Journal of Adolescence 35 (2012) 16111618

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Journal of Adolescence
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jado

LGBTQ adolescents and young adults raised within a Christian religious

context: Positive and negative outcomes
Angie L. Dahl a, *, Renee V. Galliher b
a
b

Ferrum College, Ferrum, VA, United States

Utah State University, Logan, UT, United States

a b s t r a c t
Keywords:
Sexual minority
Religiosity
Positive outcomes
Negative outcomes

Religious contexts have traditionally been understood as protective for a variety of

psychosocial health outcomes. However, the generalizability of these ndings to youth
who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender or queer (LGBTQ) is questioned due to
denominational teachings on same-sex attractions and sexual behavior. Eight adolescents
(1517 years) and 11 young adults (1924 years) who identify as LGBTQ raised in Christian
religious afliations (16 participants raised in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day
Saints, 2 participants raised Catholic and 1 participant raised Presbyterian) participated in
individual in-depth interviews, journal writings, and focus groups to provide greater
insight into the lived experiences of LGBTQ individuals raised within a Christian religious
environment. Findings suggest the religious context is related to both positive and negative outcomes. Eight themes are explored using participants own words and experiences.
Directions for future research and implications are discussed.
2012 The Foundation for Professionals in Services for Adolescents. Published by Elsevier
Ltd. All rights reserved.

Researchers have highlighted the importance of context when considering the developmental experiences of sexual
minorities, individuals who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or queer (LGBTQ) or use another label of personal
meaning (DAugelli, 2006). One context, and a major socializing force in the United States, is religion. Seventy-six percent of
Americans report a Christian religious afliation and approximately 4% of Americans describe a religious afliation other than
Christianity (Statistical Abstract of the United States, 2011). While a small number of religious denominations have become
more afrming of same-sex sexuality, the religious context remains chaotic for some sexual minorities. The presupposition
and normative standard of heterosexuality is salient and often unchallenged within Western society, and it can be exacerbated within Christian religious contexts. Sexual minority individuals within these contexts may be exposed to negative and
condemning denominational teachings regarding their sexual attractions and behavior, leading to heightened frustration and
confusion regarding their own values related to sexual behavior, attractions, faith, family and the afterlife. As such, developmental processes can be complicated for sexual minorities attempting to negotiate their sense of identity within Christian
religious contexts (Coyle, 1998).
Two-thirds of sexual minorities have reported experiencing conict between their sexual and religious identities (Dahl &
Galliher, 2009). In response, a large number of sexual minorities have reported disengaging with their religious afliation
(Schuck & Liddle, 2001). Researchers have hypothesized that the experiences of conict within the religious context may take
a toll on sexual minorities (e.g., Rostosky, Danner, & Riggle, 2010). Whereas religion is traditionally understood to serve
a protective benet for both physical health (e.g., Oman & Thoresen, 2005; Wallace & Foreman, 1998) and mental health

* Corresponding author. Tel.: 1 435 740 0693.

E-mail address: angiedahl@gmail.com (A.L. Dahl).
0140-1971/$ see front matter 2012 The Foundation for Professionals in Services for Adolescents. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.adolescence.2012.07.003

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A.L. Dahl, R.V. Galliher / Journal of Adolescence 35 (2012) 16111618

