The Origin of Syrian Christians of Keralam

Posted October 31, 2004

(Published in Aseemaa, A Journal for National Resurgence, Mangalore, Vol. I. No. 4, pp 37-43)
Dr. C. I. Issac.

The pre-colonial Christian converts of Kerala are popularly known as the Syrian Christians1. Among them there are
two groups, namely, Kananaya Syrian Christians and Saint Thomas Syrian Christians. The former claims that they
are descendants of Thomas of Kana (Canaan) 2, a central Asian merchant who reached the Malabar coast in the 4th
century CE and the latter claim that they are the only Christians who received baptism directly from the Apostle
(Saint) Thomas, one of the disciple of Jesus Christ3. Both sects are still maintaining an extreme savarna jati (upper
caste) mentality in their social as well as religious transactions and above all they are very particular in legitimizing
their superiority complex in the Christian discourse of Keralam. The Syrian Christians who claim the Saint Thomas
tradition are still maintaining the belief that their forefathers were converted to Christianity in the first century C.E from
among the Nambootiries (Vedic Brahmins of Keralam) at a time when the Apostle Thomas, one disciple of Jesus
Christ started his miraculous missionary activity in the Malabar Coast.
Through generations, the vested interests of various groups and sections in the core and periphery of the Christian
community of Keralam fabricated so many stories to historicise the Saint Thomas legend and the Nammbootiri
tradition of the early Christian fragments of Keralam. No doubt, this legendary story, with no historicity, canonized by
the church, became the very foundation of the customs, beliefs and even faith of the Syrian Christians of Keralam.
Christianity, a religion that advocates equality of men before God, is practicing the vulgarity of casteism and
untouchability in the Providence of Keralam, under the shadow of this savarna complex.
The Saint Thomas legend claims that ancient Nambootiri taravadus (house holds) such as Pakalomattom,
Sankarapuri, Kalli, Kalikavu, Maliyekkal, etc received their baptism directly from Saint Thomas the apostle, and
thereafter they opted the path of Christianity4. This story of conversion deeply penetrated into the Syrian Christian
discourse of Keralam5. Let us examine the historicity of the Saint Thomas legend.
A major chunk of Syrian Christian population (both Saint Thomas Syrians and Kananaya Syrians) of Keralam resides
in the districts of Trissur, Ernakulam, Kottayam, Iduki, Pathnamthitta and the eastern parts of Kollam and Alapuzha. A
careful study of the published family histories of various rich aristocratic Syrian Christian families of the above said
regions revels the stereotype contents and morphological similarities. Above all, most of these family histories extend
their roots into one of the above-mentioned Nambootiri household/family circle (taravadus) 6.
The Kananaya Syrian Christians, on the other hand, extend their traditions beyond the seas and lays them into the
cities of Middle East, that is, to Syria, Jerusalem, Baghdad, Nineveh, etc. According to Kananaya tradition, a
businessman and a maritime trader Thomas of Canaan7 reached Kodungalloor, capital of the Cera Empire and a
renowned seaport of the day, in 345 C.E along with 72 families hailing from seven clans of the Middle East. It is
believed that the present day Kananaya Syrian Christian community of Keralam is the progenies of this Syrian
migration of the fourth century CE. However, the Kananaya Syrians, maintain a distinctive ritualistic and ceremonial
model, which differs from the rest of the Christians of the land that attribute a special identity to them in the
Christendom of Keralam8. They are popularly known amongst the Saint Thomas Syrian Christians of Keralam as
Southerners (Thekkumbagar) and vice versa the others are called Northerners (Vadakkubagar or Vadukans).
Anyway this story of Kananaya migration has the support of no reliable historical evidence until this time.

A forged Copper Plate Grant.

