Professional Documents
Culture Documents
by Elas Ortega-Aponte
Drew University Theological School
The organizers of this symposium presented us with three questions.
Each one demands a response that is faithful to theological visions that
sustain and promote the common good, and therefore, are worth considering
with depth and care. These questions ask us to deliberate on 1) When does
economic inequality become sinful? 2) How can theological and biblical
sources help turn sinful economic practices toward the common good? 3)
What are possible ways of creating individual and community practices that
can confront the sin of inequality and cultivate theological visions of the
common good? Of these provocative questions, I will engage the first at
some length and and turn to the third to make a number of proposals. I will
do this from my location as a cultural sociologist of color with a deep interest
in understanding how faith communities mobilized the resources available to
them to respond to challenges impacting their daily lives.
In giving my remarks the title, "Immiseration and the Economics of a
Prison Planet," I aim call our attention to a topic of central to my thinking
about economic inequalitythe mass-incarceration of communities of color
and the ongoing immiseration it creates. It is my position that our current
incarceration and punishment practices were designed, and continue to be
enforce, with the aim of harnessing economic and political power with the
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the impossibility of free Negro labor, the first and almost universal device was to use
the courts as a means of re-enslaving the blacks. It was not then a question of crime,
but rather one of color, that settled a man's conviction on almost any charge. viii
I see Du Bois pointing out, among other things, 1) that there is a direct
correlation between a groups racial categorization, their construction as
potential criminals, and therefore, of a certain group conceiving of itself as
responsible for the security of society. 2) Steaming from these
conceptualizations, the activities of one group are closely monitored for
deviances from socially constructed norms, while another enjoys latitude of
action, often avoiding penalties for openly committed crimes. After all, this
latter group is responsible for designing, transmitting, and maintaining the
socially constructed norms that benefits them. 3) That the police, and by
extension prisons, where design as mechanisms to control the bodies of
people of color-not only because of their construction as criminals but also to
harness their labor; put different, their construction as criminals was directly
linked to the desire to control their bodies and labor. ix 4) That legal systems
were designed to ensure and maintain ongoing oppressive structures under
conceptions of legality and justice cemented in white supremacy.x Following
Du Bois, does not commit one to denying that there are acts that count as
crime, and therefore, needing a societal response to address wrongs
committed, but it does highlight the societal construction of categories of
crime, criminals, and the color of justice.xi
I won't shy away from stating this forcefully, economic inequality as it
manifest itself intentionally against people of color and concerted through
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drastically transform and disrupt social life.xii They were concerned that the
changes brought about by industrialization and the ongoing push of
capitalism for greater rationalization and calculation in the social sphere
would disrupt bonds of sociality, morality in particular, by introducing
impersonal exchanges. Thus, they feared that abstractions and calculations
based on monetary exchanges would undo bonds of kinship, replacing
qualitative understanding of relations with quantitative ones. From a
sociological perspective, I find Durkheim and Simmels shared concern
helpful to explain sinful dimensions of economic inequalities.xiii
Another way to state my position is that economic inequalities are sinful
when the speculative process of exchange exerts undue influence in the
social world. As it connects to our current practices of mass-incarceration,
and their global extensions, we can see sinful economics at work in dynamics
in which practices of punishment and justice mechanisms are removed from
bonds of sociality and robust democratic political processes into the realm of
economic exchanges in which prison stocks, services, among others are part
of goods and services for trade. In short, when the legal system, highjacked
by white supremacy takes a further turn to establish economic profitability
through the immiseration of communities of color.
Up to this point, I have engaged the first of the two questions I set out to
engage. My engagement with the third question takes the form a number of
policy recommendations and the particular work I think faith communities
can do to engage the immiseration created by mass-incarceration. I also take
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the opportunity to note that numerous faith communities across the country
and the world are working towards engaging the problems raised by massincarceration.
What Can We Do? Some Recommendations
1) Faith communities need to make a concerted effort to increased their
complexity pertaining to how they understand the intersection of massincarceration with multiple forms of oppression and the ways all
contribute to economic injustice. This must go beyond the
disproportionate imprisonment of men of color. Such engagement missed
how the war on men of color has also unleashed virulent femicidal
tendencies in the system as domestic violence protections are continually
eroded and the victim blaming backlash is ending with more women and
girls in prison than men, proportionality speaking, all along being subject
to a myriad of abuses... As a son, a spouse, a parent, and a social justice
educator of color
2) Invest in Education: As part of the theological vision of breaking the
chains of captivity, faith communities need to get in the business of
preventing captivity in the first place. Prevention. We know that the
investment for each child is roughly 5 thousand dollars per year; the cost
of confinement for juveniles eclipse that. Each year of confinement for a
juvenile is upwards to two hundred thousand dollars.
3) Opposition to the ongoing privatization of prisons. Folk knowledge of the
privatization of prisons usually does not extend more than the cost of
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Yours,
KathrynTanner
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Thompson, H A. 2011. Rethinking working-class struggle through the lens of the carceral
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i (On the Run Fugitive Life in An American City. 2015; Rios 2011; Clear n.d.)
ii (Weston 2008)
iii (Scott, John 2011; Charles 2008; Fine and Fields 2008)
iv (Goldberg and Evans 2009; Webb 2007; Enloe 2000; Eisenstein 2007)
v (Meloy and Miller 2011; Richie 2012; VanNatta 2010; Sprott and Doob 2009; Immarigeon and
Civic 2006)
vi See (Beyond Walls and Cages : Prisons, Borders, and Global Crisis 2012), (Global Lockdown:
Race, Gender, and the Prison-industrial Complex 2005) and Solomon Monroe, Study Shows Sharp
Rise in Latino Federal Convicts, http://www.nytimes.com/2009/02/19/us/19immig.html?_r=0
(Accessed Dec.21, 2014).
ix (Muhammad 2010)
xiii My understanding of economic inequality as sinful also owes much to the work of Cynthia D.
Moe-Lobeda in (Moe-Lobeda 2013)