who believed that the current formulations of
corpuscularianism
consisted of empty and extravagant speculations,
because the theorists pretend to explicate the great book of nature, without
having so much as looked upon the chiefest and the difficultist part of it
[chemical combinations].67 In his view, the corpuscular philosophy is a
physical hypothesis, and therefore its tenets have to be proven by experience.
For this purpose, he maintained that there are scarce any experiments, that
may better accommodate the Phaenician [corpuscular] principles, than those
that may be borrowed from the laboratories of the chymists.68
Corpuscles are unobservable in principle. They are invisible causes and
their manner of existence can only be known by inference from the effects
that they produce. 6y The eye or the imag ination can never reach to so small
an object as an atom, but, there is no necessity . . . that visibility to a
human eye should be necessary to the existence of an atom, or of a corpuscle
of air, or of the effluviums of a loadstone.
Neither common observation
nor mathematical analysis will reveal the manner by which the corpuscles
produce their effects; only experimentation will do so. Boyle remarked that
his reflection on the phenomena of nature led him to appreciate the intelligibility of the corpuscular philosophy, and that his acceptance of this
philosophy in turn led him to realize the necessity of an experimental
and Seventeenth Cenrury Chemistry (Cambridge:
Cambridge
University Press, 1958); and James
G. Lennox, Boyles Defense of Teleological
Inference,
Isis 74 (1983), 38-52. It seems that it
was largely his interest in chemistry that separated Boyle from other mechanical philosophers
and
this interest led him to a different
formulation
of the experimental
ideal.
OhBoyle, The Grounds of the Mechanical Philosophy, vol. IV, p. 14. Thomas Kuhn, in his
Robert
Boyle and Structural
Chemistry
in the Seventeenth
Century,
Isis 43 (1952), 12-36,
argued that Boyle set back the progress of chemistry because he refused to accept the existence of
elements. But, as Hall, Robert Boyle and Seventeenth Cenrury Chemistry, has pointed out, the
elements that Boyle denied were the universal ones that the chemists posited as existing in any
body whatsoever.
Boyle,
Certain Physiological Essays, vol. I, p. 358.
Ibid. Chemical experiments
could show what nature contributed
in chemical combinations,
since the experiments
were done in closed transparent
vessels, so that one could better know
what concurs to the effects produced,
because adventitious
bodies
are kept from intruding
upon those, whose operations
we have a mind to consider.
(Ibid.) See the correspondence
between
Henry
Oldenburg,
on behalf of Boyle,
and Baruch
Spinoza,
on the need to
experimentally
establish corpuscular
doctrines,
in: The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg,
vols I and II, A. R. Hall and M. B. Hall (eds) (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. 1965).
6Boyle, Cosmical Qualities of Things, vol. III, p. 315. Corpuscles
are unobservable
in
principle because they possess only primary qualities and it is the secondary qualities produced by
their joining together
into various configurations
that produce
sensible qualities in us.
Boyle, The Christian Virtuoso. vol. VI, p. 694. In Things Said to Transcend Reason. vol. IV,
p. 469, Boyle explained
that our illative knowledge
is clearer and extends further than our
intuitive
or apprehensive
knowledge.
36
method.
He sought to discover qualitative
explanations
of the quantitative
laws described
by other mechanical
philosophers.
To infer actual causes
correctly,
to determine
and then,
since a number of different possible causes may be inferred, one also needs to
confirm the hypothesis
by experiment,
by the careful testing of the further
consequences
entailed
by it. Qualitative
corpuscular
hypotheses
that explain
He retained
a skeptical
attitude
toward
a number
of philosophical
positions.
One ought to suspend judgment
if there is a specific reason to
doubt. But, there are times when there is no such reason. If all of the
evidence points to one side of the issue, and there is no evidence on the other
side that would militate against it, then the reasonable
course is to affirm the
conclusion.
Moral
demonstration
could
yield undoubted
assent.
Of course,
37
the case of murder, and some other criminal cases. For, though the testimony of a
single witness shall not suffice to prove the accused party guilty of murder; yet the
testimony of two witnesses, though but of equal credit, that is, a second testimony
added to the first, though of itself never a whit more credible than the former, shall
ordinarily suffice to prove a man guilty; because it is thought reasonable to
suppose, that, though each testimony single be but probable, yet a concurrence of
such probabilities, (which ought in reason to be attributed to the truth of what they
jointly tend to prove) may well amount to a moral certainty, i.e., such a certainty,
as may warrant the judge to proceed to the sentence of death against the indicted
party.74
A conclusion built upon a concurrence of probabilities cannot be but
allowed, supposing the truth of the most received rules of prudence and
principles of practical philosophy.75 Moral demonstration is a form of
practical judgment that is concerned with rational assent. Boyles standard of
rationality does not consist in a mere multiplication of testimony, but in the
amount of independent evidence for the proposition in question:
. . . when we are to judge, which of two disagreeing opinions is most rational, i.e.
to be judged most agreeable to right reason, we ought to give sentence, not for
that, which the faculty, furnished only with such and such notions, whether vulgar,
or borrowed from this or that sect of philosophers, would prefer, but that, which is
preferred by the faculty, furnished, either with all the evidence requisite or
advantageous to make it give a right judgment in the case lying before it, or, when
that cannot be had, with the best and fullest information, that it can procure.