The customary belief amongst the Kananaya Syrian Christian community is that in 345 CE one Perumal/king (name
is not known to them) 9, who ruled Kodungalloor all through this period had given a Copper Plate Grant to Thomas of
Canaan, by which the King had showered a set of trading as well as socio-religious prerogatives to the Kananaya
Syrian Christian community. Whatsoever it may be, at present there is no such original Copper Plate Grant or any
reliable evidence in their possession to prove this claim10. It was only a fabulous story of an imaginative talent and it,
orally transmitted through generations, has no historicity. Instead of the original document, they are keeping the copy
of a forged document originally written in Portuguese language11. There was no probability of issuing such a

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document in a European language by a 4th century CE by a Kerala ruler. It is note worthy that a 10th century CE king
of Keralam, Bhaskara Ravi Varman I had issued a Copper Plate Grant to the Jewish community in the vernacular
(Malayalam) which is still in the possession of the Israel government. But the Kananaya Syrian Christians mitigation
of this lapse that it was misplaced somewhere else in the deluge of time, is not justifiable. The stories associated with
the missing of the original Malayalam copy of the Copper Plate Grant are a bit humorous. It is highly
paradoxical/illogical that all dates in this Copper Plate Grant are in the months of Kollam Era, which was introduced
here in a later year that is 825 CE12. The state of the art of the Copper Plate Grant is the handiwork of the
Portuguese missionary interest, whose notoriety in fabricating stories and documents is a well-established fact.
Therefore, the reliability of the text of the Copper Plate Grant of 345 CE is not satisfactory both judiciously and in the
eyes of history.
Incompatible Claims.
It is the universal tendency that after the attainment of financial well-being, an average individual psyche is always
ceaselessly in search of accomplishing social status, nobility and tradition. By and large the social psyche is not much
different from this individual psyche. It is because of the reason that the societal psyche is the sum total of the
individual psyche of the society specific. Therefore the emotions, feeling, outlook, etc of the individuals of the society
specific altogether are transformed in to the societal psyche. The ethno psychology of the Kananaya Christians/Saint
Thomas Syrian Christians does not run contrary to this universal notion of self-esteem. In the case of Keralas upper
caste Christians (savarna/Saint Thomas Syrian Christians as well as Kananaya) the fortification of their social status
in respect of wealth, nobility and respect is an essential condition to make Syrian Christians to fit as a counter
weight to their Hindu savarna counterparts. Above all, this exercise is intended to make their claims over tradition and
status a foolproof one historically 13. The claims were further enhanced with the arrival of the western missionary
enterprises in Keralam14. Before the arrival of the European Christian powers, the Christian population in Keralam
was a negligible sect. With the rising influence of Islam in Malabar region Christians lost their base and were forced to
migrate to the state of Cochin15. According to Ward and Conner the Christian population altogether in Travancore