outcomes (e.g., Ano & Vasconcelles, 2005; Nooney, 2005), this body of research has often lacked sensitivity to the participants
sexual orientation, rendering the generalizability of these ndings suspect.
An emerging body of literature has begun to investigate sexual minority religiosity and its relationship to psychosocial
outcomes. Existing research has conceptualized religiosity in various forms; ndings suggest religiosity functions as both
a developmental asset and a source of risk. Clingman and Fowler (1976) found church attendees to exhibit higher levels of
self-esteem than non-attendees in their sample of 128 sexual minority adults. Using a measure of religious commitment and
identication, Rosario, Yali, Hunter, and Gwadz (2006) found a similar relationship between sexual minority religiosity and
self-esteem in their sample of 164 LGB youth. In contrast, higher levels of self-rated religious commitment have been linked to
increased experiences of gay- related stress (Ream & Savin-Williams, 2005; Rosario et al., 2006), challenging a widespread
protective benet.
Research has also examined the relationship between sexual minority religiosity and substance use. Rosario et al. (2006)
found religious commitment associated with lowered levels of binge drinking, substance use and risky sexual behavior in
male gay and bisexual adolescents but not female lesbian and bisexual youth. Similar results were found by Rostosky et al.
(2010). Using a large, nation-wide sample, Rostosky, Danner, and Riggle (2007) found a 920% reduction of cigarette
smoking, marijuana use and binge drinking with every unit increase in religiosity for the heterosexual subsample; however,
the same relationship was not substantiated in the sexual minority subsample. The authors have found similar patterns of
results when measuring religiosity and alcohol use (Rostosky, Danner, & Riggle, 2008), as well as religious commitment and
heavy episodic drinking in lesbian and bisexual women (Rostosky et al., 2010).
Other research has differentiated between positive and negative religious experiences when considering psychosocial
health outcomes. Lease, Horne, and Noffsinger-Frazier (2005) surveyed 583 LGB adults and found afrming faith experiences
to be indirectly related to psychological health through both heightened spirituality and decreased internalized homonegativity (i.e., negative attitudes experienced by sexual minorities in relation to their own same-sex attractions and/or
behaviors). Similarly, positive cognitive and affective religious experiences have been linked to increased self-esteem in
a sample of 106 sexual minority young adults (Dahl & Galliher, 2010). In contrast, Lease et al. (2005) suggested participation in
non-afrming contexts may be a risk factor for LGB individuals, a nding demonstrated by Dahl and Gallihers study which
linked negative religious experiences to increased sexual orientation conict and decreased self-esteem.
To date, sexual minority religiosity has been found to serve as both a developmental asset and source of risk for sexual
minority individuals. Further, very little research has been conducted with LGBTQ adolescents themselves, and the existing
research has not provided a rich description of these experiences. In the current study, a qualitative methodology was utilized
to provide greater insight into the positive and negative experiences of sexual minority adolescents and young adults coming
out within a Christian religious context. Sexual minority adolescents and young adults are presumed to be going through the
process of identity negotiation (Erikson, 1968) and as such, can provide more current information regarding their experiences.
Specic research questions were: 1) what do sexual minority adolescents and young adults describe as sources of risk for
negative outcomes in relation to their Christian religious upbringing?; 2) what factors do sexual minority adolescents and
young adults describe as developmental assets linked to positive outcomes in relation to their Christian religious upbringing?
Method
Saewyc (2011) suggested future research should utilize in-depth qualitative methodologies to explore patterns of sexual
minority youths experiences, gaining rich narratives of developmental processes. In the current study, a phenomenological
design was utilized to give voice to the experiences of 19 LGBTQ adolescent and young adults raised in the Christian context.
When using a qualitative approach, information regarding the authors positioning is a necessary part of the study itself
(Denzin & Lincoln, 2005). The authors both identify as allies and are active in supporting the LGBTQ community. Both authors
were raised in religious contexts and were active in their childhood Christian faith during childhood, adolescence and early
adulthood. As such, participant data was discussed in the context of these religious histories and allied support of LGBTQ
persons.
Participants
Participants were eligible for the study if they self-identied as a sexual minority, were 1424 years, and identied as
being actively raised in a Christian religious tradition. Participants were recruited in Utah, where the majority of the states
population identies as a member of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (LDS). Participants did not have to be
currently religious nor out to family or friends to participate. Participants were recruited through iers placed at local
support organizations, word of mouth, a social networking website, and email listservs.
Eight adolescent (1518 years) and 11 young adult (1924 years) individuals participated in the study. Because the
adolescent and young adult subsamples endorsed divergent sexual identity milestones and religious histories, they were
conceptualized as two distinct groups for both data collection and analyses. The adolescent participants identied as a sexual
minority at an earlier age (M 13.13 years, SD .83) than the young adult participants (M 18.27 years, SD 2.65). A similar
proportion of the adolescent participants (75%) were out to at least one family member as the young adult participants
(63%) at the time of the interview, suggesting the adolescent participants were more out during their adolescent years than
the young adult sample. While all participants in the young adult sample were raised in the LDS faith tradition, the adolescent

