SearchReadingGuide13 14

A Reading Guide for
Humanities 101-102
The SEARCH for Values in the Light of Western History and Religion
Twenty-ninth Edition
2013-2014
Prepared by Members of the Staff

Geoffrey Bakewell, Greek and Roman Studies; Christopher Baldwin, Political Science; Suzanne
Bonefas, Greek and Roman Studies; Elizabeth Bridges, Modern Languages and Literatures;
Daniel Cullen, Political Science; Lori Garner, English; Scott Garner, Greek and Roman Studies;
Kyle Grady, Philosophy; Patrick Gray, Religious Studies; Rhiannon Graybill, Religious Studies;
Judith Haas, English; Stephen Haynes, Religious Studies; Kendra Hotz, Religious Studies;
Timothy Huebner, History; Joseph Jansen, Greek and Roman Studies; Leigh Johnson,
Philosophy; Jonathan Judaken, History; Ariel Lopez, Greek and Roman Studies; Laura Loth,
Modern Languages and Literatures; David Mason, Theatre; Bernadette McNary-Zak, Religious
Studies; Milton Moreland, Religious Studies; Kenneth Morrell, Greek and Roman Studies, Gail
Murray, History; John Murray, Political Economy; Michael Nelson, Political Science; Scott
Newstok, English; Valeria Nollan, Modern Languages and Literatures; Vanessa Rogers, Music;
Susan Satterfield, Greek and Roman Studies; Patrick Shade, Philosophy; David Sick, Greek and
Roman Studies; Francesca Tronchin, Art; Daniel Ullucci, Religious Studies; Stephen Wirls,
Political Science.
Table of Contents
HUMANITIES 101 FIRST SEMESTER
Course Introduction
Timelines and Charts
SEARCH Begins: The Epic of Gilgamesh
Some Major Greek Gods
Homer and the Iliad
Essay: Mythic Origins and Human Identity
Genesis
Yahweh
Essay: The Ascent and Decline of the Israelites
Exodus
Settlement in Canaan: Joshua and Judges
First and Second Samuel
First and Second Kings
Prophets of the Hebrew Bible
Reconstruction and Protest: Ezra Nehemiah and Ruth
Wisdom Born of Prudence and of Skepticism: Proverbs and Ecclesiastes
Reflections and Challenge to Orthodoxy: Job
Greek Tragedy: Sophocles Theban Cycle
Essay: The Classical Polis
Thucydides and the Peloponnesian War
Platos Republic
Aristotles Ethics
1-3
4-18
19-20
21
22-30
31-33
34-37
38-39
40
41-42
43-45
46-47
48-49
50-52
53
54
55
56-59
60-61
62-66
67-74
75-77
HUMANITIES 102 SECOND SEMESTER

Essay: The Hellenistic World
Epicureanism and Stoicism: Philosophical Reactions to Hellenism
First, Second, and Fourth Maccabees: Jewish Reactions to Hellenism
Essay: There was a Dream that was Rome
The Aeneid
Essay: The Emergence of Christianity in Historical and Cultural Context
Essay: Paul of Tarsus, Apostle to the Gentiles
Paul in Corinth
ii
78-79
80-82
83-84
85-87
88-91
92-94
95-96
97
Pauls Letter to the Romans

Acts of Paul and Thecla and Pastoral Epistles
Essay: What is a Gospel?
The Gospel According to Mark
The Gospel According to Matthew
The Gospel According to Luke
The Sayings of Jesus: The Source Gospel or Q
The Gospel According to John
Essay: Hellenistic Religions and Philosophies
Essay: What is Gnosticism?
The Gospel According to Thomas
98
99
100-101
102
103-104
105
106-107
108
109-111
112-114
115
Essay: From Jesus to Christ

The Correspondence of the Emperor Trajan and Pliny the Younger
The Creed of Nicea
The Martyrdom of Perpetua and Felicitas
Augustines Journey, Augustines Theology
Essay: Monastic Interpretations of Christianity
Essay: The Rise of Islam
Quran
Essay: Averros and the Muslim Absorption of Classical Learning
Essay: The Crusades, A Short Introduction
Hildegard of Bingen: Religious Literature of the Medieval Period
The Song of Roland
Saint Anselm: Father of Scholasticism
Aquinas and the Triumph of Scholasticism
Dantes Divine Comedy
Review and Reflection
116
117-118
119
120
121-124
125
126-128
129
130
131-132
133-134
135-136
137-138
139-140
141-146
147
iii
SEARCH Mottoes
Commune vinculum omnibus artibus est. (a common bond to all the liberal arts)
Cum colloquitur, discit. (growth through discussion)
Auctor ipse audiatur. (the value of reading from the primary source)
iv
Course Introduction
Just before, during, and after World War II, most American colleges and universities indulged in
soul-searching, self-criticism, and investigation into the shortcomings of academic curricula. One result
of this outburst of activity was a growing conviction that American education was fast becoming too
fragmentized, too departmentalized and too specialized. Some sort of synthesis was essential.
This conviction, translated into working programs, found expression in a host of schemes which
emphasized what have loosely and rather ineptly been called core courses, basic courses, or general
education courses. Southwestern [Rhodes] was not unaffected by this general trend. True, we had
managed to preserve the general lines of essential liberal arts educationto a large degree by
maintaining a formidable list of general degree requirementsand we had long experimented with
individual tutorial instruction and with honors courses, but we felt the need of finding some sort of
antidote to over-departmentalization. During the war the college experimented with a cooperative lecture
series entitled The Great Centuries, and President Diehl called in Dr. Theodore Green (then of
Princeton) for a series of conferences with the faculty. By 1945 the members of the departments of
history, religion and philosophy produced a syllabus for a freshman course in the humanities which we
called Man in the Light of History and Religion, which students immediately shortened into the Man
Course.
Popes dictum that the proper study of mankind is man conveyed a different meaning in his day
from the meaning we proposed to attach to the phrase. Pope, living in the age of reason, was saying that
the best education for man is a humanistic education and as a deist he would have found small place for
revelation (the Bible) or religion (superstition). But we maintain that a proper humanistic education
entails also attention to the development of mans religious experience. We attach great importance to
source readings in the hope that the course will offer the student a first-hand encounter with many great
works of the mind, heart, and spirit.
This course was hopefully and enthusiastically launched in the fall of 1945 as a 6-hour, double
credit course. Originally it was divided into weekly units, the first three days of the week being devoted to
lectures, the last three to discussion. Almost immediately we found that the readingsthe combined
enthusiasm of five professorswere excessive and had to be reduced, and scheduling problems forced us
to alternate lectures with discussions, and to group units into periods of three or four weeks, with greater
emphasis on man and his problems as the thread of continuity. Thus this course has never become frozen.
There is constantly shifting personnel on the staff, which means substituting new lectures and readings
for old. The syllabi have been constantly revised and changed [thirteen (now twenty-six) editions since
1945]. We have our professional critics who fail to see how one teaches in such a wide territory, but the
staff still contends that the methodology, content and approach profit the student, and that they
themselves profit from the weekly meetings to discuss readings, tests, revision of the syllabus, etc., in this
cooperative enterprise.
The author of the preceding paragraphs, Dr. John Henry Davis, was one of the founders
of the SEARCH course and continued to teach in it until his retirement from the faculty in 1968.
For another decade after that the course continued along the lines he described so well. In the
course of the 1980s, however, four significant modifications helped give a new shape and
direction to this traditional program. The first modification involved the division of the singleyear, double-credit (six hours per semester) course into a two-year, single credit (three hours per
semester) course. This change made it possible for all Rhodes students to take this course, even
those with very heavy loads of required courses in their prospective majors.
At about the same time concerns arose about the title of the course and the popular
abbreviation that it had been given. Although it had always been the intention of the staff that the
term Man be understood in its generic, all-inclusive sense, there had been an increasing
tendency to see it in a narrow and discriminatory sense. In addition, members of the staff were
concerned that the traditional name of the course implied a more universal study of human
experiences than was actually undertaken in the teaching of it. As a response to these concerns, a
committee of staff members and students studied the problems involved in the name during the
1985-86 school year. In May 1986, the report of that committee led the staff to adopt a new name
for the course: The Search for Values in the Light of Western History and Religion. The name
change took effect with the printing of the thirteenth edition of the syllabus.
The third and fourth modifications both grew out of the first, namely the splitting of the
course into a two-year sequence. It was discovered that, as long as the second year of the course
was nothing more than the second semester of the original course postponed to the sophomore
year, it was very difficult to sustain the interest and enthusiasm of the students (and staff) over
such an extended period. To meet that problem, the staff introduced a modification in 1989
whereby the second year was divided into four parallel tracks: history, religion, literature, and
philosophy. While all of the tracks continued to deal with the traditional readings of the second
year, each track was self-contained and able to add additional materials that reflected the
discipline of the track and the scholarly interests of the individual professor. This change brought
about a substantial revival of interest and participation in the second year of SEARCH. The
division of the course into two years also resulted in a substantial increase in enrollment in the
first year. As a result the common lectures became overly crowded and the staff grew too large to
conduct its business efficiently. To solve these problems, the first year was divided into two
sections, one of which meets at D hour and the other at F, each with its own set of staff
members and lecture sessions.
The present structure of the SEARCH sequence (as of fall 2007) is the result of the general
revision of the Colleges curriculum in 2006 and 2007. Because all foundational courses at
Rhodes now count for four credits, the previous four-course sequence in SEARCH became a threecourse sequence. What had been four courses of three credits became three courses of four
credits.
Despite all of the changes, the course remains true to its original purposes and methods.
The basic core of what was contained in the first syllabus of 1945 continued to be embedded in
subsequent editions of the course. The same fundamental questions continue to be raised and
discussed, and students and faculty members are still brought together in a common enterprise of
exploring the intellectual, moral, and spiritual dimensions of human experience.
Before placing the final period in this Introduction, it is important to recover the name
of Professor Fred Neal, who served as the Director of the course from 1965 to 1985. Apprenticed
to the job by John Henry Davis, and master to innumerable novicesboth teachers and
studentsin the SEARCH program, Dr. Neal was able to capture the essential nature of the
enterprise that is SEARCH in words no one else could command and actions no one else could
duplicate. We append his name to the tradition of editing this introductory statement, and we call
to mind words and ideas from his final lecture to SEARCH:
The vocation of students . . . is channeled and expressed by those peculiar
understandings and skills which their experience of study has given them and which
they can contribute to the common life of mankind. They are the gifts of mind, and
heart and spirit which have been sharpened through years of trial in the community
of learning. . . . There is no area of human life and knowledge which should be
spared from the questioning and disciplined mind: politics, business, service,
religion. . . . By what values do you appraise yourself? As a man seeketh in his heart,
so is he. . . . In the midst of the pluralism in which we live, where competing
principles of truth and value confront each other daily, where all judgments seem to
be relative and all values transitory and fleeting, there is hunger in mankind for some
unity to experience . . . some ultimate meaning.
You are invited to commit yourself to this enterprise, knowing as you make this
commitment you join forces with many who have preceded you, and you carry on a task that
only you can ensure will be done with integrity.
John Henry Davis Fred W. Neal Douglas W. Hatfield Robert R. Llewellyn Joseph A.
Favazza David H. Sick Richard K. Dagger Bernadette McNary-Zak Geoffrey W. Bakewell
[For a detailed account of the founding of the course and its development through the first fifty
years, see Celebrating the Humanities: A Half-Century of the Search Course at Rhodes College,
edited by Michael Nelson, Foreword by Jean Bethke Elshtain (Nashville and London: Vanderbilt
University Press, 1996). Dr. Nelson and others have contributed to and edited a second volume
titled Alive at the Core: Exemplary Approaches to General Education in the Humanities,
Foreword by Martha C. Nussbaum (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Inc, publishers, 2000). This
second volume is the outcome of a national symposium on Teaching the Humanities. The
symposium was part of a year-long celebration that marked the 150th anniversary of the
founding of Rhodes College. Dr. Nelson discusses the SEARCH course in an essay in that
volume.]
Timeline I: 1800-700 BCE

*indicates a trad itional date
New Kingdom in Egypt

1570-1185
Code of Hammurab i
c. 1750
Egy ptian Captiv ity

of Israelites*
Ilia d and Odyssey

in Written Form
c. 900-70 0
Exo dus
c. 1280 *
Stele of Ph araoh
Merneptah 120 7
Abrahamic Migration
into Can aan*
Moses, Aaron
Miriam*
Hesiod
c. 700
Amenh otep IV
1379-1362
Tutan khamen
1361-1352
Ramses II
1298-1232
180 0
BCE
170 0
BCE
Tel Dan Stele

c. 800
160 0
BCE
150 0
BCE
140 0
BCE
130 0
BCE
Period of Judges
1200-1020
120 0
BCE
110 0
BCE
Founding
of Rome*
100 0
BCE
900
BCE
800
BCE
700
BCE
Time line II: 1200-500 BCE

*indicates a trad itional date
Destruction of Jerusalem
587
Founding of Rome
753 *
Trojan War*
David
Hesiod
Div ided King dom
in Israel, c. 920
Josiah
640-609
Fall of Israel,
722
Solomon
Perio d of the Ju dges
First Temple
of Jerusalem Built
Elijah
c. 850
Isaiah
Samuel, Sau l
c. 1020 -1 000
120 0
BCE
110 0
BCE
100 0
BCE
Baby lonian Captivity

of Judah
587-539
Sap pho
c. 625
Hosea
900
BCE
800
BCE
Reign of Cyrus
th e Great
557-530
Jeremiah
615-587
Second Isaiah
Amos
c. 750
Ezra and
Nehemiah
700
BCE
600
BCE
500
BCE
Timeline III: 700-300 BCE
Persian Wars
490-479
Reign of Cyrus
the Great
557-530
Sap pho
c. 625
Herodotus
484-425
Baby lonian Captivity

of Judah
587-539
Hesiod
Second Isaiah
Compilatio n
of Torah
Jeremiah
615-587
PostExilic Jud aism

538-331
Thu cyd ides

460400
Socrates
469-399
Aristophanes
Clouds
423
Alexander the Great

336323
Sophocles
496-406
Plato
427-347
Aristotle
384-322
Ruth, Jon ah ,
Wisd om Literature
Written
Ezra and
Nehemiah
700
BCE
Peloponn esian Wars

431-404
600
BCE
500
BCE
400
BCE
300
BCE
Timeline IV: 400 BCE-100 CE
Punic Wars
264-201
Alexander the Great
336 323
Julius
Caesar
100-44
Hannib al
Scipio Africanu s
Aristotle
384 322
Zeno
336-264
Polyb ius
Antiochus IV,
r. 175 -1 63
Epicu rus
341-270
Lucretius
95-55
Verg il
70-19
Cicero
106-43
Liv y
59BCE-1 7
300
BCE
200
BCE
Sen eca
4 BCE-65
Tacitus
55-117
Epictetus
Hero d the Great

d. 4
100
BCE
Plutarch
50-120
Horace
65-8
Daniel Written
400
BCE
Caesar
Augustus
63 BCE-1 4
1
CE
100
CE
Timeline V: 100BCE-100CE
Julius Caesar
100-44
Augustus Caesar
63 BCE-1 4
Hasmo nean Dynasty Ends

63
First Jewish War

66
Fall of Jerusalem
70
Hero d the Great

d. 4 BCE
Verg il
70-19
Jesus
c. 6BCE-30
Liv y
59 BCE- 17
Nero
r. 54-68
Tib eriu s
r. 14-37
Matthew Written
c. 80
Pau l
d. 6 4
Mark Written
c. 68
Pau line Epistles
Written
c. 41-64
100
BCE
Revelation
Written
c. 96
Joh n Written
c. 95
Luk e-Acts Written
c. 90
1
CE
100
CE
Timeline VI: 100 CE-500 CE
Trajan
Dio cletian
Constantine
Marcion
Julian th e Apo state
Alexander
Arius
Tertullian
Augustine
Ath anasius
Irenaeus of Lyons
Justin Martyr
Edict of Milan ,
313
Marcus
Aurelius
Pastoral epistles
Written
100
CE
Creed of Nicea
325
Martyrdo m of
Perpetua and Felicitas
Written
Apocalypse o f Peter
Written
Gosp el of Thomas
Written
200
CE
Sack of Rome,
410
300
CE
John Chrysostom
City of God
347-407
Written
400
CE
500
CE
Timeline VII: 400 CE-1400 CE

Sack of Constan tinople
in Fou rth Crusad e
120 4
Charlemag ne
crowned Emp eror
800
Hildegard
of Bingen
1098-1179
Emperor Justinian
r. 527-565
Beginning of
Abbasid Dynasty
750
Romulus
Augustulus
deposed
Anselm writes
Pro slog ion 106 3
Hrosvitha,
Abbess of
Gandersheim
Battle of Tours
732
Tho mas Aquinas

1225-1275
Song of
Roland ca.
110 0
Chau cer
Norman invasio n
of England
106 6
400
CE
600
CE
Marguerite
Porete
d. 1 310
Dante
1265-1321
Mo hammed
570-632
St. Ben edict

480-546
St. Francis
of Assisi
1181-1226
800
CE
100 0
CE
120 0
CE
140 0
CE
CHART I The Beginnings of Civilization

(Boldface type refers directly to course material)
Ca. 20,000-10,000
Ca. 10,000
Ca. 8000
Ca. 7000
Ca. 5000
Upper Paleolithic to Mesolithic period (upper stone to middle stone age); cave art
at Lascaux and Altamira; a hunter/gatherer culture
End of the glacial (ice) age
Domestication of animals; cultivation of food
Villages formed
Pottery invented
Mesopotamian Civilization
3500-2350
Sumerian Period
Development of pictographic writing
ca. 2700
Reign of Gilgamesh (?)
2100-2000
Construction of a ziggurat at Ur
ca. 2000
Earliest version of The Gilgamesh Epic
1900-1600
Babylonian Period
1792-1750
The Law Code of Hammurabi
Ca. 1400
Phoenicians develop alphabet
Aegean Civilization
2000-1600
Middle Minoan Period
Construction of palace complexes; development of linear writing
Ca. 1600
First Mycenean palace constructed; Royal Grave Circle at Mycenae
Ca.1250
Mycenaean war against Troy (?)
1000-750 "Heroic" Age
ca. 900-700
Evolution of Homeric epics, the Iliad and the Odyssey
ca. 700
Hesiod, Works and Days
ca. 753
Legendary date for the founding of Rome
Palestine and Syria
1800-1700
Abrahams migration from the land of the Chaldeans (?)
1600
Descent of Jacobs family into Egypt (?)
1300-1200
The Exodus (ca. 1280 ?)

Israelite Conquest (?) (ca. 1250-1200)
1207
Stele of Pharaoh Merneptah mentions Israel
1200-1020
Israel as a tribal confederacy; period of the Judges
1020-1000
Samuel and Saul (first king of Israel)
CHART II The History of the Israelites

Ca. 1220 1004
Israels Tribal League (time of the Judges)

Philistines arrive ca. 1200 (period of the Trojan War)
Crisis of the Philistine threat: Samuel, Saul (c. 1020-1000)
1004 925
United Kingdom: David and Solomon
925 722
Divided Kingdom
Southern (Judah)
Northern (Israel also known as Ephraim)
Line of David
Jeroboam (922-901)
Ahab and Jezebel (869-850)
stories about Elijah, prophet (c. 850)
Jeroboam II (786-746)
Amos, prophet (ca. 750)
Ahaz (735-715)
Isaiah, prophet
(752-700)
End of the Northern Kingdom

Samaria falls (722) to Sargon II
of Assyria
721 586
Judah
Hezekiah (715-687)
Prophet Isaiah still active
Invasion of Judah by Sennacherib of Assyria (701)
Josiah (640-609), presided over attempted national renewal in 621
Jeremiah, long-lived 7th cent. Prophet (ca. 615-587)
Fall of Assyria, Battle of Carchemish (605)
Babylonian Empire established under Nebuchadrezzar (605-562)
First deportation to Babylon (597)
Destruction of Jerusalem, second deportation to Babylon (587/86)
586 539
Babylonian Exile of the Jews

Prophet Jeremiah still in Judah, finally in Egypt
Prophet Second Isaiah (Isaiah 40-55) in Babylon (ca. 540 BCE) and
perhaps later in Judah
538 331
Postexilic Judaism under the Persian Empire

Cyrus the Great of Persia (550530 BCE)
issues Edict of Restoration (538 BCE)
Rebuilding of temple (second temple) (530515 BCE)
EzraNehemiah scroll (date uncertain)
Priestly editors begin editing the Torah
(Pentateuch)
Ruth
Jonah
Wisdom literature: Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Job
CHART III The Classical Polis

514/3 BCE
511/0 BCE
Harmodius and Aristogeiton assassinate Hipparchos at Athens

Expulsion of Peisistratids from Athens
490, 480-479 BCE
The Persian Wars

Battle of Marathon 490 BCE
Battles of Thermopylae and Salamis 480 BCE
The Delian League founded under Athenian leadership
Herodotus (ca. 484425 BCE)
461 429 BCE
The Athenian Empire under Pericles

Delian League treasury moved to Athens, 454/3 BCE
Building of Parthenon begun 447 BCE
431 404 BCE
The Peloponnesian Wars

Death of Pericles from plague 429 BCE
Sicilian expedition 415-413 BCE
Thucydides (ca. 460400 BCE)
Aeschylus (525456 BCE),
Sophocles (496 406 BCE)
Antigone 441 BCE
Oedipus the King 427/6 BCE
Euripides (480 406 BCE),
Aristophanes (ca. 445385 BCE)
Socrates (ca. 469399 BCE)
404 336 BCE
Decline of the citystates

Athens defeated; Sparta dominant at first; then Thebes; then general
confusion
Plato (ca. 427347 BCE)
Platos Academy founded ca. 385 BCE
Aristotle (ca. 384322 BCE)
Aristotle tutors Alexander at Pella 342-339(?) BCE
Aristotles Lyceum founded ca. 335334 BCE
359 330 BCE
Macedonian ascendancy and the beginnings of the Hellenistic period

Philip II of Macedon (359336 BCE)
Alexander the Great (336323 BCE)
Occupation of Palestine (332 BCE)
Period of Greek dominance (to ca. 100 BCE)
in Egypt, the Ptolemies; in Syria, the Seleucids
10
CHART IV The Hellenistic Period

384 322
Aristotle (his father, Nicomachus, was physician to the royal court in Macedon)
Student in Platos Academy until the death of Plato, 348/7 BCE
Tutor to Alexander, 342 BCE
Founded a school, the Lyceum
Died 322 BCE; had one daughter and one son (another Nicomachus)
323 c. 100
Alexander and the Hellenistic Period

Alexander the Great (336 323 BCE)
Occupation of Palestine (322 BCE)
Defeat of the Persians under Darius III at Gaugamela (331 BCE)
Died, Mesopotamia, at age of 33
Hellenistic empires after death of Alexander
In Macedonia and the Aegean, the Antigonids
In Egypt, the Ptolemies
Palestine, generally under Egyptian control
In Asia Minor to India (including Syria), the Seleucids
Syrian control becomes dominant in Palestine (c. 200 BCE)
Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175-163 BCE)
Hellenistic Science:
Aristarchus (ca. 310-230 BCE), advocated a heliocentric model of the universe
Eratosthenes (ca. 275-200 BCE), calculated the circumference of the earth
as 24,662 miles (only 200 miles less than the actual figure)
Hipparchus (ca. 185-120 BCE), developed an elaborate geocentric
model of the universe, develops trigonometry
Euclid (323-285 BCE), standard textbook of geometry
Archimedes (287-212 BCE), calculated the value of pi, developed
foundations for the calculus; designed the double pulley, etc.
Hellenistic Philosophy:
Diogenes the Cynic (ca. 410-320 BCE)
Epicurus (ca. 341-270 BCE), founder of Epicureanism
Zeno (336-264 BCE), founder of Stoicism
265
Roman dominance over Italy south of the Po valley; Rome now a world power
The Punic Wars, 264-201 BCE
The first Punic War, for Sicily, 264-241 BCE
The second Punic War, against Carthaginian power in Spain and Italy
171 167
Rome declares war against Macedon
146
Rome destroys Carthage; its territory annexed as a Roman
Province
133- 79 Internal reform movements and factional struggles
167 BCE 120 CE
Roman literature, philosophy, and history:

Polybius, a Greek hostage in Rome (167-151 BCE) who chronicles
Romes rise to power
11
Cicero (106-43 BCE), lawyer, stateman, author

Lucretius (ca. 95-55 BCE), Roman voice for Epicureanism
Vergil (70-19 BCE), the Aeneidthe story of the Trojan hero Aeneas
Horace (65-8 BCE), lyric poet, educated humane Roman view of life as a
whole
Livy (59 BCE- 17 CE), Roman historian
Tacitus (ca. 55-117 CE), Roman historian of century after Augustus
Seneca (ca. 4 BCE-65 CE), an essayist, an advocate of Stoicism
Epictetus (ca. 55 BCE-135 CE), a freedman, popular teacher of Stoicism
Plutarch (ca. 50 -ca. 120 CE), philosopher and biographer
167 63
Maccabean History: Jewish independent state (Hasmonian Empire)

Profanation of the temple under Antiochus IV (167 BCE)
Maccabean (Hasmonean) revolt against Antiochus IV (167 BCE)
Apocalyptic book of Daniel
Judith
Judas Maccabeus (166-160 BCE)
Rededication of the Temple, 164 BCE (memorialized in the Feast of
Hanukkah)
In the Judean desert, the Qumran community (the Dead Sea Scrolls)
12
CHART V Rome and the Emergence of Christianity

753 BCE
Traditional date for the founding of Rome
509 BCE
Traditional date for the end of the Roman monarchy and the beginning of the
Republic
79-17 BCE
Roman military strong men

The First Triumvirate, opponents, then allies, then opponents once again
Pompey (106-48 BCE)
Crassus (ca. 115-53 BCE)
Julius Caesar (100-44 BCE)
Assassinated March 14, 44 BCE, by those who saw him as a
threat to traditional order
The Second Triumvirate, an uneasy sharing of power,
overcome anti-Caesar forces, but eventually another civil war
Mark Antony (ca. 83-30 BCE)
Octavian (63 BCE-14 CE, future Augustus Caesar)
The battle at Actium, 31 BCE, against Antony and Cleopatra
Marcus Lepidus, ultimately forced out of the triumvirate by Octavian
Vergil (70-19 BCE), author of the Aeneidthe story of the Trojan hero Aeneas
Livy (59 BCE- 17 CE), Roman historian and author of From the Founding of the
City
63-31 BCE
Roman rule of Judea begins with Pompeys capture of Jerusalem

Hasmonean dynasty overthrown (63 BCE)
Herods rule Palestine as clients of Rome
Herod the Great (37-4 BCE) continues restoring 2nd Temple
31- 4 BCE
Caesar Augustus and the establishment of imperial order

Augustus Caesar (Octavian), 63 BCE-14 CE
Herod the Great dies (c. 4 BCE), kingdom split into three
c. 6 BCE?-33 CE?
Jesus of Nazareth
14-37 CE
Reign of Tiberius Caesar

Pontius Pilate procurator (deputy governor) of Judea (26-36)
John the Baptist preaches, killed by Herod Antipas (c. 27)
Ministry of Jesus of Nazareth (c. 29-33?)
Paul of Tarsus call to Gentile mission (c. 35)
37-41
Reign of Caligula (Gaius Caesar)
41-54
Reign of Claudius
Expulsion of Jews (including Jewish Christians?) from Rome (c. 49-50)
1 Corinthians written by Paul
54-68
Reign of Nero
13
Various collections of Jesus sayings circulating

Persecution of Roman Christians by Nero following Great
Fire (64)
Deaths of Peter, Paul at Rome? (64?)
First Jewish War against Rome breaks out (66)
Year of four emperors and Julio-Claudian dynasty ends with Flavius
Vespasian (68) as emperor
69-78
Reign of Vespasian
Destruction of Jerusalem and the 2nd Temple by Roman troops
under Vespasians son Titus (70), who constructs Colosseum and
triumphal arch at Rome to celebrate his victory
Last hold-outs of Jewish rebellion commit suicide at Masada (73)
Pharisees leaders regroup at Yavneh (Jamnia); end of activity of
Sadducees, Essenes; Dead Sea scrolls hidden
Gospel According to Mark written (c. 68-70?)
79-81
Reign of Titus
Gospel According to Matthew written (c. 80?)
81-96
Reign of Domitian (last of Flavian dynasty)

Gospel According to Luke and Book of Acts written (c. 90?)
Gospel According to John written (c. 95?)
Possible closing of Hebrew Bible canon, omitting Apocrypha (95?)
Rift between Pharisaic Jews and Jewish heretics (Christians) widens
Persecutions of Christians in Asia Minor
14
CHART VI The New Empire: Toward Christendom

98-117
Reign of Trajan; greatest expanse of Roman empire

Plinys correspondence with Trajan about Christians in Bithynia
Possible first collection of ten of Pauls letters.
Jewish uprisings in the Diaspora, 114-117
100-300
The New Empire: Toward Christendom

Reigns of the Good Emperors (Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius,
Marcus Aurelius, d. 180)
Bar Kochbas Rebellion (2nd Jewish War, 132-135) ends with Roman
victory, Jews forbidden to return to Jerusalem
Marcion proposes first canon, consisting of Luke & 10 letters
of Paul (c. 140)
Irenaeus of Lyons (c. 130-200) writes Against Heresies, attacking
Gnostics and proposing four-gospel canon (c. 150?)
Pastoral epistles (1, 2 Timothy, Titus) written (c. 125-150)
Justin Martyr (c.150) writes Apologies
Gospel of Thomas (final version) written (c. 150?)
The Acts of Paul and Thecla written (c. 150?)
Tertullian of Carthage active (c. 160-225), who compiled the
Martyrdom of Perpetua and Felicitas written (c. 202)
Apocalypse of Peter written (c. 250-300?)
293-303
Reforms of Emperor Diocletian; final, empire-wide persecution of

Christians begins, 303
300-451
The New Empire: Institutionalizing Christianity

Edict of Milan (313) issued by victorious emperor Constantine (d.
337), making Christianity a legal religion (religio licita)
Capital of empire moved to Constantinople (Byzantium) in East
Council of Nicea (325), convened by Constantine largely through the
influence of Athanasius of Alexandria (c. 296-373), condemns
Arianism, produces Creed and Canons of Nicea
Christianity becomes the official religion of the Roman Empire under
Theodosius I (379), making pagan worship, Arianism and other
heresies legal offenses; gnostic library (including Gospel of
Thomas) hidden at Nag Hammadi in Egypt
Reign of Julian (361-363), the Apostate because he repudiated
Christianity and sought to replace it with a restored pagan church
Hypatia of Alexandria (c. 375-415), Neoplatonic philosopher, killed by
Christian mob
Sack of Rome by the Arian Gothic king, Alaric (410)
Augustine of Hippo (354-430)
Born 354, 13 November, at Thagaste (now in modern day Algeria)
371-4, studies at Carthage
375-383, teaches rhetoric at Thagaste and then Carthage
386, his conversion
387, baptized at Milan
15
391, ordained at Hippo; 396, consecrated assistant bishop of

Hippo; becomes bishop
397-398, writes his Confessions
413-426, writes City of God
428, Vandals invade North Africa; Hippo under seige
430, 28 August, Augustine dies
16
CHART VII Late Antiquity and the Middle Age

Byzantium and the East

347-407
St. John Chrysostom
527-565
Reign of Justinian
532-537
Construction of Hagia Sophia
622
632
The Hegira: Mohammed flees from Mecca to Medina

Death of Mohammed
639
Islamic armies conquer southern Byzantine Empire (Syria, Jordan, Palestine, Egypt)
750
Abbasids overthrow Umayyads
900s
Translation of ancient Greek texts into Arabic at Islamic 'Abbasid court in Baghdad
988
Grand Prince Volodymyr adopts Byzantine Christianity as the official state religion in
Russia
1054
The Patriarch of Constantinople and the Pope in Rome excommunicate one another,
causing the Great Schism between the Byzantine and Latin churches
1204
Fourth Crusade; Occupation of Constantinople; Artistic booty sent to the West
1453
Fall of Constantinople to Ottoman Turks
Western Roman Empire and the West

476
Odoacer takes Rome; Romulus Augustulus, last Western emperor, deposed
480-546
St. Benedict of Nursia

529(?)
Benedict composes his rule
590-604
Papacy of Gregory I (the Great)
800
Charlemagne crowned Emperor

814 Death of Charlemagne
1063
Anselm writes Proslogion

1093
Anselm becomes Archbishop of Canterbury
1066
Norman invasion of England
1079-1142
Peter of Abelard, scholar and lover of Heloise
1098-1179
Hildegard of Bingen
17
1141
Hildegard's revelation and enlightenment
1100 (ca.)
Composition of the Song of Roland
1126-1198
Averros (Ibn Rushd)
1215
Magna Charta ratified by King John of England
1226
Death of St. Francis of Assisi
1225-1275
1310
1265-1321
Thomas Aquinas
1257
Thomas Aquinas teaches at the University of Paris
1265-1275 Thomas writes Summa Theologiae
Maguerite Porete dies
Dante Alighieri
1274
Dante meets Beatrice (?)
1302
Dante exiled from Florence
1314
Publication of Inferno
1340-1400 (ca.) Geoffrey Chaucer

1405
Christine de Pisan completes Book of the City of Ladies
18
SEARCH Begins: The Epic of Gilgamesh

The first work on the syllabus for The Search for Values in the Light of Western History
and Religion is The Epic of Gilgamesh, a work also known as The Gilgamesh Epic, or simply
Gilgamesh. These titles are modern designations for a group of poems from Babylonian and
Sumerian literature that survive in a number of versions, all in fragmentary form on clay tablets
excavated by archaeologists at the ancient site of Nineveh beginning in 1850 CE. New fragments
are still coming to light in a process of discovery that continues today.
The so-called Standard Version of the epic, the text that is the basis for Chapter 1 in our
edition of Gilgamesh, dates to the period of Middle Babylonian literature, some time in the
thirteenth to the eleventh centuries BCE. This Standard Version is also known by its incipit, or
opening words, which in the Akkadian original is Sha naqba imuru, or He who saw the Deep
in our translation by Andrew George. An earlier Gilgamesh from the Old Babylonian period,
called by its incipit Shutur eli sharri, or Surpassing all other kings, dates to the eighteenth
century BCE. You can read the surviving fragments of this version in our Chapter 2. Even older
Sumerian poems in which Gilgameshs name is Bilgames date perhaps to the twenty-first
century BCE. The surviving fragments of these poems have been collected in our Chapter 5.
The Epic of Gilgamesh provides an excellent beginning for the SEARCH course for a
number of reasons. First, it is very old. It is the oldest work of literature we will read in SEARCH;
indeed, it is among the oldest works of literature yet discovered. The literary tradition of stories
about Gilgamesh itself extends over centuries, with some versions of the story dating back more
than 4,000 years. Thus, stories about Gilgamesh predate by hundreds of years the next oldest
works we read in Search, the Homeric epics and the Hebrew Bible. Insofar as it seems
appropriate in a course like SEARCH to begin at the beginning, reading Gilgamesh first makes
good chronological sense.
In addition to these chronological considerations, there are historical reasons why
Gilgamesh makes a good starting point for the SEARCH course. The Gilgamesh Epic developed in
ancient Mesopotamia. Mesopotamia is a Greek word that means land between the rivers, and
it designates the river valley civilizations of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers in what is today Iraq.
Historians have called ancient Mesopotamia the Cradle of Civilization. By this they have
meant that in the river valleys of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers there arose the first human
societies characterized by a complex of features including large-scale agriculture, urbanization,
specialization of labor, increased social and political differentiation, accelerated technological
advances, large-scale architecture, and the earliest writing. What we call Western civilization
developed from these Mesopotamian origins by a more or less continuous historical process.
Speaking in these terms, Western European civilization is a legacy of Classical or Greco-Roman
civilization, which is a legacy of the civilizations of the Ancient Near East, including ancient
Mesopotamia.
Starting a course called The Search for Values in Light of Western History and Religion
by reading the Epic of Gilgamesh also raises some intriguing questions about what is Western.
Gilgamesh is a Mesopotamian hero. The epics literary tradition is centered in what is today the
heart of Iraq, part of what readers today would call the Middle East, not part of the West.
Historians locate the Gilgamesh tradition in the cultural context of the Ancient Near East, again
raising questions about the extent to which Gilgamesh can be part of a Western tradition. This
irony, however, insofar as it invites consideration about the term Western, is part of the interest
of starting the SEARCH course with Gilgamesh.
19
There are also thematic reasons for thinking that The Epic of Gilgamesh provides a good
starting point for SEARCH. The work introduces a number of important themes that we will see
emerging in different shapes and contexts in our readings in this course. Indeed, the story of
Gilgamesh involves enduring questions about human life and its meaning, including questions
about tyranny and justice, about sex and society, about nature and culture, about friendship and
mortality, about wisdom and experience. Perhaps most relevantly, the epic introduces the theme
of the search itself, in the form of the quest Gilgamesh undertakes when Enkidu dies. His quest
does not necessarily begin as a search for values, but perhaps there is an important sense in
which it ends up that way. He may not find what he sets out to find, but that may be part of the
nature of searching. The wisdom of Gilgamesh mentioned in the poems prologue may be the
outcome of his coming to grips with that realization.
Take note of the identities and roles in the story of each of the following:
Divinities: Anu, Shamash, Enlil, Ishtar, Anu, Ea
(More or less) Humans: Gilgamesh, Enkidu, the Trapper, Shamhat, Uta-napishti,
Shiduri, Ur-Shannabi
Monstrous foes: Humbaba, Bull of Heaven, scorpion men, snake
As you read, be on the lookout for:
The taming of Enkidu and the concepts of civilizing
Gilgameshs attributes, powers, and abilities
The friendship of Gilgamesh and Enkidu
The nature and role of Ishtar
The depth of Gilgameshs grief
Tests which Gilgamesh must face
The advice of Shiduri on how to live happily
Uta-napishtis story
Gilgamesh and sleep
Gilgamesh and the Plant of Heartbeat
The course of Gilgameshs attitudes toward society, toward danger, and toward death
20
Some Major Greek Gods

The Children of Cronus and Rhea
(There are several generations of Greek gods; Cronus and Rhea are from the generation prior to Zeus)
Hestia, goddess of the

home and hearth. She
appears in very few
Greek myths but was
important in daily cult
life.
Demeter, goddess of
harvest and agriculture,
mother of Persephone,
whose abduction by
Hades was believed to
cause winter.
Hera, goddess of
women and childbirth,
queen of the gods. She
married her brother
Zeus.
Hades, god of the

Underworld. In Greek
belief Hades is a person,
not a place.
Poseidon, god of the sea

and horse, father of the
Cyclops, Polyphemus.
Zeus, the sky-god, king

of the gods. He
becomes king only after
defeating his father
Cronus and the older
generation of gods, the
Titans, in a violent war.
The Children of Zeus

Zeus + Hera =
Ares, the god of war.
He was generally
disliked by Homer and
the Greeks.
Zeus + Hera =
Zeus + Leto =
Zeus + Leto =
Zeus + Dione =
Zeus + Maia
Hephaestus, the artisan

god. He walks with a
limp. In some versions
of the myth, he is
created by Hera alone.
Apollo, the god of

knowledge, especially
poetry, music, and
prophecy. In later myth
he would be identified
with the sun.
Artemis, the virgin

goddess of the hunt. She
was the guardian of wild
animals. She and her
brother Apollo generally
carry bows.
Aphrodite, the goddess

of love. In some
versions of the myth she
was born from the
castrated testicles of
Uranus.
Hermes, the messenger

god, leader of souls to
the Underworld, god of
travelers and thieves, a
trickster.
Zeus + Semele =
Zeus + Metis =
Dionysus, the god of the

vital force of nature and
ecstatic inspiration,
particularly associated
with wine.
Athena, the virgin

warrior goddess of
wisdom and technical
skills, guardian of
Athens.
21
Homer and the Iliad

