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A third issue concerns the confusion between what counts as a sexist image and the notions of female sexuality and
beauty. Most of the existing studies are, at best, nave in their assumptions about what a 'sexist image refers to. In
many studies sexism is often equated to nudity and sexual suggestiveness, and either treated as a content variable or
simplified into scaled responses to structured questionnaires. Such an approach is limiting in two aspects. First,
focusing exclusively on the denotative elements of the images, i.e., presence or absence of a semi-nude female
model in the ad, is reductionist and isolates sexism from its cultural, social and contextual dimensions. As many
scholars argue (e.g., Cowie 1977; Tuchman 1979), sexism is a dynamic concept that exists in a web of cultural
meanings, and cannot simply be read off from the manifest content of the images. An image is not inherently sexist
but it is the conditions of its production and interpretation in relation to various cultural discourss that determine
whether it will be regarded as such or not. Second, single-handed categorization of sexual suggestiveness and
physical beauty as indicative of sexism, rests on a highly problematic assumption that has shaped feminist thinking
until recently: the notion that beauty and sexual attractiveness are the tools for male domination and female
oppression. This perspective has come under attack in recent years (e.g., Probyn 1987; Jacobus et al 1990; Davis
1991), and it has been argued that beauty and attractiveness cannot be explained strictly in terms of repression, but
their gratifying, empowering and pleasurable dimensions need to be taken into account as well. Allowing for a
theoretical space in which one can explore how these images are taken up by women and utilized in their daily lives
B the possibilities they open up and the pleasures they provide B may well explain why certain images are still so
pervasive in advertisements despite the criticism they get.
Hence, the purpose of this article is to propose an alternative framework to study images of women in advertising,
which, is hoped that will overcome some of the limitations of the existing literature. The framework draws from the
cultural theory of advertising and emphasizes 'what people do with advertising rather than 'what advertising does to
people (Lannon and Cooper 1983). It will be argued that such an approach can open up a new set of research
questions to be explored and provide new insights into the understanding of the relationship between advertising and
images of women. The results of an exploratory research involving focus group discussions will be offered as a
preliminary demonstration of the possible contributions of this alternative framework.
ACTIVE AUDIENCES AND POLYSEMIC MEDIA MESSAGES
A new stream of research that has recently emerged within marketing conceives of advertisements as polysemic, i.e.,
open to multiple readings, and the audiences as active agents in meaning formation (e.g., McCracken 1987; Sherry
1987; Stern 1989, 1993; Mick and Politi 1989; McQuarrie and Mick 1992; Scott 1994a, 1994b; Ritson and Elliot
1995; Holt and Mulvey forthcoming). The notions of active audience and polysemic media messages bear important
implications for studying images of women in advertising. First, it implies a break from the strong textual
determinacy inherent in most of the existing literature and points out the possibility of different interpretations made
by various audience groups. It warns us against researcher driven categorization of certain representations as
stereotypical and others as non-stereotypical based solely on their formal elements and manifest contents. Rather, it
calls for a research strategy that aims to examine how various images will be taken up and interpreted by different
groups B 'interpretive communities (see Jensen 1990) B of women under what social, cultural, and discursive
conditions.
The cultural perspective also necessitates an emphasis on the intertextual nature of advertising messages and their
interrelatedness to the broader social and cultural discourses on femininity and gender identities. While it has been
argued by literary and cultural theorists for a long time that ad meanings are intertextual, that is their meanings are
diachronically and synchronically related to other cultural texts (Williamson 1978; Goldman 1992; Scott 1994b),
this phenomenon has been mostly ignored in empirical studies of images of women in advertising. However women
are continuously exposed to various images and representations of femininity that are articulated by other media
genres and literary forms, and the cumulative effect of such exposure impacts how any particular image will be read.
Audiences transfer literacies and meanings that they gain in interpreting one media genre to other genres, and
intertextual knowledges pre-orient readers to exploit polysemy by activating the text in certain ways, that s by
making some meanings rather than others (Fiske 1987).
Finally, the cultural perspective opens up a theoretical space in which the nature and extent of oppositional readings
can be explored (see Scott 1994b on text rejection). In recent years some writers argued that the range of possible
reactions is much wider than we assume and women can actively resist or transform the meanings of media
messages (e.g., Wilson 1985; Davis and Fisher 1993). While these arguments require empirical support, they
nonetheless raise interesting questions: i.e., what types of representations motivate oppositional readings?; how
differential interpretive resources impact generation of oppositional readings?; to what extent oppositional readings
affect attitude towards the ad and consumption choices?
METHODOLOGY
In empirical studies that examine consumers interpretation of advertisements the most commonly used methods are
focus group discussions and in-depth interviewing using ads as stimuli (e.g., Mick and Politi 1989; McQuarrie and
Mick 1992; Mick and Buhl 1992; Elliot et al 1995). Given the theoretical perspective and exploratory nature of the
study, semi-structured focus group discussions which would allow for group interaction during interpretation
process and generate new questions and directions for future research were considered to be the ideal method for
data collection. Consequently two female-only focus group discussions were conducted by the same sex researcher.