and Cochin during the early decades of the 19th century CE was 35,000 with 55 churches16. In addition to it modern
or colonial, and after Christian theological attempts to identify Christianity as the highest form or essence of religion,
17 reflected in the space of Syrian Christian discourse multi dimensionally.
Saint Thomas Christians and their Church hierarchy together purposefully cultivated the story of upper caste Hindu
conversion to Christianity in the first century of the Common Era (CE) and it led to the birth of Syrian Christian social
formation in Keralam, is truly a myth rather than a fact. At the same time as this belief has no historicity at all. They
are justifying this lapse of historical/ documentary evidence as natural and argue that most of the early (pre European
period) documents were misplaced somewhere else in the deluge of time. Nevertheless the Syrian Christians
savarna/upper caste notion is still justified through myths and hearsay evidences only. No doubt, almost all these
legendary evidences are the purposeful creations of the priestly interest as well as the European missionary
concern18.
As a short cut, very rarely, some historiographers use legendary stories as evidence to lay a blueprint to the ancient
or obscure periods in history. In order to legitimize the history of Syrian Christian savarna origin, the Church
historiographers of Kerala had blindly opted the said panacea as a paradigm to deconstruct the Syrian Christian
history and claim it a flawless one. Therefore the available church histories of Keralam are more subjective than
objective. No doubt, legends are the handiwork of time. Some vested interest deliberately and purposefully
mixed/inducted misinformation in it, which are toxic than the untruth. Therefore, it is a Himalayan task to sort out
historicity from legendary Syrian Christian history. Kerala church historiographers did not observe the principle of
everything seen should have been looked at in the proper light19. Their exercises on legends to deconstruct the
Syrian Christian history are to please the Christian aristocratic interests and it is a serious lapse in the
epistemological point of view. In short the legends are not dependable sources to a student of history. Hence the
Saint Thomas myth is a misleading pointer as far as the history of the Syrian Christian is concerned.
Therefore a student of Syrian Christian history has to find out some yard sticks other than those at present in use,
i.e., myth and fairy tales, to deconstruct the traditional stories, which glorifies its savarna tradition. Long before the
arrival of the Europeans the Syrian Christians were the integral part of the native social existence and they fulfilled
the respective jati functions of the native social sequence. Yet, as pointed out by P. Cheriyan, a church historian of
Keralam,
., there has existed on the Malabar Coast from the earliest centuries of our era a body of Christians, quite
isolated from the rest of Christendom, as beacon of light, however dim, in the midst of a vast non-Christian
population. 20 After the European arrival they were detached from the native social life and disfigured their native
sign and value systems causing the birth of the Syrian Christian discourse. In order to sort out this catastrophe in the
Syrian Christian history, researchers should find out the intrinsic nature of Syrian Christian discourse of Keralam.