Historical Background to the Homeric Poems
The Bronze Age in Greece lasted approximately two millennia from about 3100 to 1000
BCE. Historians refer to the time between the Bronze Age and the point in time when the Greekspeaking communities in the eastern Mediterranean come into conflict with the Achaemenid
Empire established by Darius I of Persia around 500 BCE as the Archaic Period. During the
early part of this period, from about 1000 to 700, Greek society underwent a transformation that
gave rise to a number of cultural developments:
City-states (polis in the singular, poleis in the plural): A shift away from an economy
dominated by grazing to one based on the cultivation of grains and staples such as olives
and grapes, an expansion of population, especially in the 8th century, and a wave of
emigration into areas left relatively vacant by the collapse of the Mycenean kingdoms
result in the evolution of a new political order. The rapidity of change and the
unprecedented nature of the social issues require a less hierarchical, more broadly-based
system of political organization. The intense nature of cultivation ultimately limits the
size of farms, distributing economic and political power over a larger constituency of
landholders. Settlements begin to define themselves as geographic entities with a degree
of political independence from one other but with significant social, political, and
economic ties among neighboring settlements and between the metropoleis (literally
mother cities) and their colonies. This expanding network of settlements in new areas
throughout the Mediterranean and Black Sea creates new opportunities for trade and
avenues for cultural diffusion and interaction.
Hero cults: These settlements set aside areas, temenea (singular temenos), dedicated to
the worship of deities. They include those we have come to know as Olympian gods,
such as Poseidon, Zeus, and Hera, which are attested in the Linear B tablets from the
Mycenean palaces destroyed in the late 13th century. The construction of temples, which
were designed to house the images of the gods and votive offerings, begins at this time.
The worship of local gods, the heroes, also appears, often associated with the remains of
Bronze Age tombs and settlements. Because the evidence is largely archaeological, how
and why hero worship developed remains a point of scholarly contention. There are three
main theories. One suggests that hero cults evolved from the worship of the dead,
especially those from prominent and powerful families. Another proposes that hero cults
emerged from the influence of traditional narratives, such as the Iliad and Odyssey, that
celebrated the accomplishments of individuals from the past who seem to have been more
powerful or god-like for one reason or another than living human beings. A third suggests
that hero cults represent the worship of gods who became less important as the
celebration of others of broader social and cultural relevance became more significant. In
any event, the evolution of city-states likely contributed to this phenomenon as
settlements sought more inclusive ways of generating and maintaining a sense of
community and limiting the influence of elite families who could use the celebration of
their deceased ancestors as a means of elevating their social and political status.
22
Panhellenism: Some sites associated with the worship of these deities develop into
sanctuaries where Greeks (or Hellenes) from a variety of city-states gather on certain
occasions. Delphi and Olympia are two such sites. Delphi was home to the Pythia, the
oracle of Apollo, whom the Greeks, both as individuals and communities, consulted for
guidance. Another was Olympia where Panhellenic athletic contests began, according to
tradition, in the first half of the 8th century. At the center of the sanctuary in Olympia
were the temples of Hera, Olympian Zeus, and the heroon (or temple-tomb) of Pelops,
after whom the Peloponnese (literally, the Island of Pelops) takes its name. Eventually,
major Panhellenic games took place in three other locations: Nemea, Delphi, and Isthmia,
all of which incorporated the worship of Olympian deities and heroes. In the 6th century,
reflecting its increasing economic and political influence, Athens organized competitions
designed to rival those of the other Panhellenic sites. In additional to the athletic contexts,
the Panathenaia also included contests among rhapsodes, singers who performed
selections from the Homeric poems.
Homeric poetry: As noted above, literacythe ability to record and recreate language
through written symbolswas a feature of the major cultures of the Bronze Age, the
Minoans and the Myceneans. Evidence of literacy disappears with the collapse of the
Mycenean culture and does not emerge again until the 8th century when expanding
contacts with societies of the eastern Mediterranean accelerated changes in art and
architecture, which began to incorporate the forms, styles, and techniques the Greeks
encountered in Egypt and the Near East, for example, in the buildings and statues that
Greeks created in their religious sanctuaries. Contact with the Semitic peoples of the
East, in particular the Phoenicians, also led to the development of an alphabetic writing
system, which began to appear in short inscriptions on pottery, including a hexameter
verse on the Diplon oinochoe (a ceramic container for pouring wine) from ca. 740-730
BCE found in 1871 northeast of the Diplon Gate in Athens. During the period of
illiteracy, however, the Greeks preserved their history through a poetic oral tradition,
from which emerged the Iliad and Odyssey. Interactive performances involving
generation after generation of singers and their audiences formed the bases for this
tradition. In other words, the singers created and transmitted the tradition during the
performances. There was no text or script. Over time, the singers formed a distinct group
with a specialized medium of poetic composition specifically suited to the demands of
this performative context, which required having to communicate their cultural
knowledge through interactions with communities that spoke different dialects of Greek.
Consequently, this poetic medium gradually assimilated elements from the different
linguistic environments in which the poets performed. This process of assimilation was
shaped by the forces of conservationthat is, having to preserve the cultural memory of
the Greeksand innovationhaving to sing poems that would be comprehensible,
relevant and entertaining to each unique audience. Homeric Greek, therefore, is an
artificial amalgamation of various dialects. It was not, as far as we know, a means for
everyday communication but rather a specialized medium for encoding the narratives that
conveyed the accomplishments of previous generations to the next and, ultimately,
defined what it meant to belong to the Panhellenic community. One area in which
Homeric poetry clearly played a formative role was in the evolution of religious
practices, as noted above. Herodotus, a historian from the 5th century, writes in his
23
description of the Egyptians and their influence on Greek culture: But it was onlyif I
may so put itthe day before yesterday that the Greeks came to know the origin and
form of the various gods, and whether or not all of them had always existed; for Homer
and Hesiod are the poets who composed theogonies and described the gods for the
Greeks, giving them all their appropriate titles, offices, and powers, and they lived, as I
believe, not more than four hundred years ago (Histories 2.53, translated by de
Slincourt).
The Iliad and the Odyssey are only two parts of a vast epic cycle of traditional
narratives dealing with the origins, events, and aftermath of the Trojan War, which the Greeks of
the classical period viewed as the first major joint undertaking of the Greek-speaking
communities in their history. One notable epic from this cycle is the Cypria, which,
unfortunately, is no longer extant; however, we do have some fragments and the outline of this
epic through a work called the Chrestomathia, a set of summaries of epic works attributed to
Proclus, a Neoplatonist philosopher from the 5th century CE. The Cypria is important because it
gives the back-story to the Iliad, which recounts only the events taking place during the ninth
year of the Trojan War. It begins with the plan of Zeus to bring about the Trojan War. One
surviving fragment speaks of his diabolical scheme, which shares some thematic elements with
the flood myths from Gilgamesh and Genesis:
There was a time when the countless tribes of men, though widedispersed, oppressed the surface of the deep-bosomed earth, and Zeus saw
it and had pity and in his wise heart resolved to relieve the all-nurturing
earth of men by causing the great struggle of the Ilian war, that the load of
death might empty the world. And so the heroes were slain in Troy, and
the plan of Zeus (Dios boule) came to pass (Cypria, Fragment 3, H.G.
Evelyn-White).
Perhaps the most famous story from this epic is the wedding of Peleus and the sea-nymph Thetis,
the parents of Achilles. At the wedding feast, all the gods and goddesses were in attendance
except the hated goddess Eris (Strife). Piqued by the slight, Eris threw a golden apple among the
guests, which bore the inscription, For the fairest. Naturally, each goddess laid claim to the
apple, thinking she was the fairest of the gods, but three in particular stood out above the rest:
Aphrodite, Hera, and Athena. When asked to adjudicate the matter, Zeus refused and gave the
task to Paris, the son of Priam, king of Troy. In order to curry favor with the mortal judge, each
goddess promised Paris a gift: Hera offered lordship over Asia and Europe; Athena promised to
make him a great warrior; and Aphrodite vowed to give him the most beautiful woman in the
world, Helen, the wife of the Spartan king Menelaus. Being more of a lover than a fighter, Paris
gave the apple to Aphrodite, who helped him abduct Helen and bring her back to Troy. The
Trojan War was thus born with this judgment and rape, which incited Menelaus and his
brother Agamemnon to lead a massive army of Greeks (or Achaeans, as Homer calls them)
against Troy to recover Helen. The epic ends with raids on cities around Troy, which result in
Achilles selecting Briseis as his prize and Agamemnon taking Chryseis. As you will see, both of
these women, the spoils of war, play a crucial role in the feud between Achilles and
Agamemnon, which develops in the first book of the Iliad and becomes one of the central
conflicts of the poem. Because the Iliad immediately takes the reader, as early critics noted, in
24
medias res (into the middle of events), it demands the careful attention of the modern reader,
who may not be familiar with the characters and events from the epic cycle.
As you begin reading the Iliad, keep the following points in mind:
The Greeks viewed the Iliad much as the Hebrews viewed the Torah. The Iliad was
an historical narrative that told of a distant and formative period in their culture,
establishing an ethnic identity through the story of a conflict with a foreign people.
Many of the characters in the Iliadfor example, Achilles, Agamemnon, Odysseus,
Helen, and Menelausbecame heroes, chthonic (earth-born) deities, for the Greeks.
Consequently, the Iliad is a religious poem about the earthly struggles of individuals,
whom Greeks of later generations celebrated in worship. Like the Torah, the Iliad
also served as the basic text in the education of young Greeks, and recitations of the
text during rhapsodic competitions were for centuries a familiar part of many local
and Panhellenic festivals.
As a story about a culture at war, the Iliad would have had deep personal significance
for its Greek audience, because virtually every generation would have experienced
armed conflict in some form. The Athenians, for example, were at war on average
more than two out of every three years from the Persian Wars (490-479) to the battle
of Chaeronea (338) and never enjoyed a period of peace longer than ten consecutive
years! Indeed, according to Plato, the normal attitude of the Greeks to the rest of the
world was one of undeclared war (Laws 626b).
The central figure of the Iliad is Achilles, an extremely complex character, who is
caught in an intergenerational struggle with Agamemnon. Achilles occupies a socially
and politically inferior position to Agamemnon, although in terms of his identity as
the son of a goddess, Thetis, and his value to the Greeks as the most outstanding
warrior and counterpart to Hector, the preeminent defender of Troy, he is more
important than Agamemnon. Achilles also struggles with his own mortality, not only
in the ways each of us must confront our own finite existence, but also in contrast
with who he might have been had Zeus, not Peleus, been his father (Zeus loved
Thetis, but an oracle foretold an ominous future for him if he did: a son from Thetis
would one day overthrow him as Zeus had overthrew his own father, Cronus).
Achilles is at Troy to gain immortality through glory (kleos), having been denied the
immortality of a god by virtue of his mortal father.
Homer, Iliad, Bks. 1-6
The epic begins with a traditional introductory section called a proem (1.1-10), which
usually contains an invocation of the Muses, who help the poet sing of events in the distant,
heroic past, and a short statement of the poems theme. The first word of the epic, rage
(mnis), tells the audience quite a bit about what the Iliad is about. Keep this in mind as you
read. The proem is also important because the poet claims that all the events recounted in the
epic came about through Zeus will (Dios boule; cf. Cypria, Fg. 3 cited above). The characters
in the Iliad often act quite differently, as though they have free will. In fact, you will fine there is
a continuum in the Iliad between the idea that human beings are creatures of destiny and the
belief that they have free will.
In the remainder of Bk. 1, the poet provides not only a vivid and dramatic account of how
the quarrel between Achilles and Agamemnon broke out but also an insightful look into the
25
value system of the Greek heroes, who prized glory (kleos) and honor (tim) above all else
values that can be great boons in war but also counterproductive and even destructive when
communal action is required. Also of interest is Nestors description of kingship (1.290-99),
which is crucial for understanding the political situation of the Homeric world. Remember,
Achilles is a king too. What then makes Agamemnon superior to him? Who is the best (aristos)
of the Achaeans? [Such questions continued to be meaningful in later Greek culture, as
evidenced by Thucydides analysis of the Trojan War (1.6-11) as a preface to his account of the
Peloponnesian War]. Bk. 2 is often remembered for the long and somewhat tedious catalog of
ships (2.522-997), but it also presents a fascinating picture of Agamemnons leadership ability or
lack thereof. Pay particular attention to the assembly of the Achaeans, especially the speech of
the ugliest soldier at the siege of Troy, Thersites, and Odysseus response to him (2.245-300).
Why does Thersites evoke such ire in Odysseus? What does Odysseus speech reveal about the
social structure of the Homeric world?
In Bk. 3 the two armies are about to do battle when Paris comes forward and offers to
duel Menelaus according to the following terms: winner takes Helen and all her possessions and
the Achaeans and Trojans swear an oath of friendship. As the two warriors prepare under a truce,
Homer changes the scene to Troy, where we encounter Helen for the first time. What is she
doing? What is significant about her behavior? We then see Priam and the royal family watching
the battlefield from the city walls (teichoskopia). Here they see Helen (pay attention to the
remarks they utter under their breath). Despite the fact that we are in the ninth year of the war,
Priam asks her to point out the Greek heroes. Note the description of Odysseus speaking ability
(3.219-40): the Greeks valued not only martial valor but the power of speech as well. In the last
scene of the book, we return to the duel, but divine will sees to it that the truce fails and so the
war tragically continues. Aphrodites behavior here is devious but understandable because it
stems from a love for her devotees, Paris and Helen. However, Athena and Heras plan to break
the truce in Bk. 4 is troublesome. The golden opportunity to end the war is lost, and the two sides
finally come to blows. Though you may find the battlefield scenes repetitive after a while, try to
stay focused; pay particular attention to the necrologies and similes, as they reveal a lot about the
poets attitude to war. One notable example is the young Trojan warrior Simoeisius (4.512-31),
who is dispatched quickly by Ajax. The scene is riddled with pathos, as Homer reminds his
audience that war always takes many good people in the flower of their youth.
In Bk. 5 the scope of the narrative changes as it focuses primarily on one of the
preeminent Greek warriors, Diomedes. Consequently, the audience follows Diomedes as he
engages the Trojans in the fighting that resumes after the failed duel between Menelaus and
Paris. This type of narrative is an aristeia, a chronicle of a warriors finest moments on the
battlefield. In the following book, the narrative shifts once again to the Trojan perspective and
follows Hector as he returns to the city, where he first encounters his mother, then rouses Paris
from his quarters where he has been sequestered since his duel with Menelaus, and finally meets
his wife Andromache and son Astyanax before venturing back onto the battlefield to face Ajax in
a duel. These encounters present Hector in a more personal and intimate setting and show both
how his family depends on him and how he views the war and his responsibility to himself, his
family, and city.
As you read, take note of the following:
People: Achilles, Astyanax, Agamemnon, Chryses, Chryseis, Nestor, Patroclus, Briseis,
Hector, Thersites, Menelaus, Paris, Helen, Odysseus, Glaucus, Diomedes, Andromache,
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Deities and other immortals: Zeus, Hera, Apollo, Athena, Thetis, Ares
Places: Troy, Olympus
Ideas and things: Invocation of the Muses, Dios boule (Zeus will), the scepter,
catalogue of ships, Helen's weaving, teichoskopia (the viewing from the wall), aristeia
(distinguished, outstanding works) of Diomedes, gift-giving and reciprocity, the robe
for Athena

In Bk. 7 Hector and Paris charge back into the fray, emboldening the Trojans and
alarming Athena. She persuades Apollo to have Hector propose to both sides that the fighting
halt for the rest of the day while he and a Greek warrior battle man-to-man. When Hector issues
his challenge, the Greeks sit silently, each hoping that another will volunteer. Disgusted by their
cowardice, Menelaus, though weaker than Hector, steps forward to save the Greeks honor. His
act shames nine others into volunteering; Ajax is chosen by lot to fight Hector. As night falls, the
first battle in the Iliad comes to a conclusion, leaving the outcome of the duel between Hector
and Ajax unresolved. However, the situation of the Greeks undergoes a dramatic change: the
besiegers have now become the besieged. Without Achilles and confronted with a Trojan force
that appears to enjoy the favor of the gods, the besiegers build a defensive wall and trench to
prevent the Trojans from storming their camp and setting fire to the ships. Their destruction is
the Achaeans greatest fear, because losing them would not only leave them without means of
retreat from Troy or return to Greece, it would also prevent them from obtaining the supplies
they need to sustain their expedition. At dawn (Bk. 8) the poet changes scene to Olympus, where
Zeus decrees that no god or goddess participate in the battle on penalty of being imprisoned in
the farthest depths of the underworld: he means for this to be a day of triumph for Troy. The
Greeks are routed and take the worst of the fighting. This book also contains a portion of the
aristeia of Hector. At the conclusion, the Trojans are encamped on the plains of Troy to prevent
an Achaean retreat and departure, while the panic-stricken Agamemnon decides to make an
overture to Achilles. He will offer Achilles a package of material incentives and promises to
get him to end his walkout. Three of Achilles closest comrades and friends will go to Achilles
as representatives of Agamemnon and the other Achaeans, convey Agamemnons offer, and
attempt to negotiate a settlement.
In Bk. 9, one of the most complex and crucial books of the Iliad, the narrative shifts to
Achilles and depicts him in his home away from his native territory, Phthia, as he interacts
with his closest colleagues. During his meeting with Odysseus, Ajax, and Phoenix, Achilles
reveals his unique perspective on the war, shaped both by his own motivation for fighting and
the privileged information he has from Athena and Thetis. Agamemnons offer seems sincere
and attractive; why do you think it doesnt appeal to Achilles? Also, pay close attention to
Phoenixs account of the myth of Meleager, a story within the story. Why doesnt this myth have
the anticipated effect on Achilles?
Bk. 10 recounts the exploits of Odysseus and Diomedes as they undertake an operation
during the night; the book has come to be known as the Doloneia because one of the principle
characters is Dolon, who attempts to spy on the deliberations of the Greek leaders. As dawn
breaks (Bk. 11), Zeus eagerly anticipates another day of killing; he even sends down Eris to
spread a thirst for battle among the warriors. The two armies advance toward each other like
lines of reapers cutting down wheat stalks from opposite sides of a field. Here Agamemnon
distinguishes himself in battle (aristeia), turning the tide in the Greeks favor, but Zeus quickly
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sees to it that he and many Greeks are wounded. With the Greeks once again on the ropes, Nestor
proposes to Patroclus that he wear Achilles armor, ride his chariot, and lead his troops, the
Myrmidons, into battle; Nestor hopes that this will make the Trojans think Achilles has rejoined
the fighting and retreat. Patroclus likes the idea. Bk. 12 depicts the Trojan attack on the newly
built Greek wall, culminating with Hectors lifting an immense rock and smashing the gates.
People: Ajax, Helenus, Phoenix, Meleager, Dolon, Rhesus
Deities and other immortals: Poseidon, Eris
Ideas and things: Embassy to Achilles, aristeia of Agamemnon
At the beginning of Bk. 13, Zeus is satisfied. On earth, the Trojans are winning for the
time being, as he had promised Thetis they would. On Olympus, the other gods are obediently, if
unhappily, staying out of the battle. Confident that matters are safely in hand, Zeus makes a brief
trip north to visit Thrace. Poseidon, envious of his older brother Zeus but fearful of his power,
now emerges from the sea to aid the Greeks. He goes among the battle-weary warriors disguised
as Calchas, inspiring them to fight harder, and the Trojan assault stalls. Of great interest is
Menelaus taunt of the Trojans: Zeus...god of host and guestwill destroy your towering city
(13.652-4; cf. 3.375-7). The idea underlying this threat is xenia, or hospitality to strangers.
Xenia was a two-way relationship between guest and host, which created a lasting bond between
them. For the Greeks, xenia was more than the proper performance of etiquette; it served as a
symbol of peoples basic attitude or relationship to others since the stranger could no longer rely
upon the normal protections of family and state, which safeguard him at home. As the guest of
Menelaus, Paris violated xenia when he abducted Helen and took her possessions. The Greeks
considered such violations as a terrible crime and punishable by Zeus, who was often referred to
as Xenios, the patron deity of hosts and guests. Now you can understand the difficult position
Zeus is in: he must help Menelaus and the Greeks punish the Trojans; but he also must protect
the Trojans (his son Dardanus was the first ancestor of the Trojans) and honor his Trojan-loving
daughter. The Iliad is rife with such moral conflicts, which encourages deep reflection.
In Bk. 14, while the Greeks rest and contemplate returning home, Hera hatches a plot.
With help from Aphrodite (gained under false pretenses) and from the god Sleep (to whom she
promises one of the divine Graces in marriage), Hera lures Zeus into lovemaking, ending in
heavy postcoital slumber. Poseidon immediately takes up arms for the Greeks, which emboldens
them on the battlefield. Heras deceptive seduction of Zeus (Dios apate) is troubling: how can
the king of the gods be so easily beguiled? Indeed, later Greeks considered the gods behavior
contemptible: Homer[has] attributed to the gods all things that are shameful and a reproach
among [humankind]: theft, adultery, and mutual deception (Xenophanes, Fg. 11, Freeman). Yet
for one Greek commentator, such anthropomorphisms are what make the Iliad a great work of
art: by making the gods like men, Homer has done his best to make men into gods (Longinus, On
the Sublime 9.7). How does the behavior of the Greek gods conform or not conform to what you
think is befitting of divine beings?
In Bk. 15, Zeus awakens, sees what is happening, and snarls at Hera. He orders Iris to tell
Poseidon to quit the war. He then summons Apollo and orders him to inspire new valor into
Hector to turn the tide once again in the Trojans favor. Led by Hector and Apollo and sustained
by Zeus, who thunders his support and deflects the Greeks arrows from their marks, the Trojans
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carry the fighting to the line of Greek ships. Hector reaches a ship; his hand grasps the stern. As
he calls for a torch, Achilles beloved companion Patroclus, distressed by the Achaean situation,
returns to Achilles and pleads to lead the Myrmidons into battle while donning Achilles armor
(Bk. 16). Achilles submits to Patroclus unaware of the ironic and tragic consequences of his
decision. As Patroclus goes into battle in the guise of Achilles, keep in mind two important
features of their relationship. First, Patroclus is older than Achilles, although Achilles is
physically more powerful and, by virtue of his divine mother, occupies a higher social rank.
Second, as he assumes Achilles identity, Patroclus becomes a ritual substitute, whose death
and funeral prefigure and portend those of Achilles. Bk. 16 also contains two passages that
comment powerfully on the limitations of human beings, fate and freewill, and the relationship
between humans and the immortals.
Bk. 17 features the dramatic battle for Patroclus body. As the battle rages, Menelaus
sends a runner, Nestors son Antilochus, to tell the unknowing Achilles what has happened to
Patroclus. He arrives in Bk. 18 and reports to Achilles the tragic news. Here we see Achilles
begin the process of re-entering the fighting and encounter an important scene between Thetis
and her son. Achilles got his wish (the Greeks are routed), but it came at the loss of his best
friend. Now Achilles resolves to avenge his friend, knowing full that this will spell his own
doom. The book comes to an end with an ekphrasis, a description or representation of a work of
art within another work of art, as the poet describes the new shield of Achilles made by
Hephaestus, the blacksmith of the gods.
As you read take note of the following:
People: Idomeneus, Myrmidons, Sarpedon, Antilochus
Deities and other immortals: Sleep, Iris, Fates, Hephaestus
Ideas and things: xenia, Dios apate (seduction of Zeus), aristeia of Patroclus,
Achilles armor, shield of Achilles (ekphrasis)
As Bk. 19 opens, Thetis brings Achilles his new armor. Now eager for battle, Achilles
musters the Achaeans. Here we find the first encounter between Agamemnon and Achilles since
their disastrous confrontation in Bk. 1. This meeting is significant as much for what does not
happen as for what does. Indeed, much has changed since Achilles last called for an assembly. In
Bk. 1 Achilles clearly stated: I do not have any quarrel with the Trojans, they didnt do anything
to me to make me come over here and fight (1.161-3). He was only there to please Agamemnon
and to win back from the Trojans the honor of Atreus family. When Agamemnon showed so
little concern for the honor of his supporters, Achilles withdrew and brought a new plague on
Agamemnon and the Greeks. Later, when the Greeks found themselves besieged by the Trojans
and sent an embassy to bring Achilles back, Achilles revealed to his friends that his motivation
for coming to Troy was more complex. He came to Troy to gain the immortality of fame in
partial compensation for the mortality he inherited from his father. Now, however, the Trojan
spearmen, and Hector in particular, have given him a deeply personal reason to fight.
As previously indicated, at its most fundamental level the Iliad is about Achilles
mortality and his identity as a human being. Like Gilgamesh, Achilles lives between two worlds,
the divine and the human. As long as he enjoyed a youthful sense of immortality, he gravitated
toward identity with the world of his goddess-mother, but now, grieving over the loss of
Patroclus, like Gilgamesh over Enkidu, and realizing that his own death is near, he must confront
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experiences utterly foreign to deities and more like those of his mortal father. Encompassing
both Greeks and Trojans, the human community, which has been the object of his ambivalence if
not intense avoidance and anger, assumes a new significance for Achilles. Look for clues that
Achilles, who has separated himself from the human community either as one superior to or as
something beneath a human, is becoming more human, and then watch for evidence of his
reintegration into the human community.
In Bk. 20, as the Greeks and Trojans approach each other on the battlefield, Zeus
assembles the gods on Olympus. Join the action on both sides, he tells them, because in doing so
they will even out the fighting and thus prevent Achilles from defeating Troy before the time has
come for it. Swooping down to earth, Hera, Athena, Poseidon, Hermes, and Hephaestus spur on
the Greeks; Apollo, Artemis, Leto, Aphrodite, and the river god Xanthus encourage the Trojans.
Indeed, the excited gods even fight each other! An odd encounter then ensues. At Apollos
urging, Aeneas seeks out Achilles for personal combat. But when Achilles starts to get the better
of their duel, the pro-Greek Poseidon removes the Trojan to safety, knowing that Aeneas destiny
is to survive the war and rule whatever remnant of Troy remains (Aeneas post-Troy adventures
are the subject of a later Roman epic by Virgil called the Aeneid). In Bk. 21 the battle of the gods
continues to rage. Like a god himself Achilles effortlessly kills Trojans left and right. His rout of
the Trojans seems completehe drives so many fleeing soldiers into the river Scamander that
their drowning bodies choke the flow of water to the sea. There, Achilles also commits some
gruesome acts, which makes him seem more like an animal than a god. The Trojans are forced to
retreat to the city. It is significant to note that although the Iliad is about Achilles and the
narrative informs the audience repeatedly that he is the greatest of the Achaean warriors, this is
the first time the audience sees him perform in battle. With his re-entry into the fighting, we
begin to see what lay behind Achilles reputation.
Finally, in Bk. 22, we experience the long-anticipated combat between Achilles and
Hector. Although the epic may feel like it reaches a climax in this book, the story continues for
another two books: Achilles is still filled with rage. In Bk. 23, after Achilles oversees the
cremation of Patroclus, he sponsors a series of athletic contests in commemoration of his fallen
companion. The scene affords a temporary pause in the action and even introduces some levity
into what has been a rather intense story up to this point. It is important to keep in mind that such
athletic contests exemplify another prominent aspect of Greek culture, the urge to compete and
win individual prestige. Then, in the final book of the poem, Achilles continues to vent his anger,
defiling the body of Hector until the gods intervene and arrange for Priam to ransom the body of
his son. This encounter (a ritual act of supplication) between Hectors father and Achilles, one of
the most poignant in the literature and art of the world, ultimately transforms Achilles and
reconciles him to his mortal existence.
People: Priam, Hecuba, Aeneas
Deities and other immortals: Xanthus, Hermes
Ideas and things: nectar and ambrosia, battle of the gods, funeral games, ransoming of
Hector, supplication
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Essay: Mythic Origins and Human Identity -- Greeks and Israelites

The Ancient Greeks
For the ancient Greeks, at least, to be Greek meant to speak one of the many dialects of
the Greek language. Their term for a foreigner, barbaros, referred to the inability to speak Greek.
If we base our definition of the Greeks on a common language, we can trace their ancestors back
to the Mycenaeans of the Late Bronze Age, who spoke an early dialect of Greek and at least by
the thirteenth century BCE (=Before the Common Era) had developed a form of writing, which
scholars today refer to as Linear B. At the point of their greatest expansion, Mycenaeans
occupied a region extending from the western coast and coastal islands of modern Greece
eastward to the coast of Asia Minor (Turkey), Rhodes, and Cyprus. Beginning in the late
thirteenth century, there are signs of violent destruction at approximately the same time
throughout the Mycenaean world. Following this period of destruction there is evidence of
cultural decline and depopulation in all but a few areas such as Achaea, Attica, Ionia, and
Cyprus. The number of documented Mycenaean sites drops from over 320 in the thirteenth
century, to less than 150 in the twelfth, to fewer than fifty in the eleventh. The debate over the
cause or causes for the collapse of the Mycenaeans is far from settled, with scholars marshalling
evidence for invasion by a hostile people, internal revolution, partial invasion and the disruption
of commercial activity by external forces, and climactic changes, to name but a few of the main
theories.
Over the next several centuries, which historians refer to as the Archaic Period, the
inhabitants of the Greek mainland, Peloponnese, and islands of the Aegean (whether the
descendants of the Mycenaeans, newly-arrived invaders, or a combination of both) make a slow
recovery, marked by the evolution of new cultural conventions. The social model of powerful,
highly stratified kingdoms of the Bronze Age Mycenaeans gives way to a new arrangement, the
polis. Communities began defining themselves as poleis, distinct geographic entities with
political independence from each other. Those who held land in the polis generally shared to a
lesser or greater extent, depending on the conventions of the particular community, in making
decisions of collective importance for the polis. At the same time the Greeks were developing an
identity based on their membership in particular communities, the steadily growing prosperity
and commercial activity among poleis fostered a broader ethnic identity. Although each polis
carefully guarded its political and economic interests, a set of common religious beliefs led the
Greeks to collaborate on a cultural level. For example, by the early eighth century, the Greeks
had established the Panhellenic sanctuary at Olympia and begun to celebrate the Olympic games.
The one constant that linked the Bronze Age culture of the Mycenaeans and the Greeks
of the Archaic Period was, of course, language. Although the ability to record events in written
form disappeared with the collapse of the Mycenaean civilization, the Greeks maintained an
archive of cultural information in an oral tradition. The most significant products of this oral
tradition were the Iliad and Odyssey, which conveyed from one generation of Achaeans or
Danaans (as they are named in those poems) to the next a sense of their historical origins, their
religious beliefs, and their common social values. It will come as no surprise, therefore, that the
earliest documents to appear in the new writing system developed in the eighth century in an
alphabet borrowed from the Phoenicians are the Iliad and the Odyssey.
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The Ancient Israelites

The origins of the people known as the Hebrews have been traced back to migrations
of ancient Amorites who swept into the land of Canaan (later called Palestine) early in the
second millennium BCE. Various explanations of the name Hebrew have been proposed, some
linking it with bands of habiru found on the fringes of settled societies at that time, others
tracing the name to a supposed common ancestor, Eber. In the earliest biblical accounts the name
is more often attached to patriarchs Abraham and Jacob (also known as Israel) and in many
instances is used by outsiders to refer to these people, rather than as a self-designation. Over the
centuries Hebrew comes especially to designate the language, the particular kind of Semitic
speech employed by the Israelites, as distinct from the Canaanites and others of that linguistic
family.
Israelites (the biblical children of Israel) becomes an appropriate appellation once the
twelve tribes (said to be the descendants of sons of Jacob/Israel) are united, first as a loose-knit
confederacy circa 1200 BCE, later as a monarchy under Saul. Then, still later when the kingdom
is divided into two separate states, the northern tribes retain the name Israel and the southern
state takes the name Judah. After 721 BCE, when Israel was invaded by the Assyrians and
many captives were scattered in other lands, the northern state disappears and is never restored.
Judah, however, survives the Assyrian crisis, only to fall to the Babylonians (ca. 586 BCE) and
after a period of Exile to regain some semblance of a state, known as Judea, under Persian
control. From the name Judah/Judea comes Jehudim, Jews, henceforth the appropriate
designation for those who maintain the traditions of Israel and the cult of their God, Yahweh.
Throughout the long history of these people, from Hebrews to Israelites to Jews, there
runs a common tradition that is basically religious, formed around the worship of one deity who
is said to have cut a covenant with Israeli.e., established a relationship (primarily revealed in
the exodus from slavery in Egypt and the giving of the laws at Sinai) in which God promises
special blessing and the people promise loyalty and obedience. Out of this common tradition,
developed and modified over many centuries, come many and various writings that are
eventually collected and cherished as the books (Greek biblia = bible), a body of sacred
scripture, in effect constituting Israels life-story.
The process by which these books, as opposed to others, achieved their status as canon
(authoritative scripture) was long and gradual. Indeed, time was itself an important factor in that
a books usage in the corporate life and worship over years, even centuries, helped to fix its
position in the sacred collection. For some books, repeatedly recited to remind the faithful of
their common origin and covenantal obligations, there would never be any question as to their
authority or sanctity; for others, especially some that were composed in later times or seemed to
depart too far from older tradition, questions were raised, and rabbis of the late first century CE
debated whether they belonged in the canon of sacred texts. But canonization, on the whole, was
not so much a matter of conscious selection or rejection as it was a matter of the inevitable
adoption of those writings that best served to articulate the sacred tradition and state for the
Israelites who we are and, therefore, what we must do.
The long process seems to have three main stages, reflected even now in the three parts
of the Hebrew Biblei.e., the Torah (teaching or law); the Neviim (prophets); and the Kethuvim
(writings). In many printed Hebrew Bibles today these terms comprise the title, and Jews often
refer to their scriptures as TaNaKthe modern acrostic formed by the initial letters of the
Hebrew terms. Since the Jewish Canon has no New Testamentbooks later added by the
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Christiansit of course has no use for the Christian designation Old Testament. So in most
scholarly and inter-faith discussions today, Hebrew Bible or Tanak are the preferred names
for the sacred scriptures of the Jews.
Modern study of the Hebrew Bible, making use of a variety of linguistic tools and
literary-historical methods, seeks to bridge some of the gaps that separate the ancient writers
from us modern readers. Not only do we have to depend on a translation from the original
Hebrew and (for a few passages) Aramaic, but we need help with even the best English version,
as well, because we are reading literature that was shaped by events long past and informed by
cultural and religious concerns often strange to Western minds. We recognize this strangeness,
for instance, in the biblical concept of the universe as simply heaven and earthdescribed
usually as a kind of tent (the sky) covering earth as it floats on the all-surrounding ocean
obviously a far cry from the complex scientific views of Newton and Einstein that inform
modern cosmology. We see it also in the typical Hebrew understanding of society as an
organic fabric, in which the individuals meaning in the scheme of things is vitally united with
that of his or her family, clan and nation; property belongs not to one member or generation but
is handed on in perpetuity, and punishment for sin is seen as falling on whole families or even
the third and fourth generation of the sinners descendants.
Research over the past two centuries has helped greatly to explain such peculiarities,
serving to illuminate both the cultural and historical background of the people Israel and the
religious and moral significance of their books. It has helped us to place the Israelites in their
proper Middle-eastern context and to trace the currents of Mesopotamian influence, e.g., in their
law codes, their poetry, and cosmology. Far from reducing the importance of biblical concepts
and values, this kind of scholarship has resulted in a heightened appreciation of what is truly
unique about Israels traditions, or about their faith in God, all the more cherished because it had
to be defended against competing faiths from other cultures.
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Genesis
Genesis 1-3
Without question, the Bible is one of the principal foundational documents of Western
culture. Over the centuries, it has inspired poets and artists, philosophers and theologians,
magistrates and legislators, and has given spiritual sustenance to millions of faithful. Its passages
have been used to justify war, slavery, and the divine right of kingsand also to condemn war,
slavery, and the divine right of kings. In its pages, women and men have come to understand
their natures and destinies and have reflected on the qualities of the divine and ultimate reality.
In our study of the Bible in SEARCH, we will consider, first of all, its nature as an ancient
document. It is a book not easily compared with other books because of its scope and grand
themes, its many authors, its variety of perspectivessome of them at odds with each other
and its historical development. We shall also consider how the Bible has functioned as a
foundational text throughout Western culture, particularly as the authoritative revelation for Jews
and Christians. As a religious text, the Bible is regarded as scripture, a cross-cultural category
used to designate certain classical texts in most world religions. Finally, we will take up the
problem of interpretation and how we, as scholarly readers of the twenty-first century, are to read
and understand this book. We want to reflect on the kinds of approaches one may take in
interpreting the Bible and ponder which of these, if any, are best suited to our needs and
purposes.
Conventional wisdom in biblical studies today argues that the book of Genesis was
assembled from several different sources during the Babylonian exile of the sixth century BCE,
although much of the material has its origin in older oral and written traditions. The document is
organized into major subdivisions or cycles: first, the primeval myths, covering a chronology
from the origin of the cosmos to the destruction of the Tower of Babel (chapters 1-11); and
second, legends about the patriarchs Abraham, Jacob, and Joseph (chapters 12-50). (NOTE: the
use of the terms myth and legend in these contexts is not a claim about truth content. Myth,
in the context of religious studies, signifies a narrative that explains or validates a natural or
social phenomenon.) Editors then stitched together these cycles during the exile, often using
genealogies as a connecting device. Be sure to read the introduction to Genesis in the NOAB for
the critical history of the text and estimates of when the various parts were compiled.
Genesis 1-3 presents two versions of creation: one in Genesis 1:1-2:4a and the other in
Genesis 2:4b-3:24. Most scholars believe the second creation story comes from the Yahwistic
narrative (J), and is the older of the two. The story in Genesis 1 is from the Priestly narrative (P);
it is more orderly and more distinctively Israelite in its conception of the creation of the cosmos
(for example, the idea of the seventh day of rest, that results in the creation of the Sabbath, which
is unique to Judaism).
Persons: Eve; LORD; (note absence of Adam as a name)
Places: Eden, Euphrates, Tigr
The different sequence of creation events in Genesis 1:1-2:4 and Genesis 2:5-24
The creation of humans in the image of God in Genesis 1:27-31
The creation of the man and the woman in Genesis 2:7 and Genesis 2:15-23
The behavior of the serpent, the man, and the woman in Genesis 3
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Genesis 4-11
In the Hebrew scriptures, Gen. 4-11 represents the rest of the primeval history," in which
God makes successive attempts at reconciliation with an increasingly alienated and scattered
humanity. The story of Cain and Abel (Gen. 4) introduces murder into the human situation as
evil becomes more pervasive and insidious. This narrative includes the use of the word sin for
the first time in the Bible. The flood narrative (Gen. 6:5-9:17) parallels similar stories throughout
the Near East and the entire world: an angry deity (or deities) seeks to wipe out humankind, but
either relents or fails to do so. We have, of course, encountered another version of this myth in
Gilgamesh. It may be useful to note and try to explain the similarities and differences. In
Genesis, the flood narrative culminates in the first covenant that God makes with human beings:
the so-called Noahic covenant (Gen. 9:1-17). Even so, relations continue to deteriorate with the
building of the Tower of Babel (Gen. 11:1-9)a reference to the ziggurattemples erected by
the Mesopotamians. As you read the primeval history, notice how the structures of civilization
develop after the man and woman leave the garden look for agriculture, cities, monumental
architecture, and cultural diversity. Notice that throughout the primeval history the Bible tells the
story of all of humanity. Beginning in chapter 12, it turns to the story of a particular people, the
Israelites.
Persons: Cain; Abel; Seth; Nephilim; Noah; Shem; Ham; Japheth; Canaan
The curious episode of the Nephilim, the offspring of the sons of God and the
daughters of humans (Gen. 6:1-4)
The decline of humanity and the development of civilization from Eden to Babel
The covenant between God and Noah
Noah's drunken stupor and the fate of his sons
The erection of the tower at Babel and the confusion of tongues
Genesis 12-50
These chapters recount the epic origins of the Israelites through the family history of their
ancestors: Abram (Abraham) and Sarai (Sarah); Isaac, Rebekah and their sons, Esau and Jacob;
Jacob (later known as Israel) and his twelve sons, most notably, Joseph. The purpose of these
stories is to explain the origins of Israels election by God and to interpret the special role of
Israel in the unfolding of human history. Chapter 12 begins with the nomad Abram journeying
from Mesopotamia to the land of Canaan, where the promise of God to make of him a great
nation is tested in his struggle to find a secure homeland and in the trials of fathering and
nurturing the necessary heir to the promise.
In chapter 16, we are introduced to Ishmael, the son of Abram born from the slave Hagar
when Sarai is unable to bear children. Ishmael is an important figure in the scripture of Islam, the
Quran. Professor John Kaltner, in his book Ishmael Instructs Isaac: An Introduction to the
Quran for Bible Readers (1999), writes about the figures of Ishmael and Isaac in the Quran.
For example, [in 14:39 of the Quran] Abraham expresses thanks to Allah for the birth of his two
sons. Praise be to Allah who has given to me, in spite of old age, Ishmael and Isaac. As in this
text, whenever the two sons are mentioned together in the Quran, Ishmael is given pride of place
as the first one named (2:133,140; 3:84; 4:163). This superiority is reflected in the fact that he
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plays a more prominent role throughout the Quran than Isaac does. Isaac is mentioned by name
some 15 times in the Quran, but many of these passages simply refer to him as one member in a
list of other important figures or explain how Allah gave him to Abraham and his wife. He is
never explicitly depicted as a significant actor in a way that is comparable to Ishmael. Ishmael
plays a more dominant role than his brother in helping their father establish authentic
monotheism, and this is vividly portrayed by his contribution in building the house of Allah. As
you think about the role of Ishmael in the Quran, contrast it with the role of Isaac in Genesis.
Chapter 22 contains the famous story of the sacrifice of Isaac. What does the episode tell us
about Abraham? What does it indicate about Isaac?
One of the most well-known and intensely-debated episodes in the Hebrew bible is found
at Genesis 18-19, where the destruction of the legendary towns of Sodom and Gomorrah is
described. Of course, from the name of the town of Sodom, the term sodomy is popularly
derived. As you read the episode, pay close attention to Abrahams attitude toward the
punishment of the cities and the prominence of hospitality throughout the episode. Be sure to
note the parallel between Abrahams greeting of the visitors in chapter 18 and Lots in chapter
19. When the fourth-century CE nun and pilgrim Egeria visited the east bank of the Jordan river
she was shown the pillar of the transformed wife of Lot (Itinerarium 12.6). How might that
portion of the episode serve an etiological purpose?
Chapters 27-35 recount the cycle of stories about Jacob. Notice how many stories in this
cycle include an element of trickery. Rebekah helps Jacob trick Isaac into giving Esaus blessing
to Jacob; Laban tricks Jacob into marrying Leah; Jacob uses trickery to allow his flocks to grow
at Labans expense; and Rachel carries off and then hides Labans household gods. Is reliance on
wit and trickery portrayed as an admirable trait or is it regarded as a character flaw?
Chapters 37-50 recount the cycle of stories about Joseph (except for 38, which contains a
fascinating story about Judah and Tamar) and accounts for how the Israelites found themselves
in Egypt. Their presence in Egypt sets up the story of the Exodus. Take note of the prominent
role of dreams and dream interpretation in this cycle. Notice also Josephs rise to power in Egypt
through skill and careful planning. Pay attention to the distrust and then reconciliation among
Jacobs twelve sons and to the importance of returning to the promised land.
Persons: Abram (Abraham), Sarai (Sarah), Lot, Lots wife, Lots daughters, Hagar,
Ishmael, Isaac, Rebekah, Esau, Jacob, Laban, Rachel and Leah, Dinah, Judah and Tamar,
and Joseph
Places: Ur, Sodom, Gomorrah, Mt. Moriah (the mountain, not the street in Memphis)
The call of Abram
The institution of circumcision
The significance of Sodom and Gomorrah
The episodes when Abraham and Sarah pretend to be brother and sister, and when Isaac
and Rebekah do the same
The rivalry between Hagar/Ishmael and Sarah/Isaac
The sacrifice of Isaac
The rivalry between Jacob and Esau
The cycle of tricks that Rebekah, Jacob, Laban, and Rachel play
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The episode where Jacobs name is changed to Israel

The rape of Dinah
Tamars deception of Judah
Josephs rise to power in Egypt
Revised by Kendra Hotz, Religious Studies (2011)
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Essay: Yahweh (YHWH)

Like virtually all gods of the ancient world, the god of the Israelites had a personal name.
This name was Yahweh. The origins of this name, like the origins of the god himself, are
uncertain. The root of this word, however, clearly is that of the Hebrew verb to be, a fact
which the Israelites themselves recognized. This is apparent in Exodus 3. There, Moses asks
which god is sending him to the Israelites, and God replies, rather mysteriously, I am who I am
or I am who I will be or I am what I will bethe possibilities for translation are many in this
particular case. This is generally taken to be a play on the root meaning of Yahwehs name.
The first mention of the name Yahweh occurs in a list of place names from the fourteenth
century B.C.E. It seems there was a location in the southern deserts of Palestine named yhw.
But the first real evidence for the worship of the god Yahweh is found in early biblical texts and
in Israelite inscriptions dating to the first millennium B.C.E. At that time, the Hebrew language
was written without vowels (as it still generally is today), and so the name appears as yhwh. This
is the tetragrammaton, the four-letter name of the Israelite god.
The Israelites did have other names for this god, however. The Hebrew word for
godthat is, the word that refers in general to divine beingsis elohim. This word means
merely god or gods; it is not a proper noun. Yet, it is also used by some biblical texts to
refer to the Israelite god Yahweh. In fact, the two words sometimes appear together as yahweh
elohim, literally Yahweh god. Yahweh is also referred to rather frequently as el, another
term that means just god, but one that can also be used as a proper noun to refer to the
Canaanite god El. At times, Yahweh is given precisely the same titles as this Canaanite god,
and most scholars believe that the Israelites saw Yahweh and El as one and the same. While
biblical texts condemn the worship of the Canaanite god Baal, they never condemn the worship
of El.
It is very clear from biblical sources that Israelites invoked the name Yahweh on a
regular basis, that they said this name aloud. Even after the destruction of Yahwehs temple in
Jerusalem in 586 B.C.E. and many Israelites were exiled to Babylon, still this name was invoked.
Yet, as the centuries passed, the Israelites began to use this name less and less. While they still
copied the older texts that used this name, they began to refer to Yahweh more often as the
Most High, or by other titles. By the first century B.C.E., some Jews were reluctant even to
copy the name Yahweh. A prohibition soon arose in Judaism against uttering this name at all.
One could no longer say Yahweh. Where this name appeared in sacred texts, Jews would read
adonay or lord, instead of Yahweh. So arose the custom of replacing Yahweh with
lord, a custom still followed today by Jews and sometimes by Christians, though few of the
latter group see it as a prohibition to say aloud the name Yahweh. Replacing that word with
lordor, as it appears in the NRSV, the translation used in the Search program, as LORD
is merely a long-standing tradition for Jews and Christians. This practice does lead to certain
problems in translation, however. What of those cases where the actual word lord is found in
the Hebrew text of the Bible? Where Yahweh appears by itself, LORD is found in the
NRSV translation (notice the word is in small capital letters). Where the words that actually
mean lord appearthat is, adonay or adonthe NRSV renders these as Lord or
lord (notice these words are not in small capital letters). Where adonay and Yahweh
appear together, as they do throughout the Bible, the NRSV translates this as Lord GOD (with
the second word in small capital letters). Of course, the word for god does not appear here, so
the translators have chosen tradition over accuracy of translation. To further complicate matters,
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the NRSV uses the same words LORD God (this time with the first word in small capital
letters) to translate the term yahweh elohim mentioned above. This title for God makes its first
appearance in the Bible in the second half of Gen 2:4, and it is found throughout the rest of the
creation story that is introduced by that verse and elsewhere in the Bible.
All of this is very confusing. For this reason, and because these traditions postdate the
time of the Israelites, most biblical scholars refer to the Israelite god as his earliest worshippers
didby his proper name, Yahweh.
Revised by John Kaltner, Religious Studies (2011)
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Essay: The Ascent and Decline of the Israelites