The groups were selected under the guidance of cultural capital theory (see Bourdieu 1984) which suggests that
cultural capital is generally acquired unreflexively via socialization and its volume is influenced by individuals
material and social conditions including family, neighborhood, formal education, occupational location and social
class. The first group (will be referred as Group-1) is sought to correspond to a mid-level cultural capital. It
consisted of six females who were undergraduate students at a major research university in Eastern United States.
They were all single, with ages ranging from 20 to 22, and coming from middle/upper-middle income families with
parents having at least high school degrees. The second group (will be referred as Group-2) is sought to correspond
to a lower level cultural capital. It consisted of eight females who were studying at a local two-year proprietary
school. Their ages ranged from 19 to 34, and two of them were married. Most came from working class families
with parents who had at most high school degrees.
Four advertisements chosen from womens magazines Elle, Vogue and Womans World used as stimulus materials
(see Figures-1,2,3 and 4). Overall the selection aimed to achieve a set of ads that have different executional styles
and represent a range of products with different involvement levels, brand images and perceptions. Advertisements
were shown one-by-one with the same order in both groups. For each advertisement a number of pre-specified
questions were asked. This included questions such as: What story is this ad telling?; Can you describe the woman
(man) shown in the ad?; Can you relate to this woman? Why or why not?; Is this a sexist ad? Why or why not? Both
sessions were moderated with minimum intervention, and the participants proved very willing and open to discuss
the advertisements with very little encouragement required. At the end of the discussion the informants were asked
to fill out a short questionnaire asking for demographic data and briefed about the purpose of the study. Both
sessions lasted approximately eighty minutes. The discussions were audio-taped, fully transcribed and analyzed to
assess similarities as well as differences among the interpretations of two groups.
CONSUMERS INTERPRETATIONS OF ADS
Multiple Images, Multiple Readings
As suggested by the cultural theory of advertising, when asked to describe the overall story of the ad, respondents in
both groups offered more than one reading for all ads. In some instances readings were different but related to each
other suggesting a 'structured polysemy (Hall 1973); in other instances there were interpretations that were very
distinct or opposite to the ones that were offered by other members of the group. Furthermore, while some readings
were common across groups, there were also interpretations that were unique to each group, evidencing the impact
of varying life experiences and cultural resources that were utilized by members of different interpretive
communities. For example, when asked to describe the story of the Longing advertisement, respondents in the first
group offered two different but related readings. The dominant interpretation is that the female model is laying back,
dreaming and waiting for the man to come and get her, while the alternative reading is that the man is longing for a
woman like her:
G.1: Its basically saying you wear this perfume and you like her- youll make a
man remember you.
G.1: Well, shes wearing see-through lingerie and she is in a pose thats sayingcome and get meG.1: She looks like shes on a bed.
G.1: And the expression on her face, too, she just kind of looks like shes laying
back an dreaming.
G.1: Waiting for the man to come and get her.
G.1: But, you see, I also interpret it thatCbefore I read that everywhere he goes
the little print- longingC that it could be that like the guy is longing for a girl who
is like that- its more like incentive like hell always remember you- he wants
youByoure in his mind.
On the other hand respondents in the second group offered a wider range of interpretations with none of them being
agreed upon as the meaning of the ad. More significantly, the discussion on the story of the ad quickly moved away
from product related themes into a discussion about a different genre, soap operas, with some informants decoding
the meaning of the ad only by making references to story lines and characters that are generally associated with
those of soap operas:
G.2: That if you wear this perfume your man is going to remember you.
G.2: ..., its trying to say it has a sensation and smell that would draw somebody
to you.
G.2: ... she cant hold on to him so shes got to go buy this perfume to keep her in
his head for the rest of his life when he doesnt want anything to do with her. I
dont know, hes like looking off in the distance and shes like, I dont know...
G.2: ..., it looks like a soap opera. It has a story line like a soap opera.
G.2: ... I think in this ad it shows two people wanting to be back in a time when
they were really having a good time but theyre not anymore and theyre looking
back and theyre thinking about that time that maybe they were at the beach. So I
think that both of them are unhappy either because hes back with his wife and
hes thinking of her or shes just hoping that hell leave his wife and come back to
her.
G.2: Its like they both want to be together.