38
explanatory
power, but added a third criterion:
that it be not inconsistent
with any other truth or phaenomenon
of nature.7x A theory is worthy of
approbation
if it comports with all other phaenomena
of nature as well as
those it is framed to explicate.
This additional
criterion
increases
the
amount of phenomena
for which a hypothesis
must account,
and it is the
experimentalists
of a hypothesis
to ensure
that
it.
explained,
an
As
Boyle
numerous,
and the more various the particles are, whereof some are explicable by
the assigned hypothesis,
and some are agreeable to it, or at least are not dissonant
from it, the more valuable is the hypothesis,
and the more likley to be true. For it is
much more difficult, to find an hypothesis,
that is not true, which will suit
phaenomena,
especially if they be of various kinds, than but with a few.
39
Remarks
If the legal analogy is taken seriously, that is, if one looks to the legal
domain for elucidation of the concepts employed by English experimentalists,
important, but often neglected or misunderstood, aspects of the epistemological foundations of the new science become apparent. For example, since
Boyle,
Cosmical Suspicions, vol. III, p. 318.
Boyle,
Some Considerations
about Reason and Religion, vol. IV, p. 183.
X41bid.
See Ian Hacking,
The Emergence of Probabilify (Cambridge:
Cambridge
University Press,
1975), esp. ch. 2, for his discussion of this dual aspect of probability.
Because Hacking focuses
too much upon the qualitative
aspect of probability
as an appeal to authority,
however,
he
concludes that our ordinary notion of probability
did not exist until the 17th century. See Patey,
Probability and Literary Form, Appendix
A, pp. 266-272, for a detailed criticism of Hacking.
Also, see chs 1 and 2 in Patey for his alternative
account that draws upon the history of
probability
in the law, rhetoric,
and the low sciences of medicine and chemistry.
40
the notion
perception,
of experience
was much broader than that associated with sense
it would be a misinterpretation
of the historical texts to attribute
an empiricist
Baconian
position
true
to either
and lawful
Bacon
marriage
or Boyle.
between
faculty.s6
soon
of Science
truth
would
be achieved
the empirical
than Bacon
by this
method,
in his assessment
but
he
to the
of how
Bacons
optimism that truth would be achieved. His philosophy of science was not at
all the mitigated skepticism of philosophers
such as Gassendi who advocated
an empiricist
science of appearances.x7
In an extremely eclectic fashion, Boyle constructed
a moderate philosophy
of science designed in such a way that it would possess the best elements from
empiricist and rationalist
approaches
to the study of nature. Because of this
eclecticism,
it is possible to pick passages from his works that would support
either an empiricist or a rationalist
interpretation
of his philosophy.
It is also
relatively
easy to find passages that reflect the thought of earlier philosophers. To the extent that predecessor
studies can help to illuminate
the
elements
in Boyles thought,
they are significant;
but the temptation
to
reduce Boyles philosophy
to that of another,
based upon a select set of
similarities,
ought
to be resisted.
His eclecticism
produced
a unique
philosophy
of science that ought to be evaluated
in its own terms.
I have argued here for a rather strong Baconian influence upon Boyle, but
it should be stressed
that while Boyle apparently
followed
the earlier
philosophers
larger vision of science, he expanded
upon and modified that
vision in its methodological
details. The link between Bacon and Boyle is
significant in that it suggests that the experiential
procedure of common law,
which we know to have influenced
Bacons thought, also influenced
Boyle.
Further there is independent
evidence, in Boyles use of legal analogies, that
he was influenced
by the lawyers arguments.
When one then turns to the
legal tradition and its broad notion of experience,
the apparent inconsistency
between
the experimental
way of experience
of hidden
Bacon,
The New Organon,
Preface,
in The Works, vol. VIII, p. 34.
Gassendis
philosophy
has been characterized
as empiricist
by Margaret
J. Osler,
Providence
and Divink will in Gassendis
Views on Scientific KnowledgeT
Journal of /he
Historv of Ideas 44 (1983). 549-560; Popkin. Hisrorv of.SkeDticism; and Sarasohn,
Motion and
Morality.
Osler claims that Gassendis
mitigatedskepticism
and nominalist ontology became
characteristic
of English science as represented
in the works of Boyle and Newton.
(Ibid.,
p. 560.)
Again.
this influence is in terms of the procedures.
and not the substance
of the law of
England.