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Thereafter to make an analogical/ correlative study of the Syrian Christian cultural as well as ritual models with the
existing and vanished models, symbols of various jaties of Keralam are also to be taken into account. The Syrian
Christians of Keralam are not a monolithic racial or cultural structure but a conglomeration of various jaties, is an
accepted fact. That is why the analogical paradigm is proposed.
In such an analogical study, food habits, dress patterns, ritual, cultural forms, etc of Syrian Christians should be taken
into account. 1. A comparative study of the specialties of food habits of Syrian Christians, both of Kananaya and Saint
Thomas, with various jaties of Kerala reveal some clues or direction towards the origin and nature of the Syrian
Christian social formations of the present day. 2. Another step towards this direction is to sort out non-Christian rituals
those are not practiced by Christians world over dominated in the Syrian Christian ritualistic configuration. 3. An
analogical study on the art forms of Syrian Christians will be much helpful to prove or disprove how far the
Nambootries/savarnas contributed to the birth of Christianity in Keralam during the early centuries of the Common
Era. With the help of the above-mentioned yardsticks, a student of history can conduct an anatomical study into the
Syrian Christian corpus.
For the reason that of the Portuguese Catholic onslaughts on Malabar Christianity, a lot of valuable cultural models
such as dress patterns, art forms, rituals and practices, etc were either defaced or shattered. In short, the Portuguese
Catholic attempt to de-Hinduise the Malabar (Keralam) Christianity resulted in the Synod of Damper (Udayamperoor),
1559, and it was the graveyard of Syrian Christian Hindu morphology21. The still surviving cultural models, which
overcame time and European onslaughts, to a certain extent, can be used to peep into the socio-cultural
morphological aspects of Syrian Christians.
First question to be discussed is the Nambootiri Conversion Theory as regards the origin of Christianity in Keralam.
According to the customary belief of the Syrian Christians, an apostle of Jesus Christ, Thomas reached Keralam in
the year 52 of CE and converted its most aristocratic jati, i.e., Nambootiries (native Vedic Brahmins), to Christianity. It
is a totally ridiculous historical fallacy because it is an established fact that in the first century CE there were no
Nambootiries (Brahmins) settlements in Keralam. Really the Nambootiries started their migration from the banks of
Godavari River to Keralam during the reign of Kadmaba King Mayoora Verman (340-370 CE), in the 4th century
CE.22 It is believed that the first batch of Nambootiries reached here from Ahisetram. In no way this place is nearer to
the then Christian world. All schools of historians in Keralam now have recognized all these facts without any
difference of opinion. Above all, so far, there is no traceable evidence for a Nambootiri interaction with early
Christians, which resulted in the birth of Syrian Christian discourse. Thus one thing is clear that the non-existent
Nambootiris conversion to Christianity by a man who never visited this land (Saint Thomas), is a poetical imagination
and a passing episode in the history of Syrian Christian aristocracy23.
Above all prior to the arrival of Europeans the Christian population was only a marginal group. The statistics proves
that the tremendous growth in the Christian population was the result of the European interlude. In the European
period aggressive mission activities converted Hindus of all strata, without looking into social as well as economic
status, into Christian faith of Keralam. Even the Orthodox Syrian Christian faith of Keralam, who claims status of
savarna aristocracy, between sixteenth century and nineteenth century imbibed several subaltern jatis. In course of
time unidentifiably they constituted the Orthodox Church24.
Beef eating Brahmin? A paradox.
Central Kerala is the abode of a major chunk of Syrian Christian population. Let us see the food habits of the Syrian
Christians of central Keralam. No doubt, Syrian Christians are no exception to the universal Christian food habit of
non-vegetarianism. The Syrian Christians specialty to beef is a very popular phenomenon. A large-scale cow
slaughter is taking place in Central Keralam and the chief consumers of it are Syrian Christians (both Kananaya and
Saint Thomas). The ancient beef eating community, prior to the arrival of Christianity, was Parayas (Candalas) of
Keralam. Tradition says that the Parayas were a noble class of ancient Keralam. Legend says that they were sons of
Saint Vasista. Their craze for beef led to the ostracism by the rest jatis in the deluge of time. Above all, because of
their beef eating habit, the later arrived Nambootiries (Brahmins) did a lot to seclude them from the Hindu main
stream. Even though these stories bear no historicity, it can give some hints on the process of societal polarization.
Hindus in general and Brahmins in particular since the days of Vedas are worshippers of cows. It is difficult to believe
that a simple alteration of religion/faith can effect changes in the food habits of a social group. Christianity or Islam in
its true experience only produced regional variations instead of universal models. Even in the case of Indian
Christians the regional variations are more reflecting, for instance, generally Indian Christians are more Hindu than
Christian. It is because of the reason that usually the aborigine cultures override the alien faith. Hence it is difficult to
believe that the change of food habits of the caste Hindus of the first century CE is simply by a change of faith. Hence
the argument of savarna/Nambootiri conversion behind the birth of Syrian Christian faith in Keralam has no standing.