Not only the overall meanings of the ads, but the female models were epicted in multiple ways. For instance, when
asked to describe the woman shown in the Longing ad, respondents in Group-1 portray a picture of a woman who is
elite, aristocratic and has vintage quality:
G.1: She doesnt really do much of anythingG.1: The men do things for her- let me buy you this- let me buy you that- just so
you can be draped on my armG.1: Shes just there to look beautiful and thats what- shes not a real person type
thingG.1: I think it has a vintage quality to it- if its just like, I dont know, its like
there is some quality of the old- like its trying to rekindle this spirit of the
romantic past- like maybe- old fashioned-kind of- love- that maybe you dont see
in the 90s anymore. I mean, like, look at the model- shes very, like, what would
be like a typical- she typifies this Georgian, Southern belle kind of girl. Or she
typifies like maybe- a very elite- kind of- aristocratic, maybe European,Blike she
has some kind of a vintage qualityG.1: ... she kind of like reminds me of the French era of the Rococo- she is very,
like, a woman of the boudoir- she wants to partake in the pleasures of the flesh
like the earthly pleasures of just like the frolicking.
G.1: ... a woman who does nothing and that her sole purpose is just to be
desirable.
In a totally contrary way, respondents in the second group characterize the very same female model as a desperate,
trashy-looking tramp that is really insecure and has nothing better to do that laying around and waiting for some man
to come back to her:
oppose to the implicit suggestion that to be such a woman requires certain physical attributes and what Goldman
(1992) refers as 'management of beauty assets:
almost making him look sensitive like hes that kind of man that understands that
his woman needs to be her own woman and hes not going to fight with her hes
not going to argue with her. Hes going to let her do her own thing, hes not going
to try to hold on to her, hes confident too.
G.2: Well I agree with you that hes confident and all that, but he just seems like
hes rich and hes like a powerful man.
Q: Is he more powerful than the woman?
G.2: (multiple) No. Not more powerful.
Q: Who is more powerful in this ad?
G.2: (multiple) The woman.
Sexism and Sexuality
One particular instance that multiple interpretations and oppositional readings frequently occur is during the
discussions around sexism and sexuality. Overall, the responses given put into question the very meaning of 'sexism
and suggest that whether an ad will be regarded as sexist or not depends not only on its formal characteristics but is
an outcome of the interaction between the ad, the product, the audience and the discursive context. For instance,
shortly after viewing the Wonderbra ad respondents in both groups characterized it as a sexist advertisement.
However this early and reactionary interpretation has been later discounted: First, it was an ad for a bra. That is,
because the product was a bra, the advertiser had no choice but to show the model while wearing it. Second, there
was a tacit acceptance that the ad was using what is known to be an effective selling ploy, sexual attraction, and they
as the consumers of this ad were aware of this textual game. Third, and most significantly, the ad was sexist yet
acceptable as long as the product could do any good for the person wearing it. The 'sexist, but attitude that
frequently articulated by respondents in both groups, echoes de Certeaus (1984) notion of the 'tactics of the
subordinate, and may well point out the possibility of and pleasure in appropriating the patriarchal meanings
commonly associated with the female body.
The meaning of sexism also varies across different interpretive communities. The range of interpretations that the
tag-line 'Youve come a long way, baby in the Virginia Slims ad received well illustrates the limitation of a priori
classification of ads as sexist or not without due emphasis to their modes of reception. Virginia Slims had been using
this tag-line for a very long period of time, and it had been the target of many criticisms (see for a recent example
Kellner 1995). When exposed to this ad, respondents in Group-1 expressed their discontent, and similar to what
many scholars argued before, regarded the expression, and especially the word 'baby, as explicitly sexist:
G.1: Ive never liked their slogan-youve come a long way, baby.
G.1: I dont like the baby, thing.
G.1: It is sexist.
G.1: Exactly- theyre trying to say something nice about women- youve come
along way- since whats happened- but I dont think 'youve come a long wayjust say 'weve come a long way. And then the baby- they put a baby on the end
of it. I mean I like Virginia Slims, I guess, not to boycott the product- but Im just
saying Ive never liked the 'baby thing.
However, contrary to what has been argued in the literature and also articulated by the informants in the first group,
second group respondents did not regard the tag-line as sexist at all and interpreted the phrase in many different
ways. Some informants conceive it as a positive comment suggesting that women now have the freedom and ability
to do whatever they want to do. In similar lines, some others read it as an empowering statement that celebrates
womens progress. And yet, two other respondents interpret the expression as referring to cigarettes not the women;
that is now cigarettes come in all shapes and sizes:
portrayal of women or not. The analysis suggests that while certain denotative elements, i.e, a semi-nude model,
work to provoke sexism, they alone can not stabilize and determine the meaning of sexism. A shift from
conceptualizing sexist representations at their moments of production to that of at their moments of reception may
provide additional insights on understanding why and what type of images become regarded as sexist among
different groups of audiences, and open up a theoretical space from which the notions of female sexuality and
pleasure can be studied without resorting to the language of patriarchal domination.
Future studies with other interpretive communities are hoped to further our understanding of the complex
relationship between advertising and images of women, and explore in depth several other themes that have been
brought up by respondents during the focus group discussions: e.g., the notion of realism as pertaining to female
models portrayed in the ads; the impact of various assumptions viewers make about men, women, and their
relationship with each other while interpreting advertisements; the influence of various cultural and social discourses
on female body including advertising on consumption choices.
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