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samples religious histories were more variable (see Table 1). Three of the adolescent participants were not raised in the LDS
faith, and two of the adolescent participants raised LDS (Andrew, Alexia) attended services weekly with extended family and
friends because their immediate family members were not active religiously. All participants were White American. Additional information regarding the participants is included in Table 1 and can be found elsewhere (Dahl, 2011; Dahl & Galliher,
2012).
Procedure
There were three phases to the study, each providing a unique form of information to triangulate the data (Glesne, 2006).
Participants were paid $15 for each phase of the study in which they participated. The rst phase of data collection consisted
of in-depth, face-to-face interviews between the rst author and each participant, which lasted 45 min to 2 hours.
Participants were asked six interview questions which provided general demographic information and participant narratives
of their sexual and religious histories. One question specically prompted participants to think about the positive and
negative outcomes theyve experienced identifying as LGBTQ while being raised religious (i.e., Sometimes these experiences
related to the development of our sexual and religious identities can be related to difculty and confusion while other times,
these experiences can be a source of strength, often even in the face of adversity. How do you think your experiences
developing a religious and/or sexual identity are related to negative outcomes? How do you think your experiences developing a religious and/or sexual identity are related to positive outcomes?). Interviews were audiotaped and transcribed
using pseudonyms. The transcriptions were checked for accuracy and were provided to participants to facilitate member
checking (Glesne, 2006).
To gather additional information regarding the participants experiences and triangulate the data (Glesne, 2006),
participants were given the option to participate in two additional phases of data collection. Four adolescent and 9 young
adult participants elected to participate in the second phase of the study which they were asked to record their thoughts and
experiences related to their sexual and/or religious identities over a two-week period. The data was analyzed concurrent to
data collection using a hierarchical coding technique. Both authors met weekly to discuss emerging themes and identify
saturation, the point when new interviews no longer provided any additional themes (Glesne, 2006). Once the authors
determined saturation had been reached, no new individual interviews were conducted.
During the nal phase, 5 adolescent and 8 young adult participants attended two different focus groups to gather additional information about the participants experiences in the time which had elapsed since their individual interviews and
clarify the themes which had emerged in the initial data analysis. This was done to improve the credibility and validity of the
data obtained throughout each phase of the study. At the conclusion of the focus groups, all data were reviewed again. In total,
19 interviews, 64 journal entries and two focus group transcriptions were analyzed and codes were revised to most accurately
reect the experiences of the participants (Yeh & Inman, 2007).
Results
The interviews, focus groups, and journal writings were analyzed to provide greater insight into the experiences of LGBTQ
adolescents and young adults raised religious. The themes, described below, highlight the complexity of the process of

Table 1
Participant information.
Pseudonym

Age

Adolescent participants
Alexia
16
Alonsa
17
Andrew
18
Capernicus
17
Clyde
18
Erika
16
Joseph
15
Tommy
15
Young adult participants
Alex
21
Apollo
19
Bryce
19
Dane
22
Elliot
20
Jane
24
Lynn
22
Marla
20
Rob
24
Ryan
19
Wil
24

Sexual orientation and gender

Childhood religious afliation

Religious afliation reported at interview

Bisexual female
Lesbian female
Bisexual male
Straight transgender male
Gay male
Pansexual female
Gay male
Bisexual female

LDS
LDS
LDS
LDS
LDS
Presbyterian
Catholic
Catholic

None
Agnostic
None
Agnostic
None
Agnostic
Atheist
Agnostic

Straight transgender male

Gay male
Gay male
Bisexual/omnisexual transsexual male
Bisexual female
Lesbian female
Lesbian female
Bisexual/pansexual female
Gay male
Gay male
Gay male