We move from the mythic traditions and ancient cultural epics to collections of writings
by the Israelites. Political and social events of specific historical periods are investigated,
described and evaluated. So, for example, while the books of Genesis and Exodus deal with
foundational events, such as the creation of the world and the origins of the Israelite people, the
historical writings of the Hebrew Bible focus on the kings of Judah and Israel and the significant
international and domestic events from a specific time period, that being roughly 1220-586 BCE.
The primary historical writer in the Hebrew Bible is called the Deuteronomistic Historian
(Dtr). His exact identity is unknown, but he is responsible for the materials now found in the
books of Deuteronomy, Joshua, Judges, 1-2 Samuel, and 1-2 Kings. With the establishment of
monarchy in Israel, prophecy became a means of social critique of the kings rule. References to
historical events are found then also in the prophetic books, such as Amos, Isaiah, and Jeremiah.
The stories and histories of the Israelites and Judeans provide a sense of identity and
document moments in their experiences when they reach pinnacles of achievement politically.
For the Israelites this pinnacle is the nation, ruled by Solomon (ca. 961-922 BCE), an
achievement of international recognition. But their fortunes are dashed by losses occasioned by
wars, in fact civil wars, and eventually by conquests at the hands of others. The defeat of Judah
by the Babylonians (586 BCE) and the subsequent exile meant loss of land, king and the temple,
all significant symbols in how the Israelites defined their relationship to YHWH. Their loss
called into question the Zion theology previously questioned by the prophet Jeremiah.
But life goes on, as the clich expresses it, and a central question immediately presents
itself for consideration: What is to be learned from these experiences? How is one to reflect on
the experiences of loss and gain insight that enables one to restore or to reshape lives, especially
for the larger communities and possibly for the individuals who make up those communities? We
will read texts, such as Job, in which Judeans address these questions.
The end of the exile for the Israelites was signaled by an edict of restoration by Cyrus the
Great of Persia (538 BCE) which allowed the exiles to return to their land and to rebuild the
temple and the walls of the city and to begin to structure life as a community. In a post-exilic
context, the traditional imagery of creation and the Exodus exists alongside more practical
sources, and indeed a more skeptical sources, for reflection on the experience of exile and what
is to be learned from it. Yet even a poet who appeals to traditional imagery notes that Yahweh is
working a new thing with his people, and the people must be attentive to have insight into
what they are called to do and indeed what might be done with them (Isaiah 43:19). Other voices
suggest that one must purify the community, as it is restored, from those elements that
occasioned Yahwehs judgment against it (Ezra-Nehemiah). Yet other voices challenge this
conservative reaction (Ruth). Even Yahweh seems to question a narrow view of the scope of
Gods providential concern (Jonah). It becomes clear that for the Israelites an essential defining
characteristic is the fact that they truly wrestle with God, as the name Israel suggests.
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Exodus
Introduction
The story of the Israelites departure (or exodus) from Egypt is one of the most
important stories in the establishment of Jewish identity and the foundation of the Jewish
Passover holiday. Primarily located in the book of Exodus, but extended through the books of
Leviticus, Numbers and Deuteronomy, the story recounts Moses leading of the Israelites out of
Egypt and through the wilderness to Mount Sinai. At Mount Sinai, God revealed himself to
Moses and a covenant was established with the Israelites. According to that covenant, the
Israelites are to keep the torah (the law given to Moses) and in return they will be Gods chosen
people and are promised the Land of Canaan. The Exodus story marks not only the formation of
the Israelites as a people, but also the formation of Israel as a political nation in Canaan. It is
the theme of the Jewish holiday, Passover, which serves as an annual reminder to Jews of both
the story of their exile and their covenant with God. At the Passover meal (Seder), Jews recite
the Passover Haggadah, fulfilling the Scriptural commandment (Exodus 13:8) for each to tell
his son about the Jewish liberation from slavery in Egypt. (The Hebrew name for the festival,
"Pesa ", refers to Gods "passing over" the Jewish houses while killing the first born of Egypt.)
The Exodus, which is about much more than the Israelites rescue from Egyptian bondage, is the
centerpiece of all Jewish history. The Passover Seder, which commemorates it, is still the most
observed ritual in contemporary Jewish life.
The Exodus from Egypt and Settlement in Canaan
Perhaps the most difficult question facing biblical scholars and historians of ancient Israel
is this: Where did the Israelites come from? In its effort to serve as a national epic, the Hebrew
Bible too grappled with this question to suit its contemporary audience. According to the Hebrew
Bible, Abraham migrated from Mesopotamia and sojourned in Canaan; Jacob fled Canaan and
raised a family in upper Syria before returning; his descendants became slaves in Egypt and then
returned to conquer Canaan. Biblical scholars posit different traditions about Israels origin
behind each of these episodes. Archaeology raises serious doubts about the historicity of the
stories in Joshua 1-7 about the defeat of Jericho and Ai. The most recent archaeological evidence
indicates that the Israelites were indigenous to Canaan rather than external conquerors. It was
King David who evidently began Israels transformation into a state with a burgeoning sense of
nationality.
According to the Bible itself, the story of the Exodus occurred some four hundred years
after the death of Joseph. (See Genesis 15:13 and Exodus 12:40.) As you read, note the dramatic
shift in the interpretation of Egypt from the time of Joseph to the time of Moses. We see the
direct confrontation between Pharaoh, considered a divine personage in Egyptian culture and
religion, and the Hebrew God YHWH, a name that is connected to the verb hayah, "to be" (see
Exodus 3:14), and which is translated in the text as LORD. The Israelites interpret the victory of
the LORD over the powerful forces of Pharaoh as their definitive election as the chosen race. It is
the defining event that makes them a new nation. The name "Israelite" connotes both a direct
lineage to the patriarchs and an identity with Jacob as the one who wrestles with God.
Law in the Hebrew Bible
Although scholars continue to use the term code out of habit, there are no codes of laws
per se in the Hebrew Bible. A code of laws is prescriptive, which means that it enjoins citizens to
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behave in a given way with constabulary power to enforce its commands. The legal material in
the Hebrew Bible is mostly descriptive, which essentially means that there is a mixture of laws
that resemble jurisprudence on the ground (law as it is actually practiced) as well as
unenforceable idealistic and anachronistic laws (e.g., an Ephraimite may not graze an ugly goat).
Biblical laws represent academic collections of legal language, paradigms, and idioms rather
than functional codes. The laws one finds in the Pentateuch, then, are not necessarily laws that
Judeans and Israelites actually practiced. In many instances, we find leftover laws from centuries
earlier than the earliest biblical texts. Many of the so-called laws of Israel are not in fact Israelite
in origin.
The Hebrew Bible contains three main sections of legal material. The first is the
Covenant Code of Exodus 20-23. This includes the short section called the Decalogue (the Ten
Commandments), which is technically more rhetoric than law, but it largely concerns what
modern lawyers call torts. A tort usually involves a personal injury, but it can also concern
damage to private property. The Deuteronomic Code (Deuteronomy 5-26) includes a mixture of
torts and regulations for religious ritual. This code (especially the ritual prohibitions) serves as
the inspiration for the Deuteronomistic interpretation of stories found in Joshua through 2 Kings.
The third section is the Priestly Code, which runs through large parts of Leviticus and Numbers.
Much of this material is very late, some of it dating after the exile. It treats ritual purity for the
temple and the priests with a view toward keeping the sanctuary of the state god pure and the
state god unoffended.
In chapters 19 and 20 of Exodus, you will read about the covenant established between
the LORD and the Israelites following their escape from Egypt. Just as the making of the
covenant marks the outcome of the story of the Exodus, so does it also mark the beginning of the
story of Israel as the chosen people of God. The covenant is the defining mark of the unique and
paradigmatic relationship between Israel and the LORD. It is the lens through which the Israelites
interpreted all historical events, since each event revealed the presence and action of the LORD in
the world and the response or non-response of the people.
Persons: Moses, Pharaoh, LORD, Aaron, Israelites, Miriam, Jethro, Zipporah
Places: Red Sea (Sea of Reeds), Nile River, Mt. Sinai
Things: Passover, covenant, plagues
As you read, be on the look out for:
The new relationship between the Hebrews and the Egyptians (1:1-22)
The birth and call of Moses
The story of the Passover
The story of victory and defeat at the Red Sea, the songs of praise, the wilderness
experience and the theophany at Sinai
The general principles behind the Law; the different principles in the statements of law in
Exodus 20 and 21
Revised by Leigh Johnson, Philosophy (2011)
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Settlement in Canaan: Joshua and Judges

(see Calendar for your colloquia-specific readings)
Scholars identify the books of Deuteronomy, Joshua, Judges, I & II Samuel, I & II Kings
as a single extended history of Israel, which they have dubbed the Deuteronomistic History. Its
author is unknown and is simply designated the Deuteronomist or Dtr for short. The work was
probably compiled during the Exile (Babylonian Captivity) around 562 BCE. This is, for all
practical purposes, the only history of Israel that we have from antiquity, and its content has been
shaped at least as much by theology as by historical events. It was written not only to give an
account of Israels past but also to explain the reason for the exile and the end of Israel and Judah
as independent states. That explanation was not political but religious. Israel and Judah went into
exile as punishment for unfaithfulness to their God, YHWH.
In the books of Joshua and Judges we see differing memories of what was essentially the
same series of events. The book of Joshua provides a narrative framework for the arrival of the
Israelites in the land of Canaan: the Israelites cross the Jordan River under the leadership of
Joshua, Moses successor, and proceed to dispossess the indigenous communities living in the
highlands west of the river. This violent episode in the larger arc of Israels national epic uses
events from prehistory (i.e., pre-monarchic) to explain why later Israelites envisioned themselves
as fundamentally different from, and superior to, their immediate neighbors, such as the
Canaanites.
The so-called conquest not only explains how the Israelites came to supplant the original
inhabitants of the highlands, but also how the various laws and edicts of YHWH came to apply
to a specific geographical area and its residents. This prehistory depicts the transformation of a
semi-nomadic, pastoral people into a territorial state with a national ethnic consciousness,
national god, and national laws. The religious dimensions of the narrative are sometimes indirect
in the depiction of a diverse religious setting that supplied people with a variety of gods to
worship. This diversity was probably an instrumental catalyst in the refinement of group identity
that reaches a critical stage in Joshua 24, in which Joshua requests that the Israelites make a
commitment to YHWH as the sovereign god of the burgeoning territorial community known as
Israel.
The historical underpinnings of Joshua have always perplexed biblical archaeologists.
The edited version of the book is very late. There are some elements of the archaeological record
that complicate the biblical narrative, especially in the cases of the destruction of Jericho, Arad
and Aicities that archeologists know had not been occupied for centuries when the supposed
Israelite siege and destruction occurred. The so-called allotment lists of Joshua 15-21 can date no
earlier than the 7th century BCE, or some six centuries after the reported events. On the other
hand, there are narratives like Joshua 11 with details that resemble Late Bronze Age political
realities to such a degree that it is difficult not to envision an authentic historical memory of late
second millennium reality. In other words, this book contains a mlange of historical and
legendary materials that together represent how Judeans of the late 7th century chose to
remember their own prehistory.
The book of Judges also describes how the Israelites come to be in Canaan, but rather
than the narrative line of Joshua, the book of Judges is a collection of ethnic stories about
individual leaders (judges) who ruled over various kinship groups that would one day
collectively call themselves Israel. The primary role of the clan judges was military. They were
warlords for clan and tribal groups who were charged (or who charged themselves) to protect
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their communities from external danger, seize territory, and negotiate land-use rights for
agriculture and grazing. Judges is an eclectic book inasmuch as it contains texts from many
different time periods. There are authentically archaic poems (Judges 5 is among the oldest, if
not the oldest, text in the Hebrew Bible), as well as tales of miraculous encounters and intertribal
warfare, political satire, literatures shortest adventure story (Judges 3:31). We can also see the
hand of a late Dtr. interested in revisiting these stories in the light of later theological reforms. It
was such an editor who collected these stories late in the period of the Judean monarchy (ca.
seventh century BCE) and added transitions between them to produce a more coherent volume of
Israelite and Judean folklore.
You may notice the development of a certain pattern: Israelite impiety is punished by
foreign aggression and followed by contrition rewarded by liberation (through the elevation of a
successful warlord). This interpretation of cause and effect stems from the Deuteronomistic
theology of the late Judean court, where much of the Hebrew Bibles historical books were
probably edited. This punishment and liberation cycle is not unique to Joshua and Judges, as it
also peppers the books of 1-2 Samuel and especially 1-2 Kings, in which the beginning and end
of each Israelite and Judean kings reign are accompanied by a formulaic Deuteronomistic
assessment of his religious merit. There too we see this familiar pattern of explaining national
misfortune or invasion as a direct consequence of a given kings impiety. Within Judahs
theological worldview of collective punishment, one mans negligence could doom an entire
nation.
As regards the Search course, this raises interesting questions concerning the cultural
values of ancient Judah vis--vis those promoted in modern society. How do we extract value
(ethical, political, literary) from a book like Judges and the mores it portrays? What kind of ideal
society do you think the Deuteronomistic school envisioned for Judah? When we look for
explanations for national catastrophe in the post-9/11 world, what kind of language do we use to
characterize misfortune and recovery? Consider these issues as you ponder who might have been
interested in writing and reading books like Joshua and Judges in Iron Age Judah.
JOSHUA: Things to note as you read (depending on chapters assigned):
Persons: Joshua, Rahab, Achan, Gibeonites
Places: Jericho, Ai
Consider the following:
The blessings and curses and the reasons for them
The transition of leadership from Moses to Joshua
The positive qualities of Rahab and the sin of Achan
JUDGES: Things to note as you read (depending on chapters assigned):
Persons: Ehud, Eglon, Deborah, Barak, Jael, Sisera, the Levites concubine
Consider the following:
How the stories of individual judges are edited together (look for the transitions;
some are better than others)
The comedy in Ehuds ruse and escape (read the footnotes in NOAB)
How Judges 4 (the later text) helps to flesh out the story in Judges 5 (the archaic
poem)
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The lionization of women as deliverers. Note the emphasis of Jael in Judges 5

The recurring themes of impiety and invasion contrasted with piety and deliverance
How similar or dissimilar are these stories to Greek tales of legendary warriors and
golden ages?
How does Jephthah fulfill his oath to God? How does it differ from Abrahams
charge? How does this square with the portrayal of women in Judges 4-5?
The intertribal war over the extradition from Benjamin. What issues are at stake?
Why do you think the editor decided to include this story in the book of Judges? How
do you think this book might have helped to cultivate a sense of national identity?
Narrative parallels between Judges 19 and Genesis 19. Are we seeing variations of
the same story?
The lessons or morals that an ancient Judean might perceive in these stories of
Judges.
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First and Second Samuel

Scholars identify the books of Deuteronomy, Joshua, Judges, I & II Samuel, I & II Kings
as a single extended history of Israel dubbed the Deuteronomistic History (DH). Its author is
unknown and is simply designated the Deuteronomist or Dtr for short. The work was compiled
during the exile, around 562 BCE. This is, for all practical purposes, the only history of Israel that
we have from antiquity, and its content has been shaped at least as much by theology as by
historical events. It was written not only to give an account of Israels past but also to explain the
reason for the exile and the end of Israel and Judah as independent states. That explanation was
not political but religious. Israel and Judah went into exile as punishment for unfaithfulness to
their God, YHWH.
The Israelites of the late second millennium were organized into tribal units, governed by
a council of elders, and led by judges. While these judges occasionally adjudicated disputes as
our judges do today, their primary role was one of military leadership. Joshua, the successor of
Moses, Samson of the luxuriant locks, and Deborah, who annihilated Sisera and his Canaanite
army, are all considered judges in the Hebrew Bible. As one would guess, most material about
the judges can be found in the biblical book of the same name, Judges, but the story of Samuel,
who is designated as the last of the judges, is recounted in the first chapters of I Samuel.
Samuels conception and birth in I Samuel 1 foreshadow an important personage in
Israels history. His mother then dedicated his life to service of YHWH. He became the chief
judge and an important seer/prophet in the 11th century BCE. At this time, the Israelite tribes
faced serious challenges from the Philistines, a seafaring people from the eastern Mediterranean.
The Philistines destroyed the Israelite religious sanctuary at Shiloh and captured the Ark of the
Lord. The author of I Samuel uses this event to highlight YHWHs power over the Philistine
god Dagon and the eventual recovery of the Ark.
The author of I Samuel has woven several traditions together to tell the story of the
beginnings of the monarchy. One tradition suggests that the elders of Israel begged Samuel to
designate a king to rule over them like other nations (8:4-5), while later sections suggest that
kings bring trouble to the people (8:11-17; 12:19). Watch also for different accounts of how Saul
is selected as the first King of Israel (9:1-10:16; 10: 20-24; 11:5-15).
As you are reading, please take note of the following:
Persons: Samuel, Philistines, Saul, David
Places: Shiloh, Ashdod
Things: Ark of the Lord, Baal, prophetic frenzy
The pros and cons of having a king
The purpose of Samuels Farewell Address (I Sam. 12)
The latter sections of 1 Samuel follows Sauls military exploits against the Philistines
(with the aid of his son Jonathan) and reveal conflicting reasons for his declining power,
including the LORDs disfavor. Compare the authors judgment of Saul (I Sam. 15:10 ff) with the
portrait of Saul presented in earlier chapters. The young David is introduced as one anointed by
Samuel (I Sam 16:1-13) and as a musician chosen to appease Sauls torments (I Sam. 16:1446
23). The rest of the book traces their conflicted relationship. Indeed, this material portrays Saul
and David as adversaries.
After Sauls death in battle (I Sam. 31), David acceded to the throne first of Judah alone,
and then of Israel (2 Sam. 5). He was able to unite the Israelites militarily, which meant defeating
supporters (and sons) of King Saul to do so (2 Sam. 2). David thus transformed the seminomadic tribes into a nation with a stationary center of royal power, defeated Israels many
enemies, and established the Ark of the LORD in Jerusalem (the city of David.)
Persons: Jonathan, Amalekites, Jesse, David, Goliath, Michal, Abigail, Joab, Abner
Places: Bethlehem, Mount Gilboa, Judah, Hebron
The contrast between David and Saul
The friendship between Jonathan and David
The process by which David succeeds Saul as king
The court history of Davids reign is believed to be some of the oldest recorded
material in the Hebrew scriptures. We find that Davids reign was marked by both great
successes and great tragedies. The successes were national; the tragedies personal. David
succeeded in uniting the Israelite tribes into a true kingdom and brought the Ark of the Covenant
to stand in the capital, the Royal City, Jerusalem. The promise to David in 2 Samuel 7 is one of
the key passages to note. In part it accounts for the existence and endurance of the Davidic
dynasty. But the character flaws of David also assume a prominent place in the historical
account. His treachery in wooing Bathsheba and disposing of her husband, as well as the revolt
of his son Absalom, reveal his own weaknesses and flaws. The prominent inclusion of these
stories, as well as the clear rebuke by the prophet Nathan, suggests a critique of Davids rule.
Solomon, Davids son by Bathsheba, became Davids successor and ruled over the united
monarchy as it reached its greatest political and economic power (1 Kings 1-2). Empire building,
however, was expensive, resulting in forced labor and heavy tax burdens on the people. Thus
were sown the seeds of revolution and division of the kingdom.
As you read, please note the following:
Persons: Nathan, Bathsheba, Uriah, Tamar, Amnon, Absalom, Mephibosheth, Solomon,
Bathsheba, Joab, Zadok, Abiathar
Place: Jerusalem, Mt. of Olives
As you read, be on the lookout for the following:
The different meanings of house in 2 Samuel 7
The meaning of Nathans parable
The rape of Tamar and why this story has been preserved in the record
Father-son conflict between David and Absalom
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First and Second Kings

In the Hebrew Bible, Kings (Melachim in Hebrew) was originally one continuous
narrative that had to be divided because its length was too great for a single scroll. Scholars
generally agree that the text was part of the Deuteronomistic History, the theological history
from the settlement (Joshua) to the end of the monarchy (2 Kings 25), which was most likely
edited in two versions: one in the 7th century BCE (during the reform of Josiah) and one in the 6th
century BCE, after the collapse of the Kingdom of Judah and the exile of its elite. The basic
arrangement of these two books is annalistic (that is, by the reign of the kings) but also
formulaic: all kings are judged by the standard of David of Judah. Hence, no northern (Israelite)
king is viewed as legitimate (i.e., favored by the LORD). In addition, these books recount the
rise of the prophets, who act as correctives to the kings, especially those of the North (Israel),
as they are considered to be speaking for (pro-phts) the LORD. Their main task is to remind
the kings, as deputies of the LORD, and the people, of the covenant made between the Israelites
and the LORD at Sinai, particularly as interpreted through Deuteronomy. Unlike other monarchs
of the ancient Near East, the kings of Israel and Judah are never to be considered deities in their
own persons.
1 Kings 1-11 covers the death of David and the reign of Solomon, Bathshebas son by
David. He builds the first Temple at Jerusalem, thus centralizing religious practices throughout
his kingdom, and ruthlessly eliminates all of his fathers remaining enemies and claimants to the
throne. By judicious marital alliances with neighboring states and through extensive building
programs, accomplished through forced labor and heavy taxes, Solomon raised the monarchy to
political and economic power. The fact that he acted like any other ancient Near Eastern ruler,
however, does not exempt him from the harsh judgment of the Deuteronomistic History, which
regards him as inferior to his father David. For the DH, the division of the United Kingdom
during the reign of his son, Rehoboam, into a kingdom of ten northern tribes (Israel) and one of
two southern tribes (Judah), is an expression of the LORDs displeasure because of Solomons
love of foreign women that tempts him to follow their gods.
1 Kings 12 through 2 Kings 17 recounts the history of Israel and Judah to the fall of Israel
to the Assyrians in 722 BCE. Again, the judgment of the LORD is particularly harsh against the
renegade northern kingdom, especially during the reign of Ahab, son of Omri (never mind that
extra-biblical records refer to Israel as the House of Omri: according to this history, he and his
son are bad kings) and his Sidonian wife Jezebel, a worshiper of the fertility deities Baal (whose
name, ironically means Lord) and his consort Asherah. The epic contest between Ahab and
Jezebel and the prophet Elijah, the greatest of Israelite prophets, is recounted in 1 Kings 17-22
and continues after the death of Ahab with the fall of his house and the gruesome assassination
of Jezebel during the prophetic leadership of Elijahs disciple, Elisha, who sponsors the usurper
Jehu (2 Kgs. 9-10).
2 Kings 18-25 recounts the subsequent history of the southern kingdom, Judah, to its fall
to the Babylonians in 586 BCE, the destruction of Jerusalem and the Temple of Solomon, and
the exile to Babylon of its ruling, scribal, and priestly elite, a catastrophic event that had a major
impact on the composition of much of the Hebrew Bible, particularly the Torah and the Prophets.
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Persons: Abishag, Solomon, Bathsheba, Zadok, Nathan, Adonijah, Joab, Elijah, Ahab,
Jezebel, Naboth, Micaiah son of Imlah; Josiah, Nebuchadrezzar, Jehoiachin, Zedekiah,
Chaldeans; (deities) Baal, Asherah
Places: Sheol; high places, Israel, Judah, Jerusalem, Sidon, Mount Carmel, Samaria
Davids charge to Solomon (I Kgs. 2:1-9); Solomons judicious murders
Solomons request of the LORD and the result (1 Kgs. 3:3-28)
The contest between Elijah and the prophets of Baal and Asherah (1 Kgs. 18-19)
The actions of Ahab and Jezebel over Naboths vineyard, Elijahs prophecy and the death
of Ahab (1 Kgs. 21-22)
The choosing of Elisha (1 Kgs. 19:19-21)
The reign of the reformer Josiah and the discovery of the Book of the Law in the
Temple (2 Kigs. 22-23)
The fall of Judah to the Babylonians (2 Kgs. 24-25)
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Prophets of the Hebrew Bible

The Hebrew acronym TaNaK divides Scripture into three constituent parts: the Torah
(teaching or law), the Neviim (prophets), and the Kethuvim (writings). We are concerned here
only with the latter prophets whose writings are not arranged chronologically, but rather by
size, with the lengthy books of Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel followed by twelve short
collections. Although multiple persons collected and edited these books, each is named for a
specific prophet. Your instructor will assign specific books or portions for you to read. Note that
the NOAB contains an introduction to each book as well as a general Introduction to the
Prophetic Books.
Today we think of a prophet as one who predicts or foretells the future. But in the case of
ancient Israel, such an understanding of prophecy is misleading. A common saying among
biblical scholars expresses this succinctly: Israelite prophecy had more to do with forth-telling
than with foretelling. Biblical prophets were not psychics, but were those who spoke the truth
forthrightly!
Israelite prophecy may have arisen along the same lines as Greek prophecy and
divination. However, during the Israelite monarchy, prophecy served political and social
functions. It provided cultural and political commentary and critique, typically directed toward
the wealthy and powerful, in much the same way that newspaper editorials or political blogs do
today. Biblical prophets, however, understood themselves as spokespersons for God, introducing
their oracles with the formula typically used by a royal messenger, Thus says YHWH. In fact,
one of the characteristics of the prophetic books is the inclusion of a call from God. For
example, see Isaiah 6, Jeremiah 1:4-8, or Amos 7: 14-15. Rather than looking forward to the
future, the prophets focused on the present, demanding social justice in the name of their god and
fidelity to Him alone. This was especially true of the eighth-century prophets Hosea, Amos,
Isaiah, and Micah. Their messages were full of judgment on the current state and criticism of its
leaders; we might even characterize them as threats from God. The formula was If you dont
(fill in the blank), then (fill in the punishment).
The prophets did not predict world events; they warned about the damage that comes
from national pride and self-centeredness. Words of hope and opportunity were rare and
described an envisioned time only after punishment had been carried out. However, those who
wrote during the Babylonian Captivity or Exile, such as the author of Isaiah 40-55, reassured the
listeners of YHWHs continuing love for Israel even when it no longer existed as a nation. The
prophets almost always experienced great opposition, persecution, and death for their efforts.
Their words may have been written down by their disciples after their death. You will notice that
none of the prophetic books is a narrative, but rather a collection of sermons, poetic utterances,
and declamations.
Hosea lived and prophesied in the eighth century BCE in the Northern Kingdom (Israel)
before its destruction in 722 by the Assyrians. In the written text of his prophecy, Hosea uses a
metaphor of sexual infidelity to accuse Israel of unfaithfulness to its god and interprets Israels
political troubles as the consequence of failing to worship him exclusively. Yet despite Israels
infidelity, says Hosea, YHWH is still willing to receive her back and forgive her if she will
simply abandon her love affairs with other deities and return to him.
Amos lived in Judah as well, but God directed him to preach to the northern kingdom of
Israel in the mid-eighth century during the reign of King Jeroboam II. The nation was prosperous
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both militarily and economically, but Amos warned that God demanded more than prescriptive
religious observanceHe wanted justice for the poor and orphaned. Within two generations,
Israel was defeated by the armies of the Assyrians.
The writer of first Isaiah (Ch 1-39) also prophesied in the eighth century, but in the
Southern Kingdom of Judah. He witnessed the destruction of the Northern Kingdom, drew
lessons from this destruction, and applied them to the situation of Judah. He warned that just
because Judah claimed the royal house of David and the capital Jerusalem, she was not immune
to YHWHs judgment. Like Hosea, the writer of Isaiah used his children in his prophesy by
giving them names that were symbolic of historical and religious circumstances.
Micah was a younger contemporary of first Isaiah in the Southern Kingdom who stressed
that God was more interested in ethical behavior than in religious piety and performances. His
vision of Gods kingdom (beat their swords into plowshares) is found in 4: 3-4.
Jeremiah also lived and preached in the Southern Kingdom, but some 200 years after
first Isaiah. He spoke in the final years of Judahs existence as a nation, lived through the siege
of Jerusalem by the Babylonians, and the forced removal of elite Jews to Babylon in 586. Many
of those remaining, including Jeremiah, then fled to Egypt (Ch 42). Jeremiahs concern is always
the relationship between YHWH and those who remain faithful even in exile (Ch 30-31)
References to specific historical events that tie the prophecy to the writers era.
How the prophet establishes his authority to speak (his call)
The trope of if. . . then
Hosea: Gomer, Jezreel, Lo-ruhamah, Lo-ammi

Amos: Amaziah, Jeroboam, the nations, transgressions of Israel, locusts, plumb line,
basket of summer fruit
Isaiah: Ahaz, Immanuel
Micah: condemnation of Judah, vision of Gods kingdom
Jeremiah: Micah, Uriah, a new covenant, the importance of Jerusalem, Sermon in the
Temple (Ch 7, 26)
Other Prophets anticipated the Restoration of Israel as a nation

Deutero-Isaiah
In 539 BCE, Cyrus and his Persian army concluded their battles against the Babylonians
when the city of Babylon itself was opened to them by its citizens. Cyrus proclaimed himself
king of Babylon and reversed the Assyro-Babylonian policy of deporting captive populations.
Instead, Cyrus agreed to let the Israelites return to their homeland (Edict of Restoration, issued in
538 BCE.) Deutero-Isaiah (Second Isaiah) is written as the Israelites anticipate their return to
their homeland.
Although included under the name of the pre-exilic prophet Isaiah (742-701 BCE),
scholars generally agree that Chapters 40-66 have come from at least one and probably two
different hands. The author of these chapters, Deutero-Isaiah, poetically captures the
anticipation and joy of this restoration by drawing on traditional Israelite imagery of the Exodus
and the Creation. But this author also implies that Yahweh is doing a new thing as well. In the
midst of the traditional images of creation and the conquest of the promised land of Canaan, a
new image of a suffering servant is introduced. Further, the poet develops insights into the
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nature of Yahweh and the significance of Israels covenant with Yahweh. Deutero-Isaiah also
affirms an unequivocal and universal monotheism and makes it clear that Israels mission is to
all nations.
Jonah
Continuing with a universalistic theme, the Book of Jonah reflects the authors
understanding that Israel is to speak the word of Yahweh even to those who have been its
traditional enemies. (Note that this memorable tale of Jonah being swallowed up by a large fish
does not mention a whale.) The author suggests that Gods sovereignty is not limited by the
boundaries of a particular community of persons.
Persons: Cyrus, Yahweh, Jonah, the servant
Places: Nineveh
The various titles for Cyrus, including my anointed
The four so-called Servant Songs: Isaiah 42:1-4; 49:1-6; 50:4-11; 52:13-53:12
The call of Jonah and his response
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Reconstruction and Protest: EzraNehemiah and Ruth

The people of Israel who went into Exile in Babylon not only were changed by their
experiences, but they also found a vastly changed homeland when they returned home. The
Exiles had been those connected with the temple priesthood or the royal court, and thus were the
literate citizens who had attempted to sing the LORDs song in a foreign land by preserving
and interpreting the written Law and the Prophets. When the Exiles returned to their homeland
under the leadership of the sage Ezra and with the protection of the Persian government, they
attempted to undo what they perceived was the besetting sin that caused their exile from the
Promised Land in the first place. The returning Exiles found that there were still people of Judah
living in the land who had married non-Jewish wives and who were worshipping foreign deities.
Many believed that this kind of assimilation had led to the Exile in the first place. Ezra led a rereading of the Book of the Law to the assembled people and decreed that the male people of
the land who had married foreign wives were to divorce them and to send them and their
children back to their country of origin. Only thus, in his view, could the Israelites avoid the
problems of assimilation and syncretismthat is, mixture of religious beliefs and practicesthat
had led to the Exile.
By contrast, other voices protested the reform of Ezras theocratic government,
believing instead that the LORD was the God of all (as had Jeremiah, Deutero-Isaiah, and
Jonah). These protesters argued against ethnic exclusivity. Although the story of Ruth is set in
the pre-Exilic period (Ruth is the great grandmother of David), it actually dates from the postExilic period. By its linking of a Moabite woman (one of Israels traditional enemies) to the most
respected of all of the Israelite kings, David, the story of Ruth shows the folly of ethnocentricity.
(Watch for Ruth to reappear as one of the foremothers of Jesus in the New Testament, Matthew
1:5.)
Persons: Naomi; Orpah; Ruth; Boaz; Obed; Ezra; Nehemiah
Places: Moab, Bethlehem
The role of the next-of-kin in Ruth
Activities of women and men in Ruth
The roles of Ezra the priestly scribe and Nehemiah the governor
The reading from the Book of the Law in Ezra and Nehemiah, and the peoples
reaction
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Wisdom Literature
Wisdom Born of Prudence and of Skepticism: Proverbs and Ecclesiastes
Proverbs and Ecclesiastes are both examples of a new genre of Israelite literature
wisdom literaturethat emerges after the exile. Both are concerned with the questions of
meaning that are central to this course: What is the place of humanity in the cosmos? What is the
connection between the human and the divine? Why do bad things happen, even to good people?
Proverbs reads like practical advice given by a parent to offspring headed into the real
world. Its advice is grounded in an understanding of the relationship among Yahweh, Wisdom
(and the law), and the created orderan understanding that resembles Egyptian cosmologies,
though with a distinctively Israelite flavor (see Proverbs 8).
The author of Ecclesiastes appears skeptical of the well-ordered and rational universe
presented in Proverbs. Thus, Ecclesiastes reads like the ruminations of a world-weary
cosmopolitan skeptic. In fact, the last sentences of Ecclesiastes appear to have been added by an
editor who saw its skepticism as dangerous to the traditional view of Israelite wisdom that God
rewards faithfulness and punishes unfaithfulness.
The fear of the LORD in both texts
Gods relationship to the cosmos in both texts
The place of wisdom in human life in both texts
The view of time in both texts
The views in both texts on the role of schooling and books vs. practical wisdom
The relationship between Wisdom, the foolish woman and the good wife in
Proverbs
Vanity in Ecclesiastes
Reflections and Challenge to Orthodoxy: Job

Our reading of the book of Job will provide an opportunity to contemplate and discuss
some famous questions of theology and theodicy. If God is omnipotent, why does he allow evil
to exist? If God is wholly good, what is the source and purpose of evil? (Or, as Archibald
MacLeish puts it in his play J. B., If God is God he is not good; if God is good He is not God.)
from J. B. by Archibald MacLeish Of course, we must be careful not to project modern,
anachronistic notions of deity upon a text of the exilic and post-exilic periods, but it would have
been natural enough for the Israelites to ask such questions themselves following the catastrophic
disasters of 722 BCE and 587 BCE. These losses and the subsequent restoration under the
Persian king Cyrus the Great in 538 BCE would have called into question the theology promoted
by the Deuteronomistic editor, in which impiety was punished and piety rewarded.
Wisdom in Job is presented in dramatic form, with points expressed by different voices,
no one of which by itself may be seen as representing the view of the work in toto. It is by
working through the various positions and their contradictions that one comes to an
understanding of what is being presented. Notice also that the story of Job, which may be a very
ancient folktale, is set off by a prologue in which God and Satan (here known as the Hebrew ha54
satan, or the Accuser, an angelic agent of God) bargain about Jobs life. They do not return
in the epilogue. Be sure to read the introduction to the book of Job in the NOAB in order to
understand the history of this text. An outline of the Book of Job is as follows:
Prose prologue
Curse of Jobs Birth
First cycle of speeches by Job & his comforters:
Eliphaz, Bildad, Zophar
Second cycle of speeches
Third cycle of speeches
Jobs summary argument
The speeches of Elihu
The whirlwind speeches of God & Jobs responses
Prose epilogue
1-2
3
4-14
15-21
22-28
29-31
32-37
38-42:6
42:7-17

What Job complains about and what he wants
Key characters: Job, the Satan, Jobs wife, the comforters (Eliphaz, Bildad, Zophar)
Similarities and differences in arguments presented by the comforters
What Job acknowledges at the end
The whirlwind
What happens to the comforters at the end
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Essay: Greek Tragedy-- Sophocles Theban Cycle

The extant corpus of ancient Greek tragedies comprises thirty-two plays by three Greek
authors. These plays survive through the medieval manuscript tradition, seven under the name of
Aeschylus, seven under the name of Sophocles, and eighteen under the name of Euripides. All
three of these authors were Athenians who lived and wrote during the fifth century BCE. Ancient
tradition holds that Aeschylus fought at the battle of Marathon in 490, and that he died in 456/5.
His surviving plays date to the first half of the century. Sophocles was about a generation
younger than Aeschylus, and Euripides was somewhat younger than Sophocles. Their plays
generally date to the fifth centurys second half. Sophocles and Euripides had both died by the
end of the Peloponnesian War in 404, Sophocles in 406, and Euripides shortly before that. The
decades to which scholars date the first performances of the thirty-two surviving tragedies were
also the decades marked by the rise of the Athenian Empire after the Persian Wars, the
development of Periclean democracy, the construction of the Parthenon, and the brutal course of
the Peloponnesian War. Audience members at various performances would have included
Pericles, Thucydides, Cleon, Nicias, Socrates, and Alcibiades.
In the Athens of the fifth century BCE, the term tragedy (in Greek, tragoidia) designated
a genre of dramatic performance staged at annual religious festivals in honor of the god
Dionysus. According to Aristotle, the genre evolved out of a tradition of choral performance in
honor of Dionysus called dithyramb. The process is obscure but seems to have involved the
addition of a dramatic element in which the leaders of the dithyramb performed improvisations,
becoming in effect the first actors. Ancient tradition ascribes later innovations, such as the
addition of a prologue and speech, the addition of a second actor with a speaking part, and the
addition of a third actor with a speaking part to Thespis (whence thespian), Aeschylus, and
Sophocles, respectively.
At the most important of these annual festivals, the City Dionysia or Great Dionysia, the
format for the performance of tragedies was civic and competitive. Playwrights desiring to
compete applied to a city magistrate, who chose three authors. Each author received the support
of a choregos (literally, a chorus leader), a wealthy Athenian citizen performing a public
service, as he was periodically required to do, by paying for the training and costuming of the
chorus. By the second half of the fifth century, the city also helped finance the production by
hiring and paying actors, which had originally been the playwrights responsibility.
In addition to the tragic performances, the City Dionysia included processions, sacrifices,
libations, and other competitive musical and theatrical performances, including comedies.
(Aristophanes Clouds, for example, was performed at the festival in 423 BCE.) The tragedy
competition took place over the course of three days, starting each day in the early morning. One
playwright a day staged his three tragedies followed by a more light-hearted production called a
satyr play. The three tragedies sometimes followed a single plot, with the normal choice of
subject matter being heroic myth. At the end of the competition, a pre-selected panel of citizenjudges awarded first, second, and third prizes.
The performances of the tragedies included singing and dancing on the part of the chorus
with musical accompaniment provided by an aulos, a double pipe instrument with similarities to
the oboe. (Todays operas may preserve some of the performances overall effect: operas origins
lie in early modern efforts, starting around 1600 CE, to revive the theatrical spirit of Greek
drama.) All roles, including the chorus, were played by males and were written in poetic meters.
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Actors wore masks and sometimes played more than one role. The casts also included nonspeaking parts, the ancient equivalent of extras.
The Theater of Dionysus at Athens, where the performances for the tragic competition in
the City Dionysia took place, was located on a hillside on the south slope of the Athenian
Acropolis. The remains of the theater visible today date to Roman period remodeling of the first
and third centuries CE. Scholars speculate that in the fifth century BCE most of the audience,
which would have numbered in the thousands, sat on the hillside on the ground or in wooden
bleachers; there may have been seats of carved stone on the part of the hill closest to the
performance. At the bottom of the hillside, there was an orchestra, or dancing place, where the
chorus performed. The chorus entered and exited via entrance ramps on either side of the
orchestra. Behind the orchestra was the skene, originally probably a tent (skene is Greek for
tent), later a wooden building with perhaps one door. The skene provided actors with
additional options for entrances and exits as well as a place to change mask and costume out of
view of the audience.
The ancient Greek etymologies of English words such as drama, theater, tragedy, and
comedy reflect the ancient Greek roots of our contemporary dramatic traditions. Greek tragedy,
however, was a far more central part of civic and communal religious life than theater is today.
There is a certain parallel between the Athenian assembly and the Athenian theater. Both were
civic institutions that provided the citizens of the Athenian democracy opportunities to watch
performances and confront large, difficult, and challenging questions collectively. Viewed in this
light, Greek tragedy was an essential component of the culture of Athenian democracy.
Greek tragedy had a kind of abstract, stylized, and ritualistic quality that differentiates it
from the more realistic or naturalistic approach to acting and performance that characterizes
much of theater and cinema today. Greek tragedies were written and performed with the
intention of producing profound spiritual and intellectual meditations on the nature of the
universe and the role of human beings within it. As such, they lend themselves remarkably well
to the SEARCH syllabus. In many ways, it is fair to say that the Athenians conducted their own
communitys search for values through the production, performance, and staging of Greek tragic
plays.
Sophocles
Sophocles achieved distinction among the Athenians both as a playwright and as a
political leader. Although only seven plays by Sophocles survive, ancient tradition records that
he wrote more than one hundred-twenty and won first prize at the City Dionysia eighteen times.
It was perhaps because of the success of the Antigone that the Athenians elected Sophocles
general in 441. Furthermore, according to Aristotle, Sophocles was a member of the board of
advisers appointed by the Athenians in 413 to deal with the state of emergency after the
disastrous Sicilian expedition in the Peloponnesian War.
Although three of Sophocles surviving plays, Oedipus the King, Oedipus at Colonus,
and Antigone, form a trilogy in the sense that they tell three pieces of the same story, they were
not entered together as a trilogy in a tragedy competition in the same year. Scholars date the
Antigone to 442 or 441, Oedipus the King to perhaps 429, and Oedipus at Colonus to 406. Each
play represents a theatrical interpretation of the story of Oedipus and his family that is not
necessarily consistent with the two other plays.
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Sophocles plays
Oedipus the King
The tragedy of Oedipus is bound up less with some flaw or moral failing (no one in the
drama suggests that there is anything defective about Oedipus character) than with the
question of self-knowledge. Will Oedipus recognize and acknowledge (i.e., move toward
knowledge of) who he is?
In the Greek language and in Greek thought, knowledge is associated with sight. The
difficulty of seeing things about ourselves, the painfulness of in-sight, of seeing into ourselves,
raises for us anew the connection of knowing to being human. The great king, the savior of
Thebes, is revealed to be the cause of its foul pollution. Oedipus himself forces this revelation by
his choices and his actionsabove all by his determination to seek the truth. The result of that
search is exile, first imposed on Oedipus by himself and subsequently by Creon and the polis.
When you encounter Socrates and the philosophy of Plato, you will grapple again with the
themes of self-knowledge, the determined pursuit of truth, exile and punishment of knowers,
and the paradoxical claim that true knowledge is knowledge of things that are invisible.
Oedipus seems to signify what is distinctively human and to embody its limitations. He is
called the pattern or paradigm of the human (line 1193). Is the distinctively human thing to
seek out knowledge? If so, is the goal of that search to know our placeknow our limits
to know our power? (Recall the prohibition against eating the fruit of the tree of knowledge in
Genesis.)
Take note of the identities and roles in the drama of each of the following:
Places and people: Thebes and its pollution; Laius, Teiresias, Creon, Jocasta; the
chorus
Situations: What Oedipus learns about himself from Teiresias, Jocasta, the first
messenger, the herdsman
Passages that warrant special attention:
o The Rite of Purification ll. 100-103;
o Oedipus Curse ll. 246-251;
o Oedipus Journey ll. 771-833;
o Jocastas Plea ll. 1068-1069;
o The Pattern for Humankind ll. 1188-1196;
o Creons Advice ll. 1123-1124
Antigone
The story of the Antigone comes from mythological traditions about the city of Thebes,
Athens neighbor to the north. As is the case with many myths, there were multiple versions of
these storiesthe Odyssey, for instance, contains a version of the Oedipus story in which his
wifes name is Epicaste and Oedipus stays on to rule Thebes after her suicide (Od. 11.271 ff.),
whereas in Sophocles Theban plays, Oedipus wife is named Jocasta, and Oedipus goes into
exile after her suicide. Despite the existence of competing versions, Sophocles was nevertheless
able to depend on a certain level of background knowledge on the part of his audience. Part of
the audiences interest in watching a play like Antigone was to see what version of the myth the
playwright adopted, what details he changed, and what interpretation he suggested. That said, the
background story for Sophocles Antigone runs along the following lines: in spite of his efforts to
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avoid his fate, Oedipus kills his father, Laius, and married his mother, Jocasta. Ruling as the king
of Thebes in his fathers place, he incestuously conceives four children: two sons, Eteocles and
Polyneices, and two daughters, Antigone and Ismene. When Oedipus discovers the truth, he
blinds himself, and Jocasta takes her own life. After Oedipus dies, his two sons dispute the
kingship. Polyneices raises an army at Argos and attacks his brother, who was then in control of
Thebes. In the resulting battle, the brothers kill each other. With Oedipus two male heirs dead,
Creon, Jocastas brother, takes over as ruler of Thebes. The Antigone begins soon after his
declaration that while Eteocles will receive honorable burial, Polyneices will be left unburied
outside the city walls.
The Antigone invites reflection on a number of difficult problems. These include: what
happens when a conflict arises between the laws of the household (in Greek, oikos) and laws of
the city-state (in Greek, the polis)? Is there a divine law that supercedes human law? If so, what
are the implications for human societies? How do humans know the divine law? You should
keep these questions in mind as you read the play.
Use the following questions to guide your reading:
What are the motivations of the main characters in the playAntigone, Ismene, Creon,
Haemon, and Teiresias?
Who is the tragic figure in this play, and why?
Can the state exist without recourse to law? Is there a place for civil disobedience? If so,
when? Who decides?
What are the various situations in which the characters reflect or challenge gender
norms?
How would Creon, Haemon, and Antigone describe justice?
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Essay: The Classical Polis

