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ABSTRACT
INFLUENCE OF OIL RENT
IN DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIAL ECONOMY IN VENEZUELA
The oil rent, as appropriate and not income produced, has characterized the
performance of the Venezuelan economic system, in effect the appearance of oil and the
possibility of claiming and receiving additional income as owner, put the Venezuelan
nation in a situation advantage - in terms of additional resources available that can be
used to promote development - and at the same time, a disadvantage - because the
sudden flood of funds from our most important natural resource can generate what is
known as "disease Netherlands' -.
Since the country became aware of the existence of this "additional income, began
thinking about - what to do with the rent? - Analyzing the positions of the leading
representatives of the Venezuelan economy (Alberto Adriani, Arturo Uslar Pietri,
Romulo Betancourt, Juan Pablo Perez Alfonzo) Asdrubal Baptista can say that "The
history of Venezuela can also be seen as the movement from denial denial of oil to oil
"(231: 2006). In effect, the dense Venezuelan economists reflections on the oil issue,
failed to prevent - so far - the formation of the Petro-State all-powerful, speaking - for
good or for evil - in the economic life of the Venezuelans, simply because our economic
life is the reflection of the wealth of the state and the nation.
On this basis, this paper, we analyze the influence of oil revenues in developing the
social economy in Venezuela, from remote enough time (nineteenth century), in
Venezuela there was the presence of socio-economic organizations that are
now classified as belonging to the Social Economy sector, such as: cooperatives,
savings banks, mutual aid societies, among otras.se presents a chronology of the
development of Social Economy organizations (OES's) in Venezuela based on the
scheme presented by Oscar Bastidas-Delgado, in his work entitled "The Cooperative
Movement in Venezuela" (11-35:2003), which made some corrections and updates.
1 Period: from the first cooperative to the death of Gen. Juan Vicente Gmez (1935).
2 Period: from the "Minimum Program of February" of General Lopez Contreras
(1936) until the fall of the dictatorial government of General Marcos Prez Jimnez
(1958)
3 Period: since the beginning of Representative Democracy (1958) until the
establishment of the National Cooperative Central de Venezuela: CECONAVE (1976)
4 Period: from the formation of CECONAVE (1976) to the Cooperative Associations
Act 2001, as part of the CRBV (1999).
5 Period: The OES's in the "Plan for Economic Development and Social Welfare from
2001 to 2007"
6 Period: The OES's in the "Plan for Economic Development and Social Welfare from
2007 to 2013, Simon Bolivar."
The history of the Venezuelan Cooperative Movement (MCV) and the Social
Economy in general has been a history of "encounters" and "misunderstandings"
between the different actors involved: the cooperative, national and international
promoters, officials of the successive governments, politicians and union
representatives, among others. In the course of events, the MVC - which proved to be
the supporting element of the social economy in the country - was stable and low
profile, until the late 90s.
For 1997, you can say that [...] in the field of economics popular in the country has
shaped a wide range of organizations and companies owned and managed by workers
who act in the form of cooperatives and their organizations integration: Central and
Regional Associations, Savings Banks and Employment Fund, Social Welfare Institutes
of private nature of Associations and Civil Society exercising direct economic activity of
Borrowers Unions, Agricultural Enterprises and other forms of association both
formal informal, which have in common the practice of solidarity that constitute what
has come to appoint Social Economy and Solidarity [...] "(Garca Mller, Alberto. 8889:2001).
Deepening the analysis, using socio-economic indicators most appropriate, can be
relieved that by the end of the 90s Venezuela could have "[...] with unquestionable
ability of social services from development organizations. [...]" The question that
remains concerns the management autonomy of these organizations to "meet and
miss with government bodies and the size and use oil revenues to finance their
activities. It is necessary to clarify that, for the Venezuelan case, the concept of "Social
Economy" is novel. In effect, assumes constitutional status in 1999 alone, the new
Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, when the current government is
promoting cooperatives as an instrument of public policy for change of mode of
production. This is reflected in the first PNDES 2001-2007 and in the intense period of
promotion - 2003-2006 - through Productive Partner Missions (Vuelvan Caras, Negra
Hiplita, Che Guevara) and Education (Robinson, Ribas, Sucre).
"[...] Over the last decade, the Venezuelan government has made great efforts and
has dedicated significant resources to design and implement a new economic model in
which the social economy appears as a transverse component of the social and
economic public policy ... It has been channeled in recent years and a large investment
by the Venezuelan government, which has helped increase the institutional, funding,
training and technical assistance to promote the social economy [...] "(Fermn, Julio
42:2009). However, the main feature of the decade has been low balances, with respect
to what was expected was to be the change of production model. Perhaps the main
reason for this situation can be found in the confusion that was and still is, on the one
hand, between palliative and structural alternative and, on the other, between
nationalization and expropriation, which can not adequately support - this is without suffocation, the third sector of the economy - per contra - on the world is
receiving accolades indisputable. A final word from the point of view of development
theory: "[...] Unfortunately, the Venezuelan economy, while deepening a pattern of
specialization based on the exploitation of natural resources, follows a path that
reproduces the evils of a dual economic structure. An enclave sector, capital intensive,
live with an economy of services and retail trade, labor-intensive low-skilled [...] "
(Leonardo Vera, 5:2007). In short, we can not find the formula to get out of disease
Netherlands, generated by the sudden flood of funds from our most important natural
resource.
We are drowning in the devils excrement
Nos estamos hundiendo en el excremento del Diablo
Juan Pablo Prez Alfonzo
(Entrevista con Terry Lynn Karl 1976)