LDS
LDS
LDS
LDS
LDS
LDS
LDS
LDS
LDS
LDS
LDS

None
None
Episcopalian
Agnostic/ Atheist
Agnostic/ Atheist
Undecided
None
Agnostic
LDS
Inactive LDS
None

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coming out within a religious context. While there was some overlap between the adolescent (A) and young adult (YA)
participants, some differences emerged and are discussed further.
Risk for negative outcomes
In the process of analyzing participant narratives, four themes related to negative outcomes emerged. First, the majority of
young adult participants shared feelings of being inadequate. Secondly, the young adult participants endorsed religiousrelated guilt. Third, both the adolescent and young adult participants shared their struggles with depressive symptoms.
Finally, the adolescent and young adult participants highlighted the difculty they experienced in their social relationships
with both friends and family members.
Feelings of inadequacy (YA)
Eight of the young adult participants shared their feelings of inadequacy when describing their process of identity
development within religious contexts. For many participants, these feelings began early in their development, often coinciding with an initial awareness of their same-sex attractions. Marla, 20-year-old bisexual female raised LDS, shared her
experience.
Around midway through my junior to the end of my senior year I was somewhat conscious about how I felt inside
didnt coincide with the places that I was holding in the church. I didnt feel like I was a good enough person to be like
laurel [an LDS organization for 1617 year old females] president.. Whereas I was a ne person.. I dont know why, I
didnt feel like I was living up to that.
Several participants shared their feelings of being not good enough continued throughout their development, despite
having disengaged religiously. Dane, 22-year-old bisexual, transsexual male raised LDS, wrote about this experience,
I assumed I was some sort of evil creature and the Holy Trinity was using my parents and church to punish me. I was
able to learn more as I aged but the sense of somehow always being wrong stuck. I still have a hard time thinking I am
good enough [now]. even with being successful, in transition and happy.
Religious-related guilt (YA)
Nine of the young adult participants shared they experienced religious-related guilt. Lynn, 22-year-old lesbian female
raised LDS, shared her thoughts about the LDS churchs stance on gay attractions, You can be gay, its not a sin to be gay, its
a sin to act on it. It makes you feel like shit when you do act on it. Four young adult participants experienced guilt during their
rst kiss with a member of the same sex. A proportion of participants stated they continued to experience religious-related
guilt despite no longer being involved in their childhood religions. Apollo, 19-year-old gay male raised LDS, shared his
experience, there was still like an immense amount of guilt about it and I think its been a long process of my like shaking off
that idea that its bad.there was always these like leftovers, the remains of what I was taught.
Depressive symptoms (A & YA)
Four adolescent and 7 young adult participants shared experiences with depressive symptoms which they related to their
experiences coming out within a predominantly religious context. In contrast, four of the adolescent participants stated they
did not experience depressive symptoms and speculated that their early disengagement with religion played a possible
protective benet (see Dahl & Galliher, 2012).
Jane, a 24-year-old lesbian female raised LDS, shared her experiences after adopting a sexual minority identity in the LDS
church which she felt labeled her as defective and wrong,
It was a really, really bad winter. I just like stopped eating.. I didnt have anyone to talk to... I was just completely.... I
just didnt eat anything. I dropped like 30 pounds in like a month it was bad. I was just this gaunt dead thing and just it
was just awful.
Alex, 21-year-old straight transgender male, shared similar sentiments and stated because of the stress I was putting
myself under and the stress that, by proxy.the church and the community had put me under, I was very, very suicidal off and
on for a few years.
Several participants related their depressive symptoms to their experience coming out within a their religious communities. Joseph, 15-year-old gay male raised Catholic, related his symptoms of depression to the prejudice and discrimination he
experienced from the religious community rather than a personal conict over being gay. He stated, I became depressed for
a while. I lost my faith in religion and we live in a religious community. I now think of myself as an outcast. Finally, four of the
participants endorsed suicidal ideation in relation to their identity, partly due to denominational teachings over their samesex attractions or behaviors.
Social strain (A & YA)
Each of the adolescent and 8 of the young adult participants shared they experienced social strain. Five of the adolescent
and 8 of the young adult participants shared relationship struggles with family members, which many attributed to the fact