In the fifth century BCE, the coming together of the various Greek poleis to defeat the
overwhelmingly larger forces of the Persian Empire is what scholars regard as the start of the
Classical period of Greece. The Greek victory introduced an era of amazing cultural
accomplishment, particularly for Athens. However, by the end of the century, the promise of this
period came to an end with the Peloponnesian Wars (431-404 BCE). Not only did Sparta defeat
Athens, but the behavior of the Athenian polis in the face of this war seemed to call into question
all of the noble qualities which Athens claimed it represented: enlightened government, civil
order that takes into consideration unwritten laws, and a society in which non-participation in the
affairs of state by any man was considered idiotic (which comes from the Greek word meaning a
private, non-professional, or ignorant person). In the aftermath of this defeat, the trial and
execution of Socrates in 399 BCE triggered for Plato his sustained inquiry into whether human
society could ever be just. However, the momentary flowering of the Classical Athenian polis
would forever leave a powerful impression on western cultural history.
During the war with Persia, the Athenian made the strategic decision to allow the
Persians to sack the Acropolis, the citys most sacred civic sanctuary located on a hill in the
center of the city. At the time of the sack (ca. 480-79), the Athenians may even have sworn an
oath never to rebuild the site, intending it to serve as a memorial to the destruction and loss
suffered by the Athenians at the hands of Eastern foes. However, thirty years later, the Athenian
leader, Pericles, led an ambitious and extensive building project to rebuild the Acropolis that
would occupy architects and artisans for the next twenty years (ca. 450-30). The unprecedented
nature of this project must be viewed as part of this unique spirit of the age that flowered under
Pericles aegis, which many still refer to as the Golden Age of Athens. The Parthenon and its
companion buildings on the Acropolis (from the grand entry of the Propylaea to the Temple of
Athena Nike or Victory) rose like a phoenix out of the burnt destruction of war, marking the
renewal of the city. While the imagery on many of these buildings and the other artistic works of
the period express themes that would be applicable to many poleis across Greecesuch as
Greeks against foreigners, victory over terrible foes, reconstruction after lossreferences to
Athens mythic history also specifically suggested the preeminent role of the Athenians.
Nevertheless, in addition to historians like Thucydides, many contemporary dramatists
saw more clearly than others the presumptions and the weaknesses that would occasion the later
fall of the Athenian polis. Greek tragedy and comedy were created in contexts with religious
significance, and so it might be expected that a concern of the dramatists would be the
relationships of humankind and the gods. In fact, the Greek view that the divine and the mortal
were closely intertwined, indeed that gods and humankind live in a single world and resemble
each other in some ways, gives emphasis to this concern. But this religious significance does not
supplant the fact that the Greek dramatists were very much concerned with immediate, concrete
and current issues, in particular, political issues. Sophocles Antigone invites the Athenians to
consider the morality of the citys imperial rule and whether the state has the unlimited right to
circumscribe the private sphere. The dramatists used their poetic skills to reflect on the human
condition; and, at least some offered insights into ways to address the presumptions and
weaknesses all too evident when one is honest with oneself.
There is no doubt that Plato (427-347 BC) was suspicious of the work and insights of the
poets and the dramatists. In his conception of an ideal republic, they had little if any role to play.
His complaint on one level was a metaphysical point: poets and dramatists deal more with
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appearance than with reality; their work is twice removed from reality (Republic 579e).
However, his primary complaint was a moral point: poets and dramatists too often are not
concerned with the truth. As a matter of fact, Plato was a dramatist in his pursuit of philosophy.
His philosophy was conveyed in a dialogical form. Plato also shared with the poets and
dramatists the concern to discern what is inexpressible in fixed categories of thought and what
transcends particular moments in time and space and, hence, requires something akin to a
moment of enthusiasm (which comes from the Greek word meaning the literal inspiration by a
god). This sense of wrestling with the truthor, more precisely, with the universalto approach
this moment is not too far afield from the spirit exemplified in poet and philosopher alike.
Platos engagement with philosophy was occasioned by the personal loss of his mentor,
Socrates, who was given the death penalty after being convicted of various activities judged to be
destructive of the city-state. In the Apology, Plato presents us with Socrates defense speech at
this trial. In his speech, Socrates focuses on the difference between sound knowledge and mere
opinion, and suggests that those to whom we normally attribute knowledge and wisdom are, in
fact, not wise. There is no doubt but that Socrates presented the citizens of Athens a troubling
picture: the wise man seemed to be saying that no one really knows the principles of good
government. Nevertheless, Plato wrote to sustain the philosophic life lived by his mentor because
he saw in it something that would not only benefit the city-state, but would be a grounding for a
life worth living. In the Apology, Platos account of the trial, one of three that survive from
antiquity, we learn of Socrates philosophic mission, his search for the best mode of life, and his
refusal to cease this search even in the face of execution by the state. In the Apology, it is clear
that the pursuit of philosophical inquiry is of the greatest value to the community, even if one
must risk ones life in practicing it. The worthiness of this pursuit is similarly asserted in
Socrates discussion of love in the Symposium. Though the desire for Beauty itself moves one to
embrace more and more inclusive forms of beauty, it is the outcome of this movementthe
creating of virtue in the lives of othersthat is the ultimate value of the desire for Beauty itself.
In this way, one can see how even the tarnished end to Athens Golden Age left a lasting legacy
for those who continued to admire the ideals it claimed to represent.
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Thucydides and The Peloponnesian War

Exiled Thucydides knew
All that a speech can say
About Democracy,
And what dictators do,
The elderly rubbish they talk
To an apathetic grave;
Analysed all in his book,

The enlightenment driven away,
The habit-forming pain,
Mismanagement and grief:
We must suffer them all again.1
These are the thoughts of the English poet W.H. Auden as he contemplates the events of
September 1, 1939; the day Hitlers army invaded Poland and instigated World War II. Auden is
clearly frustrated with a Europe that has failed to learn the lessons of the past. Indeed, he claims
that Thucydides book, The History of the Peloponnesian War, offers fundamental insights
into the nature of democracy and the origins of tyranny, how one man can subvert the rule of the
many with clever speeches and impose a dictatorship. We, declares Auden, must suffer them
all again, because he knows, as does Thucydides, that tyrants insatiable lust for conquest and
war results almost inevitably in pain and grief for countless people.
The Nature and Purpose of Historia
Drawing lessons from the past should be a familiar concept, as most of us have heard the
line, Those who cannot learn from history are doomed to repeat it. There are many variants of
this saying, and many believe Thucydides to be the inventor of just such a philosophy of history.
Such was the opinion of the first century BCE historian and rhetorician Dionysius of
Halicarnassus: Concerning his understanding of history, Thucydides seems to be saying that
history is a kind of instruction (philosophia) from examples (Art of Rhetoric 11.2). The passage
to which Dionysius is referring comes from an early part of Thucydides work:
This history may not be the most delightful to hear, since there is no mythology in
it. But those who want to look into the truth of what was done in the pastwhich,
given the human condition, will recur in the future, either in the same fashion or
nearly sothose readers will find this History valuable enough, as this was
composed to be a lasting possession and not to be heard for a prize at the moment
of a contest (i.22, Woodruff, p. 13).
Thucydides appeals directly to the utility of his history, which will serve as a guide for those who
want to understand the past and learn about the present (note that Thucydides does not say that
his history will help the reader predict the future!). In other words, Thucydides envisions his
history as a kind of tool that the reader can use to diagnose the events of the present that
seemingly resemble and even reflect those of the past. Judging from Thucydides readership and
popularity throughout history, especially in times of war and civil strife, it is safe to say that
many have found Thucydides analysis of war, his perceptions of human nature, and his
understanding of politics and power deeply compelling: Thomas Hobbes translated him during
the tumultuous period of the Thirty Years War (1628); Pericles Funeral Oration (ii.35-46,
Woodruff, pp. 39-46) inspired Lincolns Gettysburg Address in 1863; and college students in the
1960s read Thucydides in an attempt to better understand the escalating and brutal conflict in
1
September 1, 1939 in William, Oscar, ed. Immortal Poems of the English Language. New York: Pocket Books,
1952.
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Vietnam. Today, as we continue to fight a war on terrorism, Thucydides History will offer us
some much-needed perspective.
We do not consider Thucydides the father of history, however. That title belongs to
Thucydides predecessor Herodotus of Halicarnassus (ca. 484-425), a traveler and researcher
who wrote a comprehensive history of the Persian Wars (490-79)researcher because historia
in Greek originally meant inquiry or research. The historians first task, therefore, was (and
is still today) to inquire into what happened. But what makes Herodotus research so
innovative is that he relates what happened in an extended narrative (not simply in a chronicle)
and explores the reasons why things happened. As the Roman historian Sempronius Asellio puts
it, It is not enough to pronounce what was done, but to demonstrate the purpose and reason by
which things were done (Aulus Gellius 5.18.7). In an attempt to discover the cause(s) of the
Persian Wars, Herodotus felt compelled to investigate the origins of Persian/Greek antagonism
more generally, which took him back to mythical times, when Persians and Greeks abducted and
raped each others women (Io, Europa, Medea, and Helen) (1.1-5). Because of Herodotus
penchant for investigating areas which we would consider outside the realm of history, his work
teems with many fantastic, humorous, and even downright bawdy stories, making him quite
popular among the audiences of his day. In fact, Herodotus gave public readings at Athens in
445, for which he received much acclaim from the Athenians.
It is no wonder, then, that many think the passage quoted above contains an oblique
critique of Herodotus History. Thucydides claims that his own history does not rely on
mythology (mythdes), boasting that he is uninterested in winning public approval, for history
is not a contest (agon). Another fundamental difference between the two historians can be seen
in their methods and criteria for determining the truth-value of witnesses and other historical
sources. For example, unlike Herodotus, Thucydides has a clear articulation of his historical
methodology: And as for the real action of the war, I did not think it right to set down either
what I heard from people I happened to meet or what I merely believed to be true. Even for
events at which I was present myself, I tracked down detailed information from other sources as
far as I could (i.22, Woodruff, p. 13). For this kind of methodological rigor, many scholars once
heralded Thucydides as the first objective and scientific historian, who aspired to the modern
historiographical ideal of only showing what actually happened.2
Today, many historians are uncomfortable with this conception of Thucydides, demurring
at the idea that Thucydides (or any historian, for that matter) can achieve complete objectivity.
History is not and can never become an empirical science because historians preconceptions,
ideologies, and biases will always influence their research and writing. One cannot simply record
the facts, because the data pool for any period of history, no matter how concise, is almost
infinite, and thus selection is necessary. But selection always entails evaluation: Which events,
deeds, or speeches have value? Which do not? Are some more important than others? A good
example of this process of selection and evaluation is Thucydides treatment of Athenian cruelty
during the Peloponnesian War. One of the most famous episodes in Thucydides is his narration
of the events at Melos in 416 (v.84-116, Woodruff, pp. 102-109). The tiny island of Melos had
remained neutral for most of the war and wanted to stay that way, much to the displeasure of the
Athenians. After failing to reach an agreement, the Athenians besieged and captured the city.
The Athenians dealt ruthlessly with the Melian people: they killed all the men of military age
and made slaves of the women and children. Later, they settled the place themselves, sending
2
Translation of Leopold von Rankes principle of wie es eigentlich gewesen as stated in his History of the Latin
and Teutonic Nations from 1494 to 1514 (1824).
63
five hundred colonists (v.116, Woodruff, p. 109). Five years earlier, however, the Athenians
similarly had avenged themselves on the city of Scione, an event Thucydides mentions only in
passing (5.32.1, not included in Woodruff). What is Thucydides doing by downplaying such an
incident? Was the brutality at Scione insignificant? Did he intentionally neglect this deed so that
his account of Melos might be more dramatic, coming as it does right before his narrative of the
doomed Sicilian expedition, which reads like a tragedy, with the Athenians playing the part of
the tyrant who receives his comeuppance for his hubris? Or is it possible that he never heard
anything certain about Scione? Unfortunately, we cannot answer these questions satisfactorily,
but they serve to remind the reader of the kind of difficulties he/she faces when critically
examining Thucydides text.
All of this may be unsettling to some students, who demand a strict adherence to the truth
from their historians. However, the Greeks had a different notion of the truth from ours. Truth
in Greek, altheia, can mean either not forgotten or unhidden. Classicists have debated
which meaning reflects the accurate etymology, but we can proceed under the assumption that
the Greeks probably recognized both meanings. When explaining the causes of the
Peloponnesian War, Thucydides states:
I will first write down an account of the disputes that explain their breaking the
Peace, so that no one will ever wonder from what ground so great a war could
arise among the Greeks. I believe that the truest reason for the quarrel, though
least evident in what was said at the time, was the growth of Athenian power,
which put fear into the Lacedaemonians [i.e., the Spartans] and so compelled
them into war (i.23, Woodruff, pp. 15-16).
Thucydides makes the crucial distinction between immediate, precipitating causes and
underlying, real causes (note that he uses the superlative adjective of altheia, the truest
reason). For Thucydides, the breaking of the treaty (the Thirty Years Peace; cf. v.115,
Woodruff, p. 109) amounts only to the immediate cause of the war, the one most well-known.
The growth of Athenian power, on the other hand, was the underlying cause, but one that was
least evident. Thus, by illuminating the truest reason of the war, Thucydides reveals what
was once hidden. Moreover, by stating the truest cause, Thucydides also preserves the memory
of the past, not allowing the true cause of the war to be forgotten. That numerous historians have
validated Thucydides analysis of the origins of the war is testament to his strict adherence to
altheia.
Historical Background
Historians commonly refer to the period from the end of the Persian Wars (480-79) to the
beginning of the Peloponnesian War as the Pentecontaetia, Greek for The Fifty Years. It was
during this time that Athens became the imperial powerhouse that alarmed the Spartans and
compelled them to begin hostilities in 431. The Persian Wars comprise two separate invasions of
Greece by the Persians. The first occurred in 490, when the Persians landed at Marathon in
Attica, where the Athenians, assisted only by the Plataeans, defeated them convincingly in a
great land battle. A decade later, the Persians, led by their king, Xerxes, invaded Greece with a
massive fleet and myriad ground forces. This time much of Greece united in a Panhellenic effort.
It must be remembered that Greece at this time was not a nation-state but a collection of
independent city-states. Together they humiliated the Persians, defeating them soundly in two
64
sea battles, Salamis and Mycale, and in a land battle at Plataea. The Athenians were largely
responsible for these victories at sea and, with Greeks of the islands and those living along the
coast of Asia Minor, formed a permanent alliance to retaliate for their sufferings by ravaging
the [Persian] Kings country (1.96.1, Landmark Thucydides). This alliance became known as
the Delian League, because it was on the island of Delos that members met to plan future
campaigns against the Persians. Here also was the Leagues treasury: member states contributed
ships and/or crews or money (tribute). Initially, the Spartans took the leading role in these
punitive campaigns against the Persians, but the allies quickly turned on them and asked the
Athenians to take command of the allied fleet. The Spartans relinquished the command to the
Athenians, desiring to be rid of the war against the Persians (1.95.7, Landmark Thucydides).
The Delian League was successful from the start, driving the Persians out of their
strongholds in Europe and from the coasts of Asia Minor (ca. 477-72). The Athenians colonized
some of these places themselves (e.g., Eion), conquered whole islands, expelling the non-Greek
populations (e.g., Scyros), and in one instance even subjugated the Greek city of Carystus.
Around this time (ca. 471) we can detect a turning point in the League. The island state of Naxos
tried to leave the League, and Athens forcefully brought it back, setting a violent precedent for
all those allies who contemplated revolt. There were many reasons for allied discontent with
Athens, as Thucydides explains: Of all the causes of defection, that connected with arrears of
tribute and vessels, and with failure of service, was the chief; for the Athenians were very
exacting, and made themselves offensive by applying the screw of necessity on men who were
not used to and in fact not disposed for any continuous labor (1.99.1, Landmark Thucydides).
Moreover, the allies began to question the very necessity and purpose of the League, especially
after the battle at the Eurymedon River (ca. 369), where the Athenians and allies captured or
destroyed the entire Persian fleet (1.100, Landmark Thucydides). The League had succeeded in
the original objective of taking revenge on the Persians: practically every Greek state in Asia had
been liberated.
What happened next is what historians like to call the transition from League to Empire.
Athens slowly began to subjugate their former allies, depriving them of their autonomy by
unilaterally imposing tribute on conquered states, installing garrisons and governors in allied
territory, and parceling out allied land to Athenian settlers (only Lesbos and Chios were
autonomous by 431). No one can mark the precise moment Athens became an empire, but 454 is
memorable as the year the Athenians moved the allied treasury from Delos to Athens, where they
could spend allied tribute as they saw fit without any oversight (it is no coincidence that Pericles
famous building program began shortly after this transfer). When Athens began to expand into
central Greece (ca. 462), the Spartans got nervous and attempted to thwart them. The Athenians
and Spartans, with their respective allies, fought off and on for the next sixteen years until they
concluded the Thirty Years Peace in 446, which stipulated that Athens give up its land empire in
central Greece and the Peloponnesus. A cold war characterized the next fifteen years, when the
Greek world was split in half politically, militarily, and ideologically: Sparta and its allies, which
were land-based powers and supporters of oligarchy, versus Athens and its maritime empire,
comprising some 250 subject states that favored democracy.
65
Life of Thucydides
Thucydides was born in Athens sometime in the early 450s into a wealthy family with
gold-mining interests in Thrace and connections to Thracian royalty. He was also related to two
leading fifth-century politicians, Cimon and his namesake Thucydides the son of Melesias, who
vigorously opposed the ultra-democratic policies of Pericles in the 440s. He claims to have lived
through the whole war, being of an age, he writes, to comprehend events, and giving my
attention to them in order to know the exact truth about them (5.26.5, Landmark Thucydides; cf.
i.1, Woodruff, p. 1). Thucydides was also a player in the events about which he writes. In 424 the
Athenians elected him general and commanded him to sail to Amphipolis (an ally of Athens) to
aid the Athenians whom the Spartans were besieging there. Thucydides was conducting naval
operations in the area but arrived just after the city had capitulated (4.104-6, Landmark
Thucydides). Thucydides bore the brunt of the criticism for the loss of Amphipolis, and the
Athenians ostracized him (5.26.5, Landmark Thucydides). Thucydides probably returned to
Athens in 404 and died sometime thereafter. Unfortunately, he was unable to finish his work
before he died. His narration breaks off in the middle of the twenty-first year of the war in 411,
but it is certain that he planned to finish his account with the Athenian surrender in 404 (5.26.1,
Landmark Thucydides).
From Books 1 & 2:

o Thucydides' evaluation of the Trojan War
o The character of the Athenians and the Spartans according to the Corinthians
o Pericles understanding of the ingredients of Athenian greatness
o The demands made on citizens (and non-citizens, especially mothers)
o The effects of a natural disaster on human character
o How Pericles tries to restore Athenian self-confidence in his final speech
o Thucydides explanation for Pericles success as a political leader
From Books 3 - 5:
o Under what circumstances does Athens believe she has the duty to exert power?
o How the Mytilean debate raises questions about the limits of a democracy
o The human consequences of the civil war in Corcyra
o Thucydides opinion about the Peace of Nicias
o The points on which the Athenians and Melians agree in their debate
o Where the Athenians fail to persuade the Melians (and why)
From Books 6 8:
o Nicias arguments against the expedition to Sicily
o Alcibiades rebuttal
o Nicias attempt to rally the troops after setbacks in Sicily
o The treatment of the Athenian prisoners of war and the response in Athens to the
defeat
People: Cleon, Diodotus, Nicias, Alcibiades, Gylippus
Places: Athens, Sparta, Corinth, Mitylene, Corcyra, Melos, Syracuse
66
Platos Republic
Platos Dialogues and the Philosophic Search for Values
With Platos Republic, we encounter for the first time philosophy and the philosophic
search for valuesthat is to say, the search for values by means of human reason and human
reason alone. Although not the first philosopher, Plato could still be regarded as the founder of
the Western philosophic tradition. For Platos writings played a decisive role in establishing and
shaping the Western philosophic tradition and search for values.
Plato was born in Athens in 427 BCE, during the Peloponnesian War, and he lived there
most of his life, until his death in 347. As a young man he was a follower of Socrates, and his
dedication to philosophy led him to found the Academy, where his students included Aristotle.
Platos philosophic writings consist of dialogues, dramatic presentations of conversations (or
sometimes reports of conversations) between a number of characters on a wide range of subjects.
In none of his dialogues, however, does Plato ever speak as a character. Thus, his dialogues
could be seen as philosophic plays in which Plato presents us with his characters and their
conversations, but himself fades into the background as playwright. As such, reading and
interpreting Platos dialogues present us with challenges and rewards much like those of reading
and interpreting Sophocles Oedipus the King or Antigone. We cannot simply regard as Platos
own view the view of any of his characters any more than we can regard as Sophocles own view
the view of his Oedipus, Antigone, or Creon. Like a play, Platos dialogues invite us to
experience the challenges and rewards of careful interpretation and thought. In true philosophic
fashion, they offer us no easy answers, but instead pose thought-provoking questions and help us
begin to think those questions through for ourselves.
Although they offer no easy answers, Platos dialogues do offer us invaluable guidance in
our philosophic search for values. They point us to vital questions, like the question or problem
of justice, the theme of Platos Republic. They also offer us thought-provoking opinions on and
arguments about the questions under consideration in the various dialogues, like the different
opinions and arguments concerning justice offered by Cephalus, Polemarchus, and
Thrasymachus in the Republic. But perhaps above all, they offer us the guidance of Platos most
famous character, his Socrates, the main character in most (but not all) of Platos dialogues,
including the Republic. If any of Platos characters could be thought to express his own views, it
would probably be his Socrates. Yet even if we assume that Socrates speaks for Plato,
interpretative problems remain. For Platos Socrates not only tends to ask questions more often
than offer answers, but is also famous for his irony, for being less than frank and saying things
that can be understood in multiple ways. Thus, even in trying to understand Plato by
understanding his Socrates, careful interpretation and thought remain necessary.
It could be argued that Platos dialogues were designed, above all else, to invite us to
participate in the experience and pleasure of philosophic inquiry and thought, in the philosophic
life so fully and fruitfully lived by Socrates. They invite us to live as we see Socrates living in
the Republicengaging in the friendly yet rigorous and critical conversational scrutiny of our
own and others opinions about important questions (like the question of justice) with a view to
seeing both the strengths and inner problems or contradictions of those opinions, and then
following the conversation wherever our reason leads so as to begin to ascend from our
imperfect first opinions about a question like justice to knowledge. Such conversations, such a
life, promise us not merely opinions but knowledge about questions we cannot help but want and
need sound answers to, questions like the character of justice and the good life, questions we
67

need to answer knowledgably and well to live as well and happily as we can. Moreover, such
conversations and such a life are not without intrinsic pleasures and delights of their own. They
are, as Socrates suggests in the Republic, a feast of the mind.
Platos Republic, The Dramatic Context
Dramatic Frame: Socrates narrating to an unspecified audience a lengthy conversation
he had the previous day
Setting: Athens, specifically the Piraeus (the port of Athens) and then the home of
Cephalus
Major Characters (listed in order of appearance): Socrates, Glaucon, Polemarchus,
Adeimantus, Cephalus, and Thrasymachus
Platos Republic, Book 1
Later editors of Platos work (somewhat arbitrarily) divided his text into ten books, but
in the case of Book 1 the editors were following a real feature of the original text. Book 1 stands
apart from what follows it in many ways, although it also serves as an excellent introduction to
many of themes that will be treated in the text. In this first book, Socrates is placed in a very
realistic setting and his interlocutors emerge as real personalities who sit and rise, who
gesticulate, sweat, and blush. Despite the title of the dialogue, Platos Republic begins with what
seems like a very apolitical discussion of two basic questions: (1) What is justice? and (2) Is
justice profitable? The progression of the arguments in Book 1 constitutes an excellent model of
the search for valuesin this case, the value is justicein which Socrates and his
interlocutors attempt to identify some trait in the actions that people perform that can tell us
something about the persons performing them. Does performing just actions make you a just
person? Or, alternatively, if you are considered a just person, does that mean that you will never
do anything unjust? Which is more important: doing just actions or being a just person?
Cephalus begins the conversation about justice in Book 1, as he is the first person to use
the terms just and unjust. The point of view that Cephalus presents is a conventional one,
which considers justice to mean honoring ones legal obligations and being honest. Although
Cephalus does not present his position as a definition of justice, Socrates takes Cephalus
remarks to mean that Cephalus presumes that he has some knowledge of what justice is. Hence,
through a process of questioning and refining Cephalus initial observations, Socrates intends to
investigate whether or not this implicit definition of justice is sustainable. What we find is that
Cephalus understanding of justice as law-abidingness and honesty traps one in several
contradictions. For example, as Socrates points out, you may owe a murderous madman his
weapon if it belongs to him legally, but surely no one thinks that arming the homicidal madman
is a just action since it clearly endangers the lives of others.
After Cephalus departure from the conversation, his son Polemarchus takes over and
offers another definition of justice: to give aid to ones friends and to do harm to ones
enemies. The problem with Polemarchus definition, as Socrates points out, is that our judgments
about who are friends and who are enemies are fallible. Furthermore, many of us find that
our friends are not always the best sorts of people and our enemies are not always the worst.
So, like Cephalus, Polemarchus leads us into contradiction, as his definition may have us doing
harm to otherwise upstanding people and aiding those who mean to do harm.
The longest and most involved exchange in Book 1 happens between Socrates and
Thrasymachus, who is a Sophistthat is, a wise one who earned his living by lecturing and
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teaching, with special attention to the art of rhetoric, or winning influence through speech and
argument. Thrasymachus breaks into the discussion (somewhat rudely) to point out that all
Socrates, Cephalus and Polemarchus have shown is just how woefully inadequate our
conventional ideas about justice are. In fact, we do not really know anything about justice; all of
our attempts at defining it according to popular conceptions or common understandings lead us
into contradiction, just as Cephalus and Polemarchus did. So, Thrasymachus speculates, we
should do away with the pretensions; do away with our idealistic understanding of justice and
other moral standards, which are all just as ill-defined and contradictory. Thrasymachus then
offers a realistic (sometimes called naturalistic) definition of justice, claiming that what we
call justice is nothing other than what advantages the strongest and most influential in society.
According to Thrasymachus, our popular and moralistic ideas about justicelike obeying the
law, paying others what they are owed, giving aid to good people and doing harm to bad
peopleare no more than unnatural restraints on our natural desire to do what is in our own selfinterest. Thrasymachus points out that being just is actually not a profitable way to conduct
ones life; in fact, behaving justly works to the advantage of other people, not the one being just.
Thrasymachus represents a shift in the discussion, in which it is no longer this or that definition
of justice that needs to be defended, but the very ideal of justice itself as a characteristic of good
persons or good actions.
Socrates burden now is to prove to Thrasymachus that injustice cannot be a virtue,
despite the fact that it seems more profitable to act unjustly than to act justly. Socrates puts forth
a series of arguments refuting Thrasymachus, culminating in Socrates claim that injustice is
contrary to wisdom, which we know to be a virtue, and therefore injustice cannot itself be a
virtue. Socrates goes on to suggest that justice may be characterized as a kind of necessary and
rule-based cooperation between people, and he points out that none of the advantages that
Thrasymachus heralded earlier (money, power, etc.) could be achieved without a person being at
least moderately just. Finally, Socrates argues that justice is a special kind of virtue, a virtue of
the soul, and consequently it contributes to the health of the soul. (It may be helpful here to
think of soul as mindthe Greek word for soul, psyche, is the same root we use for the
English word psychology. A healthy soul, then, would amount to something like peace of
mind.) Book 1 ends with Socrates claim that justice is a virtue that is both profitable and
desirable inasmuch as it is an element of a healthy soul.
Platos Republic, Books 2-4
Book 2 begins with a famous exchange between Socrates and Glaucon, in which Glaucon
challenges Socrates to explain in what way justice is desirable. Glaucon gives Socrates three
options for categories of desirable things into which justice could be placed: (1) the class of
things that we desire only for their consequences, like exercise; (2) the class of things that we
desire for their own sake, like happiness; and finally (3) the highest class of things that we desire
both for their own sake and also for what we get from them, like knowledge or sight. According
to Glaucon, most people would place justice in the first category, that is, as something that we
desire only because of its consequences, but he wants Socrates to prove that justice actually
belongs in the highest group of things that we desire both for their own sake and for their
consequences.
To support his intuition that most people see justice as little more than a necessary
restraint, Glaucon appeals to a thought experiment in which he imagines a magical ring
(Gyges Ring) that has the power to make anyone who wears it invisible. Glaucon speculates that
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even people whom we consider just would act unjustly if they had Gyges Ring and were freed
from suffering the consequences of their actions. Therefore, even just people do not value
justice for its own sake (for if they did, they would act justly regardless of whether or not they
could be seen and held accountable for their actions). Furthermore, Glaucon argues that it is
rational for people to prefer injustice to justice, since it is more beneficial to indulge ones own
interests and desires than it is to act justly. Glaucons brother, Adeimantus, supports this claim
by pointing out that no one praises justice for its own sake, but only for its consequences in this
life or the afterlife. Even people living wretched lives will still act justly if they believe they will
be rewarded in the afterlife, but no one acts justly for the sake of justice alone.
Socrates responds by arguing that there are two kinds of justice: (1) political justice, the
kind existing in a city or a state; and (2) individual justice, the kind existing in an individual soul
that makes that person a just person. Since the city is larger than the individual person,
Socrates suggests that it will be easier to find justice in an analysis of the city, and only later can
he investigate whether political justice is analogous in any way to individual justice. Therefore,
Socrates begins to imagine what a just city would look liketo construct a city in speecha
project that will occupy the Republic until the end of Book 4.
Socrates begins with a fundamental principle of all human societies, the idea that each
individual has a work (ergon) or task for which s/he is most appropriately suited and which s/he
is specifically designed to accomplish. So, farmers are made to farm; they are best suited for that
role, and the society as a whole operates best when farmers are farming and not, say, collecting
taxes, or fighting wars, or building ships. Socrates first attempt at imagining a just city (which
he calls a healthy city) is entirely populated by a class of Producers (doctors, farmers,
craftsmen) who each perform a role and who do not meddle in the work of the others. Glaucon
objects to Socrates characterization of this city as healthy, however, and says that such a city
would in fact be a city of pigs, since it would be populated by people who conduct their lives
(like animals) only in accordance with necessary desires. But human beings also have
unnecessary desires (like delicious food, beautiful ships, luxurious homes), and whenever these
unnecessary desires arise, Glaucon points out, conflicts also arise. What Glaucon wants to know,
then, is: how can a city with conflicts also be a just city?
Socrates revises his city in speech to accommodate Glaucons objections. The new city
has not only producers of necessities, but also poets, artists, merchants and others who attend to
human desires beyond the barest necessities of life. Unnecessary desires lead not only to conflict,
as Glaucon noted, but also to wars, and so Socrates also includes a class of warriors in his new
city, whom he initially calls Guardians. He spends the rest of Book 2 and most of Book 3
describing the nature and education of these Guardians. After describing the education of the
Guardian-warriors, Socrates introduces in Book 3 the third group in his imagined city: the
rulers. The class of Guardians is split; from now on, only the rulers will be called
Guardians, and they will not be soldiers. The others will remain warriors and will henceforth
be called Auxiliaries. The rulers/Guardians will be the best and the brightest in the city. Their
ergon will be the ruling of the city, in the same way that the ergon of a shipbuilder is to build
ships. To ensure that there is no conflict over who should be rulers, Socrates suggests that the
citizens of this Republic be told a noble lie, which consists of a myth that contends that all
citizens were born out of the earth and are differentiated by the metals that are mixed into their
souls (gold for the Guardians, silver for the Auxiliaries, and bronze or iron for the Producers).
By naturalizing the division of the classes in this way, Socrates speculates that the noble lie
will help to minimize conflict within the city.
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Book 4 begins with Socrates completing his description of the imagined Republic,
including some curious details like the fact that the city will operate without the aid of money or
laws. At the end of his description, Socrates declares the just city complete and proceeds to
point out the presence of the four cardinal virtues (wisdom, courage, moderation, and justice) in
the Republics people and operations. Finally, Socrates wants to return to his earlier question and
demonstrate that justice in an individual (soul) is analogous to justice in a city. The individuals
soul, like the city, is divided into three parts; when these parts are unruly or in conflict, the
person is not only unhappy, but also tends toward unjust or non-virtuous activity. In Socrates
analogy, reason is the part of the soul that corresponds to the Guardians in a city, spirit
corresponds to the Auxiliaries, and the appetites correspond to the Producers. In the same way
that each class of citizens has a specialized contribution that it is to make, so too do the parts of
the soul. The appetites (thirst, hunger, lust, etc.) are the basest part of the individual soul and are
often found to drive a person toward unhealthy ends. Additionally, the appetites come into
conflict with one another quite often. Therefore, the appetites need to be kept in line by the
spirited part of the soul, much in the same way that the Producers need to be protected and
policed by the Auxiliaries in a city. But the spirited part of the soul comprises tendencies that can
be expressed in virtue or vice, like courage, which can be honorably brave if expressed in one
way and foolhardy or dangerous if expressed in another. Hence, the rational part of the soul must
rule over the entire person in the same way that the Guardians must watch over both the
Producers and the Auxiliaries in a city. Only the rulers have the wisdom to look after the health
of the whole city, and only reason has the capacity to ensure the health (and happiness) of the
individual soul.
By the end of Book 4, Socrates has completed much of what he began in his
conversations with Thrasymachus, Glaucon, and Adeimantus. He has defined justice as a kind of
harmonious and cooperative structure, in which the wisest or most rational element rules over the
whole in order to minimize conflict and maximize happiness. Through his analogy between the
just city and the just soul, Socrates has also answered Thrasymachus objection that it is not
profitable or advantageous to be just. Justice, on Socrates account, is more than simply just
actions or just laws. It is the arrangement (of a city or a soul) that produces the healthiest
(political or individual) life. Inasmuch as good health is desirable for its own sake and for its
consequences, Socrates is able to conclude the same must be true of justice.
By the end of Book 4 it might seem that the Republic is or should be over. Socrates
appears to have met the challenge posed to him by Glaucon and Adeimantus at the beginning of
Book 2, to define and defend justice, by arguing for justice as the health of the city and the soul.
Yet the conversation is not overfar from it. It goes on for six more books. As complicated as
the problem of justice has been seen to be so far, it turns out to be even more complicated, as is
brought out by an insightful question asked by Polemarchus. Polemarchus, giving voice to a
question also on the minds of others present, asks Socrates to explain a passing comment he
made to the effect that the guardians of the just city will not only be without private property, but
also without private families of their own. In response, Socrates outlines three previously
unelaborated and controversial preconditions of the healthy and just city and soul he has just
described and defended, culminating in one of the most well-known arguments of the Republic,
Socrates argument on behalf of the rule of philosopher-kings. The healthy and just city and soul
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require, Socrates suggests: 1) the equal treatment of the sexes; 2) the abolition of the family; and
3) the rule of philosophy.
Socrates himself indicates what his conversation with Glaucon and Adeimantus in Books
5-7 confirms, which is that these preconditions of the healthy and just city and soul raise serious
questions about both the possibility and desirability of the healthy and just city and soul
discussed in the Republic. Is it possible for a political community or an individual to treat men
and women as simply equal? Is it desirable? Is it possible or desirable for a political community
to abolish or be without private families? Is it possible or desirable for an individual to be
without a family or concern with family? Is it possible or desirable for a city to be ruled by
philosophy or reason alone? for an individual? These are all, Socrates concedes, serious
questions without easy answers. Yet he still defends the possibility and desirability of the just
and healthy city and soul he has outlined with Glaucon and Adeimantus. Such cities and such
souls, he suggests, are exceedingly rare (perhaps especially such cities), but they are still possible
and admirable.
In offering and defending his model or pattern for the just and healthy city, and perhaps
more realistically and seriously, for the healthy and just individual soul, Socrates highlights
especially the importance of the rule of philosophy. The healthy and just city and soul are
characterized, above all else, by the fact that they are ruled by philosophy and reason alone. The
philosopher, Socrates suggests, is the most truly healthy and flourishing human being. In accord
with this view, Socrates devotes the largest part of his conversation with Glaucon and
Adeimantus in Books 5-7 to the subject of philosophy. In attempting to illuminate the true nature
of philosophy, Socratess seeks to differentiate the philosopher from the non-philosopher and
offers a number of what he calls images of philosophy. In the course of doing so, Socrates
suggests that the philosopher is most distinguished by a deep concernindeed lovefor
knowledge and wisdom. The philosopher cannot rest content with ignorance or mere opinion, but
instead longs for knowledge. Moreover, he or she seeks not only knowledge of this or that
particular thing, but knowledge of a somehow more universal characteras is suggested by
Socrates famous (but also enigmatic and much-debated) image of the divided line and theory of
the forms or ideas.
Socrates most famous image of philosophy and the ascent from knowledge to opinion in
the Republic, howeverand perhaps the most famous image in all of philosophyis his image
or allegory of the cave at the beginning of Book 7. Socrates suggests that we are all,
metaphorically, trapped in a cave watching shadows of imperfect images or statues of real things
cast on a cave wall, and we mistake those shadows for real things and reality. It is a bit like
suggesting that we are all trapped in a movie theater, mistaking the fictitious flickerings of light
and shadow on the screen in front of us for reality. Thus, we are all born, Socrates seems to
indicate, accepting those opinions we are taught and toldby our political community and
society, for exampleand believing them to be true or real. Socrates suggests, however, that
philosophy consists in coming to see those opinions for what they in fact are, mere opinions or
shadows. It requires of us a willingness to question and examine those opinions and to leave
them behind and change our minds, if need be, so as to escape, metaphorically speaking, the cave
or movie theater for outside or the real world and the truth, ascending from our initial condition
of darkness and ignorance or mere opinion to enlightenment and knowledge.
Such an ascent, Socrates tells us, is never easy but always worthwhile. It demands of us
not only intelligence but also the courage and resolve to question our opinions, no matter how
dear to us or supposedly authoritative, to work to replace opinion with knowledge, and to think
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perhaps unconventional thoughts that differ from what those around us (and dear to us) think.
Still, while deeply demanding, Socrates suggests that philosophy is also an eminently necessary
and rewarding activity. Ignorance or merely having an opinion about vital questions, like the
nature of justice and the good life, is not, Socrates suggests, a good or satisfactory condition for
us to be in. We need not merely an opinion but knowledge about such questions to live as well
as we possibly can. Philosophy promises us such needful knowledge. Moreover, Socrates also
helps us see that philosophy and the life of the mind can also be simply pleasant and delightful in
their own right. Indeed, it might even be, as Socrates suggests in the Republic, that the
philosophic life constitutes the health and flourishing of the human soul and thus is the best way
of life for a human being.
The apparent digression of Books 5-7 having reached its conclusion, Book 8 begins
exactly where Book 4 left off, by returning to the question of the desirability of the just city and
of the corresponding state within the soul. Having already shown that justice, whether in the city
as a whole or in the individual, is the superior condition both in itself and by virtue of its
consequences, it might seem an entirely superfluousnot to mention endlesstask to
demonstrate the inferiority of every conceivable manner of injustice. While there is only one
ideal city, only one way to hit the mark of perfect justice, there must be innumerable ways of
deviating from this goal. But Socrates argues that five particular kinds of political regimes are
particularly deserving of attention; apart from the ideal city already described, which he now
identifies as aristocracy (in the sense that it is ruled by the best among its citizens), he identifies
four unjust regimestimocracy, oligarchy, democracy and tyranny.
These four types of government are chosen not simply because they resemble regimes
contemporary to Platos Athens (timocracy is compared, for example, to the regimes of Crete
and Sparta), but more importantly because they represent stages in what Socrates now identifies
as the inevitable corruption of the just city. As much as Socrates insists that the just city is
possible, he also recognizes that the seeds of its undoing are contained in the very nature of its
citizens, whose inherent imperfections will constantly threaten the unraveling of even the most
carefully constructed political order. These four unjust regimes, then symbolize distinct stages in
the degeneration of the ideal city, a hierarchically arranged taxonomy of the natural pitfalls of
political life, each one a dimmer shadow of the ideal of justice than the last.
The timocratic city arises when disunity is first introduced into the Guardian class,
replacing the harmony among its parts with strife and competition. Under such condition, the
primary form of political capital is honor (time), leading the citizens to seek after individual
accomplishments, rather than working for the good of the whole. Although this is an unjust
regime, it most closely resembles aristocracy in that at least its central and organizing value,
honor, at least entails the recognition of ones fellow citizens. But, as driven by the spirited part
of the soul, the timocratic form of government lacks the rational guidance necessary to keep the
virtuous love of honor from degenerating into a vicious form of glory-seeking.
Timocracy is followed by oligarchy, in which money takes the place of honor, and the
rich govern while the poor are excluded from political power. The gap between wealth and
poverty begins to exacerbate the divisions within the city, resulting in a situation which benefits
neither rich nor poor. The complete evaporation of everything common within the city, to the
detriment of all its citizens, however, arrives only with the democratic regime. Plato sees
democracy as the ultimate admission that not only are there none who are fit to rule, but that
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there is not even a unified conception of the good left within the city. This may well appear to be
a curious criticism of democracy, which on one level accomplishes the greatest degree of unity
and equality among its citizens of any regime; but Socrates describes the democratic state as
arising out of the violent overthrow of the oligarchic rulers, and thus as having its constitutive
impulse in a kind of resignation and an unwillingness to participate in political life. From this
refusal of politics it is but a short step to the ultimate unraveling of justice within the city,
tyranny. At its most extreme form, the freedom championed by democratic societies produces a
widespread leveling-off of all virtues, resulting in a slavish condition that makes its citizens ripe
for tyranny.
Platos Republic, Book 10
Socrates concludes the dialogue by taking up again the issue of the rewards of the just
life, culminating in the well-known Myth of Er. After arguing that the human soul is immortal,
Socrates introduces this story as an account of the rewards that await the just soul in the afterlife.
A soldier killed on the battlefield, Er makes the journey into the underworld before being revived
after twelve days and returning to tell of what he had seen in that other place. He describes the
passage of all souls to a place of judgment, from which the just are directed to the heavens and
the unjust down into the underworld. There they receive rewards and punishments appropriate to
their deeds in life, and await their reincarnation at the appointed time.
It is not entirely clear why the dialogue concludes with this story, as it seems to fit
strangely with Socrates insistence that the just life requires no extrinsic incentives. If that is the
case, then why should he undermine such a carefully constructed argument with a forbidding
reminder of the repercussions of vice? One possible answer is suggested in the conclusion of the
myth, with the detailed description of the procedure by which souls returning from the afterlife
are assigned to specific fates. The process involves a combination of chance and choice; all the
souls whose time has arrived draw lots to determine the order in which they select from among
the available lives. Before the process begins, they are advised: even the one who draws first
may likely choose poorly, and drawing last does not condemn a soul to an unsatisfying life. Luck
matters, but making a good choice matters more. In spite of all of the difficulties that attend the
pursuit of the just life, all the factors that undermine the careful and deliberate striving toward
the good, such an existence is always within reach.
Revised by Kyle Grady, Philosophy (2011)

