Society for American Archaeology

Pacariqtambo and the Mythical Origins of the Inca

Author(s): Brian S. Bauer
Source: Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 2, No. 1 (Mar., 1991), pp. 7-26
Published by: Society for American Archaeology
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/971893
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PACARIQTAMBOAND THE MYTHICAL ORIGINS OF THE INCA

Brian S. Bauer

In thisstudythe Pacariqtambooriginmythof the Inca, as describedin a numberof differentSpanishchronicles,

is analyzed throughexamining archaeologicaldata from the Provinceof Paruro(Departmentof Cuzvo,Peru).
Thefindingssuggestthat the rockoutcropof Puma Orco,locatedin the Districtof Pacariqtambo,may represent
the Tambotocoof the Pacariqtamboorigin myth, and that the nearby Inca ruins of Maukallaqtamay have
containedan oracle of thefirst mythical Inca, Manco Capac. It is suggestedthat these ruins werebuilt by the
rulingelite of Cuzvoto commemoratetheir mythicalprogenitorand to legitimatetheirsacredstatus withinInca
society.
Uno de los mecanismoscentralesque tiene lugar en la formacion de sociedadescomplejases el desarrolloy
legitimacionde la autoridadcentral,porpartede gruposemparentadosde la elite. Dentrode los estadosantiguos,
a menudolos gruposdominantespromovierony mantuvieronsus posicionesprivilegiadasdentrode la sociedad
por medio de referenciasa su descendenciaa partirde unafigura mitica consideradacreadoradel ordensocial
existente.Al igual que muchasmonarquiasde origendivino,el origenancestralde la dinastia inca esta unido a
un viajemitico desde la periferiadel reino hasta el centro.El objetivode este trabajoes de ilustrarcomo el mito
de origende los incas concuerdacon los lineamientosde otros mitos de origenesde sociedades,y explicarcomo
un conjuntode ruinasarqueologicasubicadasal sur de Cuzvopuedeser asociadacon el origenmiticode los incas.
El hallazgo sugiere que el afloramientorocoso de Puma Orco, ubicadoen el distritode Pacariqtambo,puede
representarel Tambotocoen el mito de origende Pacariqtambo,y quelas ruinasincaicascercanasde Maukallaqta
puedenhaberincluidoun oraculode Manco Capac,primerinca de acuerdoa la mitologia.Se sugiereque estas
ruinasfueron construidaspor la elite gobernantede Cuzvopara conmemorara su progenitormitico y para
legitimarsu estado sagradodentrode la sociedadinca.
One of the central mechanisms involved in the formation of complex societies is the development
and legitimization of centralized authority by elite kin groups. Dominant groups within early states
frequently promoted and maintained their privileged positions within the society through references
to their descent from a mythical figure credited with establishing the existing social order. The origin
myths of these kin groups tend to take a similar form (Hocart 1970; Sahlins 1981, 1985). The
purpose of this paper is to illustrate how the origin myth of the Inca conforms to the general outlines
of other societal origin myths, and to explain how a particular set of archaeological ruins south of
Cuzco may be associated with the mythical origins of the Inca.l
The events contained within most, if not all, societal origin myths are thought to have taken place
in a primordial setting of time, just before the modern era began. Indeed, the events that occur in
the origin myth are used to define the beginning of the modern era and frequently determine the
social parameters in which later historical actions must take place. Typically the origin myth begins
with an explanation that the father of the original ancestor was a god or the king of a mythical
realm. Accordingly, the original ancestor is said to have emerged from, or to have been born outside
of, the territory that the elite kin group would later control. The emergence or birth of the ancestral
king outside of the dominated region defines him, and his descendants, as foreigners. As Sahlins
(1985:78) notes:
It is a remarkablycommon fact that the greatchiefs and kings of political society are not of the people they
rule. By the local theories of origin they are strangers,. . . Typically,then, these rulersdo not even spnng
from the same clay as the aboriginalpeople:they are from the heavens or-in the very common case-they
are of distinct ethnic stock. In either event, royaltyis the foreigner.
Brian S. Bauer, 5514 South University,Apt. 1724, Chicago,IL 60637
Latin AmericanAntiquity,2(1), 1991, pp. 7-26.
Copynght C) 1991 by the Society for AmericanArchaeology

LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY

[Vol.2,No.1,1991

Thus there is an inseparable link between the perceived foreignness of dynastic rulers, as delineated
in their origin myths, and the legitimization of their privileged positions within the complex society.
The geographical and genealogical distance between the rulers of a state and the population they
rule serves to define them as a separate category of social beings that legitimately inherits elite social
powers and rights.
Within origin myths, it is frequently said that the original ancestor undertook a journey from his
former territory to the new area. The journey often involves a series of tests or challenges that
require heroic feats of strength or prowess. For example, it is commonly said that the original
ancestor fought and won a battle with the indigenous rulers of the region. At the end of the battle
the triumphant original ancestor is able to establish his rule over the realm. In other words, the
foreigner's arrival at and conquest of the new region reinforces his definition as a powerful outsider
in the local society. His victory has won him and his descendants the right to dominate and rule
the indigenous people of the area.
The original ancestor's triumph over the local rulers is, however, frequently coupled with a crime
against the social order. The performance of a barbaric act, such as murder or incest, further defines
the original ancestor as stronger than, or outside of, the social order, just as his conquest of the
region establishes the ancestor's domination over the native peoples. According to Sahlins (1985:
79), "Power reveals and defines itself as the rupture of the people's own moral order, precisely as
the greatest crimes against kinship: fratricide, parricide, the union of mother and son, father and
daughter, or brother and sister." As a divine conqueror, or a stranger-king, the original ancestor is
able to found a new dynastic line and to establish a new social hierarchy. Origin myths of elite kin
groups thus serve as indigenous explanations of the origin of the social order and confirmations of
the dominant social group's right to power.
The nobility ofthe Inca empire (A.D. 140s1532) was no exception to this general phenomenon
and traced its lineage back more than 10 generations to a stranger-king. The Inca elite were believed
to be the direct descendants of a mythical first Inca, named Manco Capac, who emerged from a
cave in a region called Pacariqtambo. Manco Capac is said to have traveled to the valley of Cuzco,
where he battled the local inhabitants for control of the region. Manco Capac is also said to have
married one of his sisters, Mama Ocllo, and to have murdered one of his brothers during their
journey to the Cuzco region. The Inca were, however, unusual in that, as part of a larger cultural
tradition of acknowledging mythical origin places, they explicitly associated a region south of Cuzco,
and a cave within that region, with the primordial emergence of Manco Capac. The traditional
identification of ancestral origin places by the Inca provides opportunities to modern scholars to
investigate locations associated with the mythical progenitors of Andean people. Archaeological and
historical evidence presented in this work indicates that two archaeological sites in the modern
District of Pacariqtambo (Department of Cuzco) may represent the remains of a shrine and a temple
complex built by the dynastic rulers of Cuzco. It is suggested that this shrine and temple complex
were related to the origin myth of the Inca nobility and as such may have been used to reconfirm
the Inca nobility's descent from Manco Capac and to legitimize their elite social status over the
local inhabitants.
PACARIQTAMBO AND THE ANDEAN CONCEPT OF ORIGIN PLACES
In Inca mythology, the peopling of the earth occurred as the creator-god Viracocha walked across
the Andes establishing a multitude of origin locations and called humans to emerge from them to
populate the land. Sarmiento de Gamboa (1906:27 [1572:Chapter 7]), for example, wrote:
Y a las voces que daban todo lugarobedecio, y asi salieronunos de lagos, otros de fuentes, valles, cuevas,
arboles, cavernas,penas y montes, y hinchieronlas tierrasy multiplicaronlas naciones que son hoy en el
Piru.
At his [Viracocha's]calling every place obeyed, and so people came forth, some from lakes, others from
springs,valleys, caves, trees, caverns,rocks and hills, peoplingthe land and multiplyingto form the nations
that are today in Peru. [All translationsfrom the Spanishare by the author.]
The specific locations from which ancestral kin were believed to have emerged were classified by

Bauer]

MYTHICALORIGINS OF THE INCA

the indigenouspopulationsof the Andes as huacas,or sacredplaces, and were called paqarinas,or
originplaces.The pan-Andeanrecognitionof ancestraloriginplacesis noted by Cristobalde Albornoz
(1984:197 [1582]):
Ay, como dixe arriba, el prencipal genero de guacas que antes que fuesen subjetos al ynga tenian, que llaman
pacariscas,que quieren dezir criadoras de sus naturalezas. Son en diferentes formas y nombres conforme a

las provincias: unos tenian piedras, otros fuentes y rios, otros cuebas, otros animales y aves e otros generos
de arboles y de yervas y desta diferencia tratavan ser criados y descender de las dichas cosas, como los yngas
dezia[n] ser salidos de Pacaritambo, ques de una cueba que se dize Tambo Toco y los angaras y soras descender
de una laguna llamada Choclo Cocha y desta manera todas las provincias del Piru.
There is, as mentioned above, the principal kind of huacathat they had before they were subjects to the Inca,
that they callpaqarisqas,which means creators oftheir natures. They have different forms and names according
to their provinces: Some are stones, others springs and rivers, others caves, others animals and birds and
others types of trees and herbs, and were said to have been created and to descend from these different things,
like the Incas are said to have come forth from Pacariqtambo, which is a cave that is called Tambotoco, and
the Angaraes and Soras descend from a lake called Choclo Cocha and likewise [descended] all the provinces
of Peru.