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that their family members were religiously active. Lynn shared her experience after her mother asked if she was a lesbian,
ultimately forcing her to come out.
She just kind of started crying and said that I was sick and perverted, that God thinks this is wrong and that I was
disgusting and I make her sick. And just hearing those things from someone that is supposed to love you unconditionally.. Just hearing those really hurtful things from you know, your mother.. I dont know. It sucks, it was
awful.
Participants also shared their hesitation surrounding future interactions. Bryce, 19-year-old gay male raised LDS, wrote
about his fears regarding coming out to his extended family in the future.
I really want them to accept me but I am afraid they will be blinded by their faith, and not be accessible to me.. I am
afraid the Mormon Church might be the separation from me and my family. I hope that never happens.
Each of the adolescent participants also shared difculty with their peers. Capernicus, a 17-year-old straight transgender
male raised LDS, shared a loss of community after coming out which he felt was heightened due to the religious community
he was raised and the LDS churchs teachings on same-sex attractions. Similarly, Joseph stated,
I guess being gay.is seen as not a good thing, a lot of threats, insults, even though Im not out. Some people are cool
about it, some people are not, and I guess that is going to continue to be a struggle throughout high school.[there are]
a lot of close-minded homophobic people here.
Resiliency and positive outcomes
Four themes related to positive outcomes emerged, offering insight into how the religious context may serve as
a developmental asset. First, the participants described their own experiences coming out in the religious context as facilitative of their own self-acceptance. Secondly, both the adolescent and young adult participants described themselves as more
open-minded. Third, participants shared how they had incorporated some of their childhood religious values into their
current identity. Fourth, participants discussed positive social experiences.
Increased sense of self (A & YA)
Five of the adolescent and 6 of the young adult participants discussed how they felt their process of identity exploration
within a non-afrming religious context had increased their self-acceptance. Alonsa, 17-year-old lesbian raised LDS, described
her experience, It [coming out] was extremely scary. Youve changed your entire future when you say it.it was really cool at
the same time. Even now, every time I tell someone I think this is better.this is me. Jane reected about her experience of
self-acceptance as a result of coming out within the religious context.
What kind of person has been through that re and been okay? Think of this condence that you have; think of the
absolute at peace inside yourself that you gain. There is nothing. no one can give that to you. You have to go through
that yourself and you have to gure it out and it is absolutely priceless.
Acceptance of others (A & YA)
Six of the adolescent and 9 of the young adult participants shared they felt more open-minded and accepting of others
worldviews and experiences as a result of coming out in the religious context. Lynn shared her experience:
It [coming out] was more of a positive experience with me. Since I grew up in a very closed-minded family, it allowed
me to look at my other fellow human beings as equals. Growing up, I saw African Americans as not my equal,
homosexuals as not my equal, and non-members [LDS church] as not my equal. I think Im kinder to other people than
I was before and Im more open-minded.
Incorporation of religious values (A & YA)
While the majority of participants had left their childhood religious afliation at the time of the interview, 3 of the
adolescent and 7 of the young adult participants shared they had incorporated some of the values they were taught from their
religious upbringing into their identity. Joseph shared his own commitment to service work which he felt was linked to the
Catholic Churchs emphasis of service. Similarly, Bryce stated:
Coming from a Mormon background, they teach such good core values about being a good person. My favorite thing
that I learned from church was service. There are points in my life where I was questioning the church... but I love the
opportunities that I have to serve. I guess the fundamentals that I was taught growing up has really shaped the way I
interact with people and given me a good idea of how to be a good person. I love that. Ill never say that the church
teaches you to be a bad person because it doesnt. It teaches you to be a good person.
In addition to a commitment to service work, several of the participants identied their childhood religious faiths
teachings regarding monogamy, the importance of family and substance use as central to their own values and beliefs.