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Aristotles Ethics
Aristotle (384-322 BCE) was Platos most famous student. The categories of thought and
the manner of expressing them that Aristotle devised became synonymous with philosophy for
many centuries after his death. Indeed, Aristotle is arguably the single most influential thinker of
antiquity, his philosophy having been adopted and adapted by philosophers and theologians of
many regions and epochs. In the voluminous medieval commentaries on the writings of
Aristotle, he was typically referred to as simply the Philosopher: nothing more had to be said.
Aristotle begins the Nicomachean Ethics (named either for his father or his son, we
believe) by exploring what the highest human good is. People call it happiness; but what do they
mean by it and why do they disagree about its ingredients?
Aristotles ethics is often described as teleological, since it concerns the final end (telos)
or goal of human life. Aristotle thus begins by exploring what the highest human good is; he
wants to know what it is that enables human beings to fully realize their nature. The short answer
is that it is happiness (eudaimoniawhich could also be translated as well-being or human
flourishing), but of course there are many different views of what happiness is. Note that
Aristotle connects it with living well and doing well (I.4); it is thus more closely related to
activity than to feeling. Also note that hes talking about the highest good for humans (and not
for gods or animals). Aristotle viewed humans as rational animals. On the one hand, we share
with animals certain basic life functions (nutrition, reproduction, sensation); on the other hand,
we are capable of thinking, or we have the capacity of logos and, most importantly, we are
capable of organizing and controlling our desires. If we are to discover what human happiness is,
we must focus on what is distinctive about human life.
In Book II, Aristotle distinguishes intellectual from moral or ethical virtue (ethike arte)
and then proceeds to explain the latter in great detail. Moral virtue is a particular kind of
excellence, a state of soul that enables us to live an excellent life. Unlike certain passions or
desires, the moral virtues are not instilled in us by nature; rather, they must be promoted by habit.
The virtues are character traits and they are acquired by doing acts or feeling in a certain way.
For Aristotle, one cannot become moral by reading a rulebook or by being exposed to some
moral theory. Like excellence in sports or music, moral excellence or virtue is developed through
practice. When such practices become habitual, they constitute a fixed disposition, a moral
character (hexis). The morally virtuous person is the one who knows the right thing to do in
various situations, and who also knows what to feel in certain situations. Moral education
certainly involves a kind of knowledge, but it is knowledge in the sense of proper judgment.
The most common answers to the question of what the good life is
The chief characteristics of happiness as the highest good
Aristotles view of the proper function of a human being
The relation between habit and moral virtue
Aristotle discusses particular moral virtues as responses to certain emotions, external
goods, and social relations. Courage concerns the proper stance toward fear and self-control (or
moderation) deals with the proper response toward pleasure, and in particular, the pleasures of
the body. Aristotle has some interesting (and controversial) observations to make about these
virtues: courage is (not surprisingly) superior to cowardice; but the person who fears nothing is
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not super-courageous but rather rash, i.e. inferior to the properly courageous one. Likewise, to
have no taste for pleasure at all is not superior; there is something strange and deficient about it.
To be unable to restrain oneself at all, to be self-indulgent is a familiar human trait, and an
inferior one.
Aristotles discussion of high-mindedness (a literal translation of megalopsychia would
be great-souledness or the more familiar magnanimity) may be difficult for us to grasp. It is
at odds with our veneration of humility as a virtue (notice humility doesnt make Aristotles
list!), and we are no doubt uneasy with considerations of self-worth and honor. Still, we retain
some connection to Aristotles perspective insofar as we identify low self-esteem as a
character problem.
What separates genuine courage from recklessness?
How we might enjoy the pleasures we have in common with animals while guarding
against reducing ourselves to the level of animals?
The way in which greatness (or ones sense of greatness) differs from mere vanity or its
opposite (low self-esteem)
In our previous readings from the Nicomachean Ethics, Aristotle has focused on the
importance of moral virtue to a happy life. In the final books of the Ethics, Aristotle proceeds to
consider other aspects essential to a happy life, one familiar (friendship) and one perhaps less
familiar (contemplation and the life of the mind). Aristotle devotes a considerable part of his
Ethics (two of its ten books) to a discussion of friendship, suggesting that friendship is essential
to a happy life and a happy man needs friends. In reflecting upon the various different types of
friendship we might enjoy and what constitutes the best or truest form of friendship, Aristotle
raises a number of practical and thought-provoking questions about friendship. What, for
example, do friends owe one another? Can we love our friends as another self, or perhaps even
more than ourselves? Or is friendship ultimately rooted in self-love? What do we do when our
obligation to a friend conflicts with another obligation, such as an obligation to our family or
political community?
Having explored the importance of moral virtue and friendship to a happy life, Aristotle
goes on (in the final book of the Ethics) to suggest that a happy life must also make room for, or
even be devoted to, the life of the mindwhat Aristotle terms the contemplative life. For if
happiness is activity in accordance with virtue, Aristotle argues it is reasonable to assume that it
would be bound up with the highest virtue, or the virtue of the best or highest part of us. Since
what is highest and best in uswhat perhaps most distinguishes us as human beings from the
other animalsis our ability to think and understand, Aristotle suggests that the happy life is the
life that most fully and completely partakes of the uniquely human, quasi-divine, deeply
satisfying and pleasant activity of contemplation. Just as friendship is necessary to a truly human
and truly happy life, so too is the life of the mind and contemplation. For as Aristotle famously
declares at the beginning of the Metaphysics, all human beings by nature desire to know. It is
simply what we do and what we must do to be as fully human and happy as possible.
The three types of friendship
The relationship between friendship and self-love
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Why intelligence is the highest and best part of us

The specific advantages and benefits of the contemplative life
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Essay: The Hellenistic World

So far this year, we have explored two different peoples: the Israelites and the Greeks.
Now we will see their histories and cultures interweave and combine to form a new
cosmopolitan world in the wake of Alexander the Greats imperial campaigns across Greece,
Egypt, and Asia Minor to the borders of India. From this amalgamation emerges the Hellenistic
or Greek-influenced world, in which Greek language and culture serve as the most commonly
shared elements even among widely diverse peoples and places. The Hellenistic era, which spans
the period from the death of Alexander in 323 BCE to the death of Queen Cleopatra VII of Egypt
in 31 BCE, is characterized by the creation of a multicultural world that is surprisingly easy to
relate to contemporary global culture.
One key element of life in the Hellenistic world was the shift from relatively small and
homogenous city-states, such as the Athenian polis, to the growth of large cosmopolitan cities
with a highly diverse citizenry, such as Alexandria, Egypt. Governing these cities was a vast
network of rulers, most of whom did not even live in the cities of their subjects. Such distance
could lead to either purposeful or unintentional cruelty, as leaders attempted to enforce the unity
of their rule through practices that sometimes were foreign or offensive to subject peoples. This
too could lead to resistance and rejection of non-native peoples, practices or even rule.
In this multicultural world, the dissemination of cultural ideas and practices was
inevitable and, typically, relatively peaceful. However, the amalgamation of diverse world views
at times led to violent confrontations. 1 Maccabees reveals a wonderful example of the initially
peaceful interaction of Greek culture in Judeathe building of a Greek gymnasium, where
people worked out in the nude like the Greeksthat eventually led to open rebellion among
some Jews because of the perception that Jews of the ruling or upper-classes had become too
Hellenized (and who even tried to remove the marks of circumcision, according to the admittedly
biased text of 1 Maccabees 1.15). However, it is important to realize that non-Greek cultures also
infiltrated Hellenic life. For example, a later biographer of Alexander specifically mentions his
willingness to adopt and adapt many non-Greek habits during his campaigns:
From this point, [Alexander] advanced into Parthia, and it was here during a
pause in the campaign that he first began to wear barbarian dress. He may have
done this from a desire to adapt himself to local habits, because he understood
that the sharing of race and of customs is a great step towards softening mens
hearts. Alternatively, this may have been an experiment which was aimed at
introducing the obeisance among the Macedonians, the first stage being to
accustom them to accepting changes in his own dress and way of life. However,
he did not go so far as to adopt the Median costume. Instead he adopted a style
which was a compromise between Persian and Median costume, more modest
than the first, and more stately than the second. At first he wore this only when he
was in the company of barbarians or with his intimate friends indoors, but later he
put it on when he was riding or giving audience in public (Plutarch Life of
Alexander 45).
Life in such large, complex and pluralistic communities could be stressful for many
individuals. The view of the world was as something out of ones personal control, managed by
unseen cosmic forces to which one was utterly beholden. Among these forces, Fate governed
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most capriciously and, thus, demanded most attention; there was an increasingly obsessive
concern with ones fortunes in life. Many also turned to newly forming religions, which were
themselves often amalgamations of native and non-native deities and religious traditions.
Mystery cults promising better lives after death gained popularity in the course of the Hellenistic
era as a means of coping with the challenge of overwhelming change.
We will explore a variety of responses to the challenge of Hellenism. Be it an everchanging Judaism, Stoicism or Epicureanism, or Christianity, you will see the effects of the
Hellenization reverberating through history for centuries to come.
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Epicureanism and Stoicism: Philosophical Reactions to Hellenism

During the Hellenistic Period two philosophical schools, the Epicureans and the Stoics,
rose to prominence and would remain influential until the fall of Rome (and even into the Middle
Ages elements of their philosophy were adopted by Christian thinkers). Both schools began in
Athens and claim Socrates as an inspiration for their philosophical way of life. In the case of
Epicureanism, the focus is on Socrates as someone who says that we all desire what is pleasing.
For Stoicism, the focus is on the self-sufficient Socrates who challenges society and calmly faces
death.
During much of the Hellenistic Period, Romans were suspicious of Greek philosophy,
even though their elites were more than happy to adopt other aspects of Greek culture and even
to employ Greek slaves in the education of their children. In 155 BCE, an Athenian embassy
traveled to Rome containing the heads of three Greek philosophical schools: Platos Academy
(which by this point was a proponent of Skepticism), the Stoics, and the Peripatetics (which was
the name given to Aristotles followers). These philosophers all gave public speeches that many
important Romans attended. Carneades (c. 214-129 BCE), the head of the Academy, especially
impressed them with his ability to argue in favor of justice on one day and then the very next day
give a speech demolishing his previous days arguments. The embassy had mixed results as it did
introduce Greek philosophy to Rome, but it also led to petitions in the Senate that philosophers
be banned from the city. In a culture that valued tradition, arguments that questioned the old
ways were frowned upon. In addition, some feared that studying philosophy would undermine
the manly virtues that Roman society valued, especially with its emphasis on duty to the state
and victory in battle.
The Roman statesman and philosopher Marcus Tullius Cicero (106-43 BCE) was
responsible for making Greek philosophy palatable to the majority of Romans. He did so by
translating Greek philosophical terms into words that were familiar to Romans and, using that
vocabulary, was able to speak to the concerns of Roman society. The seemingly impractical and
useless philosophy of the Greeks became a much more practical endeavor in Roman hands. For
example, the Greek word arte (which literally means excellence) was translated into the
Roman word virtus (which could be translated as manly power). While Greeks sought virtue in
the most excellent part of us, reasonthink of Aristotles discussion of the contemplative life
the Romans were more concerned with how philosophy could help them to develop the skills and
attitude necessary to be successful by Roman standards. For the Romans, especially after Cicero,
philosophy was a form of useful therapy. Roman philosophers did have otherworldly or nonpractical interests, but they were definitely subordinate to practical matterssuch as how to
carry out ones duties.
Epicureanism
The only major philosophical school not represented in the Athenian embassy of 155 was
Epicureanism. This is not surprising given that Epicureans tend to favor a non-political life in
order to live as tranquilly and pleasantly as possible. Epicureanism takes its name from its
founder, Epicurus (c. 341-271 BCE). The Letter to Menoeceus is one of three letters attributed to
Epicurus and preserved in Diogenes Laertius (c. 3rd Century CE) Lives of the Philosophers. In
this particular letter, Epicurus lays out his philosophy of human conduct (presumably for one of
his young disciples, Menoeceus). Epicurus taught that the point of all one's actions is to attain
pleasure (hedone), but by pleasure he does not mean a good feeling. Instead, he has in mind a
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state in which pain and disturbance are absent. In the letter, Epicurus outlines how a proper
understanding of the universe will help one to achieve this state of tranquility. The Epicurean
physics describes a world in which it makes sense to limit one's desires and to banish the fear of
the gods and of death (and as far as Epicurus was concerned, excessive desire and fear of death
and the gods were the causes of most of our mental disturbances).
Epicurus' philosophy proved to be quite popular (especially with the less educated
masses) and was well-known for centuries after his death through the works of authors such as
Lucretius (99-55 BCE), a Roman Epicurean, whose famous poem, On the Nature of Things,
concerns Epicurean physics (materialism). Lucretius materialism presents a thoroughgoing
atomism; existing things are material bodies, which are themselves formed from atoms moving
about in the void. On this basis, Lucretius mounts a general diatribe on the evils of religion and
also argues against the immortality of the soul. Traditional religion was the greatest enemy to
human happiness, he declared, in that it promoted fear rather than the quest for knowledge, and
thus prevented the achievement of the Epicurean goal of non-disturbance (ataraxia). Epicureans
like Lucretius faced the charge in the same way as Socrates, and later the Christians, of asebeia,
lack of respect for the gods. But they were not atheists; they believed that the gods were, like
humans, made of matter, so that like the gods humans should aspire to be supremely undisturbed
by cosmic events.
Note similarities and differences between what is found in the ethically oriented letter of
Epicurus and the more developed ideas of Lucretius. Also consider how Lucretius work might
reflect his Roman background.
Take note of the following in the reading:
How does Epicurus describe the gods?
Why death is nothing to us
Why pleasure is the goal of a blessed life
How to live a pleasant life
Lucretius characterization of the nature and movements of atoms
Lucretius arguments against religion
Why Lucretius posits that the soul is not immortal
How virtues are related to pleasure
The relevance of friendship
Stoicism
Stoicism is a philosophical movement with a very long history, beginning with Zeno of
Citium (334-262 BCE) near the end of the fourth century BCE and flourishing among Greeks
and Romans for over five centuries. The writings of Greek Stoics survive only in fragments, but
Stoicism proved quite popular in Rome. Undoubtedly, the Stoic emphasis on virtue above all else
resonated with the duty-oriented culture of Rome. Although he did not identify himself as a
Stoic, Cicero spoke admiringly of Stoic ideas; and the emperor Marcus Aurelius (121-180 CE)
articulated his Stoic philosophy in his Meditations.
In general, philosophy had difficulty gaining acceptance in Rome, where it was viewed as
passive and effeminate. Certainly, the Epicureans desire for a life free of disturbance (including
the troubles of politics) did not sit well with a society that valued public service. Stoicism, at
least as it was explained by Roman Stoics (and we do not know if there was any major difference
between Roman Stoicism and Greek Stoicism), was a nice fit for the Roman way of life as it
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emphasized duty over personal pleasure or benefit. The Stoics also desired a life of tranquility,
but they sought it while remaining active in the political world.
Lucius Annaeus Seneca (4 BCE-65CE) was the tutor and later chief minister of the
emperor Nero. His ascent to power brought him a large fortune, seemingly contradicting the
philosophy of selfrestraint that he continually espoused. In the treatise On Providence, Seneca
defends the Stoic belief that the world was designed by a providential, beneficent deity (or
logos). In order to support his case, Seneca has to explain the paradox that when fate causes
virtuous humans to suffer and allows evil humans to prosper, it is all for the best. In particular,
he must justify the suffering of virtuous humans at the hands of a supposedly benevolent deity.
Seneca believed that the only evil that could befall people was in their attitudes towards
misfortune: one should accept evil, as well as good, in a passionless state (apatheia). Further,
since Stoics believed that all of humanity, regardless of gender, origin, or social status, was
endowed with reason (logos), each person contained a little of the divine within. Consequently,
Stoics believed that all humans were citizens of the cosmos (cosmopolitans) and therefore
essentially equal in spirit.
Senecas Letters, composed during his years of retirement (62-65 CE), show us the
practical consequences of Stoic doctrine for individuals facing moral choices day by day. They
cover such topics as friendship, crowds, suicide, holidays, and the practical role philosophy plays
in helping us live well. Seneca declared that philosophys concern is not with words, but with
facts. In particular, it focuses on the facts that affect the good life. Seneca argues that
philosophy moulds and builds the personality, orders ones life, regulates ones conduct, shows
one what one should do and what one should leave undone, sits at the helm and keeps one on the
correct course as one is tossed about in perilous seas. Philosophy also teaches, as it did
Socrates, not only to live well, but more important to Seneca, to die well. In the difficult Letter
70 (Suicide), Seneca declares that, Fortune is powerless over one who knows how to die,
and, as you will read in a selection from the historian Tacitus, Seneca himself was confronted
with the decision to take his own life. His former pupil turned tyrant, Nero, demanded Senecas
suicide in 65 CE.
Take note of the following as you read:
What does it mean to live according to nature and what is the nature of the universe?
According to Seneca, what is the proper role of the emotions?
What role do the gods play in the Stoic view of the world?
How should one respond to adversity?
In what ways does Seneca revisit questions and themes addressed earlier by Aristotle?
Senecas evidence for the orderliness and rationality of nature
The several ways Seneca characterizes the relationship between good humans and God
Why we should retire into ourselves
What behavior is good or virtuous
The role of reason in living the good life and in dying the noble death
Do the circumstances of Senecas own death fulfill the Stoic requirements for suicide?
How is Stoicism similar to or different from Epicureanism?
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First, Second, and Fourth Maccabees: Jewish Reactions to Hellenism

Among the documents included in the Apocrypha are several books describing the
encounter between Hellenism and Judaism in the centuries just prior to the turn of the Common
Era. The events that are described in 1 Maccabees took place during the reign of the Hellenistic
ruler Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175-164 BCE; nicknamed "Epimanes" or Madman, an obvious
play on Epiphanes). Although some Jews, especially among the upper and ruling classes (1
Macc. 1:11ff.), supported Antiochus program of total Hellenization, others (like Eleazar and the
seven brothers and their mother described in 4 Maccabees) resisted to the point of death rather
than give up their ancestral faith. The most significant resistance to Hellenization, however,
would come from a movement led by a rural priest named Mattathias and his sons, who became
known collectively as the Maccabees. Their success on the battlefield against the generals of
the tyrant Antiochus is the dominant theme of 1 Maccabees. Although the family of Mattathias
had no claims to dynastic or high-priestly lineages, the Maccabees set themselves up as the first
dynasty of Jewish monarchs after the Exile (called the Hasmonean dynasty), and some even took
the title of high priest (1 Macc. 14:35). The story of their successes, especially the rededication
of the temple in 1 Macc. 4, is a part of the Jewish celebration of Hanukkah.
Although 1 Maccabees consciously imitates the historical books of the Hebrew Bible
and 4 Maccabees contains tales of heroes, both belong to those books known as the Apocrypha
that were not included in the Hebrew canon of Scripture. These books were written in Greek for
Greek-speaking Jews who lived outside of Palestine. 2 Maccabees is an abridgement of a fivevolume work covering the history of the Maccabean revolt, written by one Jason of Cyrene, a
Diaspora Jew. 1 Maccabees seems to have been intended to deflect criticism of the Hasmoneans
later adoption of Greek customs and forms of ruling (cf. the Jewish-Roman alliance in 1 Macc.
8) by highlighting their early fidelity, religious zeal, and military victories defending Judaism. 2
Maccabees imitates Greek historical writing like that of Thucydides, especially with the addition
of set speeches by the principal characters. It also demonstrates ideas that had begun to appear in
Judaism, notably resurrection, vicarious atonement, and prayer for the dead. The latter idea
especially (2 Macc. 12:41-45) has a great impact on later Western Christianitys development of
the idea of purgatory. These three books clearly illustrate the influences of Greek culture on
Judaism.
4 Maccabees, despite its title, really has nothing to do with the Maccabean revolt. Rather,
as the introduction in the NOAB (AP 362) observes, it is a classic example of the interpretation
of Judaism in terms of Greek philosophy. The author, an anonymous Jewish philosopher
obviously influenced by Greco-Roman Stoicism, employs the graphic and grisly stories of pious
Jews martyred under Antiochus IV as examples of the triumph of reason (the rational mind) over
passion and other emotions, even the natural emotion of the love of a mother for her children
(4 Macc. 15-17). 2 Maccabees and 4 Maccabees are also clearly influenced by the Stoic ideal of
the noble death as portrayed by Seneca.
Names and terms to note as you read:
1 Maccabees: Alexander the Great; Antiochus IV Epiphanes; the Ptolemaic dynasty of
Egypt; Mattathias; Judas Maccabaeus; Lysias; Gentiles
2 Maccabees: Scythopolis; the idols of Jamnia worn by fallen Jews; Pentecost (ch. 12)
4 Maccabees: Eleazar; seven sons and their mother; response of Antiochus and guards
(ch. 17; these are also portrayed in 2 Maccabees 7)
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The behavior of the sinful root and the renegades (1 Macc. 1:10-15)
Reactions of various Jews to the king's edict
Death of those who refused to fight on the Sabbath and Mattathias reaction
Speech of Mattathias (1 Macc. 2:49-68)
Judas alliance with the Romans (1 Macc. 8)
The conduct of Antiochus in comparison to his predecessor Alexander the Great
References to the way in which the obedient sacrifice of the martyrs atones for the
disobedience of others (2 Macc. 7:36-38; 4 Macc. 1:11; 17:21; 18:4)
References to a coming judgment and the resurrection of the dead (2 Macc. 7:23; 29; 3038; 2 Macc. 12:43-45)
References to the immortality of the soul, an idea not previously encountered in Jewish
belief (4 Macc. 14:5-6; 16:13; 17:12; 18:23)
Differences in the behavior of the Maccabean rebels towards observing the Sabbath in 1
Macc. 2:41 and 2 Macc.12:38 and towards the expression of piety in general
The sin offering and prayer made by Judas on behalf of the idolatrous dead (2
Maccabees 12: 40-45)
Differences in the portrayal of the martyrs and the mother of the seven in 2 Maccabees
and in 4 Maccabees
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Essay: There was a Dream that was Rome

"There was a dream that was Rome." This is the last admonition that the fictitious
character Maximus Decimus Brutius in the Academy Award-winning film Gladiator gives to his
fellow Roman citizens. It is an intriguing claim, for it arises from a question which Roman
thinkers themselves often considered, "Why Rome? To what purpose is Rome?" These were
questions natural enough to ask for citizens of the world's only superpower. The Roman state
started as a polis similar to those we encountered in classical Greece, although its organization
came several hundred years after the Greek city-states. While the Greeks were celebrating their
great victories over the Persians in the early part of the 5th century BCE, the Romans were slowly
emerging as an independent state, struggling against the control of their more powerful neighbor
to the norththe Etruscans. Yet, by the 3rd century BCE Roman armies were defeating the
successors of Alexander the Great, and at its farthest extent in the 2nd century CE Roman rule
extended from the Euphrates river in the east to the border of Scotland in the west, a distance of
about 3,000 miles. Why and how did such an expansion occur? There must be a reason, a
purpose for the greatness of Rome; in short there must be a dream or ideaRome.
The Academy Award-winning film answers these questions with historical inaccuracy,
unfortunately. Maximus calls for a return to republican government in keeping with the alleged
last wish of the emperor Marcus Aurelius, and thus the film seems to believe that the purpose of
Rome was to bring liberty and democratic government to the ruled. The problem with that
proposition is that by the time of Marcus Aurelius (2nd century CE), the days of republican
government were overand over at the wish of the Roman citizenry.
The political history of Rome can be neatly divided into three periods: monarchy,
republic, and empire. The first of these ended in the 5th or 6th century BCE. Because of the lack
of sources, the Roman kings remain shadowy figures, as much legendary as historical. The
Roman republican system, although it did grant suffrage to all Roman male citizens, was
weighted highly to the advantage of the wealthiest classes of Romans. The Republic ended in the
first century BCE with the rise of powerful leaders such as Sulla, Pompey the Great, Julius
Caesar, Marcus Antonius, and finally Gaius Octavius (Octavian), who became the first Roman
emperor and took the name Augustus. The last years of the Republic were violent times of
constant civil war and roaming gangs of political thugs in the streets of Rome itself. Nonetheless,
it is important to note that men like Caesar and Sulla only succeeded with the support of the
Roman populace, especially the Roman army. Allegiance to a specific individual who could
assist one in negotiating the hierarchy of Roman society became preferable to allegiance to an
abstract republican system where the vote of an average citizen was of little value. The imperial
government of Rome continued until 1453 CE, when the Ottoman Turks conquered the eastern
capital Constantinople. Although by that time the empire had been much reduced and long
ceased to operate in Western Europe, the Byzantine rulers viewed themselves as inheritors of a
Roman legacy going back to Constantine the Great, reputedly the first Christian emperor, who
made Constantinople his capital.
Let us return, however, to the question of the dream of Rome. There were, of course,
numerous answers given by the Romans themselves to explain the success of their state. Some
did offer reasons similar to those found in the modern film, but in a more timely fashion. When
Marcus Tullius Cicero, the great orator and one of the last proponents of the republican system,
wrote his Republic, he wrote not as Plato did about a hypothetical state but about the Roman
state, because its form of government had allowed greater success than any previous. Praise of
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the Roman system is even found in an apocryphal book of the Bible. The author of 1st Maccabees
wonders that the Romans make kings for others but "they have built for themselves a senate
chamber, and every day 320 senators constantly deliberate concerning the people, to govern
them well" (8:15). It was, moreover, not just that the Romans were well-governed themselves but
also they claimed to be just arbiters, administrators, and rulers of others. The emperor Augustus
boasts in his funerary inscription, Res Gestae Augusti, that he "preferred to preserve rather than
exterminate foreign peoples," and that he had "brought peace by land and by sea throughout the
whole empire."
The relationship between Rome and its subject nations is an interesting one, and, like that
between Hellenistic rulers and their foreign subjects, it shows movement both ways. In fact, one
might even cite adaptation as another explanation for the greatness of Rome. The relationship
between the Romans and the Greeks, whose states they subsumed by the 1st century BCE, is the
best example for consideration. The Greeks and Romans shared many cultural items because of
their geographic proximity and close association over thousands of years. In this regard, it should
be kept in mind that most of southern Italy was colonized by Greek city-states before it fell under
Roman control. It was a very complex relationship. Many aspects of Greek cultureart,
literature, philosophy, scienceflourished hundreds of years before their Roman counterparts
and heavily influenced the Roman forms. Virgil's Aeneid, for example, builds upon on the
Homeric model, and some early works of Latin literature were even written by enslaved Greeks.
Conversely, the Greek imperial form of government, which was begun by Alexander, came to its
apex in the Roman Empire. The poet Horace epitomized the relationship with this phrase,
"Captive Greece captured its savage conqueror." Thus in the Romans and Greeks we find a
political power that begrudgingly recognized the cultural debt it owed to the subjugated.
Yet, with numerous civil wars at the end of the Roman Republic and various conflicts
over succession in the imperial period, praise of Roman government eventually became difficult
to support. The historian Livy, writing under the emperor Augustus, claimed that his day had
seen the "final collapse of the whole edifice." He offered an alternate proposal for the dream of
Rome: "no country has ever been greater or purer than ours or richer in good citizens and noble
deeds." His history is full of striking characters: Romulus, who slew his twin brother for stepping
over the border of newly founded Rome without permission; Lucretia, who killed herself rather
than be considered promiscuous by a misinformed public; Scaevola, who broiled his right hand
to display to his enemy his strength of commitment. The Roman concept of virtue should provide
important evidence for our investigation of values, and one of the most important aspects of
virtue according to the Romans was piety; it too figured prominently in the dream of Rome.
We have already seen that piety can be used as an explanation for prosperity. Such an
argument was certainly made in the Hebrew Bible. The Israelite polity flourished when its
citizens were morally good, and that moral goodness was defined by the worship of YHWH. It
was natural and logical step for the Romans also to believe that the greatness of their nation was
divinely inspired and a fitting reward for their piety. In the first book of Virgil's Aeneid, Jupiter,
the king of the gods, foretells the future of the Roman people: "For these I set no limits in time or
space, and have given to them eternal empire, world without end." (Amen). And why does
Jupiter grant such prosperity to the Romans? We find one answer in the epithet of the hero of the
epicpius Aeneas. The Latin term pius encompasses a greater range of meanings than the
English pious, but among these meanings certainly can be found the concept of devotion to the
gods. The hero of the national epic of Rome is distinguished by his devotion to the gods, and this
devotion is to be rewarded with worldly success. We even see this explanation for Roman
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greatness transformed during the Christian era when thinkers such as St. Augustine argue that it
is not Jupiter who has preserved the Roman state but YHWH, for the Roman Empire was to
become a vehicle for the spread of the new church.
There were many ideas of Rome, and we have only reviewed the more serious ones. The
Romans, like any people, were complex and diverse, and although it is certainly important for a
nation with power to consider the sources and purposes of that power, we should not conceive of
the Roman people lying around on their couches constantly contemplating their political success.
Is this a common practice for inhabitants of today's only superpower? Let me close this essay
with one final idea of Rome. The poet Ovid, writing in the Augustan period but not a favorite of
the emperor, improvised on topics much lighter than the origins of Roman greatness. In his
poem, The Art of Love, he gives detailed advice on how to find lovers in Rome. Ovid rejoices in
the opportunities the city of Rome offers for love: "The heavens hold as many stars as your
Rome holds girls." Here is yet another dream of Rome.
David H. Sick, Greek and Roman Studies
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The Aeneid
The Aeneid is often called the national epic of the Romans, but the poem certainly
draws on both of the earlier Homeric Greek epics. Like the Odyssey, the first part of the Aeneid
relates the journey of a warrior from the battlefield of Troy, but Aeneas is a defeated Trojan
rather than a victorious Greek. The latter part of the Aeneid relates the story of the conquest of
Italy and its native peoples with Iliad-like battles and pursuit of vengeance. Nevertheless, be
aware that all the echoes of the Homeric texts found in the Aeneid are deliberate allusions, well
known to Roman readers, which served to further enrich this Latin epic and illuminate the
special character of its hero. Rather than returning home like Odysseus, Aeneas is searching for a
new homeland, and his success will eventually give rise to the culture of Rome. The parallels
between their journeys highlight the differences in the temperament of and challenges facing
each hero. Aeneas greatest challenge comes from the city of Carthage and its queen, Dido; this
conflict prefigures the three Punic Wars fought between Rome and Carthage between 265 and
146 BCE.
Exactly when Virgil began work on the Aeneid is uncertain, but he was unquestionably
encouraged by Augustus, the first Roman emperor. Augustus used a program of visual and
literary arts to promote his new regime, into which this epic poem about Aeneas fits well. While
Aeneas escape from Troy had a long historyand is even mentioned in the Iliadby the time
of Virgil, the story had become associated with the emperors family, the Iulii or Julian clan,
who claimed Aeneas and his divine mother Venus as ancestors. Many scholars also associate the
respect shown by Aeneas to the gods, his elders, and his country with the moral program of
Augustus, who claimed that his rule was created to restore the traditional values of Rome.
Virgil left the poem unfinished at his death on September 20, 19 BCE, just a few weeks
before his fifty-first birthday. Tradition has it, moreover, that Virgil ordered from his death bed
that the imperfect poem be burnt. Augustus refused the request and instructed that it be edited
and then published after the poets death. Modern versions of the Aeneid are dependent on two
manuscripts that date from the 4th or 5th century CE. However, always try to remember thatin
its original formthe Aeneid was a Latin poem that would have been read out loud.
As a national epic, the Aeneid is a good source from which to consider questions such as,
What does it mean to be Roman? and What qualities did the Romans respect in peoples and
individuals? Moreover, appreciate the complexity that close readings of the Aeneid can reveal.
Consider questions like Is the poem a completely uncritical celebration of Roman culture and
domination? and Is Aeneas always an ideal hero? Finally, as you reflect on all these
questions, do not forget to consider the circumstances under which Virgil was writing.
Book one sets the stage for the entire epic and opens seven years into the wanderings of
Aeneas. The famous opening of the poem has elements that recall both Homeric poems,
suggesting how Virgil will be weaving a tale of an epic warrior who will have to suffer through a
difficult journey to establish a new culture. While Virgil follows tradition by invoking the Muse,
it is an unusual invocation, particularly as it demands an explanation of why such a good and
dutiful man had to endure such suffering. Although the reasons for the goddess Junos wrath
against him are recited, the reader also witnesses Aeneas own very human struggles to lead his
people through their troubles. While Aeneas and his party are soon well received in Carthage,
Venus nevertheless schemes for the Carthaginians queen, Dido, to fall in love with Aeneas.
Aeneas tells the story of the fall of Troy and his escape to the Carthaginians assembled at
Didos banquet in book two. Appreciate how Virgil manages to craft an exciting tale of Troys
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final day that also depicts Aeneaswho loses the battle, his city, and his wifeas an admirable
warrior and hero.
In book three, Aeneas continues his narrative, recounting the many places he and his
crew visited after leaving Troy and his earlier unsuccessful attempts to establish a new homeland
for his wandering band of refugees. Aeneas also learns that he was not the only Trojan noble to
have escaped Greek enslavement; Helenus, a prophet and son of Priam, and Andromache, the
widow of Hector, established a New Troy in far northwestern Greece. Some of Aeneas
adventures around the Mediterranean directly mirror those of Odysseus in the Odyssey. This
leads the reader to compare the actions and character of the two heroes and, ultimately, begin to
see distinctions between the old Homeric ideal and the new Roman ideal, particularly in the way
that Aeneas often chooses to sacrifice his own personal desires for the greater good. The dutiful
respect that Aeneas gives to the gods, his country and his elders is embodied in the Latin word
pietas, a form of which (pius) is often used as an epithet for Aeneas.
Book four centers on the complex relationship that evolves between Aeneas and Dido,
which is unattested before Virgil. However, behind the human figures of Aeneas and Dido lies
the relationship between Rome and the nations subject to it. Virgil uses the failed relationship of
Dido and Aeneas as an etiological tale explaining the enmity between the states of Rome and
Carthage, who fought three wars during the third and second centuries BCE before the Romans
finally destroyed Carthage in 146 BCE. Didos request that from my bones may some avenger
rise up (4.728) is certainly a reference to the Carthaginian general Hannibal, who defeated the
Roman armies on numerous occasions during the Second Punic War and even brought his troops
to the gates of Rome. Thus, in Virgil, the question of fault in the failure of the relationship of
Dido and Aeneas may have larger implications with regard to the political policies of Rome.
Furthermore, Didos suicide may also have reminded Roman readers of Cleopatra, the Egyptian
queen who ensnared Mark Antony, but ultimately took her own life after being defeated by
Augustus in 31 BCE; interestingly, Augustan propaganda often characterized Cleopatra as a mad
Eastern queen who controlled the deluded Antony with her sexual charms.
In book five, Aeneas returns to Sicily and celebrates games in memory of his father.
Weary of seeking a new homeland and succumbing to the suggestions of Juno as conveyed by
Iris, the messenger of the gods, the women stage a revolt and set fire to the ships. Unable to
control the fire, Aeneas calls upon Jupiter either to save the fleet or destroy him. Jupiter sends a
storm that quenches the fire, preserving all but four ships. The ghost of his father, Anchises,
urges Aeneas to leave the tired and weary behind in Sicily under the rule of Acastes. Aeneas then
embarks for the cave of the Sibyl near Cumae, where he will receive instructions on how to visit
his father in the underworld. During the night, Sleep causes the helmsman, Palinurus, to be lost
overboard. Aeneas, sensing the ship is going off course, takes the helm and saves the fleet.
Book six contains the story of Aeneas encounter with the Sibyl and trip to the
underworld, which places him in a select group of heroes, including Gilgamesh and Odysseus,
who have been able to journey to the land of the dead (or immortals) as living human beings and
return safely. However, Virgils conception of the underworld and afterlife is far more evolved
than the version we find in Homeric epic. As Platos ideas about the afterlife exerted a strong
influence on the Roman ideas of what happens to the soul after death, Virgils depiction of the
underworld will exert a strong influence on later Christians, particularly Dante. For Aeneas, the
vision Anchises gives him in the underworld of Romes future strengthens his purpose. Anchises
also makes an interesting statement regarding the importance and uniqueness of Roman culture,
suggesting that while other more ancient cultures (like the Greeks) might excel at the visual arts,
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rhetoric, and theoretical sciences, Your mission, Roman, is to rule the world. These will be your
arts: to establish peace, to spare the humbled, and to conquer the proud (6.1016-8).
If the Aeneid were to end in book six with the review of Roman heroes and the
glorification of Augustus, who will establish again a Golden Age in the fields of Latium
(6.941-2), the political and moral supremacy of Rome might seem difficult to dispute. However,
there are another six books of conflict as Aeneas fights to establish his own city in Italy. Nor do
the aboriginal inhabitants of Italy appear to be degenerate, unhappy, or even seeking new
leadership. Latinus, King of Latium, is cited as ruling during a time of long-lasting peace (7.5455), and it is only when the Trojans reach Italy that the Latins turn their plowshares into swords
(7.762). To what degree could this situation be interpreted as an allegory for Roman conquests
around the Mediterranean? One fact to keep in mind when considering these questions is that
Virgil was faced with two traditions concerning the founding of Rome. He had to reconcile a
native tradition, which centered on indigenous characters such as Romulus, with a seemingly
incompatible tradition that held that Roman forebears were actually resettled members of the
more distinguished ancient Greek culture.
By book seven, although most of Aeneas maritime wanderings have ended, establishing
a new life in Latium nevertheless proves difficult because of the opposition of both Juno and the
local Latin leaders. Various suitors seek the hand of Lavinia, the daughter of King Latinus, who
offers Lavinia to Aeneas in marriage because the Trojan appears to represent the fulfillment of
an oracle given by the god Faunus. This decision angers Lavinias mother, Amata, who had
hoped that Turnus, King of the Rutulians, would become her son-in-law. Juno manages to goad
the Latins, led by Turnus, into an armed conflict with the Trojans.
Book eight contains the story of Aeneas efforts to enlist the support of King Evander in
his war against the Latins. Although too old to help Aeneas himself, Evander sends his son Pallas
with Aeneas to seek support from the Etruscans. Meanwhile, the goddess Venus has Vulcan (her
husband and god of the forge) create new armor for Aeneas, which evokes the construction of
divine armor for Achilles in the Iliad, but the scenes depicted on Aeneas armor illustrate the
future greatness and heroes of Rome.
While Aeneas is on his mission to King Evander, the Rutulians attack the Trojan camp,
and Aeneas son must head the Trojan army. Book nine graphically recounts the battle, which
ends with the last-second escape of Turnus from Trojan hands.
In book ten, Jupiter announces his own neutrality in the battle and urges the other gods to
let the human armies fight it out alone, but divine interventions will continue. Aeneas returns
with alliesto battle against the Rutulians. Pallas is killed by Turnus, who takes Pallas belt as a
prize. While a frenzied Aeneas seeks revenge, Juno rescues an endangered Turnus.
Book eleven begins with Aeneas dedicating his spoils of battle to Mars, god of war, and
grieving over Pallas body, which he has wrapped in the cloak Dido wove for him in book four.
Evander, after learning of his sons death, demands the death of Turnus in vengeance.
Meanwhile, when the Latin council learns of Diomedes rejection of their embassy, a debate over
the proper course of action breaks out until it is abruptly ended by a Trojan attack.
Book twelve begins with Turnus offering to face Aeneas in single combat, but Juno
arranges for Juturna to destroy the armies truce. The siege of Latinus capital and the suicide of
Amata motivate Turnus to insist on a final duel with Aeneas, which echoes the battle of Hector
and Achilles in the Iliad. Juno and Jupiter come to an agreement, and then Turnus meets his fate.
It would have been relatively easy for Virgil to give his epic a more upbeat ending. It
could have ended with a great celebration, such as the wedding of Aeneas and Lavinia,
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symbolizing the melding of the Trojan and Latin peoples and the future greatness of Roman
culture (and, perhaps, Augustus too). So, what message might the poet be conveying to his
audience by giving such a dark origin to the Roman state? The unfinished form of the poem is
often mentioned in answer to that question. We, of course, cannot be certain whether Virgil
intended another scene. However, the incomplete lines scattered throughout the work suggest
that Virgil did not write the poem according to the sequence of the plot. Furthermore, Turnus
could have been dispatched immediately by a mortal wound and still met the needs of the plot.
Of course, some dispute that the last scenes are pessimistic, interpreting the death of Turnus as
justice served and evil conquered. Even the native mythological tradition of the founding of the
city of Rome by Romulus and Remus involved the death of one brother by the hand of the other.
How do such Roman origin myths compare to modern ones, and what do they say about the
cultures that create them?
Characters: Aeneas, Juno, Jupiter, Venus, Dido, Laocon, Sinon, Priam, Pyrrhus,
Cresa, Ascanius (Ilus), Anchises, Celaeno, Helenus, Andromache, Scylla, Polyphemus,
Anna, Sychaeus, Sibyl, Palinurus, Augustus, Latinus, Amata, Lavinia, Turnus, Evander,
Pallas, Drances, Diomedes, Camilla, Juturna
Places: Troy, Carthage, Charybdis, Sicily, Italy/Hesperia/Ausonia, Cumae, Tiber,
Latium, Alba Longa, Pallanteum. Dis
Things: gates of horn and ivory, olive tree of Faunus, Aeneas shield, Pallas belt
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Essay: The Emergence of Christianity in Historical and Cultural Context