41
Richard S. Westfall, in his review of Leviathan and the Air-Pump, Philosophy of Science 54
(1987), 128-130, also finds this to be one of their central theses.
42
If there be an
how,
or by what
operation
it is able to produce
is questionable
the acknowledged
effect.
Boyle, Animadversions Upon Mr. Hobbess Problemata de Vacua. vol. IV, p. 105.
(This argument
has also recently been made by Kockelmans,
On the Problem of Truth in
the Sciences.
See also, Patey, Probability and Literary Form, p. 15, where he describes
Carneades
as putting forward criteria that would make assent nonarbitrary.
Shapin
and Schaffer,
Leviathan and the Air-Pump. p. 308.
Zbid.. p. 140.
Perhaps
it was Hobbes close association
with Gassendi
that led him to misunderstand
Boyles appeal to experience.
Shapin and Schaffer are attempting
to follow recent work, e.g. by
Latour and Woolgar, where sociologists enter the laboratory
as strangers
to the procedures
in
order to obtain what they believe to be an unbiased view [see Bruno Latour and Steve Woolgar,
Laboratory Life (London: Sage. 1979)]. But because theirs is a historical laboratory,
to which
they cannot go directly, Shapin and Schaffer attempt to achieve the perspective
of a stranger by
taking Hobbes point of view. But Hobbes was not an unbiased
stranger.
he was an active
opponent
who had his own interests. one of which was to discredit the experimentalists.
It is
extremely unlikely that an opponent to Boyle would be a good source for what his method really
was. I find Bacons dictum about knowing a man at second hand much more useful: Mens
weaknesses
and faults are best known from their enemies
their opinions and thoughts from
their familiar friends with whom they discourse most. Bacon, De Augmenris. Bk. VIII. ch. 2, in
The Works. vol. IX, p. 276.
Boyle, Things Said to Transcend Reasort, vol. IV, p. 455.
43
But clearly, this boundary was not a new creation of the experimentalists.
Boyle could easily recognize the fruitfulness of the distinction, which had a
long history of use in the legal sphere, and carry it over into his experimental
philosophy without thereby creating, or even using, the boundary as a
solution to particular Restoration issues. lo3 Indeed, since the legal sphere was
much more closely involved with political issues, and the boundary was
already established in that realm, in what way would the use of it by the new
experimental philosophers, who had not yet received total acceptance, serve
any significant political purpose?
Another problem arises from Shapin and Schaffers analysis of the role of
witnesses. They write that matters of fact were to be established by the
aggregation of individuals beliefs, and that in this process a multiplication
of the witnessing experience was fundamental.04 According to them, the
thrust of the legal analogy consisted, in part, in the tactic of multiplying
Leviathan
p. 24.
Bacons
vision of scientific knowledge
rising as a pyramid from a firm foundation
of fact
would be another likely source for Boyles distinction.
Obviously,
Bacon was not part of the
Restoration
polity.
%hapin and Schaffer,
Leviathan and the Air-Pump,
p. 25.
44
of Science
45
should not expect an epistemic analysis from social historians. But, seemingly
external areas of a culture can make valuable epistemological contributions
to scientific discourse, as the common law did for experimental science. This
suggests that a different type of analysis of the social context could be done by
more traditional historians of ideas. Instead of concentrating solely upon the
social significance of the ideas of past scientists, one should also look at how
ideas current in the larger society contributed to the development of
science. To the extent that there is an epistemological dimension to the
social realm, then social factors can act as legitimate epistemic resources.
Indeed, they are epistemic resources in two ways: (1) for historical actors,
areas external to science may be sources of innovative and progressive ideas
necessary for the scientific enterprise; (2) for historians of science, if the
external areas from which these ideas developed are used as illustration in the
historical texts, then study of these areas can provide a valuable resource for a
better understanding of the new ideas being illustrated.
Acknowledgements - I am indebted to Dr Julian Martin for valuable suggestions
concerning the legal issues discussed in this paper. I would also like to thank
N. Jardine and E. McMullin for their helpful comments
on an earlier draft.
*This is a reversal of Bloors contention that epistemic factors are really social factors.
See David Bloor, The Sociology of Reasons: Or Why Epistemic Factors are Really Social
Factors , in: J. R. Brown (ed.), Scientific Rafionaliry: The Sociological Turn (Dordrecht:
Reidel, 1984) pp. 295-324. Of course, some historians have looked at external areas for their
contribution to science, although most of this work has focussed upon theological ideas that are
considered to be more properly intellectual. But, see William Coleman, The Cognitive Basis
of the Discipline: Claude Bernard on Physiology, Isis 76 (1985), 49-70; and Lloyd, Magic,
Reason and Experience. Coleman examines the interaction of cognitive and social parameters in
discipline formation, a task which, he notes, is too significant to be left to sociologists who
ignore the intellectual content of such endeavors. (p. 49.)