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Social support (A & YA)

Seven of the adolescent and 9 of the young adult participants shared positive social experiences. Participants shared their
surprise when people from their childhood religious contexts responded positively to their coming out. Alonsa shared her
hesitation and relief after coming out to her best friend.
My best friend is LDS and I didnt come out to her rst and she found out from somebody else. She was so angry at me,
she was like I cant believe you didnt tell me rst and I was like dude, you are LDS, you have a CTR ring on [Choose
the Right - a reminder to live righteously], you go to seminary.. I was just worried.with you I have more to lose, if you
choose to reject me because of the LDS church I have lost my best friend, and these [other people Ive come out to] who
arent LDS, Im not as close to, if I lose them, its not a problem. Plus, the people who arent religious dont care. So, I
didnt come out to her rst and she was super upset. But, shes cool with it now.
Four participants discussed a desire to explore afrming faith communities, such as the Unitarian church.
Discussion
The purpose of the current study was to gain additional insight into 19 LGBTQ participants perceptions of the positive and
negative impacts of their Christian religious upbringing on their development. The eight subthemes in the current study
provide insight into the ways religiosity serves as a source of risk and resiliency for sexual minority adolescents and young
adults and is related to both positive and negative outcomes.
Negative outcomes and patterns of risk
Four themes related to negative outcomes emerged. The young adult participants shared their feelings of inadequacy and
endorsed experiencing religious-related guilt, experiences that were consistent with the construct of internalized homophobia (Smith, 1971). In contrast, feelings of inadequacy and guilt were not a major theme in the adolescent data. The
variability in the adolescent religious experiences compared to the young adult participants may have contributed to this
difference. It is also possible that the adolescents, who self-identied earlier than the young adult sample, were more
comfortable with their same-sex attracted identity, and as a result, less vulnerable to the internalization of negative messages
regarding their sexuality. This hypothesis is consistent with ndings suggesting early identiers are more comfortable with
their sexual orientation status (e.g., Floyd & Stein, 2002). Additional research is warranted to further understand the relationship between sexual minority religiosity, age of coming out, and internalized homophobia.
As might be expected, the construct of internalized homophobia has been associated with depression and feelings of
worthlessness (e.g., Wagner, Serani, Rapkin, Remien, & Williams, 1994). The young adult participants also experienced
depressive symptomology and suicidal ideation. Both Morrow and Messinger (2006), as well as Savin-Williams and Cohen
(1996), found depression more common among LGB individuals raised in a Christian environment. In contrast, the adolescent participants did not share stories of guilt or feelings of inadequacy, and they did not report as intense feelings of
depressive symptomology as the young adult participants. Clyde and Capernicus were the exceptions to this nding, which
they related to their experience identifying as LGBTQ in the LDS context. Additional research is necessary to gain insight into
the different experiences of the adolescent and young adult participants raised in a religious context and mental health
outcomes.
The most salient negative experience identied by the participants was that of social strain, which participants stated was
often exacerbated within the religious context. Rostosky et al. (2007) suggested the teachings of religious organizations may
function to sever social support for some sexual minority individuals. The adolescent participants tended to describe more
social difculty with friends as a result of their actual or perceived sexual orientation, whereas the young adults shared social
strain with family members. Given the adolescents often rst came out in their home communities and schools, they may
have experienced and thus reported, greater strain with peers as opposed to family members. Many of the young adult
participants waited to come out until they moved out of their childhood homes and often, the communities in which they
were raised. This afforded them the opportunity to develop new social networks; they might have sought out more afrming
social contexts after leaving their childhood homes and as such, experienced less peer strain than the adolescent subsample.
Other researchers have documented an increased risk for exposure to peer harassment for early identiers in comparison to
those who wait to come out until young adulthood (DAugelli, Hersberger, & Pilkington, 1998). Further, the religiosity of the
family members of the adolescents was more diverse than that of the young adult participants, which may have contributed
to different levels of familial strain reported as well as different ages of coming out. Certainly, a quantitative methodology
considering age of coming out, experiences of social support/strain, and psychosocial health outcomes could provide more
denitive conclusions surrounding this experience.
Patterns of resilience and positive outcomes
Four themes offer support that religiosity also serves as a developmental asset. Finding that same-sex attracted individuals
scored higher on an identity achievement measure than heterosexual individuals, Konik and Stewart (2004) hypothesized
that forced consideration of ones same-sex attractions in a primarily heterosexist society may have served as a catalyst for