The religion that became known as Christianity, or the religion that confessed Jesus of
Nazareth to be the messiah (anointed one; Greek: Christos), a type of savior-hero, emerged
from the complex matrix of religions constituting the Greco-Roman world. The religion of the
Christ represented a confluence of two main streams with many tributaries: (1) the formative
Judaism of Galilee and Judea, the Jewish homeland, and the Diaspora, and (2) the religions of
salvation of the Gentile Mediterranean and Middle East. Jesus and his immediate followers were
almost all Jews, but Jews of various sects, including adherents of John the Baptist and his torrid
proclamation of the impending judgment of God on a generation of serpents, Torah-observant
Pharisees of the kind reflected in Matthews gospel, Hellenized Jews of a philosophical bent like
those portrayed in the Gospel of John, and, in the multi-cultural mix of first-century Galilee,
even non-Jews.
The Judaism of Jesus and his contemporaries, however various, bore the unmistakable
stamp of occupied territory. Although the Greek occupying forces had been driven out of
Palestine and a native dynasty, the Hasmoneans (descendants of the Maccabees), had been
established ca. 142 BCE, their reign was relatively short-lived, ending in 63 BCE with the
Roman general Pompeys occupation of Jerusalem. At various times during the first century CE,
Palestine was governed by native rulers who were clients or dependents of Rome. Even prior
to the Roman occupation, however, at least one Jewish sectperhaps that of the Esseneswas
adamantly opposed to what it believed was an illegitimate monarchy and an illegitimate
priesthood in the Temple. The Essenes may have been the group that at one point established a
community of the faithful near the Dead Sea, studying Scripture and preparing through a life of
strict holiness for the re-institution of the righteous reign of God.
The Jewish historian Josephus, a contemporary of Jesus and Paul, mentions the Essenes
as only one of four philosophies or sects of first-century Judaism, however. The Sadducees
(Zadokim), or Temple priesthood, on the other hand, believed that the true worship of God was
historically and permanently centered in the Temple at Jerusalem. They acknowledged no belief
that was not contained in the written Torah, and their focus was on the pure and disciplined
observance of the Temple service. The Pharisees, or Separatists (Prushim), ancestors of rabbinic
Judaism, believed that God had intended all of Israel to be a kingdom of priests and a holy
nation, and dedicated themselves as laypeople to the study, interpretation, and faithful
observance of Gods laws in every particular of everyday life, preparing for the re-establishment
of his righteous rule, the kingdom of God. Finally, a group some claim to have identified as a
radical wing of the Pharisees, the Zealots, had so dedicated themselves to Gods service that
their zeal in Gods defense led to acts of terrorism against the occupying forces of the evil
empire of Rome and more particularly those Jews who supported it. Most of these groups
except perhaps for the Sadducees, who believed it was Gods will for them to maintain constant
and true worship in the Temple even at the price of appearing to collaborate with Rome and the
scorn of some of their fellow Jewsopposed in various ways the dominion of Gentile forces
over the holy city and holy land. Except for the Sadducees of Jerusalem, most probably shared
some version of an apocalyptic eschatological viewpoint, believing that the day was imminent
when God or his anointed agent would intervene decisively in history to end the illegitimate
domination of the kingdoms of this world and usher in a rule of righteousness, justice, and
peace. For some, this rule could already be experienced through various forms of counter-
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cultural or anti-social behavior. Under the rule of God, they believed, the unrighteous and unjust
would no longer prosper, while the suffering and even the dead faithful would live forever.
In addition to political occupation and the often brutal suppression of opposition, many of
the people of Judea were economically depressed. Most, especially in the rural areas, were like
other Roman provincials, burdened by taxes. The Roman government farmed out the
collection of taxes to business people who paid handsomely for the privilege and recouped their
investment by charging up to five times the revenue they were responsible for collecting. Jesus
parables are filled with references to unjust stewards, wealthy tax collectors, and other unjust
and corrupt officials. It is no wonder that the most politically explosive time of the entire Jewish
year was the pilgrim festival of Passover, the spring festival celebrating the Exodus, the
delivery of the Jews from foreign oppression, a period that required the Roman procurator to
come from his seaside headquarters in Caesarea Maritima to keep the peace in Jerusalem. It was
during this period that Jesus was arrested in Jerusalem and executed for rebellion by the Roman
procurator, Pontius Pilatus.
Although demoralized by Jesus execution, his followers came to believe that, like the
Maccabean martyrs of old, Jesus had received the reward of the righteous and been raised from
the dead. Gradually, these apostles or missionaries preached that the reign of God had already
begun with his messiah, who they believed had been Jesus of Nazareth, and that it would be
fulfilled when Jesus returned from heaven. Their message met both acceptance and opposition
from their fellow Jews. The history of Judaism and Christianity might have been entirely
different had it not been for the catastrophic events in 66-70 CE. After a series of religiously
insensitive and politically repressive Roman governors, the Zealots led a revolt against Rome,
gaining the sympathy of many, but not of such notable exceptions as the Sadducees. Some may
have believed that this was the final battle in the war between the children of light and darkness
and their allies. Some believed that at this point messiah would come; indeed, some of Jesus
followers probably believed that he would return with the clouds of heaven, but all of these
hopes were disappointed. While initially successful, the revolt was defeated by the Roman
troops, who surrounded Jerusalem, destroyed the Second Temple, slaughtered their opposition,
and carried many into slavery. The defenders of the last stronghold of opposition, the fortress of
Masada, according to Josephus romantic report, committed mass suicide rather than surrender to
Rome. Among the Jews of Judea, only the sects of the Phariseesand the nascent Christian
communitysurvived through various stratagems to carry on their faith, albeit in increasingly
divergent ways.
But prior to the destruction of Jerusalem, missionaries like the Diaspora Jew Paul of
Tarsus and other Greek-speaking apostles carried the message of Jesus life and death to the
urban centers of the Gentile world. As Milton P. Brown has observed, It was no small feat to
translate the gospel of a crucified messiah (a title which would have mystified most Gentiles)
into the idiom of Hellenistic men and women. This feat, the difficulty of which is illustrated in
many of Pauls letters, especially 1 Corinthians, was achieved, largely through representing Jesus
by means of the Hellenistic models of the divine man, the revealer of secret wisdom, or the
dying and rising savior of a mystery religion. In the New Testament gospels, we can see these
various oral traditions being stitched together to create presentations of Jesus for second- and
third-generation Christians. By the beginning of the second century CE, Christianity had begun
to be a religion separate from Judaism and largely dominated by the religious sensibilities of
former pagans. This status created antagonism and opposition, both from formative Judaism,
which was forging its own Torah-centered path, and from the Roman government, which no
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longer could be counted on to provide toleration of Christians under the umbrella of Judaism, a
recognized religion. From the second century onward, the voice of the leaders and influential
writers of the churches became increasingly one that was influenced by the Gentile GrecoRoman world and in its own turn repressive of dissent.
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Essay: Paul of Tarsus, Apostle to the Gentiles

The person who had the most impact on the development of Christianity from the close
of the first century CE onward was raised as a zealous Pharisaic Jew who also, like the author of
4 Maccabees, was a Greek-speaking member of the urban Roman world. This was Paul of
Tarsus, who has been called a religious genius (Samuel Sandmel), the second founder of
Christianity (John Noss), and even the inventor of Christianity as a new religion separate from
Judaism (Hyam Maccoby). Of the twenty-seven books of the New Testament, fourteen have
been attributed to Paul. Of these, it is universally acknowledged that he did not write one
(Hebrews); that he probably wrote at least seven, including 1 Corinthians, Romans, Galatians,
and Philippians; that three others (2 Thessalonians, Ephesians and Colossians) are in part his
although extensively edited by his disciples; and that the three remaining letters, known as the
Pastoral letters because they are addressed to heads of churches (1, 2 Timothy and Titus) were
most probably inspired by Paul but written in his name and claiming his authority in the
orthodox battle against gnosticism and asceticism in the mid-second century. (In this context,
compare the portrayal of Paul in the Acts of Paul and Thecla to that in 1 Timothy). Ironically, the
later Christian perception of Paul has been largely derived, not from his own letters, which are
quite reticent about his own life (Phil. 1-2, Gal. 1-1, and 1 Cor. 15:5-8 are exceptions) but from
Lukes idealized portrait in the book of Acts, which includes Pauls spectacular conversion on
the Damascus Road, his other name Saul, and his Roman citizenship.
Without the unmistakable imprint Paul made on formative Christianity, Christianity as a
distinct religion might have remained an essentially Galilean Jewish revival movement and not
become a Hellenistic religion of salvation centered in the urban centers of a pagan world in
which many of the teachings of Jesus had no analogue. It is all the more noteworthy, then, that
Paul never envisioned a Christianity as separate from Judaism and in fact never even had a
word for Christians or Christianity. He refers in his letters to those who accepted Jesus as the
crucified and risen messiah, whether originally Jew or Gentile, as saints, brothers and sisters,
those in the Lord, and the church of God. Throughout his life Paul appears to have believed
that a revelation he had received showed him a type of Judaism that was to be offered to Jews
and non-Jews alike as a religion of universal salvation through union with a dying and rising
messiah, under the rule of an eternal and universal God. None of these ideas were new, but Paul
increasingly brought them to a new audience: the pagan world, or the Gentiles. Pauls influence
on emerging Christianity is all the more surprising since, by his own admission, he was an active
persecutor of the church of God, and his understanding of the meaning of Jesus, whom he had
never met, derived from a private, prophetic revelation and at times ran directly counter to that of
those disciples, such as Peter and James, who had known Jesus according to the flesh (see Gal.
2:1-14).
As a Pharisaic Jew, Paul was accustomed to thinking of persons in two groups, those who
observed the Law (Pharisees being the most observant among these) and those who did not
(including, in his words, Gentile sinners). Thus the Law or Torah and its meaning for the
people of God were and remained very important in Pauls thinking. Paul the Hellenized Jew
also thought, spoke, and wrote in Greek and was conversant with the mystery religions and
certain popular philosophies of the Greco-Roman, world like Stoicism. As a Christian
missionary, Pauls greatest successes seem to have been amongst non-Jewish Gentiles, although
certainly some of his congregations contained Jews or Gentiles who were conversant with
Judaism but could not accept circumcision as a necessary condition of their initiation into it. (See
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the Gospel according to Matthew for an opposing view.) Paul traveled around the urban centers
of the Greco-Roman world and usually supported himself through his profession of tent-making
or leather-working. Thus, like many members of his congregations, he belonged to the artisan
class, a group that was not enslaved or even on the bottom rung of the upper-classes. That this
solidarity with the have-nots through working with his hands may have been his own choice is
often a point of contention with the congregation in Corinth (see 1 Cor. 9, for example). The
leading members of the congregation in Corinth would have expected to support Paul in the
Roman fashion of a patron-client relationship.
A word about these congregations or ekklesiai. They were not churches as we know
them today, the word ekklesia more properly being translated assembly. They were groups
composed of members of various social classes, meeting weekly in some socially prominent
patrons house or in rooms above a shop or even in a rented hall. In these groups, modeled either
upon the synagogues of Judaism or upon the voluntary associations and mystery religions of the
Greco-Roman world, the lines of authority were not as strictly drawn as they were in society at
large. These congregations understanding of the new religion as Paul taught it was often
incomplete or shaky, and we know from Pauls own letters (1 Corinthians being a prime
example) that there were divisions and partisan quarrels over the apostles authority and over
different aspects of his teaching or gospel. Pauls letters, therefore, are not to be taken, as they
later were, as statements of a developed theology or doctrine, but as occasional and
contextual letters, written for specific occasions and addressing specific problems within a
particular congregation. That is why, for example, his advice to the congregation in Corinth will
not be the same as his advice to that in Galatia, Rome or Philippi, and in fact will often appear
contradictory or inconsistent, sometimes in the same letter (cf. 1 Cor. 11:3-16 and 14:33-35, for
example). We have no direct response to Pauls letters on the part of his congregations, although
sometimes we can read between the lines to discover the points in contention or who his
opponents were. The letters can be dated with some degree of certainty to Pauls activity in the
middle of the first century, with his first letter, 1 Thessalonians, being written about 49 or 50 CE
and his last letter, perhaps, though not indisputably Romans, about 58-60. The correspondence
with Corinth was most likely written in the middle or late 50s.
According to church tradition, Paul died in Rome about 64 CE, possibly at the same time
as Peter, and possibly in connection with the execution of Christians instigated by the emperor
Nero after the Great Fire, although nothing in the canon of the New Testament tells us of his
death and it of course escaped mention by non-Christian chroniclers. Pauls authority was always
tenuous in his own time, as is evident from the very first chapter of 1 Corinthians. It is only after
his death and the collection of his letters made by some of his followers around the middle of the
second century that attempts at an authoritative Pauline voice (one that the historical Paul may
not have recognized!) emerge. Nevertheless, in the letter you will be reading, you will discover a
different voice, that of a passionate, articulate, frequently cantankerous, but adamant and
distinct personality, one more immediate and perhaps more contemporary than the Saint Paul
of legend and doctrine.
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Paul in Corinth
Some readers of Pauls letters have emphasized Paul's theological concepts without
considering how Pauls theology might play out in "real life"; however, all of Paul's letters dealt
with particular situations faced by his churches. 1 Corinthians reveals Paul struggling with the
practical issues early Christian communities would face, especially those who had little or no
previous acquaintance with Judaism. In this letter, Paul responds to two different messages. In
Chapters 1-6, he responds to rumors of trouble reported by a woman named Chloe, apparently a
co-worker of Paul and member of the congregation (1:11). The church is suffering over several
divisive issues, perhaps based on its understanding of Christianity as a mystery religion,
including a borderline case of incest (Ch. 5), church members taking each other to court (6:1-11),
and men in the congregation who continue to patronize prostitutes (6:12-20). In Chapters 7-15,
he responds to a letter from the people of the congregation themselves, who express concern over
social issues like sex, marriage to pagan spouses, divorce and slavery (Ch. 7), whether to eat
food that had been offered to pagan deities, gender roles in worship (11:2-16; 14:33-36), spiritual
manifestations and status (14), and doubts concerning the resurrection (Ch. 15). Paul manages to
respond to each of these issues according to his gospel, his particular understanding of the
power of God for salvation through the sacrificial death of Jesus the messiah. He also urges the
Corinthians to remember that they are all parts of one body, that of Christ (Ch. 12), and that
they should be bound together in that body by charitable love (agape) for others (Ch. 13), for
otherwise all piety and spirituality are ultimately useless.
Any differences or similarities in how Christians should relate to one another and how
they should relate to those outside the church
Pauls advice regarding a man living with his fathers wife in Chapter 5
Pauls advice on lawsuits and the patronage of prostitutes in Chapter 6
Pauls teaching concerning marriage, sex, and slavery in Chapter 7
Pauls advice for resolving tensions connected to the question of eating meat that has
been sacrificed to idols (Chs. 8-10)
Pauls advice regarding (married) women and their authority in the church (11:2-16;
14:33-35)
The body metaphor in Chapter 12
Misunderstandings of the resurrection in Chapter 15
Persons: Chloe and her people; Apollos, Cephas, Timothy, Aquila and Prisca and the
church in their house; first Adam/last Adam
Things: Wisdom, paschal lamb, fornication, tongues of mortals and of angels,
resurrection
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Pauls Letter to the Romans

Pauls letter to the congregation in Rome, written towards the end of his apostolic career,
has been regarded as his signature letter or his manifesto. Its position as the first letter in the
New Testament attests to its early and enduring significance for the Christian church. Because
Paul himself was not the first Christian missionary to reach Rome, he is careful in this letter to
present his gospel message of Jesus death and resurrection as the power of God for salvation
to everyone who has faith, whether Jew or Gentile (Rom 1:16). He emphasizes the fact that God
has intended from the very beginning to reconcile all humanity to himself, but that Gentiles have
erred through idolatry and sexual immorality, and Jews have erred through being unable to fulfill
Gods law (Rom 1-4), therefore necessitating Christs atoning sacrifice. In Pauls view, this
making right or justification is available to all who believe, regardless of their previous
religious or philosophical persuasion. For Paul, Gods reconciliation of the world in Christ
means just that, and there will eventually no longer be differences between Israel and the
Gentiles (Rom 9-11). Therefore, as he insists in Romans 12, all believers in Christ are members
of the body of Christ and should live in harmony with each other. This desire for a harmonious
way of life extends even to living under the Roman government, which some Christians regarded
as the enemy, but which Paul regarded as being under the control of God, who has dominion
over all things (Rom 13).
The relative roles of non-Jew (Greek) and Jew before a God who shows no partiality
in Rom 1:18-4:25
The role of Abraham in Chapter 4 for both Jews and Greeks (non-Jews)
The two role models for humanityAdam and Christin Chapter 5
Pauls attitude towards the Law (of Moses) in Chapter 7
Pauls attempts at understanding Gods plan for Jews and Gentiles as part of the people
of God in Romans 9-11
Pauls view of the state and the attitude of the Christian towards earthly rulers in Rom
13:1-7
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Acts of Paul and Thecla and the Pastoral Epistles

The Acts of Paul and Thecla represents a strong alternative tradition in the early Christian
church to the ideas that are represented in 1 Timothy, one that is more of a popular or
peoples tradition than the orthodoxy demonstrated by literate elite bishops. There are many
so-called apocryphal Acts that were written between the second and fourth centuries that acted as
Christian adventure-tales, romances, and epics. The popularity of this particular tale is attested
by the fact that it is found in several different versions and translations, including a separate Acts
of Paul, including his martyrdom, a separate Acts of Thecla, which may originally have been at
least two independent stories, and a Life and Miracles of Saint Thecla. Scholars date the written
versions of the story to about 160-190 CE. The version that you have here is a translation of the
frequently occurring story of Pauls preaching in Iconium, Theclas conversion to a Christianity
of a severely ascetic variety, and Theclas subsequent trials as she herself becomes an apostle
and later a miracle-worker.
While the Western writer Tertullian rejected the story of Paul and Thecla as a forgery and
condemned its use by Christian women to justify their claims to clerical authority, the eastern
Christian writer Methodius employed the figure of Thecla as a substitute Socrates, the leader of a
Christianized version of Platos Symposium called The Banquet of the Ten Virgins. By the fifth
century, Theclas tomb in Seleucia was a destination for pilgrimage, the alleged site of miracles
(some of which are related here), and the center of a monastic order of virgins led by a
deaconess. Thecla is still venerated as apostle and proto-martyr in the Eastern Orthodox
churches.
As part of the Pastoral Epistles, 1 Timothy is now considered a second-century letter
that was written after the death of Paul by a conservative disciple. The apparent conflict over
leadership roles for women in 1 Timothy in comparison with the Acts of Paul and Thecla
represents a significant debate in the second century. The readings for today represent a battle
over Paul that was raging in the second to fourth centuries in Christianity: Did he support
freedom from the restrictions of marriage and society, as implied in 1 Cor. 7, or did he promote
the maintenance of social stability and gender hierarchy, as implied in 1 Cor. 14:33-35 and 1
Timothy? Ultimately, the latter, orthodox view, represented by the Pastoral Epistles (1 & 2
Timothy, and Titus) helped to integrate Christianity into Roman society and so this conservative
view prevailed.
Persons: Onesiphorus, Demas, Hermogenes, Thecla, Theoclia, Thamyris, Alexander
Places: Iconium, Antioch, Seleucia, Ephesus
Pauls Beatitudes and their similarity or difference from Jesus Beatitudes in Matt. 5
Attitudes towards society, marriage, and those in authority displayed by the Christians
involved; attitudes towards Paul and Thecla by the rest of society
Theclas relationship with her mother in Chapter II and Chapter X
The emphasis on celibacy (encratism); why some choose it and others object to it
The prominence of the office of bishop in 1 Timothy
The instructions for women, widows, slaves, and church leaders in 1 Timothy
The way that Christians should represent themselves to outsiders
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Essay: What Is a Gospel?

For several years after the end of Jesus life, traditions about him, including his sayings
and teachings, circulated orally. In fact, it was believed even through the second century that
such oral or living traditions were preferable to written ones, which could be falsified in the
interests of competing groups of Christians. We find Paul making reference to a gospel in 1
Cor. 15:3-8, the things of first importance that he received and handed on, and again in Rom.
1:16-17 to a gospel of which he is not ashamed. In these instances, Paul is clearly referring
to a message about the meaning of Jesus as the Christ, rather than to events in his life or to a
written document. This good message or euangelion (gospel) is one part of the earliest
Christian preaching undertaken by the apostles and other missionaries in the second half of the
first century.
Probably the first written gospels took the shape of collections of Jesus sayings or
parables, collections of miracle stories, or the story of his suffering and resurrection. These were
written down for various reasons, for purposes of settling conflicts over what Jesus really said
or did or what he intended, or to focus on an aspect of his life or teaching that was meaningful
for a particular Christian group. The gospels as we know them from the New Testament canon,
containing the words and deeds of Jesus in the framework of his life, form a composite of genres,
including sayings, miracle stories, controversy stories, parables, passion narratives, birth
narratives, and revelation dialogues. Like other divine men of the Hellenistic period, Jesus was
the focus of a long standing oral tradition, pagan and Jewish, that celebrated wise sayings,
fidelity to God, and wonder working in the same ideal person. Many gospels portray Jesus as a
channel through which the power of God, activated by prayer, can heal, exorcise, and reverse
nature, even at a distance. Similar miracle stories are even about Jesus followers (in the
canonical Book of Acts, for example, and many apocryphal Acts, such as the Acts of Paul and
Thecla). The noncanonical Coptic Gospel of Thomas is an example of a collection of sayings of
Jesus that represent a form of Christianity known as Gnosticism, and have many parallels in the
canonical gospels. Largely because of intra-Christian controversies, these gospels were not
included in the canon of the New Testament, which was still in flux by the time Christianity was
recognized by Constantine.
The first canonical gospel, Mark, was not written until the crisis surrounding the siege
and destruction of Jerusalem during the First Jewish War in 68-70, and itself appears to be
composed of various pieces of existing oral and possibly written tradition. Matthew and Luke
most probably used Mark for the outline of their gospels, written most likely sometime in the
80s, but also draw on a common sayings source, known as Q (for Quelle, German for
source), and different birth narratives (Marks Gospel does not contain a birth narrative or a
postresurrection appearance of Jesus). That is why the first three gospels are known as
Synoptic or seeing together. John, the last written, and recognized since the early third
century as a spiritual gospel, uses a framework of the life of Jesus similar to that of the
Synoptics, but includes no temptation story, no infancy stories, and has mostly different miracles
(including a cycle of seven miraculous signs), substituting long dialogues known as
revelation discourses for the Synoptic parables (Jn. 3 and 4, for example). Although we know
of the existence of several gospels that appeared during the first four centuries of the Christian
church, only these four were eventually included in the New Testament canon, the Scripture
declared authoritative by orthodox church authorities by the end of the fourth century CE. Other
gospels, however, including the Coptic Gospel of Thomas, continued to be held sacred by a
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number of early Christian communities, as did the harmony of all four gospels composed by the
Christian writer Tatian. The writings of the orthodox bishop Irenaeus, Against Heresies, reflect
the conflict between different Christian groups over what gospels should be counted as Scripture
that surfaced as early as the second century. Nevertheless, the New Testament canon cannot be
regarded as fixed until the fourth century or even later, and some Christian groups continued to
use gospels different from the holy four.
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The Gospel According to Mark

Marks account is the shortest and most direct of the canonical (i.e., recognized by the
Church as authoritative) gospels. The author, as was the case with all the evangelists (gospel
writers), did not intend to write a scholarly or scientific biography of Jesus, but rather wanted to
persuade the reader to accept the claim of the early Church that Jesus was the Christ [messiah],
the Son of God (Mark 1:1). He does this by relating stories about Jesus activities and teachings,
most of which were set in the northern territory of Galilee and its environs. Chapters 1-8
concentrate upon the miracles that prove Jesus is the messiah, but he is largely misunderstood
as such until the end of Chapter 8 (8:29), and still not fully understood as such until the very
moment of his death (15:39). Mark 8:27-31 can be regarded as the pivot point of the gospel, as
it is the first time that a disciple sees Jesus as the messiah.
The writer puts great emphasis on the events of the last week of Jesus life, which was
spent in Judea and Jerusalem (Chapters 10-16). It has been said that Mark is a passion narrative
with an extended introduction, meaning that the gospel consistently looks forward to the
suffering and death of Jesus the messiah. It may have been written near the end of the First
Jewish War (ca. 68-70), when Jerusalem was destroyed by the Roman 10th Legion under the
command of the future emperor Titus.
Persons: John the Baptist, Simon (Peter), Andrew, James and John (sons of Zebedee),
Levi, Pharisees, Sadducees, Herod Antipas, Herodias, Judas Iscariot, Mary Magdalene,
Pontius Pilate, Salome
Places: Nazareth, Galilee, Capernaum, Decapolis, Jordan, Judea, Jerusalem
The number of times (especially in Chapters 1-8) that Jesus performs a miracle but
commands silence about it
The controversies between Jesus and other religious leaders like the Pharisees and
Sadducees, and the nature of these controversies
The role of John the baptizer
The role of demons
References to the Son of Man
The Parable chapter (Chapter 4)
Jesus preaching in his hometown synagogue and its result (6:1-6)
The two feeding miracles (6:30-44; 8:1-10)
The Passion predictions in 8:27-33; 9:30-32; 10:32-45
The anointing by the unknown woman (14:3-9)
The variant endings, including the probable original ending (16:8)
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The Gospel According to Matthew

Composed a generation later than the first canonical gospel, Mark (ca. 85-100 CE), and
about the same time as the Gospel According to Luke, Matthew depends on Mark for its basic
structure and much of its content. Along with the stories drawn from Mark, Matthew also
includes much additional material, including the birth narrative (Chapters 1-2). Some of these
non-Markan materials, especially the sayings, are also to be found in near-identical wording but
in different contexts in Luke, indicating a source of Jesus sayings that was known and used by
both Matthew and Luke but not by Mark. This common source, no longer extant separately, was
most probably a gospel composed entirely of Jesus' collected sayings and is referred to as Q
(for the German Quelle, Source).
What Matthew does with these sayings, from Mark, Q, and his own source, is to collect
them into five blocks of teaching material or sermons by Jesus, beginning in Chapters 5-7 with
Jesus teaching on top of a mountain. (The other sermons are 9:35-10:42; 13; 18; 23.) This
mountain-top location and the collecting of separate sayings into a sermon is unique to
Matthews gospel, indicating a concern of the Torah-observant Matthew that Jesus, like Moses,
delivers the instruction from God to his people. Jesus Torah in a sense fulfills and interprets the
Five Books of the Torah (See Mt. 5:17, for example).
Other stories in Matthew that are not found in either Mark or Luke (the birth narrative,
for instance) indicate a source used only by Matthew. A central concern of the author of this
gospel is to demonstrate that the followers of Jesus are included in Israels special relationship
with God. He does this (1) by attempting to show how the events of Jesus life and his teachings
constitute the fulfilling of passages in the law and the prophets, and (2) by characterizing the
teachings of Jesus as the completing or perfecting of the teachings of Moses. Since the first
mention of this gospel, around the middle of the second century, commentators have noted that
the writer of Matthew was firmly located within Judaism, so much so that it was long assumed
the original Matthew was in Hebrew. It is clear that Matthew takes the Law and the Prophets
very seriously, so seriously that in Matthew Jesus says that he is sent only to the lost sheep of
the house of Israel (Mt. 15:24) and is reluctant to conduct a ministry to non-Jews unless they are
willing to observe the whole of the Law. In this attitude, Matthew differs strongly from Paul.
Matthew presents Jesus use of parables, some of them unique to Matthew, to teach what Gods
righteous rule (the kingdom of heaven) will be like (e.g., 13) and how to be ready for it
through living righteously (18, 20-22). Jesus expects that those who accept the teaching
(=Torah) will aim to be perfect (19:21-22), even if it means giving up possessions, family, or
other attachments.
It is all the more regrettable, then, that Matthews Gospel has been used, even up to the
present day, to blame the Jews as a whole for the death of Jesus, based upon Mt. 27:25.
Throughout the gospel, unless one reads it without the blinders of later interpretation, one may
get the impression that Matthew is anti-Jewish: in fact, Matthew is one of the most strongly
Jewish of the gospels. The controversies between Jesus and his opponents, which come to a head
in the latter part of the gospel (Sadducees in 22:23-33; Pharisees in 23), are controversies
between groups that all consider themselves to be Jews, Gods faithful Israel. When asked which
is the greatest commandment, Jesus replies, like Rabbi Akiba of the 2nd Jewish War, that the
greatest is summarized by the Shema (Deut. 6:5) and, like Rabbi Hillel in the previous
generation, that the second commandment is to love ones neighbor as oneself (Lev. 19:18): On
these two commandments hang all the law and the prophets. (Mt. 22:34-40)
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Persons: Pharisees, Sadducees, scribes, Son of Man, Herod (Antipas), Herodias, Mary,
John the Baptist, Elijah, Peter, James, Jesus Barabbas, Judas (2), Mary Magdalene,
Joseph of Arimathea, Pilate, sons of Zebedee, Simon of Cyrene
Places: Nazareth, Galilee, Capernaum, Jerusalem, Mount of Olives, Golgotha
The genealogy of Jesus in Matthew 1 and its inclusion of significant men and women
from Israels past
The birth story of Jesus, including the appearance of wise men from the East who
follow a star, the massacre of the infant male Jews, and the flight of Jesus family into
Egypt
The number of times the formula of prophecy fulfillment is used and in what contexts
The role of John the Baptist
Jesus attitude towards keeping the Law, written and oral, in Matthew 5-7, especially in
Mt. 5:17
The prayer in Mt. 6:9-13
With whom and over what Jesus has controversies
The parables of the kingdom in 13, 18, 20-22 and 25, especially the Parable of the
Wedding Banquet in 22:1-14 and the Parable of the Ten Bridesmaids in 25:1-13.
Jesus refusal to heal the Canaanite womans daughter and her persistence (15:21-28)
Jesus anointing by an unknown woman at Bethany (26:6-13); cf. Mark 14:3-9; John 12
The Passion narrative in 26-28; compare Mark 15-16
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The Gospel According to Luke

Composed a generation later than Mark (about 85100 CE), and about the same time as
each other, although in different settings, both Matthew and Luke depend on Mark for their basic
structure and for much of their content. Along with the stories drawn from Mark, Matthew also
includes much additional material, including the birth narrative (chapters 12) and long passages
of Jesus teaching (such as the Sermon on the Mount in chapters 57). Some of these nonMarkan materials are also to be found in Lukes gospel (the Beatitudes, for instance),
indicating a source of Jesus sayings used by both Matthew and Luke but not by Mark. This
common source, no longer extant separately, was probably a "gospel" composed entirely of
Jesus' collected sayings, perhaps even earlier than Mark, and is referred to as "Q" (for the
German Quelle, "Source").
There are also passages in Luke for which there are no counterparts in either Matthew or
Mark, which suggests that Luke had available to him additional sources that were not used by
Mark and Matthew. Note how different Lukes birth narrative is from that of Matthew (while
remembering that Mark had none at all). Lukes gospel is probably the only one written by a
Gentile (non-Jew) and seems to have the aim of introducing the Jesus movement to persons not
steeped in the background of the faith of Israel. The author attempts to demonstrate that God had
intended the gospel for all people, Jews and Gentiles, from the very beginning. The attention it
gives to the poor, the outcast (including Gentiles), and women also distinguish the Gospel of
Luke.
Lukes most significant addition is his composition of the Acts of the Apostles, the
earliest narrative account of the development of the early Christian movement. By adding this
sequel to his gospel, he is probably suggesting that to understand the story and significance of
Jesus, it is necessary to know what happened after his death.
As you read, be on the look out for the following:
The similarities and differences in the "birth narratives" in Matthew 1-2 and Luke 1-2;
also compare the genealogies of Jesus in Matthew 1:1-17 and Luke 3:23-38
The differences between the "first sermon" of Jesus in Matthew (Mt. 5-7) and in Luke
(Luke 4:14-30) and their result
The similarities and differences between Jesus' "Sermon on the Mount" in Matthew 5-7
and Jesus' "Sermon on the Plain" in Luke 6:1: 20-49
Comparisons and contrasts between the presentation of Jesus by Mark, Matthew, and
Luke
Lukes explicit statement of his purpose in writing in 1:1-4 and what it suggests about the
situation he and his audience are facing
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The Sayings of Jesus: The Source Gospel or Q

Like the Coptic Gospel of Thomas, which may have borrowed from it, the
reconstructed gospel of Q (for Quelle, or Source), is a Sayings Gospel. In other
words, it is a collection of the teachings, pronouncements, and sayings of Jesus with little
or no narrative framework. We know that various collections of Jesus teachings,
miracles, and passion were being collected in the years after his death, especially given
the impetus of the deaths of several of the first generation (James in 62; Peter and Paul
probably in 64) and the impact of the First Jewish War (66-70), with the scattering of
believers and the destruction of Jerusalem.
Since the mid-19th century, Christian scholars have suspected that the gospels
attributed to Matthew and Luke not only used Mark as a source but also had a written
source (in Greek) other than Mark on which they relied for Jesus sayings. This gospel
was eventually referred to as Q and in the last century scholars have been able to
isolate it with a good deal of certainty, by comparing Matthew and Luke where they
agree with each other and not with Mark.
As introduced by one of the great Q scholars, James M. Robinson, in your
edition of The Sayings of Jesus, this gospel gives us a sense of the great immediacy of
Jesus message as received by his early followers: that of a prophet or of embodied
Wisdom sent by God (Foreword, xv). Thus, this reconstructed gospel gives us access
perhaps to the first generation of those who believed that Jesus was sent by God, as
many prophets and messengers had been sent and rejected.
If you read these sayings carefully, you will notice that they seem very familiar,
but that there is something not quite familiar about them. Most of Matthews Sermon on
the Mount is contained in Q, but not in Matthews order. Many of these pronouncements
(for example, Q Saying 26) appear to be quite harsh or quite abrupt: later gospel writers
softened them by putting them in a context. Nevertheless, we must understand that, if we
are going to understand the historical Jesus, we must first be confronted by the
uncomfortable nature of his teachings because they come out of and are addressed to an
uncomfortable situation, politically, economically, and religiously, and to people who
came to believe that the world as they knew itshot through with evil and oppression
was not the world God wanted and that God was going to change it, perhaps through
themselves.
What happened to Q? What happened to it was that it became totally absorbed by
other gospels; we can think of it as the proto-Gospel, the one that tried to preserve the
voice of Jesus in living (and judging) memory.
The origin, audience, and development of Q (Robinsons Foreword)
The Beatitudes
The Golden Rule
The Lords Prayer
Parables of the kingdom of God
The sort of behavior expected of Jesus companions and followers
Those Jesus perceives as opponents and those he perceives as supporters
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Relationships between Jews and non-Jews, between Jesus followers and other
Jews
Attitudes towards family, government, and authority
The Son of Humanity
Why this is a gospel
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The Gospel According to John

The Gospel of John differs considerably from the Synoptic Gospels (Matthew, Mark, and
Luke) in form, vocabulary, and content. Johns gospel has no birth story, no baptism, no
temptation, and few miracles (which John alone calls signs) in common with the Synoptics.
The author of John also substitutes long monologues or discourses by Jesus for parables.
Although many scholars think that the author of John knew the stories that are found in the
Synoptics, this gospel rearranges the stories of Jesus public life, and it contains few of the
sayings of Jesus that are found in the other gospels. When comparing this gospel to the
Synoptics, you should notice that John has a different timeframe and travel itinerary for Jesus:
Jesus visits different towns in Galilee and Judea, speaks different words, and performs different
signs.
The community of Jesus followers presented in John seems to be in conflict or tension
with some other groups, for instance, with some other Christian communities (John's emphasis
on our witness and its truth), and with non-Christian Jews, against whom John's gospel seems
noticeably bitter (e.g., Jn. 8:44). It is likely that John was written at a time when the authors
group of Christians was beginning to differentiate itself from some of the traditions of early
Judaism, as well as separate from other types of Christian ideas about the significance of Jesus.
This story about Jesus seems to come from a community that does not look so much to a
future fulfillment that is to come with the return of the Christ, as to a present fulfillment that
comes from the presence of the Spirit (also known as the Advocate, Jn. 15:26). This Spirit is
given by Jesus when his own spirit returns to God on the cross (Jn. 19:30).
A particularly noteworthy feature of John is its dualism, expressed in polar oppositions
between heavenly and earthly things, light and darkness, the believers and the world, God and
the devil. Watch especially for conversations in which Jesus' words are misunderstood by his
audience because their earthly viewpoint is too limited (e.g., Jn 3:1-10; 4:7-15; 8). Similarly,
although faith is created on the basis of miracles, the author is frequently critical of belief simply
on the basis of eye-witness alone, rather than the testimony (Jn. 20:25-31).
The activities of the Logos (Word) in the Prologue of Johns gospel (1:1-18)
The travel itinerary of Jesus: when and why did Jesus first go to Jerusalem (2:13-25)?
Compare this scene in John to Matt. 21:12-27.
Jesus discourses with Nicodemus (3:1-21) and the Samaritan Woman (4:1-30)
The polemic with the Jews in chpts. 7-8. According to the Introduction to John in the
NOAB, is the author of John anti-Semitic?
The episode of the woman caught in adultery (7:53-8:11) is not found in the oldest copies of
John that we have. Do you have any ideas about why it may have been added to Johns story
of Jesus?
In chps. 1 and 13-17, what type of relationship is described between Jesus and the father?
The raising of Lazarus (11)
The last words of Jesus to his disciples in 13-17
The differences in the Passion narrative from that of Mark or Matthew
The resurrection appearances in 20
The role of Thomas here (20) and in The Gospel of Thomas: what accounts for differences?
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Essay: Hellenistic Religions and Philosophies

The world that emerged from the empire of Alexander III ("the Great") and his
successors was altered not only in its political configurations, but also in its changed world
views. The social and political upheavals of the Hellenistic and early Roman periods were
matched by upheavals in cosmology and religion, in which traditional views were challenged,
abandoned, or revived. Overall, two things characterized the religious world of these eras:
the pre-occupation with power, personal and cosmic, which embraced everything from
philosophy to magic; and
the development of religions of salvation, including Judaism, Christianity, the mystery
religions, and several of the new religions of the Hellenistic world.
According to Luther H. Martin in Hellenistic Religions: An Introduction (Oxford, 1987),
the new cosmology that emerged in the second century BCE was itself an amalgam of
Pythagorean mysticism, Greek philosophy, and Babylonian and Egyptian astronomy. It viewed
the cosmos not as a three-story universe, as in the traditional Israelite and classical Greek
systems of Genesis and the Homeric epics, but as a series of concentric spheres, with the earth at
the center. These spheres were seven in number, corresponding with the known planets, from the
moon (considered a planet) to Saturn. An eighth sphere was that of the "fixed" stars and therefore
beyond planetary influence. Each sphere, moreover, was subject to the power or influence of
its planet, so that by the time one reached the earth, stationed in the sublunary sphere, one was
particularly constrained by the cosmic powers, including those of change and fate.
Unlike the traditional Olympian gods, moreover, these forces were distant and awesome,
like an emperor whom one never saw but nevertheless had a godlike power over the existence of
many people. Just as you never knew when a rulers whim might affect your entire life
adversely, so also you might live in fear and confusion as how best to address and placate such
fickle and hostile forces.
One answer, of course, was through traditional religion. The Olympian deities continued
to be worshiped. They acquired different names and different attributes, however, as they
became powers more universal and less localized than they had been in the classical period,
when they were perceived more as protectors of specific poleis (Athena of Athens, for example).
The deities themselves had, in short, become cosmopolitan. One example of this transformation
is the identification of the ancient Egyptian goddess Isis with the Olympians Demeter,
Aphrodite, and Artemis. The Greek historian Herodotus, in fact, was the first Greek to claim that
Demeter, inventor of the mysteries, was actually Isis in her Greek dress.
In the polytheistic and syncretistic melting pot of the Hellenistic world, post-exilic
Judaism had a special problem, one generated by a long prophetic and priestly insistence upon
having no other deities before or in addition to YHWH. Other religions could and did incorporate
other deities or embrace the characteristics of other deities as further defining their own gods, but
some Jews, as shown in 1 Maccabees 1-4, believed that to do so was to be unfaithful to the
covenant. On the other hand, some Jews, like the author of 4 Maccabees, were able readily to
reconcile Hellenistic philosophical ideas with the Law of Moses and with their own Jewish
Wisdom traditions. Even some Gentiles (like the Greek essayist Plutarch) attempted to show that
there was really nothing so unusual about Judaism, and that its beliefs and practices could easily
be compared to ones existing within the Gentile world.
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In the early-to-mid second century BCE, however, some of the Jews of Palestine did not
believe they had such a luxury. According to the conservative Jews who wrote 1 Maccabees, the
Seleucid Greek ruler of Palestine and Syria, Antiochus IV Epiphanes, attempted to forbid such
Jewish religious practices as Torah study, circumcision, kosher dietary laws, and observing the
Sabbath, Passover, and other festivals. There are four main responses depicted in Hellenistic
Jewish biblical literature, which consists principally of the writings known as the Apocrypha
(because of their disputed authenticity):
active resistance, claiming to assist the plans of God through armed conflict (the
Maccabean revolt);
unarmed but determined resistance, resisting the plans of the ungodly through fidelity
to God and witness (martyria) to the covenant (Eleazar and the mother and her seven
sons in 4 Maccabees);
outward acquiescence but strategic deception, the weapon of the powerless (apocryphal
books like Judith and Daniel); and
assimilation and incorporation of Gentile ways to varying degrees (some of the Jews
mentioned in 1 Maccabees 1-4; the combination of philosophy and religion in 4
Maccabees).
Beginning in this period and perhaps even earlier, some Jews believed that the entire
cosmos was engaged in a struggle between the forces of light, headed by God and his agents
on behalf of the persecuted faithful, and the forces of darkness, the rulers of this world, with
their Jewish allies. This world-view is known as apocalyptic eschatology. This view was later to
inspire much of the New Testament, particularly the Synoptic Gospels (Matthew, Mark, and
Luke) and writings of Paul such as 1 Corinthians 15. Apocalyptic eschatology is a development
of classical Israelite prophecy that claims a revelation (apokalypsis) of Gods purposes or ends,
often involving the final days (eschata) of human history. In its literary form, an apocalypse
(revelation) offers courage to the suffering faithful through symbolic visions, in which a prophet
sees historypast, present and futurewith the eyes of God, who is always in complete
control of cosmic events.
Another answer to the pressing problem of hostile forces beyond ones control was to ally
oneself with a powerful personal deity, as seen in the development of the so-called mystery
religions. In these religions, an initiate would partake of a series of rituals that enabled him or her
to identify with or be adopted by the god or goddess and hence to share in that deitys power
over life and death. In the oldest Greek mysteries, those of Demeter and her daughter Persephone
at Eleusis, the symbolic death and resurrection of the grain-goddess were re-enacted. In the
mysteries of Isis, Isis search for and resurrection of her brother and husband Osiris were
celebrated. In the Dionysian mysteries, communion with the dying and rising god was achieved
through the sharing of the gods blood, the fruit of the vine. All of these involved three things:
the symbolic conquest of death through belonging to a deity through adoption or incorporation,
the sharing of symbolic food and drink, and the new community created through those who
belonged to the deity, the initiates into the mystery. That these elements played an important
part in early Christianity is indicated by Pauls attempts to deal with the Corinthians apparent
misunderstanding of baptism and resurrection in Christ (1 Cor. 15).
The belief that divine power might reside in a special person was also manifested in the
Hellenistic world by the widespread belief in divine menindividuals who were so
empowered by a deity that they could perform miracles, including raising the dead. They might
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receive their power by birth or by a special divine gift. Belief in such god-endowed persons was
not confined to pagan religiosity. Jesus of Nazareth, believed by his followers to be the son of
God through a miraculous conception and birth, can also be compared to other Jewish holy men
of deed, who had the power of YHWH to work miracles. These righteous allies of God were
sometimes called "sons of God, a title traditionally used in Judaism for the heavenly host, and
were similarly engaged in a cosmic struggle against the demonic powers that caused illness, evil,
and the disruption of an orderly cosmos.
Many people also believed that one could individually escape, manipulate, or control
certain supernatural powers. The use of rituals, prayers and spells to invoke a deity or series of
deities for ones personal aid is defined as magic. Ancient skeptics might refer to magical
practice as illusion or chicanery, but it was not the production of illusion as we know it today.
Ancient magic was a shamanistic way either of entering the world of the cosmic powers and
spirits or of inviting the spiritual world within. Thousands of magical amulets and spells written
on papyri are preserved from the Hellenistic and later periods. Their authors called upon the
names of all the deities, angels, and daimonespagan, Jewish, and Christianin order to secure
love, a better job, the fall of an enemy, victory in court, or a cure for snakebite or fever.
On a different, more intellectual level, some believed that a person could conquer the
powers of fate and the limits of the material world and the human body through the power of the
intellect. We will encounter two such Hellenistic philosophies: Epicureanism and Stoicism. In
addition, some religious philosophers, called Gnostics or knowers, believed with Plato that
the highest form of knowledge (gnosis), as well as the most liberating, was an intuitive grasp of
eternal things. Only with this mystical knowledgeof the origins of the cosmos, of humanity, of
the soul and of the bodycould one hope to escape the limits of human fate. You will meet a
Gnostic Christian version of Jesus and of salvation in the Coptic Gospel of Thomas, a text later
declared to be heretical. Some scholars believe that Gnosticism developed from a synthesis of
Jewish teaching about Wisdom as a divine attribute and Platonic ideas about the division
between visible and invisible realms. Thus Gnosticism begins as a Hellenistic and syncretistic
phenomenon.
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Essay: What is Gnosticism?