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The high priests of the traditional Parayas are called Kaikaran25. It is interesting to see that the trustee/prasuventi
of Syrian church is still known/identified in the land as Kaikaran. Why did a savarna origin Syrian Christian not go for
a savarna term like Kalakakaran or Adhikari instead of a subaltern terminology? No doubt, this trustee of the Syrian
church (kaikaran) is always hailing from aristocratic Syrian Christian family circle/taravadu of the respective parish.
The popular mythical story of the Parayi Petta Pantirukulam (Vararuchis marriage to a paraya/candala lady and
their twelve extra-genius sons) is a symbolic one that reminds the evolution and polarization of jati (caste)
system/culture in Keralam. One of the twelve sons of Vaararuchi, a Brahmin scholar, in a scholarly candala/paraya
lady is one Uppukottan (salt trader) who is believed to be Mar Joseph, the first bishop of the Kananaya Syrian
Christians26. This is only a legendary story. Stories usually imbibe the reflections of the contemporary societies. If so,
no doubt, this story may be a cursor to the marital relations between Kananaya Syrian Christians and Parayas
(Candalas), which was practiced, in the long-gone days. Above all this story justifies the natives matrimonial alliance
with alien societies.
Are the people of Canaan white complexioned or not?
It is the general belief of the Kananaya Syrian Christians that their ancestors had migrated to Keralam in the fourth
century CE. They did not freely mix with the Saint Thomas Syrian Christians. .. an exclusive community
and by custom avoided intermarriage with the local Christians27. They are still maintaining a social seclusion by
practicing endogamy. Those who go against the practice of endogamy may be subjected to the wrath of the society in
the form of ostracism or more. The practice of endogamy, no doubt, aimed at maintaining their racial purity.
Unfortunately, the Kananaya Syrian Christian communities have no Canaanite or Syrian look but most of them are
either of black or brownish complexion and look like an ordinary Keralite. This anthropological aspect may raise
serious doubts regarding their Middle East or Canaan origin. Contrary to this Jew experience, after a long stay of
more than 2000 years in Keralam, the Jews returned to their homeland, Israel, both in colour and culture as Jews.
(The question of Black Jews is relevant here. It is accepted that they are the progenies of interracial marriages).
Primitive burial practices.
When the head of the Paraya (Candala) community is dead, as per the customary jati law they bury the corpus of the
deceased head (moopan) in sitting posture instead of the usual practice of keeping the dead body in lying position.
The Kananaya and Saint Thomas Syrian Jacobite/Orthodox factions of Kerala Christians are the only communities
other than the Parayas (Candalas) to bury the corpse of their bishops (spiritual head) in the manner of the Paraya
moopans of old. No other Christian factions neither upheld nor practiced such a burial system. This burial pattern
suggests a very strong socio-cultural or anthropological relation between both communities, which lost their link
elsewhere in the deluge of history.
Primitive rituals.
Before the arrival of the British missionaries, the Syrian Christians of Keralam maintained the ritual of offering
obsequies for the souls of the dead ancestors as that of the practice of Parayas (Candalas). After the Portuguese
Catholic interlude the Syrian Catholics transformed this practice into a more refined form that is of Office/HolyMass28. The obsequies for the dead ancestors contained blood, flesh and intoxicating drinks. The British
missionaries through their helping mission programme forcefully removed most of the primitive rituals in their socioreligious space. Before the English missionary interaction, Syrian Christians on the occasion of marriages, as a social
custom, ritually used the intoxicants/tobacco. Even today also in the marriage ceremonies of Kananaya Syrians the
use of spurious drinks has social acceptance. C.M.S Missionaries of Keralam successfully influenced Syrian Bishops
by the way of coaxing and gift giving and thus they discarded these primitive practices from their marriage
ceremonies29. Such rituals associated with marriages are still maintained by a few of the certain jatis (castes) like
Parayas, Pulayas, Vetas, Vannan, etc of Keralam.
Syrian Christian a tribal culture in its true sense.
It is said so, that the Kananaya Christian migration to Keralam took place in the year 345 CE under the leadership of
a Persian merchant named Thomas. At the time of his arrival here at Kodungalloor, a port city and capital of Cera
kingdom, he met the ruling monarch (there is no consensus amongst the Kananayas regarding the name and other
details of the ruler of Keralam who seated at Kodungalloor in 345 CE) who granted 72 social prerogatives to his
community in Keralam through a Copper Plate Grant (Kanai Thomman Cheppedu). However, one thing is very
clear. While we scrutinize the content of the said 72 prerogatives we find that the jatis of Keralam like the Pulayas,
Parayas, etc had been enjoying most of them for centuries. Therefore there is nothing extraordinary in this said
Copper Plate Grant30. It is very clear that this seventy-two prerogatives claimed by the Kananaya Christians are the
sum total of the privileges enjoyed by various jaties of Keralam. So the Kananaya Syrian Christians, as they claim,

