Professional Documents
Culture Documents
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Robert Gleave
University of Exeter
E-mail: R.Gleave@exeter.ac.uk
doi:10.1093/jis/etr066
Published online 2 September 2011
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law overlap substantially with those of Islamic law, and provide for interesting
comparisons in matters of detail, e.g., ownership of the dower, the wifes right to
wages, etc. (pp. 689). The discussion of the interaction of Jewish law with U.S.
law will be particularly useful to contemporary lawyers and legal scholars who
are interested in the vexing question of family law pluralism, especially in liberal
democracies.
Amira Sonbols article on the history of marriage contracts in Egypt focuses
largely on the Islamic marriage contract, and provides its richest descriptions in
connection with the marriage contracts of the Ottoman period. Sonbol also
devotes substantial space to discussing modern Egyptian marriage contracts,
largely to decry the rigid nature of modern Islamic marriage contracts relative to
those of the Ottoman as well as earlier periods in Islamic and pre-Islamic Egypt.
She attributes the greater rigidity of modern marriage contracts to the rise of the
nation state and the introduction of family codes. This is not an unfamiliar claim,
but it seems puzzling: nothing in modern Egyptian family law precludes parties
from including stipulations of the sort Sonbol describes so well in her article, so it
is hard to understand how codification (which largely took the form of replacing
certain rules of the Hanafi school with non-Hanafi doctrines) could be to blame.
Judith Tuckers and Brinkley Messicks pieces both deal with the problem of
consent in the marriage contract. (Indeed, I wish they had appeared consecutively
in the book rather than as chs. 5 and 7, respectively.) Tuckers article focuses on
the complexities related to determining the extent to which the legal requirement
of female consent was in fact respected in seventeenth and eighteenth century
Palestine and Syria. Although she noted that marriage contracts registered in the
courts at that time reflected accurately formal legal requirements, including that
of the brides consent, in most cases the brides consent is usually offered by way
of an agent, thus interposing a layer between the formal legal institutions and the
bride herself, which makes it difficult to determine whether her consent was
actual rather than merely formal, at least from the judicial records by themselves.
If some readers question why Tucker raises doubts as to the reliability of the legal
records when it comes to the fact of female consent to marriage, Messicks article
on a mid-twentieth century marriage dispute from Imamic Yemen provides vivid
detail on how questions of consent could in fact be highly-contested empirically,
as well as manipulated by parties, when conflicting material interests were at
stake in the validity of a marriage. Amalia Zomenos article on the Islamic
marriage contract in Andalusia is the only article in the work that deals with
Muslim marriage practices in North Africa, and her piece provides a solid
doctrinal overview of normative Maliki practice, and the relationship of legal
doctrine to the practice of the document writers (ahl al-wath:8iq).
The six pieces on modern Islamic marriage practices consist of four pieces on
practices in specific Muslim jurisdictions representing a broad cross-section of
the Muslim worldEgypt, Malaysia, Saudi Arabia and Iranand two pieces on
the challenges of Islamic family reform, one in the Sunni context and the other in
the Agha Khanid Isma6ili community.
Nik Noriani Nik Badli Shah, a Malaysian lawyer and activist, provides an
overview of Malaysian family law, with its unique combination of statutory,
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Shafi6i, and case law, the latter being in conformity with Malaysias common law
heritage. Of some interest in this regard is that the Shafi6i doctrine with respect to
conditional divorce (tamlk) is much more restrictive than either the Hanafis or
the Malikis, thus making it more difficult to introduce restrictions on polygamy
into the marriage contract as a stipulation in the Malaysian context than in
non-Shafi6i regions of the Islamic world. Shahs piece should be read in
conjunction with Zainah Anwars informative article on the efforts of the
influential Islamic feminist organizationSisters In Islamto advocate more
gender egalitarian family laws throughout the Muslim world, but particularly in
Malaysia.
Lisa Winns piece on marriage contracts in Saudi Arabia makes the important
point that although the contractual nature of marriage, including the use of
stipulations to grant the woman greater rights than she would enjoy at law, is
used by Saudi women, it is almost inevitably the womans family that insists on
inserting such provisions, not the woman herself. Accordingly, although
contractual stipulations can and are used to enhance the position of Saudi
women, the contractual process does not, in fact, function as a tool for advancing
the individual autonomy of Saudi women.