"Gnosticism," in its broadest sense, is a type of response to the world. As such, it can be a
philosophy, an intellectual commitment, or a form of religion. "Gnosticism" comes from the
Greek verb gignosco, to "come to know," the final state of which is "gnosis" or "state of
knowledge." Such "knowing" is not the kind that is merely learned knowledge, an intellectual
grasp of things. Gnosis is the highest form of knowledge, "acquaintance" or knowledge in the
"biblical" sense, specifically, intimate knowledge of the highest things, mainly the one, eternal,
and spiritual divine being. Further, since only "like can know like" for a true relationship, this
knowledge is spiritual: that is, one's spirit or soul is invisible, one, eternal, and divine, just as its
origin and destiny, the divine spirit, is.
Scholars are not sure exactly where and when "Gnosticism" arose or when "Gnosticizing"
movements arose in the religions and philosophies of the ancient world. It was never a religion
or philosophy in its own right. In fact, some modern scholars, like Michael A. Williams, believe
that we should reject the whole concept of Gnosticism as a movement. When scholars talk of
"Gnosticism" they generally mean a belief that is an intersection of Jewish Wisdom thinking,
Greek philosophy, some Egyptian beliefs, and a kind of mystical Christianity. The best way to
describe Gnosticism, in a nutshell, is through two quotations. In the early third century CE, the
Christian theologian Tertullian criticized many Christians in his north African congregation
because, in his opinion, they had made Christianity into a philosophy: "What has Jerusalem to do
with Athens?" he cried, meaning that the Jewish tradition emanating from the Holy City with its
Scriptures had become "corrupted" by Greek philosophical skepticism and speculation. A second
quotation, from William Blake, the English mystic, engraver, and poet, claims to have seen a
different God and a different Christ from those in the accepted biblical texts. "The vision of
Christ that thou dost see," claimed Blake, "is my vision's deepest enemy." Blake believed that the
Creator God of the Hebrew Bible, especially the God of Job, was a cruel deity who imprisoned
the spirit of humanity in a net of physicality, rules and regulations. What these two quotations
tell us is that for some Christiansrelatively many, in Tertullian's time; relatively few in
Blake'sknowledge of God or of the Savior, like knowledge of the origin of the world and the
ultimate fate of the soul was achieved by a process that was intellectual, mystical, and spiritual,
and totally unavailable to the average Christian, who was fed the "lies" of the "waterless canals,"
as one Gnostic text (the Coptic Apocalypse of Peter) puts it, who were the Christian church
leaders.
The first reference to Gnosticism in a Christian text is in the first letter to Timothy 6:20,
where the young church leader is advised, "Guard the tradition, turning aside from the profane
chatter and contradictions of the falsely-named gnosis, for some by taking it as gospel have
stepped beyond the bounds of the faith." If we assume, as most biblical scholars do, that 1
Timothy was written in the early years of the second century CE, Christian belief was sharply
divided between those claiming to have special "knowledge" or revelation and those claiming to
be true to a single tradition and faith. We also have the writings of Christian leaders and
theologians in the early Christian world known as "church fathers," orthodox elders and bishops
who shaped what "Christianity" became. They called themselves "orthodox" or "right-believing"
Christians and termed their opponents, Gnostics among them, "heterodox" (other-believing) or
"heretics," those who chose false philosophies and beliefs (hairesis). In fact, the orthodox
usually defined their version of Christianity, from the second to the fifth centuries, as what it was
not, instead of what it was. When the orthodox version was adopted by the Roman emperors
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after Christianity became first a tolerated and then the official religion of the empire in the fourth
century, the doom of Gnostic Christianity was sealed. No fewer than five orthodox Church
fathers in this time period wrote vast tomes cataloging the errors of their opponents, who were
chiefly Gnostics. The reason they felt compelled to do this was the widespread appeal of Gnostic
beliefs and practices, especially to the more intellectual, classically trained Christians.
In order to criticize Gnostic beliefs and writings, the orthodox fathers had to excerpt large
sections from Gnostic scriptures like The Gospel of Thomas and other Gnostic teachings in order
to compare them with those the orthodox accepted. (Often, it must be admitted, the modern
reader will not find much of a difference. Compare, for example, the Gospel According to John
to that of Thomas, and you will find striking similarities. Both were also beloved by Gnostics,
who unlike the orthodox had no canon of accepted scriptures.) These orthodox excerpts are
mostly what we had, until a remarkable find at Nag Hammadi in Egypt in 1949. Near a Coptic
Christian monastery in a remote Egyptian town, peasants discovered thirteen codices or books
(rather than scrolls) bound in leather, and written in Coptic, a combination of Egyptian demotic
script and Greek letters, containing previously unknown gospels and other writings relating to
the New Testament that were sacred to Gnostic Christians. The monks of the monastery may
have hidden these texts during an orthodox "purge" in the fourth century, and there they
remained for fifteen centuries. From these and other texts, like the recently recovered Gospel of
Judas, a broad picture of "Gnostic" beliefs emerges:
1. Gnostic beliefs:
Theology (belief about God): Gnosis is "acquaintance with" the Deity, which is pure spirit
and androgynous, like the soul (male/female; Mother/Father). The knower seeks "to know as
I am known" and is transformed into the "likeness" of the Deity, a likeness that was lost at
some point during the origin of the material world. Gnostics believed that the creation of
humanity in the image of God meant as a spiritual entity, since God was pure spirit.
Soteriology (salvation): One is saved by "knowing." The necessity and the means for this
knowledge are communicated or revealed by a divine mediator or savior. For Gnostic
Christians, this is Christ (the Savior) who appeared in a visible body as Jesus. Jesus, for
example, tells Judas in the Gospel of Judas that the man who clothes me (his body) will be
sacrificed on the cross.
Cosmology (the structure and origin of the universe): The material or "created" world is
the lowest part of the universe, which descends from the eternal, invisible, and spiritual One
(God) through spiritual levels and planetary spheres, until it reaches earth. Often there is a
"Creator" or "Demiurge" between the invisible spheres and the material ones.
Anthropology (human nature and destiny): The first human being was androgynous and
spiritual. Like the cosmos, the person is either dualistic (spirit opposed to matter); or tripartite
(spirit/mind/body). The material portion of the individual obscures and obstructs the freedom
of the spiritual portion and makes the spirit forget its divine origin. Humanity's "fall" is not a
fall from innocence into sin, but a "fall" from spirit into matter.
Eschatology (doctrine of the end or goal of humanity): The goal of gnosis is to liberate the
spirit, or eternal part of the human being, from the limits of the flesh and the created world.
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2. Gnostic ethics: Since the body is matter, a discardable "garment" or "tomb" that imprisons
the spirit, it is to be disregarded. Gnostics for the most part tended to be extremely ascetic,
avoiding certain foods, drink, and especially sex and marriage. Some, however, believed that
because their spirits were free, they were free from the restrictive "laws" of the Old
Testament and orthodox Christian teaching. (Some scholars think that Pauls Corinthian
opponents were Gnostic.)
3. Gnostic worship: Gnostics have sacraments and rituals ("mysteries") of initiation and
incorporation. They emphasize these mysteries as open only to the "elect" and the "initiate."
They also emphasize either a "secret" reading of existing Scripture, private revelations from
the Savior (the living Jesus), or different Scriptures than those the orthodox accepted.
Gnostic Christians did not themselves have a canon of Scripture because they thought
everyone was enlightened in an individual way. As Jesus says in The Gospel of Thomas,
Whoever finds the meaning of these words will not taste death (GThom 1).
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The Gospel According to Thomas

The Coptic Gospel of Thomas, like Q, is a collection of Jesus sayings. Although most
of the sayings contained in Thomas are also contained in the Synoptic Gospels (Matthew, Mark,
and Luke) and some in John and the writings of Paul, they are not in this gospel put into any
particular narrative framework, as they are in the canonical gospels. Rather, their serial
presentation resembles the structure of books of Sayings of the Wise like Proverbs (and like
Q). The world-view reflected in Thomas is very different from that of the canonical Synoptics. It
is similar rather to that of John, in that Jesus sayings are cryptic indications of the existence of a
spiritual inner kingdom and a revealed truth that is initially obscure and remains secret to
those who are worldly. It holds out the promise of salvation through knowledge (Greek:
gnosis), and hence is believed to belong to that group of Christians derided by the orthodox
Irenaeus, among others, as Gnostics or Knowers. It also assumes that Jesus is still a living,
spiritual presence and in fact never died, just as those who understand Jesus sayings, as recorded
here, will not experience death (GThom1; see Jn. 8:51).
Held sacred by a number of early Christian communities, the Gospel of Thomas, now
recovered, indicates the diversity of early Christian responses to Jesus and beliefs about their
own salvation. Although it is attributed to an apostle named Thomas (also known as Didymos
Judas Thomas; cf. Jn. 20:24-29), revered in Christian communities of Syria, Mesopotamia, India,
and Egypt and sometimes thought to be Jesus own twin, it was rejected by later church
authorities, despite its apostolic attribution, as too heterodox to be true. The present version of
the Coptic Gospel of Thomas is part of the library of Gnostic materials in the Coptic (Egyptian)
language, buried near Nag Hammadi in Egypt during the fourth-century orthodox suppression of
unorthodox forms of Christianity. It therefore represents the recovery of Christian voices that
had long been silencedby other Christians.
Didymos Judas (or Jude) Thomas, Simon Peter, Matthew, Mary (Magdalene)
Where the Kingdom of Heaven (i.e., the Kingdom of the Father) is to be found and
what it is like (Sayings 3, 20, 22, 46, 54, 57, 76, 82, 96, 97, 98, 107, 109, 113)
What a seeker hopes to obtain (Sayings 1 & 2)
Jesus questioning of the disciples in Sayings 13 and their responses (comparing Mt.
16:13-20 and Mk. 8: 27-31)
Comparison of Saying 64 with the Parable of the Wedding Banquet in Mt. 22:1-14
Where Jesus may be found (Saying 77)
The debate between Mary and Peter implied in Saying 114
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Essay: From Jesus to Christ

See film by same title
This film provides contextual information to assist your consideration of Christianity
from the second to the fourth, centuries. It addresses the vicissitudes of Christianitys
relationship to Rome, its development into an institutionalized religion, and its articulation of
theological and ethical ideas. The film begins with discussion of Christianitys status as one of a
number of small religious sects within the Roman Empire. Christianity has separated from
Judaism, but the scars of separation remain. While Judaisms status as a legitimate religious
tradition is well-established, most Romans see Christianity as a strange superstition involving the
practice of weird rituals. The Roman government, however, largely ignores this upstart religious
movement until Christians obligations to their religion come into conflict with their obligations
as citizens, as evident in the correspondence of Emperor Trajan and Pliny the Younger. These
conflicts lead to occasional brief but intense periods of persecution. Heroic accounts of the
deaths of Christian martyrs and the events leading up to them, called martyrologies, circulated
widely among laity and clergy alike and were told and retold in order to encourage Christians to
stay loyal in the face of persecution. A good number of these accounts survive, testifying to their
importance as a genre of early Christian literature. The film will discuss one of the most
prominent, a text that you will read for a later colloquium, The Martyrdom of Saints Perpetua
and Felicitas.
External problems exacerbate internal ones in this period as Christian institutional
structures of authority arise from conflicts over what counts as Christian. As you know from
your study of early Christian writings, Christians views about precisely who Jesus was and what
he accomplished varied. Likewise, Christians adhered to a diverse range of ideas and practices.
Over time, distinctions between orthodoxy (right belief) and heresy prompted serious debate
over the status of works such as The Acts of Paul and Thecla, mentioned in the film and read for
an earlier colloquium. By the end of the fourth century, the empire-wide council of bishops had
emerged as the locus of decision-making power. They had determined which texts counted as
Christian scriptures and had adopted a creed (known today as the Nicene Creed) that established
the parameters for Christian faith.
Such results were possible because Christianitys relationship with the Empire took a
dramatic turn in the fourth century, as Christianity became first a legitimate religion in its own
right and then Romes official state religion. For better and for worse, Christianitys fortunes and
Romes fortunes were tied together from this point on. This union resembles the contemporary
stereotype of a May-December marriage. Rome has passed its prime as an imperial force in the
world. Its strength is waning, its borders are weakening, internal pressures and tensions are
becoming more difficult to manage. Christianity, on the other hand, is young, vital, and still
growing. Roman emperors see in Christianitys youth and vitality a force that can reunify the
Empire. The degree to which Christianity fulfilled this role is subject to debate, but Rome
certainly left its stamp on the young religion. The Roman emperor Constantine, about whose
conversion you will learn from the film, played an instrumental role in Christianitys
development of authoritative institutions and an orthodox faith. In turn, Christian bishops look to
imperial forces to enforce Christian orthodoxy and Christianitys dominance over other religious
traditions. As you will see later in the writings of Augustine of Hippo, Christian theology and
ethics are articulated against the background of Roman ideas and reflect their influence as well.
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The Correspondence of the Emperor Trajan and

Pliny the Younger
Letter 10.96 written in 110 or 111 CE by G. Plinius Caecilius Secundus (Pliny, in English) to the Emperor Trajan
holds a special distinction in the history of Christianity: it is the oldest extant mention of Christians by a nonChristian, Latin source.1 Pliny, at the end of his political career, had been given a special assignment by the emperor;
he was asked to clean up the administration of the province of Bithynia-Pontus in Asia Minor, which had been
troubled with graft and corruption. In touring the province he finds that several of the cities have been infested with
a relatively new pest: Christians. They were a new pest from Pliny's perspective, at least, and he obsequiously writes
to the emperor to find out how to deal with the situation.
10.96. PLINY TO THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

It is my practice, Lord, to refer to you all things about which I have any doubt. Who better to
direct my wavering or inform my ignorance? I have never been present at the interrogations of
Christians, and so I do not know why or to what extent they are usually questioned or punished. I
am more than a little uncertain whether there should be some differentiation of age or whether
the young should be treated no differently than the adults; or whether pardon should be offered to
the repentant, or for anyone who ever was a Christian, it is possible to quit; or whether the title
itself is free from crime, or whether the crimes associated with the title are to be punished.
In the meantime, for those who have been brought before me as Christians, I have used the
following procedure: I asked them whether they were Christians. Those who admitted it, I asked
a second and a third time, menacingly. The persistent, I ordered to be led away (for execution). I
have no doubt that, whatever they confess, the impertinence and stiff-necked stubbornness must
be punished. There were others of the same fanaticism whom I designated to be sent to Rome
because they were citizens.
Soon, in the conduct of the investigation itself, the extent and variety of charges increased, as is
usual. A list of names has been published anonymously. Those who denied that they were or had
been Christians invoked the gods, at my instigation, and they made supplication with wine and
incense to your image, which I had ordered to be brought in for that purpose, along with statues
of other deities. These apostates furthermore cursed Christ. I am told that those who are in truth
Christians cannot be forced to do any of these things, and I therefore thought they should be let
go. Others named on the list said that they were Christians but quickly recanted; they said that
they had been but had quit, some, two years before, some, more years than that, and a few even
twenty years before. All these too worshiped your image and the statues of the gods and cursed
Christ. They alleged, however, that this was the sum total of their fault or error: that they were
accustomed to gather on the appointed day before daybreak and to sing a hymn to Christ, as if a
god, both together and then again responsively. and that they would bind themselves by oath, not
for any nefarious purpose, but instead against committing theft or robbery or adultery, and
against breaking a pledge or defaulting on a loan when due. When these activities were
completed, they usually dispersed and would gather again later to take food, but the ordinary,
harmless variety, and even this they ceased to do after my edict by which I had outlawed clubs
1
The historians Suetonius and Tacitus write that Christians were in Rome before 110 CE, but the historians
themselves are writing after Pliny.
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according to your orders. With all this, I believed it necessary to question under torture two slave
women, whom they called "ministers," in order to discover the truth. I found nothing more than
perverse and excessive superstition.
And so I have deferred the investigation and hastened to ask your advice. It seemed a matter
worth consultation, especially on account of the number endangered. Many indeed, of every age,
of every status, and of both sexes are seduced and will be seduced. The plague of this
superstition has not only spread through the cities but into the towns and countryside, but it is
able to be checked and cured, in my opinion. Already it is apparent that once abandoned temples
have begun again to fill up, sacred rites long interrupted have been revived, and sacrificial
victims, for whom once only a sporadic buyer was found, are on sale everywhere. Therefore it is
easy to believe that the masses would be saved, if there should be a chance for penitence.
10.97. TRAJAN TO PLINY
You have pursued the procedure you ought, my Secundus, in investigating the cases of those
referred to you as Christians, for a universal precedent, which might be considered as a definite
formula, cannot be established. They are not to be sought out; if they are reported and are proven
guilty, they must be punished. Nevertheless, he who denies that he is a Christian and makes that
denial clear by his actions, namely by praying to our gods, although he may have been a suspect
in the past, may be given pardon because of his repentance. Anonymous lists, however, must
have no place in any accusation, for they are characteristic of the worst precedents and are not
representative of our age.
Translated by David Sick, Greek and Roman Studies
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The Creed of Nicea

Soon after becoming bishop in 313 CE, Alexander of Alexandria received complaints from clerics about Arius, a
local presbyter (elder or priest) likely of Libyan descent. Those Christians who followed Arius claimed that Jesus
was not identical with the Father, but had been in fact Gods Son, the first of Gods creations. He therefore was
not eternally divine. This so-called Arian position gained a number of adherents. Alexander encouraged Arius to
alter his views about the Son on several occasions and the presbyter refused. When Alexander attempted to dissuade
Arius through his denunciation by a local synod (meeting, assembly), Arius obtained episcopal allies outside of
Egypt. With this support, he returned to Alexandria to confront Alexander and the Egyptian bishops. The
confrontation came to some resolution at the Council of Nicea in 325 CE where Arius and three other bishops
refused to sign the creed affirmed by the council and were exiled. Although the Council of Nicea issued a creedal
statement that denounced Arius and his teachings and upheld what would later be dubbed the orthodox position,
the issues pertaining to the nature of the relationship between Jesus Christ and God the Father raised by the Arian
controversy remained a focus of ecclesiastical politics for several centuries. The Creed of Nicea reflects the
orthodox statement of faith adopted by the Council. Arianism was henceforward a heresy, as were Gnosticism and
Docetism. The text of the creed follows.
WE BELIEVE IN ONE GOD THE FATHER ALL-SOVEREIGN,

MAKER OF ALL THINGS VISIBLE AND INVISIBLE;
AND IN ONE LORD JESUS CHRIST, THE SON OF GOD,
BEGOTTEN OF THE FATHER, ONLY-BEGOTTEN,
THAT IS, OF THE SUBSTANCE OF THE FATHER,
GOD OF GOD, LIGHT OF LIGHT, TRUE GOD OF TRUE GOD,
BEGOTTEN NOT MADE, OF ONE SUBSTANCE WITH THE FATHER,
THROUGH WHOM ALL THINGS WERE MADE,
BOTH THINGS IN HEAVEN AND THINGS ON EARTH;
WHO FOR US AND FOR OUR SALVATION CAME DOWN AND WAS MADE FLESH,
AND BECAME MAN,
SUFFERED, AND ROSE ON THE THIRD DAY,
ASCENDED INTO THE HEAVENS, AND
IS COMING TO JUDGE LIVING AND DEAD.
AND IN THE HOLY SPIRIT.
AND THOSE THAT SAY THERE WAS WHEN HE WAS NOT,
AND, BEFORE HE WAS BEGOTTEN HE WAS NOT,
AND THAT, HE CAME INTO BEING FROM WHAT-IS-NOT,
OR THOSE THAT ALLEGE, THAT THE SON OF GOD IS
OF ANOTHER SUBSTANCE OR ESSENCE
OR CREATED
OR CHANGEABLE
OR ALTERABLE,
THESE THE CATHOLIC AND APOSTOLIC CHURCH ANATHEMATIZES.
(Socrates, Historia Ecclesiae 1.8)
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The Martyrdom of Perpetua and Felicitas

When the third-century church father Tertullian declared, The blood of martyrs is the
seed of the church, he was voicing a belief that had developed over two centuries as a response
to the sporadic persecutions of Christianity, an illegal religion until 313 CE. Originally, the
word martyr simply meant witness, as in the witness of John the Baptist to the coming of
Christ in John 1:19-51. However, Christianity quite early in its existence, influenced by the
stories of the righteous Jewish martyrs in 1 Maccabees, Daniel, and elsewhere, and to a lesser
extent by the Roman Stoic ideal of the noble death, adopted the ideal of martyrdom as a witness
that imitated the suffering and death of Jesus. Death by martyrdom was also recognized by the
early Christians as a means by which righteous souls went immediately to Paradise, without
waiting, as other Christians did, for the Second Coming of Christ and the final resurrection.
The Martyrdom of Saints Perpetua and Felicitas is an interesting example of a new form
of Christian literature, the martyrology, which has precedents in the passion narratives in the
gospels and in the dramatic martyrdom of Stephen in Acts, the Book of Revelation, and in the
Greco-Roman literature of the noble death (cf. the death of Socrates in Plato or the death of
Seneca in Tacitus). Such literature is meant to inspire imitation and to provide a model for
(Christian) resistance. This martyrdom is also, however, unique, as the core of it is a first-person
narrative by a young woman from North Africa, Vibia Perpetua, whose choice of Christianity
alienates her from family and from state. Much of Perpetuas story is contained within four
visions, through which both Perpetua and the reader gain glimpses of the heavenly realm she will
attain through her steadfast witness and the spiritual power that the martyr can acquire. The
framework of the story describes the actual deaths of Perpetua and her companions, including a
young mother from the lower classes, Felicitas. It was supposedly written by Tertullian, who was
a presbyter of Carthage when the martyrdoms occurred ca. 203 CE for the birthday of Geta, the
son of the emperor Septimius Severus. The work is also remarkable for its dramatic
demonstration of the equality of gender and status in the Christian view of heroic sacrifice.
As you read The Martyrdom, look for the following:
The changes in the authorial voice and narrator
The argument at the beginning for the activity by the Holy Spirit, even in this latter age
Perpetuas relationship with her father and her son as contrasted with her relationship
with the other martyrs
The arguments made by Perpetuas father in opposing her course of martyrdom
The absence of Perpetua's husband
The four visions of Perpetua: the ladder leading up to heaven; the two visions of
Dinocrates (and the dramatic differences between them); the combat with the Egyptian
Perpetua's role as arbiter in the quarrels between bishop and presbyter
The narrators emphasis on the modesty of Perpetua, as well as on the motherhood of
Felicitas and Perpetua
The deaths suffered by the martyrs, especially Perpetua
Persons: Perpetua, Saturus, Pomponius, Dinocrates, Pudens, Felicitas
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Augustines Journey, Augustines Theology

Saint Augustine, Confessions, Books I IX
Saint Augustine, City of God, Books I, XIV, XVIII-XIX
Next to Paul, Augustine of Hippo (354-430 CE) is quite possibly the most influential
theologian of Western Christianity. Certainly he is the most important intellectual of the late
Roman Empire. Born in Thagaste in North Africa (what is now Tunisia and eastern Algeria), he
fully experienced Romes religious and philosophical diversity there and in Carthage. His career
as a teacher took him to other parts of the Western Roman Empire: Milan and Rome in
particular. His mother Monica practiced Christianity (post-Constantine) while his father followed
the older Roman religions. As a young man, Augustine moved to Carthage where he studied
classical rhetoric, reading many of the same Greek and Roman authors we have studied in this
course. (You will find references to them throughout his writings.) Augustine was an intellectual
searcher, and one of the belief systems that appealed to him was Manichaeism, a religious
philosophy with roots in Persia. Its cosmic dualism (a god of good and a god of evil) was
akin to Gnosticism, with which you are already familiar. For a time, Manichaeism provided
Augustine with a satisfactory answer as to why evil exists, but later he found Manichaeism
lacking in any personal responsibility for evil. As a teacher of rhetoric in Milan, Augustine
dabbled in Neoplatonism, a term modern philosophers use to describe the renewed interest in
Platos ideas that arose in the 3rd century CE. Neoplatonism rejected dualism and attempted to
reinterpret Plato in light of the later thinking of skepticism and of Aristotle. In Neoplatonism he
would also find connections to the Christianity his mother had taught him as a child.
Neoplatonism was the last of the great pagan philosophies, and the Christian Emperor
Justinian would close the Academy in Athens in 529 CE.
It was in a garden in Milan, after reading a passage by St. Paul (Romans 13:13-14) that
Augustine decided to adopt Christianity. He became a catechumen and was baptized in 387 CE.
It is his life from childhood through his conversion that he chronicles in the Confessions.
Following these events, Augustine lived a semi-monastic life, struggling to implement his newly
adopted Christianity, which, in his interpretation, included chastity. In 391 he was reluctantly
ordained a priest in the North African town of Hippo, and he became the areas bishop in 395.
He began to write the Confessions in 397, probably finishing the 13 books by 400. (The chapter
numbers within the books are later additions for study purposes.)
Although many consider the Confessions to be the worlds first autobiography, it hardly
encompasses Augustines whole life, for it essentially ends at age 33. Although it does follow a
typical narrative structure, the reader can see from the first line that this is no traditional
accounting of life experiences: Great are you, O Lord, and exceedingly worthy of praise; your
power is immense, and your wisdom beyond reckoning. Augustines story is addressed to God
as well as to a reader. His writing moves from prayer and praise, to recounting events in his life,
to the theological interpretation of those events, and back to prayer in a cyclical and sometimes
confusing way. Augustines ordering of events and the reflections on them is very intentional. He
records those events that tell his true life story, that is, his life as a child of the God who is
constantly in search of him.
In all autobiography, of course, the author is always constructing the self, interpreting
his/her own life from the vantage point of accrued wisdom and current beliefs. No autobiography
is or can be a straightforward presentation of just the facts. Thus, Augustine interprets his first
thirty-three years as a great struggle of the willwith lust, self-centeredness, and passions
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dominating his understanding of himself. He tells his story in the theological terms that only later
became the framework for the whole meditation. Augustine uses his coming-of-age as a template
for interpreting and understanding a wide range of theological concepts such as grace, faith,
original sin, and free will. In these memoirs, Augustine recalls his pre-Christian years from a
post-Christian (theological) perspective to demonstrate how the Christian God had providentially
worked in his life, leading him ultimately to renounce pagan philosophies and adopt the
Christianity of his mother Monica (Books I-IX). One scholar has asked, Are the first nine books
history, or a symbolic presentation of Augustines later understanding of himself in relation to
Gods grace, arrived at through years lived in the faith of the Church? (Boulding, 30) Therein
lies the nature of this religious autobiography. Bouldings question is one you will have to
answer for yourself.
The remainder of the Confessions displays Augustines tremendous intellect. In Book X,
he probes the uses and workings of memory and in Book XI, of time. Books XII and XIII
develop his theology through an extensive exegesis of the book of Genesis. As Bishop of Hippo,
Augustine went on to expound his theology in many pastoral letters, as well as On Christian
Doctrine, On the Trinity, the Enchiridion and his most famous work, The City of God. He wrote,
of course, in Latin and used translations of the Bible that differed somewhat from the Vulgate,
which would come to be the standard version of Roman Christendom.
Augustine worked on the City of God from 413 to 426. He began the book as a response
to the crisis caused by the sack of Rome at the hands of the Visigoths in 410. Many Romans
were still devoted followers of the Roman gods and blamed Romes defeat on its official
embrace of Christianity as the state religion and on Christian weakness. Augustine compares two
cities, Rome and the heavenly city, in order to situate the current political crisis in a larger
context: his vision of Gods plan for humanity and the cosmos. In the City of God, we see
Augustines defense of Christianity crafted, in part, to address the specific concerns of Christians
who had experienced the terrible suffering that comes with war. In the first part of the book,
Augustine presents evidence from Roman history and prehistory to defend Christianity. He
provides a parallel assessment of Roman and Christian religion, values and successes (Books IV) before moving to consideration of worship and eternal life (Books VI-X). As one scholar has
observed, At the end of the first ten books of the City of God, Augustine stood poised between
pagan and Christian worlds, having shown the failure of the pagan world-view and intimated the
necessity of the Christian. His business in the books that followed would be to turn away from
the world that antiquity had made and show how Christianity proposed that men and women go
about living in the real, fallen world (James ODonnell, Augustine, 49). In the second half of the
book Augustine does so by turning his attention to the two cities, the earthly and the heavenly.
He treats their origin and history (Books XI-XIV), their growth and progress (Books XV-XIX),
and the final judgment and resurrection (Books XX-XXII).
As you read Confessions, take note of the following:
The many different agendas that Augustine seems to have: a coming-of-age narrative; a
confession of sin; a philosophical discourse; Biblical interpretation; theological
speculation.
Do you think his audience is those who are Christian? or those who are not?
How his understanding of God is the framework for his understanding of everything
How much of his experience is interpreted as a battle of the will
Why Augustine frames his autobiography as a prayer
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In Confessions, Books I-III specifically:

Augustines conception of God and providence
His experience of corporal punishment as a boy
Would he agree with Aristotles ideas about how virtue is learned?
Stealing the pears and his interpretation of motive
His reaction to the death of Dido and his attitude to classical literature
His struggle with sexuality
Importance of Roman virtues
Two kinds of sin
In Confessions, Books IV-VI specifically:
Manichaeism and friendships
Augustines interpretation of his illness
Preaching of Bishop Ambrose
Continuing struggle with sexual activity
Ideas from the Neoplatonists
In Confessions, Book VII-X specifically:
The story of Victorinus
Prayer for chastity
Conversion in the garden
Meaning of saints relics
Effect of his mothers death
As you read City of God, take note of the following:
Augustines understanding of divine providence, the origin of sin and its consequences
(especially for Christian views on marriage and sexuality)
Augustines understanding of the problem of evil and its relation to free will
Augustines understanding of history and of the role played by societies past and present
(including pagans and Jews) in Gods providential plan
Augustines synthesis of Roman ideas and Christianity
What Augustine says about the causes of human misery and the true source of human
happiness
In City of God, Book I specifically:
Augustines reason for composing his work
Augustines analysis of chastity, rape, suicide, and the holiness of the body
In City of God, Book XIV specifically:
Augustines views on death and the afterlife
Augustines description of humanitys state before the fall (compare to Stoicisms view
of the good life)
Gods role in the fall
What constitutes the original sin and where responsibility for it ultimately lies
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The several consequences of the original sin and why all humanity experiences them
(compare his views on sexuality to Greek and Roman philosophy)
What sexuality would have been like had the fall not occurred
Origin of the two cities
In City of God, Books XVIII-XIX specifically:

Augustines claims about the supreme good and evil for the human being
Gods justice
Augustines analysis of Gods relation with the Jews and the meaning of the Jewish
presence in society for present-day Christians
Augustines comments about the presence of war in society and the basic principles of
conduct that make up a just war
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Essay: Monastic Interpretations of Christianity

Sts. Benedict, Macrina, & Antony
A monk (from the Greek, monachos, meaning solitary one) is one who leaves the
world to attain spiritual perfection through oneness with the divine. Monasticism is a spiritual
journey directed inward that is shaped by various forms of physical and spiritual discipline (e.g.,
fasting, celibacy, contemplation, service) cultivated in a spirit of humility and compassion. It is
found in several organized religions. Monks are also known as regular clergy, that is, clergy who
live according to a regula, Latin for rule. (Clergy such as priests, bishops, or archbishops, who
work among the laity or community of ordinary believers, are known as secular clergy, from
secula, Latin for world.)
Christian monasticism arose as a distinct vocation in the deserts of Egypt, Palestine, and
Syria during the early fourth century. Although individual Christians had incorporated periods of
abstinence, service, and contemplation during the first three centuries of the Christian movement,
such practices were done in the home under the regulation of the local church community. The
legalization of the Christian movement under Emperor Constantine, the end of the threat of
Christian martyrdom, and the steady growth of the faith during the late third and early fourth
centuries were some of the many factors that prompted a significant shift in the nature and
location of these practices. As many Christians came to believe that the Christian life required a
more visible renunciation of the world, they sought more isolated areas, including the desert
regions surrounding their towns and villages, to practice a more rigorous discipline.
Benedict of Nursia (480-543), a monk who founded a small monastic community at
Monte Cassino near Rome, revolutionized monasticism in the west. More and more Christians
were finding themselves drawn to monasticism, inspired by examples such as the third-century
saint, Anthony, who lived an ascetic life in the desert for ninety years and whose biography
circulated widely throughout the eastern Roman Empire. Monasticisms increasing popularity
suggested the need for a system to regulate the way that individual monks were living, in order to
maintain the isolation necessary for monasticisms spiritual vocation at the same time that monks
were living in close proximity to one another. Although fourth-century authors such Pachomius
and Basil wrote rules for monastic communities, it was not until Benedict wrote his own version
around 530 that there appeared a rule that appealed widely in the west, where it quickly became
the dominant monastic rule. Written originally for communities of men, Benedicts Rule was
successfully adapted for womens communities from the eighth century. While religious reforms
throughout the Middle Ages led to the periodic creation of new monastic orders, the Benedictine
Rule continued throughout to serve as a guide for large numbers of monastic communitiesas it
still does today.
As you read, consider especially the following questions:
What principles does the Rule promote, and why? What role does the abbot play in governing the
monastery, and what roles do the individual monks play? How might an abbots behavior be
regulated? What kinds of imagery does Benedict use to describe the monks? While monks were
expected to leave the world, what evidence does Benedict provide of the relationship between
a monastery and the broader community? Finally, what might make the monastic life appealing?
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Essay: The Rise of Islam

Islam (literally submission or surrender to God) began in Arabia in the seventh
century CE and quickly spread through the Middle East. Within a century it swept through
Persia, Europe, Asia, and Africa to dominate a region larger than the Roman Empire had
controlled.
Muhammad
Muhammad (ca. 570-632 CE), whose name means highly praised, was the founder of
Islam. Muhammad was born in Mecca, an important city on the trade route from Yemen to Syria,
and northeast from the Red Sea to Iraq. Mecca, set in a rocky ravine, fifty miles inland from the
Red Sea, was at the crossroads of the trade caravan (spices, perfumes, metals, ivory, and silk).
There was also considerable pilgrimage traffic because Mecca was the site of Arabias holiest
pagan shrine, the Kaba. The majority of Meccans were members of the Quraysh tribe; they were
wealthy, had political control in the city, and were polytheistic (a major deity was Allah, the
creator god). They ruled through a council made of representatives from the citys most
influential families (i.e., an early form of a republic).
Northern Arabia covered the one million square mile stretch between Africa and Asia. In
the seventh century, it consisted primarily of nomadic Bedouin tribesmen who worshipped
stones and trees as the dwelling of spirits. Loyalty, generosity, and courage were the highest
virtues. Loyalty was found in the interdependence between the individual and the tribe;
generosity was maintained in hospitality; courage was often displayed in behavior during raids.
Muhammads father, a member of the Quraysh tribe, died before Muhammads birth. His
mother died when he was quite young, and he lost a grandfather shortly thereafter. He was raised
by his paternal uncle, Abu Talib. Muhammad became a merchant, married a widow named
Khadija, and had several sons and daughters (of whom all but one daughter, Fatima, died during
his lifetime). In 610 CE he had a profound religious experience. All accounts are debated. The
most often cited account is that of Ibn Ishaq (Muhammads first biographer, one hundred years
after Muhammad died), who records that Muhammad had gone to Mt. Hira with his family and
was asleep in a cave when an angel appeared to him saying, O Muhammad! Thou art the apostle
of God and I am Gabriel. A local holy man verified the vision and claimed that the same spirit
had descended upon Moses. Muhammads second vision called him to rise up and warn the
people; and in 613 CE, he began preaching in Mecca that
1. Allah was not one god among many but the only sovereign God whom all
must worship (Allah = al, the, Illah, God = the God). This teaching
amounted to a denunciation of the polytheistic system then in place.
2. All believers are equal before God, and the rich must share with the poor.
Muhammad thus espoused a social order based on religious affiliation over
that of tribal identity.
3. Human destiny is in the hands of God. On the final Day of Judgment, all will
be judged according to how they lived on earth.
It is probable that Muhammad saw himself as a reformer, rather than as a founder, of
religion. Some members of his family converted, as did many of the poor in Mecca. The
Quraysh opposed him, largely because he threatened their way of life and the profitability of
activities at the Kaba which they controlled. When they beat and stoned several of his followers,
Muhammad went to Taif where he was, in turn, forced to leave. He returned to Mecca and
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remained there a short time before moving to Yathrib at the invitation of some of its citizens. The
migration to Yathrib (the hijra or hegira) happened in September 622 CE and was later
designated the beginning of the Islamic era. Muhammad was well received in Yathrib: the city
was later renamed Medina, the city of the Prophet, and it became the heart of the Islamic
community. While many in Yathrib did not accept his views, they did tolerate them. As a result,
it was in Yathrib that Muhammad implemented several unique religious customs: the muezzin
(call to prayer, in contrast to the Jewish and Christian summons to prayer with a rams horn);
Ramadan (entire month of fasting, in contrast to the Jewish and Christian practices of a Day of
Atonement); and prayer facing Mecca (in contrast to the Jewish custom of praying facing
Jerusalem).
Muhammad started leading raids against Meccans because some of the followers family
members were being persecuted there. In 630 CE, he was finally able to take over the city and
make it the spiritual center of Islam by destroying the idols in the Kaba. As Muhammad and his
followers conquered Arabia, they allowed Jews and Christians to practice their respective faiths
for a heavy tax. Muhammad died in Medina in 632 CE.
When Muhammad died, he had no male heir. Abu Bakr, a close follower, was designated
by Muhammads companions as the first caliph (successor to the temporal authority of
Muhammad and defender of the faith). The caliphate became hereditary after the fourth caliph.
Under the first four caliphs, Arab conquest took place in Syria, Palestine, Mesopotamia and
Egypt. After the fourth caliph, Ali, several sects emerged: Sunni, Shiite (those who supported
succession in the line of Ali), and Sufi (a mystical movement within Islam).
Five Pillars
The Quran (Koran) embodies the Muslim faith, which rests on five pillars:
I.
Profession
Faith is based on the shahada, the Muslim profession of faith: There is no God but
Allah, and Muhammad is his prophet (messenger). Recitation of the shahada
upholds several articles of faith:
a. Oneness of Allah
b. Belief in prophets
c. Belief in revelations to Muhammad (Quran)
d. Belief in angels
e. Belief in a day of judgment
II.
Prayer
Salat (formal ritual prayer) is observed five times daily in accordance with the
movement of the sun (dawn, noon, afternoon, sunset, and night). Prior to each prayer,
one performs ritual ablution of the body, clothes, and place and removes ones shoes.
Dua (interior prayer) is not obligatory but is deemed meritorious.
III.
Almsgiving
Zakat (obligatory almsgiving) is a tithe of a percentage of ones assets; sadaqa
(voluntary almsgiving) is not obligatory but is deemed meritorious.
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IV.
Fasting
Fasting during daylight hours occurs during the entire lunar month of Ramadan, said
to be the month in which the Quran was revealed to Muhammad. It is obligatory for
all but young children, the sick, and pregnant women. It concludes with a communal
celebration.
V.
Pilgrimage
Every Muslim who is able to do so is obliged to journey once to Mecca during the
month of pilgrimage (hajj), which is the twelfth month of the year. While there,
Muslims engage in a series of prescribed rituals and activities that take place over a
weeks time during the first half of the month.
The five pillars form part of a system of sharia (the clear path to be followed), or legislation
regulating behavior. The sources of sharia include the Quran, the Hadith (traditions, actions
and sayings attributed to Muhammad), consensus among representative Muslim scholars in the
community, and analogical reasoning. Islamic jurists added further guidelines to the sharia that
created distinctions between obligatory acts, commended acts, morally neutral acts, disapproved
acts, and forbidden acts.
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Quran
Suras assigned by instructor
The Quran (recitation) is believed to be the infallible word of Allah, revealed to

Muhammad over the course of his lifetime. It is not written by divinely inspired humans but
reproduced from Gods original text (Lippman, Islam, 59). Muhammad did not write down
what he heard, but communicated it orally. Fragments of the revelations he recited were
collected under the first caliph Abu Bakr, and compilation continued through the time of the
third caliph, Uthman (644-656 CE). Since it was recited in Arabic, all translations are deemed
interpretations.
The Quran is said to provide an understanding of the true God. Doctrines contained
include the absolute oneness of Allah, who has revealed His will:
O you who believe! Believe in Allah and His Apostle and the Book
which He has revealed to His Apostle and the Book which He revealed
before; and whoever disbelieves in Allah and His angels and His apostles
and the last day, he indeed strays off into a remote error (Sura 4:136).
The Quran also addresses a wide range of matters pertaining to family, social, and religious life,
including civil law, theological and moral views, and prophecy, among other matters.
Muhammad lived in proximity to Jewish and Christian communities. The Quran calls Jews and
Christians people of the book due to their common reliance as monotheists on the Bible.
Readers will note the frequency of parallels, expansions, and alterations of biblical stories.
The 114 suras (chapters) of the Quran are arranged by length. After a brief introductory
chapter, the longest comes next; and the shortest chapters, many of which address reward and
punishment on the Day of Judgment, are at the end of the book.
As you read the selections from the Quran, consider the following:
The voice that speaks in the Quran: who is speaking? to whom?
The depiction of God (Allah) and the names of God
The Muslim conception of the human being as an individual, in relation to his/her
society, and in relation to Allah
The role of ritual, prayer, and personal discipline in Islam
How Muslims perceive their religion as a vehicle for personal and social transformation
The people of the book and the perception of Christianity and Judaism
The depiction of Noah, Abraham, Moses, Jesus, and Mary and how they are similar to or
different from what you have read in the Bible.
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Essay: Averros and the Muslim Absorption of Classical Learning