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are neither a monolithic social formation nor a foreign race exclusive.

Among the 72 prerogatives, some are later additions. A few of such later additions are the right to the use of Nettoor
Box (a box manufactured at a place called Nettoor with coral tree wood Erythrina Indica and beautifully coloured,
was usually used in rich and aristocratic family circles/taravads of medieval Keralam31), swinging cot, gate and
gatehouse/padippura, granary, palanquin, etc. All these became symbols of aristocracy only after the ninth century
CE. It is seen that prior to the ninth century the technology of carpentry (tacusastram) was not familiar to the people
of Keralam, is an accepted truth. Above all the Kanai Thomman Cheppedu (Copper Plate Grant to Thomas of
Canaan) 345 CE has no historical soundness and the text of the document at present in circulation is a fictitious one
intended to justify their savarna origin. Till about 800 AD Kerala was almost a part of Tamilakaom and the language
of the region was Tamil with its own peculiar local characterstics32. The language of the fourth century CE Copper
Plate Grant is the Malayalam of late medieval period. Malayalam became a transactional language only in the
nineteenth century. Before that all documents of Keralam were prepared in the language of Tamil with Granthashram
or Vettezhuthu script33. Above all the original document is not traceable either. While taking all these aspects into
consideration one is led to believe that the stories centering on the Copper Plate Grant is an imaginary one.
The marriage ceremony of the Kananaya Syrian Christians, a further indication in this way of enquiry, contained
numerous formal procedures and rituals that were alien to Christians all over. Some of such ritualistic observances in
association with marriages that still exists amongst the Kananaya Syrian Christians of Keralam are the hair cutting
custom, henna application ceremony, the ritual of ash tying, the customary practice of nadavili, the customary rite of
thalakettu, etc. They are the real facsimile of the customary practices, through centuries, of the subaltern jaties such
as Vathies, Velans, Vannanas, Vetas, and Parayas34. Furthermore, since the very beginning of Kananaya Syrian
Christian history intoxicating drinks has been an unavoidable item of the feast of their marriages. This traditional
practice of serving intoxicating drinks by Kananaya Syrian Christians on the auspicious occasions is the replica of the
above-mentioned subaltern jaties of Keralam in the bygone days. While considering all the above particulars, along
with the omission of Kananaya Syrian Christians from the purview of the Protestant Christian Missionary reformist
enterprises altogether kept the uniqueness of these section without any defacement, point to the conclusion that
Kananaya Syrian Christians are the hodgepodges of subaltern jatis and a few alien elements as in the case of AngloIndians. In short, we can arrive at the point that anthropologically the Kananaya Syrian Christians of Keralam have no
racial purity and genetically they are constituted neither by complete foreign essentials nor by savarna jati exclusive
of Keralam.
Except Syrian Catholics and most of the Protestant Christians, almost all Syrian sections of Keralam rings a bell at
the climax of their Holy Mass/Communion, the same is not much different from the sound of a Velichappadus
(Temple Oracles) jingling bells worn around his waist. Most of the vanavasis of Keralam use a similar bell at the
climax of their poojas (ceremonial offering to gods). Some jatis of ancient Keralam, who specialised in witchcraft,
were also use similar kind of bells in their magical exercises. That they were using these bells to produce sound at
the climax of their magical exercises and doing it at the same symphony as Syrian Christians do it in their Holy Mass
is a noteworthy similarity. Without any hesitation, on the basis of the aforementioned traits we can arrive at a point of
conclusion that the Syrian Christians are a hodgepodge of avarna jatis and not the descendents of Nambootiries
converted to Christianity.
Cultural contributions.
Before bringing this study to a close, let us make a brief examination on the contributions of the Syrian Christians in
the cultural domain of Keralam. In the two thousand years of their existence, except in the colonial/missionary
discourse and after period, they neither produced a literary piece of excellence nor a dazzling talent in the cultural
field. However the two millenniums of Syrian Christian life in Keralam were only a passing episode in the artistic as
well as intellectual history of this land. The only prominent art form in the credit of the entire Syrian Christians of
Keralam is Margamkali35 a dance performance -, no doubt, an inferior artistic performance compared to the
traditional art forms of Keralam like Kooth, Koodiyattom, Patakom, Kathakali, Kalarippayattu, etc. The songs of the
Margamkali are composed in modern Malayalam. As they claim it was not an old art form but only a later addition
after the Portuguese. In the Margamkali presentation, the influence of subaltern art forms of Keralam like Velakali,
Pulikkali, etc,36 can be seen. The only art form of the Syrian Christian exclusive is still Margamkali. However, it may
not be possible to trace any influence of the elite art forms of Keralam in it.
Conclusion.
In the case of Keralam chaturvarniam as seen elsewhere in Bharatam was not completely applicable. Here the social
stratification was limited to two broad orders of Brahmins and Sudras only. Thus there were only Nambootiries
(Brahmins) and Sudra hierarchy based on social ranking of occupational status. Sixty-four jaties and an addition of
several avanta jaties (later additions based on new occupations) were functioning in the ancient Keralam 37.