Ziba Mir-Hosseinis contribution on family law in Iran, specifically on the
prospect of Iranian women obtaining the right to divorce at will, casts light on
the dynamics of post-revolution Iran in family law. On the one hand, the
revolutionary regime was committed to Islamizing the family law in conformity
with its revolutionary project, which meant repealing the family law passed
during the Shahs reign, and the practical need to give Iranian women greater
rights than traditional Shi6i fiqh recognized. Particularly revealing is
Mir-Hosseinis suggestion that Khomeini himself, had it not been for fear of
backlash, was prepared to recognize a womans right to automatic divorce on the
argument that a husbands refusal to divorce her, in circumstances where the
woman sought a divorce from him, itself constituted a legal harm (@arar) that
provided grounds for a legal divorce. (p. 223).
Mona Zulficars contribution on the Muslim marriage contract in modern
Egypt provides a dense account of the politics and legal analysis of recent
developments of Egyptian family law, and the attempts by feminist forces to use
the contractual structure of Islamic law to effect substantial family law reform.
Ultimately, conservative political forces in Egypt blunted the most radical
contractual provisions, but the movement could be considered a success insofar
as it was instrumental in leading to the khul6 law of 2000 as well as increasing
public awareness of the contractual nature of the Islamic marriage contract,
including the right of women to include provisions in the contract that
would provide them additional protections. Zulficars chapter also includes five
appendices with useful translations of various provisions from modern Egyptian
family law and of government form-marriage contracts which will no doubt
prove valuable to researchers.
Ali Asanis contribution on the history of family law reform in the Isma6ili
community is valuable, if only because it sheds light on this small, but important
Muslim community that continues to be little studied. While the piece is
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Mohammad Fadel
University of Toronto
E-mail: mohammad.fadel@utoronto.ca
doi:10.1093/jis/etr065
Published online 12 August 2011
generally optimistic with respect to the progress that community has achieved in
the last one hundred years in promoting gender equality within the family, it may
surprise many readers that despite the status of the Agha Khan as an Im:m with
theoretically unchallengeable interpretive authority, the Agha Khan has in fact
been forced to proceed cautiously in making additional family law reforms out of
fear of generating a backlash among the more conservative members of his
followers who have grumbled that these reforms are less about Islam than
imitating the West.
The last two chapters deal with how the Muslim marriage contract has fared
in two different European jurisdictions, Germany and the United Kingdom.
Christina Jones-Paulys piece provides a very detailed treatment of the contradicting approaches German courts have taken toward the Muslim marriage
contract. Richard Freeland and Martin Laus overview of how British courts have
received the Muslim marriage contract, while not as lengthy as Jones-Paulys, is
equally useful. Both of these articles lead to the following significant observations. First, the way in which a Western jurisdiction will interpret the Muslim
marriage contract will depend, in the first instance, on the structure of its
domestic law. Accordingly, because Germany (as well as other continental
jurisdictions) applies rules of private international law to marriage, Islamic
family law has, for a considerable time, been a subject of judicial treatment in
Germany. In addition, German judges have struggled to determine whether a
Muslim marriage contract, in particular the dower, should be treated as a
commercial contract, or part of family law, and if the latter, then it can only be
treated as part of the law of maintenance in connection with family dissolution.
In Great Britain, on the other hand, precisely because it was not possible for
British judges to consider Islamic marriage contracts as part of family law, and
because British law applies the law of the domicile to family law disputes, British
judges could only enforce Islamic marriage contracts to the extent they could be
considered ordinary contracts.
This collection of articles on Islamic family comes at a time when politics in
North America, especially in the United States, has become infected with a toxic
brew of anti-Muslim bigotry, centred around the fear that Islamic law, the
Shar6a, will displace U.S. law. While it is nave to believe that even first-rate
scholarship can successfully counter nativist politics, one may realistically hope
that scholarly efforts such as this can at least create a firewall against the more
rapid spread of bigotry.