Averros, The Decisive Treatise
Averros (Ibn Rushd in Arabic) was a philosopher, physician, legal scholar and general
polymath who was born in Andalusia in southern Spain in 1126 and died in Morocco in 1198. In
his lifetime Averros was an influential figure in Muslim Spain, and after his death his writings
exerted a great influence in the medieval West.
Averros career at the Muslim court of Cordoba coincides with a period of political
turmoil that saw the disintegration of the Umayyad caliphate and its replacement first by the
Almohad dynasty and then by the Almoravids. The declining political unity of Muslim power in
southern Spain and the rise in religious fundamentalism made circumstances difficult for
Averros to pursue intellectual activity, and these circumstances ultimately caused him and his
family to flee Spain, but not before bestowing an impressive legacy on the intellectual world of
northern, and indeed Christian, Europe.
Averros is most famous for his commentaries on the works of Aristotle. Although
commenting on the writings of Aristotle was not new, the detail and originality with which
Averros sought to explain and incorporate Aristotelian ideas within the study of Islam was
unprecedented. Many of his commentaries on the books of Aristotle come in three versions: a
simplified overview, an intermediate commentary with more critical material, and a longer
advanced study of Aristotelian ideas within a Muslim context. Although he did not have access
to Aristotles Politics, he did provide a commentary on Platos Republic, arguing that the state
there described was the same as the original constitution of the Arabs and was rediscovered in
the Almohad state of Ibn Tumart (Averroes patron at the court of Cordoba). In response to the
anti-philosophical treatise by Al-Ghazali entitled the Incoherence of the Philosophers, Averros
wrote the Incoherence of the Incoherence, in which he blasted Al-Ghazali and others like him for
their ignorance of philosophy and their failure to appreciate its relevance for the study of Islam.
The excerpt you have been assigned is from a work entitled The Decisive Treatise, in
which he makes a similar plea for the harmony between Islam and philosophy, between faith and
reason. The arguments that Averros advances contain some important parallels with the
writings of such Christian authors as St. Anselm, Peter Abelard, and Thomas Aquinas. In
particular, note how Averros stresses the importance of analytical thinking as a prerequisite to
interpret the Koran (cf. Abelards statement that it is by doubting that we come to enquiry and
that through enquiry that we recognize the truth).
The Latin translations of Averros Arabic commentaries on Aristotle (often made by
Jews in Spain and southern France) eventually made their way to the university of Paris where,
in time, Averros became known simply as the commentator and Aristotle simply as The
Philosopher. It is in part these commentaries that prompted Christian scholars in the thirteenth
century to set out and translate the corpus of Aristotles work directly from the Greek. It is a
testament to the achievements and legacy of Averros that Dante refers to his ideas in the
Purgatorio (Canto XXV) of the Commedia along with the great pagan philosophers whose
spirits dwell in the place that favor owes to fame.
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Essay: The Crusades, A Short Introduction

No topic in medieval European history conjures up the quintessential medieval
images of chivalry, romance, piety, and barbarity more successfully than the Crusades.
The term crusade, from the French croise (one who has crossed himself), only
appeared long after the movement was underway, and not all later crusades were waged
with the same goal in mind as the first one. For these and other reasons, providing a
definition of the Crusades has proved to be problematic. The following basic definition,
however, seems generally acceptable: The Crusades were a series of religiously
sanctioned military campaigns (or armed pilgrimages) most often aimed at the recovery
of the Holy Land and waged by Christian soldiers from Western Europe in exchange for
the remission of their sins and the promise of salvation. The traditional dates given for
these campaigns are 1095 (the year Pope Urban II first called on the Franks to aid in the
recovery of the Holy Land) to 1291 (the year in which Muslim armies recaptured the last
crusader town, Acre).
The medieval Christian background to just warfare and religious violence is
complex. Saint Augustine had formulated in the fifth century the theory that war may be
just (or justified) if proper conditions were met, and indulgences (remission of sins) had
been offered by the papacy before. When in 1095 Pope Urban II received word of the
Muslim threat to the Greek empire of Constantinople and heard of the (exaggerated)
atrocities that were being committed in Jerusalem, he determined to send help to the
Byzantine emperor. In November 1095, at a church council in Clermont in central
France, he summoned the chivalric classes of Franks to lead the fight for the recovery and
liberation of the Holy Land and especially of the holy city of Jerusalem. Because the
expedition was framed in penitential terms, and with the promise of the remission of their
sins if they should die in battle, the crusade that was launched can therefore also be
described as an armed pilgrimage.
In 1099, after three long years of journeying, many mishaps, and several
potentially expedition-ending disasters, the remaining bands of crusaders took the city of
Jerusalem by force from the Shiite Egyptian Muslims who then controlled it. Godfrey of
Bouillon, the hero of the main crusading army, was the first ruler of the newly created
Kingdom of Jerusalem, and his brother Baldwin succeeded him as the first king. Three
other feudal states were also established in the wake of the crusaders remarkable
victories in the Levant: the County of Edessa, the Principality of Antioch, and the County
of Tripoli. These crusader states were governed by members of the Frankish nobility
who had participated in the First Crusade. They operated like feudal kingdoms in western
Europe, and castles and other fortifications were erected to ensure their protection from
counter attack. Unbeknownst to the crusaders, the Muslim world was too fractured
between Seljuk Turks in the north, Shiite Muslims in the south, and Sunni Muslims in the
east for any effective counter strike on a large scale to be launched for at least two
generations. The minor skirmishes and raiding that did take place gave rise to the two
most important military orders of the crusading era: the Knights Templar and the Knights
Hospitaller. In time a third military order based in the Holy Land, the Teutonic Knights,
as well as various other orders based in the West were similarly formed to assemble
funds and manpower for the defense of the Holy Land. Members of the military orders
followed strict guidelines inspired by traditional monastic orders that included vows of
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obedience, lack of personal property, and adherence to a Rule. This uniting of monastic
ideals with chivalric codes of fighting (including precepts about fighting to the death)
represents a radical departure from the strict separation of worldly concerns and monastic
duties of the Early Middle Ages.
Jews, Orthodox Greek Christians, and Muslims all factor into the story of the
Crusades. Many crusaders reasoned that if they should travel to the East in order to
overthrow the yoke of Muslim dominance in the Holy Land, they should also purge
Europe of disbelieving Jews whom they believed were responsible for the crucifixion of
Jesus. Thus nearly every major crusading expedition to the Holy Land was accompanied
by mob and crusader-led violence against the Jewish communities of Western Europe
(the attacks in the Rhineland in 1096 were particularly ferocious and well-documented by
both sides). The only thing that stopped these riots from achieving their ultimate goal of
eliminating or converting the Jewish populations was ecclesiastical intervention
reminding folks that Augustine had also stated that Jews were to remain scattered and
debased but not persecuted because they were the living witness of Christian truth.
The Greek Orthodox Christians of the Byzantine Empire were both directly and
indirectly implicated in the crusading movement. Since it was their emperor, Alexios I,
who formally requested help from the Pope in order to repel the advance of the Seljuk
Turks in Asia Minor, at least some responsibility for the Crusades resides with him. But
the help he received was a far cry from the relatively small and elite forces he required:
instead, tens of thousands of crusaders (many with no military training or discipline at
all) romped across the territory of the Byzantine Empire, deepening the distrust that
Orthodox Christians already had for their Latin brethren. (After all, the two churches had
formally excommunicated each other in 1054.) Byzantine sources make no bones about
portraying the Latin crusaders as deceitful, uncivilized, and barbarous. The sack of the
capital of Constantinople by the armies of the doomed Fourth Crusade in 1204 made
bridging the divide between Greeks and Latins forever impossible.
Muslim reactions to the Crusades and the crusaders are preserved in a diversity of
sources, many of which have only come to light recently with modern editions and
translations. The fragmented nature of the Muslim world at the time of the First Crusade
(1096-1099) meant that relatively little in the way of an organized counter offensive
could be mounted until some greater unity was achieved (and was, first under Nur al-Din
in the 1140s and then under Saladin in the 1170s and 1180s). Nevertheless, even a
cursory glance at the sources from the Muslim chroniclers reveals an awareness of the
crusaders strength relative to their own weaknesses, at least some indication of stable
commercial relations, and in later generations an increasing dependency on the notion of
jihad as means to stir the Muslim population to action.
Alex J. Novikoff, Department of History, 2010
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Hildegard of Bingen: Religious Literature of the Medieval Period

Hildegard of Bingen (1098-1179) provides a welcome corrective to most peoples
assumptions about women in the Middle Ages. Far from being a damsel in distress, waiting in a
tower to be rescued, she was an educated woman who ran a convent, experienced visions, wrote
extensively about theology, medicine, and natural science, composed music, undertook
preaching tours at the age of sixty, and corresponded with popes and other important figures of
her day.
Hildegard came from a noble family in the German empire and entered monastic life at
the age of eight. She first came to live under the supervision of Jutta of Spannheim, who took
Hildegard with her when she entered the newly founded convent at Disibodenberg in 1112. Here
Hildegard would have lived according to the Benedictine Rule, adapted somewhat for a
community of women rather than men. In 1136, when Jutta died, the convent chose Hildegard to
succeed her as abbess, the role in which she served until 1150. At this time Hildegard left
Disibodenberg with a small group of nuns to found a new community at Rupertsberg. After
initial struggles, Hildegards convent flourished, thanks especially to her diligence and political
connections.
What sets Hildegard apart are the visions she began to experience at a very young age,
visions which many years later she wrote down and which formed the basis of her major
theological works: Scivias, or Know the Ways (1151), The Book of Lifes Merits (1163), and The
Book of Divine Works (1173). In addition to recording her visions, Hildegard provided
interpretations of their meaning and discussed what they revealed about issues such as the
creation and nature of the world, the nature of the Trinity, the meaning of Biblical passages, and
pastoral care, among many other topics. Hildegard also oversaw the creation of illuminations,
artistic depictions of her visions, to accompany the written accounts.
Visions presented the medieval church with a dilemma. In most cases, there was no doubt
that visions were real; the question was whether they came from God or from the devil, who
hoped to deceive the visionary and lead him or her astray. It was with this in mind that Hildegard
wrote to Bernard of Clairvaux, an important church leader of the period, looking for support (the
first document in Hildegard of Bingen: Selected Writings). With Bernards assistance, Hildegard
received the blessing of Pope Eugenius III, who declared her visions genuine. It was the spiritual
authority provided by her visions that led her to be known as the Sibyl of the Rhine. Visions
also, however, allowed an individual to bypass the hierarchy of the church and communicate
directly with God, which made the church uneasy, especially when the visionaries were
uneducated women (as became more and more common over the course of the Middle Ages).
Hildegard, coming from a noble background and occupying a respected role in church
administration, upheld the churchs authority rather than challenging it; but the medieval church
would continue to grapple with the question of how to respond to visionaries, especially
visionary women.
In addition to her theological works, Hildegard composed numerous songs for the liturgy,
collected in 1158 as Symphony of the Harmony of Critical Revelations. She also corresponded
extensively with church figures ranging from popes to abbots to fellow nuns. Finally, she wrote
extensively about natural science and medicine in Physica and Causes and Cures (both
completed by 1158).
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Hildegards scientific and medical works are underpinned by humoral theory, an

understanding of the universe that dated back to the ancient Greeks. In brief, humoral theory held
that the four elementsearth, air, fire, and waterthat made up the cosmos, and the qualities
that they possessedcold, dryness, heat, and moisture, respectivelywere paralleled by the four
humors of the bodymelancholy (black bile), blood, choler (yellow bile), and phlegm. (Today,
we still use adjectives deriving from these humorscholeric, melancholy, phlegmatic, and
sanguineto describe peoples personalities.) Maintaining ones health was a matter of keeping
the four humors in balance; thus, Hildegard is concerned with explaining the different qualities
of natural items, and in prescribing ways to counteract harmful imbalances. Its perhaps worth
keeping in mind that medieval people understood men and women to be dominated by different
humors; men were believed to be hot and dry, while women were believed to be cold and
moista combination considered inferior to that found in men.
As you read, consider the following questions:
Where do you see Benedictine values such as humility in Hildegards writing? Does
Hildegards gender affect how she enacts those values?
How does Hildegard describe herself and her authority? What kinds of influence do her
letters suggest that she had on religious figures around her?
What kinds of imagery does she use to discuss theological issues such as the Trinity and
creation?
How does she seek to explain her visions to her readers, and what elements does she
emphasize?
From where does she derive knowledge?
Michelle Voss Roberts, Religious Studies (2009)
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The Song of Roland: Medieval Chanson

Composed in Old French, probably in the early twelfth century, The Song of Roland is an
epic poem, of a type known in French as a chanson de geste, a song of great deeds. A twelfth
century audience would have listened to a jongleur (a court poet or singer) perform the poem. A
jongleur would not so much memorize the poem as rebuild it from verbal building blocks every
time he or she performed it. Thus the poem might be shortened or lengthened, characters might
be added or dropped, depending upon time constraints and the desires of the audience. When, in
the twelfth century, clerks began writing down the orally composed and transmitted poem, it
continued to exist in many different written versions. It was not until the nineteenth century
when editors began collecting and collating manuscripts of the poem that a standard version
came into existence. Each numbered unit of the poem is called a laisse.
Although the poem is based on legend, it touches on historical events. In 711 Arabic
Muslims from North Africa had pushed across the Straits of Gibraltar to Spain, which since the
fall of the Roman Empire had been under the rule of the Visigoths. With the arrival of Muslims
from North Africa, much of Spain was converted to Islam and remained predominantly Islamic
throughout the next century or so. Muslim princes from different political houses set up rule in
different cities, bickered with each other, and sometimes formed alliances with Christian rulers
against each other.
In 778, Charlemagnes army was returning north after aiding a Muslim prince in northern
Spain in this princes quarrel with a neighboring principality. While crossing the Pyrenees, the
rearguard of the army was attacked by Basque warriors and decimated. Over time the complex
political, religious, and ethnic crossings of this event were transformed. The Basques disappear
from the story, and instead the attack of the rearguard is attributed to the treacherous
Saracensa term used by northern Europeans to designate all Arabs and non-Arab Muslims,
such as the Turks.
While the poem is set in the time of Charlemagne, the culture of chivalry and the feudal
bonds between men reflect the conventions and ideals of the late eleventh and early twelfth
centuries. The poem also reflects the ideology of the Crusades that, beginning in 1195 with Pope
Urban IIs call to Holy War against the Muslim Turks, was propelling armed pilgrimages of
European Christians to the Middle East. Proponents of the Crusades viewed Charlemagnes
eighth-century Reconquest of Muslim Spain as a precursor to the attempts to capture
Jerusalem that began in 1197, and thus representations of Charlemagnes conquests were framed
in crusading language.
The Roland is not concerned with mystery or suspense. Early on we learn what the
outcome will be, and we are periodically reminded, in unequivocal terms, that pagans are wrong
and Christians are right. In the first half of the poem, a private feud between Roland and
Ganelon becomes the basis of Ganelons political and religious betrayal. In order to rid himself
of his stepson, Ganelon makes a side deal with King Marsile of Spain, a deal that results in the
entire Saracen army ambushing Rolands much smaller troop of warriors. The first half ends
with a kind of bloody tableau on the battlefield. Notice the effort Roland expends to arrange his
own body as well as the bodies of his dead comrades. What is the message he wishes to send to
Charlemagne? How, finally, does Roland die?
What is the basis of the quarrel between Ganelon and Roland?
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Why does Roland refuse to call for help?

What values does Roland appear to stand for?
Are there significant differences between the values of the Franks and the Saracens?
What values, if any, do they share?
How, if at all, does the poem reconcile Christian values with warrior values?

Characters:
o Franks: King Charles (Charlemagne), Roland, Oliver, Archbishop Turpin,
Ganelon, Basan and Basile
o Saracens: Marsile, Blancandrin, Brammimonde
o Gods: Tervagant, Apollo, Muhammad
Places: Saragossa, Roncesvalles
Things: Durendal, relics, the oliphant
In the second half of the poem, we witness the bloody aftermath of the battle at
Roncevalles. Ganelons treachery becomes clear to all, and Charlemagne leads his army back to
Spain to exact vengeance on King Marsile and his people. Meanwhile, Marsiles overlord, the
emperor Baligant from Babylon, whose aid Marsile has been expecting for the last seven years,
finally arrives and takes over the fight from the mortally wounded Marsile. The two armies
clash, and Baligant and Charlemagne meet each other in hand-to-hand combat on the battlefield.
In the final episode of the poem, the Franks return to Aix la Chapelle with the Saracen queen
Brammimonde as their captive. While the rest of the Saracens are either killed or converted at
sword-point, Queen Brammimonde, Charlemagne declares, must be converted for love.
Once in Aix, Ganelons trial begins. Notice that after all that has happened, Ganelon has
strong supporters who argue that he should be absolved. Pay attention to the arguments made for
and against Ganelons culpability. Finally, the trial takes the form of a judicial combat. Two
warriors, one representing the defense (Ganelon) and one representing the prosecution
(Charlemagne) fight to the death. The one who wins is the one with God on his side.
The title The Song of Roland was bestowed upon the poem by a nineteenth-century
editor. Does this title make sense to you? Why not call it The Song of Charlemagne or
The Song of the Franks?
How does Roland compare to the other epic heroes you have encountered in your Search
reading?
There are only two women in this poem: Brammimonde and Aude. What functions do
they fulfill?
Characters:
o Franks: Aude, Pinable, Thierry
o Saracens: Brammimonde, Baligant
Places: Aix la Chapelle (modern day Aachen, near the French-German border)
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Saint Anselm: Father of Scholasticism

Anselm (1033-1109), a monk, philosopher, and later recalcitrant Archbishop of
Canterbury (1093-1109), was born to a wealthy family in the Burgundian town of Aosta (now in
Italy). He became a Benedictine monk, and later abbot in Bec, Normandy (now France). Anselm
was canonized in 1494 and named Doctor of the Church in 1720. The first important thinker to
apply Aristotelian logic (gleaned from Boethius) to Christian theology, Anselm is considered by
many to be the father of scholasticism. In Anselms time the university was just coming into
existence in Europe (the first degree granting university was the University of Bologna, founded
in 1088). Prior to the formation of universities, most people were educated by a private tutor, at a
monastery (like Anselm), or by attending a cathedral school. The rise of universities in Europe
was accompanied by the rise of a method of argumentation and study which has become known
as Scholasticism. In Anselm we see the beginnings of the Scholastic method, while in Thomas
Aquinas we see its culmination.
Scholasticism is a method and not a set body of doctrines, but almost all Scholastic
philosophers share the belief that everything we need to know is made accessible to us by God.
Scholastics were not skeptical about human reason and many saw no reason to experiment with
nature. Scholastic philosophers were, in short, concerned with logically proving various
theological tenets, such as the existence of God. For the Scholastics, there was no clearly defined
distinction between philosophy and theology, or put differently, between faith and reason.
Indeed, Anselms motto is faith seeking understanding (fides quaerens intellectum). This
phrase illustrates how Scholastics viewed their proofs. Scholastic philosophers were not
usually presenting arguments that were meant to convince non-believers. Instead, they created
arguments that would help them understand better the nature of God and other aspects of the
world. These proofs only work if you already make certain presuppositions about the world
and God presuppositions that the Scholastics thought were acceptable because they seemed
self-evident to all human beings.
Anselms proof in his Proslogion for the existence of God has come to be called the
Ontological Argument. Ontological is a Greek-derived word that means the study of
Being/existence. Anselms argument is ontological in that it begins with the definition of God
(which is what it means to be God). One way to think of Anselms argument is as a reductio ad
absurdum argument. In logic, a reductio argument is one where you try and prove that something
is true by showing that its logical opposite cant be true because it leads to a contradiction (a big
no-no in logic). If its logical opposite is false, then it must be true (given what it means to be
opposite). You may not realize it, but you and others around you use this kind of argument all the
time. For example, a classic argument against gun control is summed up in the following slogan:
If guns are outlawed, then only outlaws will have guns. The argument is a reductio in that it
implies that a ban on guns would contradict the intended purpose of the policy. The purpose was
to make people safer, but the argument implies that the opposite is true people are not safer.
Although I have identified the structure of the argument, I cannot tell you yet whether one has to
accept the conclusion. What still remains to be determined is whether the premise of the
argument gun control makes people less safe - is actually true (the debate is still ongoing). But
if it does turn out to be true, then gun control should not be implemented.
In Anselms argument, to deny the existence of God (that which nothing greater than can
be conceived) is to involve oneself in a contradiction: How can a nonexistent God be the greatest
conceivable being, if I can imagine a being just like God that ALSO exists? If God did not exist,
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then God would not be that which nothing greater than can be conceived. But that leads us to a
contradiction: if God doesnt exist then God is both 1) that which nothing greater than can be
conceived; and 2) that which something greater than can be conceived (a being just like God but
with the added quality of existence). The only way to remove this contradiction is to say that
what created it (denying the existence of God) is impossible. Consequently, we cant deny that
God exists. Dont worry if the argument still puzzles you a little after reading it in the
Proslogion. The whole point of the argument is to be a mental exercise that challenges our
understanding of God. The following questions may help you to identify the source of your
puzzlement:
What counts as reasonable or self-evident here, and is it, in fact, reasonable?

If, as Anselm clearly states in Chapter One of the Proslogion, faith precedes any
possibility of understanding, what are we proving and to whom?
If one has faith, of what benefit is logic?
Is the definition of God that Anselm gives one that you accept? Why or why not?
Is existence a quality that objects have? Does existing make an object greater than one
that does not exist? (For example, is a real Santa Claus greater than a non-existent one?)
What is wrong with contradictions?
What is Gaunilos main objection to Anselms argument?
Anselms particular method of proof relies on the idea that we know the nature of God.
Thomas Aquinas criticizes the Ontological Argument in his Summa in the following way:
A thing can be self-evident in either of two ways: on the one hand, self-evident in itself,
though not to us; on the other, self-evident in itself, and to us. A proposition is selfevident because the predicate is included in the essence of the subject, as "Man is an
animal," for animal is contained in the essence of man. If, therefore the essence of the
predicate and subject be known to all, the proposition will be self-evident to all; as is
clear with regard to the first principles of demonstration, the terms of which are common
things that no one is ignorant of, such as being and non-being, whole and part, and such
like. If, however, there are some to whom the essence of the predicate and subject is
unknown, the proposition will be self-evident in itself, but not to those who do not know
the meaning of the predicate and subject of the proposition. Therefore, it happens, as
Boethius says (Hebdom., the title of which is: "Whether all that is, is good"), "that there
are some mental concepts self-evident only to the learned, as that incorporeal substances
are not in space." Therefore I say that this proposition, "God exists," of itself is selfevident, for the predicate is the same as the subject, because God is His own existence as
will be hereafter shown (Q 3, a. 4). Now because we do not know the essence of God, the
proposition is not self-evident to us; but needs to be demonstrated by things that are more
known to us, though less known in their nature namely, by effects (ST I, Q2, a.1).
Aquinas point is that the Ontological Argument fails because we cant know the essence of God.
Instead, we must focus on Gods effects on the world (which are known to us), as he does in the
Five Ways.
Alex Novikoff, Department of History
138
Aquinas and the Triumph of Scholasticism

An intellectual and cultural revival occurred in twelfth-century Europe that
culminated in what is perhaps the greatest single legacy of the Middle Ages to the
intellectual history of the West: the university. Although the university was not formally
recognized as an institution by ecclesiastical and lay authorities until the early thirteenth
century, guilds or corporations (universitas in Latin) of students and masters devoted to
higher learning were already clearly in place by the end of the twelfth century in urban
areas such as Bologna, where the focus was on law, and Paris, where the focus was on
theology. Indeed, the term theology only first gained currency as a discipline of study
in the course of the twelfth century. Scholasticism is very simply the term used to
describe the teaching methods and course of studies adopted in the schools and
universities of Europe in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.
The writings of Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274) are exemplary of the scholastic
culture of the medieval university in part because Aquinas was so prolific, but also
because his prominence as a professor of theology at the University of Paris during and
after his lifetime ensured him a wide, though by no means universal, following. One
indication of his prominence and of the highly systematic nature of his thinking is the
use of the term Thomism to refer to his approach to philosophy and theology. His
influence has been especially powerful among Catholic thinkers since the later nineteenth
century, when an encyclical of the Catholic Church prompted a revival in Thomism.
Since then his writings and ideas have commanded much attention not only in the broad
areas of theology and philosophy but even in aesthetics and cognition.
Thomas was born in 1225 at Roccasecca near the town of Aquino (whence his
cognomen), midway between Rome and Naples and very close to the great Benedictine
monastery of Montecassino that St. Benedict had founded in the sixth century. At the age
of five, his family entered him at Montecassino, where his studies began. Eventually
Thomass family transferred him to the University of Naples. There he came into contact
with the new Aristotle, whose writings had been recently recovered after centuries of
unavailability to Europeans, and with the Order of Preachers, or Dominicans, a
mendicant order recently founded for the purpose of preaching to heretics in southern
France. He became a Dominican over the protests of his family, and eventually went
north to study, first at Cologne with Albert the Great, whose interest in Aristotle
strengthened Thomas's own predilections, and eventually in Paris, where he rose to
become a Master and for three years occupied one of the Dominican chairs in the Faculty
of Theology. He was canonized that is, declared a saint by the Catholic Church in
1323.
For Aquinas, theological discourse begins with what God has revealed about
Himself and His action in creating and redeeming the world, and the world is to be
understood in that light. Philosophical discourse begins with knowledge of the world, and
if it speaks of God, what it says is conditioned by what is known of the world. Thus there
can be both a theological and a philosophical discussion of those subjects, providing for a
fruitful engagement between theology and philosophy. For this reason, Thomas'
theological works are very often exemplary models of that engagement between
theological and philosophical reflection.
His multi-volume Summa Theologiae
(sometimes spelled Summa Theologica), by far his most famous work, was intended to be
139

a compilation of all the main theological teachings of the time. The Summa's topics
follow a cycle: the existence of God; God's creation, Man; Man's purpose; Christ; the
Sacraments; and back to God. It is also famous for its five arguments (or Five Ways)
for the existence of God. A notable feature of the Summa is the question-and-answer
format that deliberately imitates the antics of the classroom disputation in which students
would ask questions and the professor would respond. In the Summa each part contains
several questions, each of which revolves around a specific subtopic.
Thomas Aquinas works are both theoretical and practical. Because Aquinas was
also a member of the Dominican Order, and since the order was responsible for preaching
and converting heretics, he also dealt in some of his other works with the topics of
heresy, Judaism, and Islam. The most notable of Aquinas polemical treatises is his
Summa Contra Gentiles, which deals directly with the problem of unbelief as well as
extending his discussion of the relation between philosophy and theology.
As you read the assigned selections from his writings, take note of the following:
The structure of his writing: Is it pedagogically effective or do you find it too
rigid?
The logic of his arguments: Do his conclusions follow from his premises and are
all objections fairly presented?
The importance of Aristotle in Aquinas theology.
The role of law, its definition and application in the world.
The respective position of pagans, Jews, and Muslims in the Christian world.
Alex J. Novikoff, Department of History
140

Dantes Divine Comedy

Dantes Inferno is the first book in a three-part epic called the Divine Comedy, an
allegorical poem that documents the pilgrimage of a character named Dante who is given the
opportunity, while still living, to travel through Hell, Purgatory, and Paradise. The latter two
parts of the epic are called Purgatorio and Paradiso. The point of this journey is to witness
Gods justice and grace and to return to the living world to tell about it.
Dante is guided through Hell and most of Purgatory by the shade, or spirit, of the poet
Virgil, whom Dante considers to be his literary progenitor. Although the two writers are
separated by 1300 years, Dante often refers to Virgil as his real teacher and his maestro. Virgil,
having died before the birth of Christ, was considered to be a pagan by medieval Christians;
however, he was accorded a special status in the Middle Ages because of his Fourth Eclogue,
which Christian readers interpreted as foretelling the birth of Christ. Furthermore, for Dante,
Virgil represented the height of human reason, which Dante viewed as a crucial component of
being a Christian.
Dantes guide for the final part of his journey through Paradise will be Beatrice, a woman
with whom Dante supposedly fell in love when still a boy. There is little evidence confirming
whether Beatrice was a real, historical person. According to what Dante writes about her in his
autobiographical work, the Vita Nuova, he encountered her only three times in his life before she
died at the age of 24. Nevertheless, she becomes, for Dante, a figure of salvation, first as an
embodiment of earthly love and then as a sign of divine love. As you will see in Canto 1, it is
through Beatrices intercession that Dante is allowed to make this spiritual journey toward what
will be his conversion.
Dante Alighieri was born in 1265 into a respectable but non-aristocratic family in
Florence. He was deeply involved in the cultural and political life of Florence. At this time, Italy
was composed of city-states, each a kind of nation unto itself, each identified by a particular
dialect of Italian. You will notice that the denizens of Hell often recognize Dante as a Florentine
because of the Tuscan dialect of speech he uses (Florence is in the region of Tuscany).
Part of what makes Dantes poem both fascinating and difficult are his references to the
complex politics of Florence and Italy as a whole. The notes at the end of each canto can help
you navigate through the many references to Dantes contemporaries in Florence. Here,
however, is a brief sketch of the political situation in Italy. The city-states in Florence were
divided in loyalty between two political parties. The Ghibellines were the party of the Holy
Roman Emperor and the Guelfs were the party of the Pope. These two parties were in constant,
often violent conflict. Dante belonged to the party of the Guelfs, which had been in power in
Florence since Dantes childhood. However, this affiliation doesnt easily account for Dantes
complex political views, which included mistrust of the papal use of temporal powers and a
scathing criticism of many particular popes, a number of whom Dante meets on his journey
through Hell.
The politics of Florence were complicated further when the Guelf party split into two
groups, the Blacks (affiliated with the aristocratic Donati family) and the Whites (representing
the rising power of the merchant/banker class). Beginning in 1295, Dante held an administrative
office in the Florentine government under the White party. When in 1300 a coup brought the
Blacks into power in Florence, Dante ended up on the wrong side of the political divide. He was
accused of corruption in office (barratry) and sentenced to lifetime exile, a punishment that
included a death sentence should he try to return to Florence. In 1302 Dante went to Ravenna,
141
where he eventually began working on the Divine Comedy. For Dante, exile from his beloved
Florence was a serious blow. He also had to rely on the patronage of wealthy patricians in order
to survive.
While in exile, Dante began writing the Divine Comedy. Completed by1314, the poem is
set during the year 1300 when Dante was 35 years old. The poem opens on Good Friday. Dante
the pilgrim spends all of Holy Saturday journeying through Hell. He enters Purgatory on the
morning of Easter Sunday.
Through making Virgil his guide through Hell, Dante signals his indebtedness to the
Aeneid. It is possible to see the Divine Comedy as a kind of Christian epic that rewrites Virgil in
the same way that Virgil rewrites Homer. In Dantes version, however, the period of wandering
and the battle are entirely spiritual, interior, and deeply personal. Furthermore, Dantes
attachment to Virgil has to do with Dantes belief that the Classical Roman Empire was the
necessary precursor to the Holy Roman Empire, that the ancient Romans, unwittingly, prefigured
the Christians.
It is also possible to see the Divine Comedy as a kind of spiritual autobiography along the
lines of Augustines Confessions, an autobiography that is geared toward the moment of
conversion. In fact, Augustines Confessions provides another important structuring principle
and reservoir of motifs for Dante. For Augustine, looking back upon his life through the lens of
his conversion, every sin is a step toward his salvation. Dante, like Augustine, has strayed off of
the straight path to God and thus is forced to take a different, more circuitous route to salvation.
Another idea that Dante borrows from Augustine is that sin and salvation are matters of
incorrect and correct reading, respectively. After years of reading incorrectlyof not seeing
the spiritual truth behind a textAugustine achieves his conversion through a correct act of
reading; he reads a Bible verse at random and finally understands that it applies to him. From
Augustines (and Dantes) point of view, all texts, whether secular or sacred, point the way to
God if they are read correctly for their spiritual meaning. In many ways Dantes journey is about
him learning how to correctly read, or interpret, the meaning of Hell and of Gods justice.
As you read, pay attention to how Dante is received as he descends further into Hell.
What about him surprises the denizens of Hell? How does he get sinners to tell him their
stories? Which sinners does he respond to sympathetically? Unsympathetically? What
does it mean to have sympathy for condemned sinners?
What kinds of stories do the sinners tell about themselves? Do they seem to understand
why they are in Hell?
Dante refers to the form of punishment in Hell as the contrapasso or, in English,
counterpenalty. This means that the punishment fits the crime, often in a deeply ironic
way. As you read, take note of how particular punishments are appropriate to particular
sins.
What is the logic of the hierarchy of sin in Dantes Hell? Does it make sense to you?
Why, for example, does Dante consider sins of fraud to be more serious than sins of
violence?
Canto I: Why is Virgil an appropriate guide through Hell? Why wont he be guiding Dante
into Paradise?
142
Canto 2: How does Dante respond to Virgils proposal to journey through Hell? How did
Virgil learn that Dante needs help?
Canto 3: Ante- Hell, Charon, the River Acheron
This is where we find the souls of those who earned neither honor nor bad fame (3.31).
Pay attention to the words inscribed over the gates of Hell. Who made the gates of Hell?
Canto 4: Limbo, the Virtuous Pagans
What is it like in Limbo? Who does Dante find there? How is he received?
Canto 5: the Lustful, Minos, Paolo and Francesca
How did Paolo and Francesca sin? What book were they reading? What is their punishment?
Why is it appropriate? What is Dantes response to Francescas story?
Canto 6: the Gluttonous, Cerberus, Ciacco
What is the punishment of the gluttonous? Why is it appropriate? What favor does Ciacco
ask Dante?
Canto 7: Spenders and Hoarders
What is the punishment here? Why doesnt Dante recognize anyone?
Canto 8: As Dante and Virgil approach the towers of the city of Hell, they must get on a boat
to cross the river Styx, which is filled with the souls of the wrathful. After being deposited
outside the walls of the city of Dis, Dante is refused entrance. Dante gets very nervous as
they await help.
Canto 9: the Furies, Medusa
We learn that Virgil has made this journey before. What is the danger to Dante here? Who
comes to help them?
Canto 10: The Heretics
Dante is recognized by his Tuscan speech. Dante inadvertently misleads the father of his
friend Guido Guinizelli into believing that his son is dead.
Canto 11: Why do Dante and Virgil have to stop here for a short time? Virgil uses this time
to explain to Dante the logic of how sins are punished in Hell. Pay attention to how sins are
categorized and how they are ordered in terms of gravity. What are the most serious sins?
Least? Why?
Canto 12: Violent toward others, the Minotaur, Chiron, Nessus
Dante and Virgil are guided through the circle of the violent toward others by Nessus the
centaur.
143
Canto 13: Violent toward the self (suicides) Pier delle Vigne
Pay attention to the way the wood of the suicides is modeled after the scene in Book III of
the Aeneid where Aeneas discovers the soul of Polydorus. What does Virgil ask Dante to do?
How do the souls here speak?
Canto 14: Violent toward God (blasphemers)
Dante and Virgil continue past the wood of the suicides and cross into a plain of burning
sand, where they encounter the blasphemer Capaneus.
Cantos 15 and 16: Violent toward Nature (sodomites), Brunetto Latini
The medieval church viewed sodomy (sex between men or any kind of non-reproductive sex)
as a sin. What does Dantes representation of the landscape, the sinners, and their punishment
say about the way he views sodomy? Brunetto Latini was Dantes teacher. What is Dantes
reaction to finding him here? Many readers have responded uncomfortably to the fact that
Dante has basically outed his teacher here by accusing him of sodomy in his poem. What
do you think about the fact that Dante placed his teacher in Hell? Is Dantes portrait of
Brunetto sympathetic?
Canto 17: Violent toward Art (usurers), Geryon
What does Geryon look like? What is the significance of his appearance?
Note the two similes Dante uses to describe the experience of flying on Geryon. What
mythological characters do they describe and why might they be relevant here?
What is usury and why is it considered an act of violence against Art?
Cantos 18-20: Sins of Fraud (Seducers and Panders, Flatterers, Diviners)
Geryon carries Dante and Virgil to the 8th Circle, called Malebolge, which contains 10
pouches for 10 different types of fraud. The language of the poem becomes increasingly
graphic as Dante and Virgil descend. The sinners in this area are covered in excrement, and
Dantes poetry strains to find different ways to refer to human wastemerda. Why might
Dante think this punishment is appropriate for people who seduce and flatter?
Cantos 21-23: Sins of Fraud (Barrators, Hypocrites)
Barratry is the sale of state offices. It is the secular equivalent of simony (the sale of church
offices). Barratry is also the charge for which Dante was sent into exile. What do you think
Dante is saying about his relationship to this sin in his depiction of its punishment here?
What do you make of the devilsthe Malebranchewho mete out punishment in this circle?
Canto 26: Sins of Fraud (False Counselors), Ulysses
The version of Ulysses that Dante presents here is rather different from the one given by
Homer. Notice that Ulysses speech to his comrades that he performs for Dante here is
modeled upon Aeneass speech to his comrades in Book I of the Aeneid. Why is the hero
Ulysses in the depths of Hell rather than with the virtuous pagans? This canto has many
structural and thematic similarities to Canto 5 (Paolo and Francesca). Do you see anything
that Ulysses and Francesca have in common?
144
Canto 31: Dante and Virgil enter a liminal area between the sins of fraud and the sins of
betrayal. This area is filled with giants, including the giant Nimrod, whose punishment for
building the Tower of Babel is to only speak a language that no one else can understand. By
telling him that Dante will renew his earthly fame through his poetry, Virgil convinces the
giant Antaeus to lower them down to the next level
Canto 32: Sins of Betrayal (of kin)
Notice that Dante is increasingly worried about finding the appropriate language to describe
what he sees. What is the response of the sinners to Dantes offer to give them fame on earth
in exchange for learning their identities?
Canto 33: Sins of Betrayal (of country and party), Count Ugolino
Pay attention to the way in which Ugolino is being punished (the description begins at the
end of canto 32). Does the story he tells explain anything about his sin?
Canto 34: Sins of Betrayal (of benefactors), Brutus, Judas, Cassius
Pay close attention to how Satan is represented. What does he look like? What activity is he
engaged in? Is it what you expected? How do Dante and Virgil get out of the pit of Hell?
Purgatorio, Canto 1:
Dante describes purgatory as a mountain on the south side of the world, opposite Jerusalem.
The saved yet sinful souls gradually ascend the mountain as they atone for the sins of their
lifetime. Once cleansed or purged of the vice, the souls move up the mountain. In a scheme
similar to that of the Inferno, each ledge of the mountain is set aside for a particular vice.
What do you make of the idea of a purgatory? How does purgatory contribute to Dantes
considerations on the personal, social, and religious ramifications of human action?
Purgatorio, Canto 10-11: Sins of Pride, Omberto Aldobrandesco, Oderisi DAgobbio,
Provenzano Salvani
How is a carrying a crushing load of stone a fitting punishment for pride? Describe the
scenes from the lives of David and Trajan sculpted on the relief that decorates this level.
Why have these scenes been chosen for those atoning for pride? How does the prayer of the
proud in canto 11 differ from the standard version of the Lords prayer?
Paradiso, Canto 3: The Blessed but Incontinent, Piccarda Donati, Empress Constance
(From the top of the mountain of purgatory, where one finds an earthly paradise, replete with
elements from both Greco-Roman and Judeo-Christian sacred topography, Dante and
Beatrice sail up into the celestial spheres. Here the souls of the blessed arrange themselves
for Dantes benefit, although this arrangement is only an allowance for his corporeal state. It
is a metaphorical representation using terms within his comprehension. Hierarchy
nonetheless remains in this metaphor.) How have Piccarda and the Empress Constance ended
up in this lowest sphere of paradise? What is their attitude toward their position? How does
Piccardas explanation of the will relate to Augustines theology?
Paradiso, Canto 33: The Empyrean, St. Bernard of Clairvaux, the Blessed Virgin Mary,
God (After Beatrice resumes her regular place in the heavenly order, St. Bernard of
145
Clairvaux becomes Dantes escort for the last portions of the journey, although these last
stages are metaphysical in the main. The poet is given a chance to experience the true home
of the blessed, a realm of pure light beyond the human senses. After St. Bernard intercedes to
the Virgin Mary, Dante is granted a vision of the Divinity itself.) How does Dante experience
God?
Judith Haas, Department of English
146
Review and Reflection

It is appropriate at the end of a course to be reminded of where you started in the course.
Read again the introductory essay to the Reading Guide. This essay, a compilation of words from
several different voices, is a silent witness to the fact that what you have now completed has
been imagined, given shape, and altered continuously since its inception.
As you mark the end of this first year of SEARCH you too are a witness to what a search
for values means. You need not be a silent witnessyou should tell us what this search has been
and has meant for you, whether the experience has been invigorating, challenging, and
productive; or whether it has been dampening, routine, and uneventful; or any combination of
these outcomesand why. You have the opportunity to say some of these things in the formal
experiences of SEARCH over the academic year. Your commentary is taken seriously as we revise
and change the syllabus and readings for the course.
In the introductory essay, Dr. Neal noted that a students commitment to the SEARCH
course can result in gifts of the mind, of the heart, and of the spirit. So it is quite appropriate to
review and to reflect on your experiences by calling all these human capacities to account, not
necessarily subordinating one domain to another.
It probably is premature to believe that any assessment of your experiences in SEARCH at
this moment will be definitive for you. After all, there is a third semester of the course yet to
come! However, it is not premature to ask, as the introductory essay invited you to do at the very
beginning: Did you undertake your commitment to a search for values with integrity? If you did,
then the inscriptions on the bell of Halliburton Tower, resonating over this campus community
whenever the bell is rung, contain words suitable to mark this moment:
Not farewell,
But fare forward, voyagers.
147

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A Reading Guide for

Prepared by Members of the Staff

HUMANITIES 102 SECOND SEMESTER

Pauls Letter to the Romans

Essay: From Jesus to Christ

Cum colloquitur, discit. (growth through discussion)

Timeline I: 1800-700 BCE

New Kingdom in Egypt

Egy ptian Captiv ity

Ilia d and Odyssey

Tel Dan Stele

Time line II: 1200-500 BCE

Baby lonian Captivity

Timeline III: 700-300 BCE

Baby lonian Captivity

PostExilic Jud aism

Thu cyd ides

Alexander the Great

Peloponn esian Wars

Timeline IV: 400 BCE-100 CE

Hero d the Great

Hasmo nean Dynasty Ends

First Jewish War

Hero d the Great

Timeline VI: 100 CE-500 CE

Julian th e Apo state

Timeline VII: 400 CE-1400 CE

Tho mas Aquinas

St. Ben edict

CHART I The Beginnings of Civilization

Phoenicians develop alphabet

Abrahams migration from the land of the Chaldeans (?)

Descent of Jacobs family into Egypt (?)

The Exodus (ca. 1280 ?)

Stele of Pharaoh Merneptah mentions Israel

Israel as a tribal confederacy; period of the Judges

Samuel and Saul (first king of Israel)

CHART II The History of the Israelites

Ca. 1220 1004

Israels Tribal League (time of the Judges)

United Kingdom: David and Solomon

Northern (Israel also known as Ephraim)

End of the Northern Kingdom

Babylonian Exile of the Jews

Postexilic Judaism under the Persian Empire

CHART III The Classical Polis

Harmodius and Aristogeiton assassinate Hipparchos at Athens

490, 480-479 BCE

The Persian Wars

461 429 BCE

The Athenian Empire under Pericles

431 404 BCE

The Peloponnesian Wars

404 336 BCE

Decline of the citystates

359 330 BCE

Macedonian ascendancy and the beginnings of the Hellenistic period

CHART IV The Hellenistic Period

Alexander and the Hellenistic Period

167 BCE 120 CE

Roman literature, philosophy, and history:

Cicero (106-43 BCE), lawyer, stateman, author

Maccabean History: Jewish independent state (Hasmonian Empire)