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The center of savrna feeling of Syrian Christians is the outcome of the wealth, which they had acquired through
enhanced spice trade of the European period and the Portuguese pre-eminence in the church. Syrian Christians got
an extraneous status in the history of Keralam only after the arrival of the Portuguese. Till then they were functioning
as one among the Sudra jaties like Nairs or Elavas38. In short, before the arrival of Europeans they remained here as
a Sudra jati like Elava or Nair, doing trade, agriculture, uliam work in temples39, etc. The testimony of sixth century
CE traveler Cosmos Indicopleustus is sufficient to determine Syrian Christian social status of the early Keralam40.
The hardworking Christian community gained much through the enhanced spice trade and European support since
the days of Portuguese interlude. The wealth acquired through the cash crops cultivation and European pressure on
native rajas created a social position to Christians in general. Thus they began to think of tradition and aristocracy.
The result was the birth of the story of Nambootiri conversion and Saint Thomas. Thus the story purposefully catered
the needs of native as well as alien Christian interest in the changing social scenario.

Endnotes.
1. They are native people. In the social scenario they followed native systems and in the religious perception they
followed Syrian tradition and Syriac liturgy in their church worship. Even after the arrival of the Portuguese, they
followed Syriac and hence identified themselves as Syrians.
2. Tradition says that, Thomas Canaan (Kaana) was a Middle East Asian merchant who reached at Kodungalloor, an
ancient port city of Keralam during the fourth century CE.
3. The allegorical belief of the Syrian Christians of Kerala is that Thomas, an apostle of Christ, reached here in
person in the year 52 of CE and introduced the Christian faith in Keralam.
4. A. Sreedharamenon, Survey of Kerala History, Kottayam, p 99 & S. K. Vasnathan, Kerala Caritra Nigandu,
Kottayam, 1983, p 130.
5. This conversion story is not acceptable to the historians, because it lacks source material of any sort. A.
Sreedharamenon, Kerala Caritram, Madras, 1995, p 130.
6. The researcher scrutinized a number of Syrian Christian family histories (names not mentioning) of affluent family
circle of Travancore and a greater part of them claims their origin from a Nambootiri who got his baptism/introduction
directly from the Apostle Thomas.
7. Kananaya is the vernacularised form of Canaan. The country around Jerusalem was known popularly as Canaan.
V. Balakrishnan, History of Syrian Christians of Kerala, Trissur, 1999 p 87.
8. A. Sreedharamenon, Kerala Caritram, op cit, p 131.
9. Examined three Malayalam translations of the Copper Plate Grant that circulate amongst the community and each
giving a different name to a particular king is noticed. For further details, see N. K. Jose, Kerala Christava Tamra
Sasanangal, pp 38 42.
10. Ibidem.
11. S. K. Vasantan, op cit, p 82, V. Nagam Aiya, Travancore State Manuel, Vol. III, (rpt) Trivandrum, p 139 & T. K
Joseph, Malabar Christians and their Ancient Documents, passim.
12. First copper plate grant in Kollam Era is Mampalli Plate of Sree Vallabha Kotha in 974 CE. See P. K.
Gopalakrishnan, Keralathinte Samskarika Caritram, Trivandrum, 1991, p 242 & A. Sreedharamenon, Survey of
Kerala History, Kottayam, 1970, pp 41, 114,160.
13. Paul Chirakkarode, Dalit Christavr Keralathil, Tiruvella, 2000, p 88.
14. Ibid, pp 101 115.