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psychological growth. Similarly, the participants in the current study shared an increased sense of self and other-acceptance
as a result of negotiating their sense of identity within a conicting religious context. As participants described their religious
environments as closed and unwelcoming contexts, it is perhaps not surprising that they adopted a more welcoming
worldview as they began to disengage with their religious faiths and accept themselves as LGBTQ.
Despite disengaging with their childhood religious faiths, many participants discussed the ways their religious upbringing
impacted their value orientation. Both the adolescent and young adult participants highlighted values for service, monogamy, and
abstinence from substance use, as central to their own sense of self. Findings from the current study suggest religiosity may serve
a protective benet for some sexual minorities who integrate childhood religious values into their overall identity, regardless of
their current religious identication or practices. Future research might consider the various pathways by which ones religious
upbringing may serve as a developmental asset, including the incorporation of core values into ones overall identity.
Both the adolescent and young adult participants highlighted their experiences of positive social interactions during their
process of sexual and religious identity negotiation. While participants shared they lost some friends as a result of coming out
in the religious context, many reported their social connections had expanded and diversied. Further, participants stated
they received unexpected positive reactions from some of their religious friends and family members, which they described
as especially meaningful. A strong community of social support is especially crucial for sexual minority adolescents and young
adults as they negotiate their identity within a heterosexist society; social support has been found to buffer the stressors of
coming out (Hegna & Wichstrom, 2007).
Not only do the data provide greater insight into the function of religiosity in the lives of participants in our sample, but
they attest to the ability of our participants to overcome adversity and negotiate their sense of identity within a conicting
context. While several participants endorsed feeling inadequate and experiencing religious-related guilt, social strain and
depressive symptoms, each were able to navigate these difcult experiences and offer themselves acceptance. Further, the
participants resiliency is highlighted in their ability to espouse a more open-minded worldview and carefully select the
values from their religious upbringing which complement their identity. Even their participation in the current study and
willingness to share their lives and experiences attests to their strength.
Implications and limitations
These ndings have implications for both clinicians and policy makers. Clinically, these ndings caution the generalizability of religion as a widespread protective factor, a nding also supported by past research. It is recommended that
clinicians, if relevant to the presenting concern, gain an understanding of the role of religion in their clients lives, probing for
information related to both positive and negative outcomes. An increased sensitivity to the lived experiences of LGBTQ
individuals is also benecial for those holding positions of leadership, both policy makers in predominantly religious
communities and church leaders. These ndings can inform community-wide prevention and intervention efforts targeting
these and other negative outcomes while highlighting LGBTQ resiliency.
Certainly, several characteristics of our sample, including the percentage of the sample currently religiously active, the
number of individuals raised LDS and the use of a qualitative methodology limits study generalizability. As Hammack (2005)
noted, the goal of research with sexual minorities is not to ascertain universal truths but to gain greater insight into the lived
experiences of individuals shaped by their contexts and history. This study provides greater insight into the experiences of 19
LGBTQ individuals raised within a Christian context and the ways their religiosity was perceived to impact their developmental processes.
Conclusion
The qualitative methodology utilized in the current study provides an in-depth perspective regarding ways in which the
coming out process is inuenced by religious contexts. The ndings are consistent with previous research in suggesting that
religiosity is related to both positive and negative outcomes for sexual minority adolescents and young adults. Further, the
study highlights the importance of individual patterns of experiences for sexual minority youth, as qualitatively different
experiences were endorsed both within and between the adolescent and young adult subsamples. Future quantitative studies
may provide greater insight into the function of various risk and protective factors, mechanisms of action, and their relation to
specic health outcomes for sexual minority youth and qualitative methodologies may add enriched understandings of these
experiences. We look forward to future contributions in this area.
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