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15. P. Cheriyan, The Malabar Syrians and The Church Missionary Society, Kottayam, 1935, pp 43 ff.
16. Ward (Lieut.) & Connor, Memoir of Survey of Travancore and Cochin, Trivandrum, 1863, p 147.
17. Modern Christian theology is full of attempts to identify Christianity as the highest form or the essence of religion
and to replace outright attacks on other religions, targeted as forms of devilish paganism, with more subtle attempts
at conversion by recognizing elements in them that lead to Christianity. See Peter Van Der Veer, Imperial
Encounters, New Delhi, 2001, pp 25,26.
18. V. Balakrishnan, op cit, p 72.
19. G. R. Elton, The Practice of History, London, 1982, p 96.
20. P. Cheriyan, op cit, p 39.
21. Ibid, pp 101-115.
22. P. K. Balakrishnan, Jati Vyavastitum Kerala Caritravoum, Kottayam, p 255, S. K. Vasanthan, op cit, p 217 &
Rajan Gurukal, Kerala and Temple and The Early Medieval Agrarian Systems, Sukapuram, 1992, p 29.
23. During the days of the Saint at Parumala, the Orthodox Church engaged in the conversion of dalits in to
Christianity. Such conversions were taken place at Amayannoor, Veloor, Veliyanadu, and Karthikappally, etc places.
At present in the above-mentioned places there is no dalit Orthodox Church exclusive. We cannot trace their identity
at present. No doubt the process of fusion is taken place there. See Fr. Dr. Jacob Kurien, (ed), Parumala Smruthi,
and Essay by Fr. John Thomas Karingattil, Parumala Tirumeniyudea Dalit Vimochana Darsanam, Kottayam, 2002, p
289; CMS Missionaries of Kottayam converted a large number of Ezhavas of Kumarakom and Ericadu (Kottayam
district) in to Christianity during their early mission activities. Almost all these converts were then accommodated in
the Orthodox Churches. They also now are unidentifiably absorbed in and presently constituting the part of the
respective regions of Orthodox Church. Further more the Protestant Churches of this region only accommodate dalits
only. What happened to the converts of the 19th century? For further details see The Missionary Register from 1818
to 1835.
24. C. I. Issac, Kesari Weekly, 19.5.96 & Surya Gatha monthly July 1997.
25. S. K. Vasanthan, op cit, p 243.
26. Kesari Balakrishna Pillai, Caritrathinte Adi Verukal, Trissur, 1990, p 97.
27. Joseph Kulathramannil, (Prof. Rev. Fr.), Cultural Heritage of Kananaya Syrian Christians, Sharjah, 2001, p 43.
28. The Portuguese were able to destroy the cultural and social heritage of the Keralites, to some extent., Joseph
Kulathramannil, op cit, p 33.
29. P. Cheriyan, op cit, p 68 & Missionary Register from 1818 to 1817 passim.
30. C. I. Issac, Untouchables of Travancore, An Analytical Study, (Unpublished).
31. Sreekanteswaram G Padmanabha Pillai, Sabdha Taravali, Kottayam, 1972, p 1003.
32. A.Sreedharamenon, Survey, op cit, p395 & P. K. Balakrishnan, Jati Vyavasthithiyum Kerala Caritravoum,
Kottayam, 1983, pp 225 235.
33. A. Sreedharamenon, Survey, op cit, p 395.
34. Those subaltern jatis who lived outside the peripheries of slave institutions maintained an identical life style and
culture, free of upper caste interference is to be remembered.
35. Margamkali was the most popular artistic performance prevalent among the Kananaya Syrian Christians,
Joseph Kulathramannil (Rev. Fr.) op cit, p 57.
36. It is believed that a seventeenth century Syrian Christian priest of central Travancore, Fr. Ittythomman, was the

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person behind the introduction of the new art form of Margamkali. The Music of the certain stanzas of the songs of
this art form is set in western style is a sufficient proof of its tradition. S. K. Vasanthan, op cit, pp 287-88.
37. Brahmins 8 jaties and subordinate jaties 2, jaties associated with temple rituals 12, sudras 18, degraded
jaties 10, architects 6, lowest jaties attached to agriculture activities 8. See S. K. Vasanthan, op cit, p 177.
38. P. K. Balakrishnan, op cit, p 345.
39. C. I. Issac, Printing Press in Colonial Travancore, (unpublished).
40. G. T. Mackenzine observes, Christians prior to the arrival of the Portuguese, not forms the part of Travancore
aristocracy. See Christianity in Travancore, p 8. Cosmos Indicopleustus comments that Christians are not masters
but slaves. Quoted from N. K. Jose, Adima Kerala Christavar, Vechoor, 1972, p 127

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