The prevalentbelief of Andean people in origin places for mythical ancestorswas also noted by
the indigenouswritersofthe immediatePostconquestperiod.Juande SantaCruzPachacutiYamqui,
a native ofthe Departmentof Cuzco,not only recognizedtheirexistence,but attributedtheircreation
to Manco Capac:
[Y] por ser mas conocidos, los mando que cada prouin,cia y cada pueblo se escogiesen o heziessen de donde
descendieron, o de donde venieron; . . . Ios escogieron por su pacariscao pacarimusca,vnos a las lagunas,
otros manantiyales, otros las penas biuas y otros a los serros y quebradas [Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamayhua
1950:218 (1613)].
And for the sake of being more distinguishable he [Manco Capac] ordered that each province and each village
should choose where they descended from or where they came from; . . . some chose for their pacarisca, or
pacarimusca,lakes, others springs, others bare rocks and others the mountains and ravines.

The chroniclerGarcilaso de la Vega provides additional information on the nature of Andean

paqarinas.During a discussion of the kin groups of the Lake Titicaca region, Garcilaso mentions

many of the locations where their mythical ancestorswere thought to have emerged. In addition,
he notes that these locations were frequentlyvisited and that offeringswere made to the paqarinas
for the continuationof the kin groups:
Otros se precian venir de una gran fuente, de la cual afirman que salio el primer antecessor dellos. Otros
tienen por blason haver salido sus mayores de unas cuevas y resquicios de penas grandes, y tenian aquellos
lugares por sagrados, y a sus tiempos los visitavan con sacrificios en reconocimiento de hijos a padres [Garcilaso
de la Vega, E1 Inca 1945:105 (1609:Book 2, Chapter 20)].
Others claimed to descend from a great fountain which they declared was their first ancestor. Others took
pride in the appearance of their forefathers from caves and nooks in great rocks, and held these places sacred
and visited them in due season with sacrifices and the thanksgiving of children to their parents [Garcilaso de
la Vega, E1 Inca 1966:110 (1609)].

Consequentlywe learn that Andean kin groups, or ayllus,did not think of themselves as simply
belongingwithin certainboundaries,but as beingdefinedby and originatingfrommythicalancestors,
could takevariousformson the Andean
who emergedfrom specificsacredlocations.Thesepaqarinas
of the kin groupswould returnto
Members
ravines.
or
boulders,
lakes,
caves,
including
landscape,
their origin places on special occasions to make sacrificesfor the continuationof their lineage.
While there appear to have been a vast number of origin places located across the Andes, the
focus here is on one specific paqarinaand the role of that origin place in the development and
legitimization of a ruling elite in the Cuzco region. The particularpaqarinais the origin place of
MancoCapac,the mythicalprogenitorof the dynasticrulersof Cuzco.Its existenceis knownthrough
many referencescontained within the Pacariqtamboorigin myth of the Incas, which recalls the
emergence of Manco Capac from a royal paqarina, a cave called Tambotoco, at a place called
Pacariqtambo.The myth also describes Manco Capac'snorthwardjourney from Pacariqtamboto
the valley of Cuzco, the founding of the imperial capital, and the establishmentof a new dynastic
orderin Cuzco by the Inca.2

LATIN AMERICANANTIQUITY
10

lVol. 2, No. 1, 1991]

Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa's Segunda

parte de la historiageneral llamada indica
ofthe most detailed versions ofthe
provides one
Pacariqtambo origin myth (Sarmiento de
Gamboa 1906:33-37
[1572:Books 1 1 and 12]). Because this
presentation of the Pacariqtambo origin myth
is critical in
identifying the location of the royal paqarina,
sections of his chronicle are outlined below.
Sarmiento de Gamboa wrote that some six
leagues3 (approximately 3 3 km) to the
of Cuzco there was a place called
Pacaritambo (or Pacariqtambo), in which there south-southwest
was a hill called
Tambotoco with three windows, or caves. The
caves were called Maras-toco, Sutic-toco,
and Capactoco. Four men and four women, the
first Inca, are said to have emerged
from the central cave of
Capac-toco. The men were named Manco
Capac, Ayar Auca, Ayar Cache, and Ayar
the four women were called Mama
Ucho, while
Ocllo, Mama Guaco, Mama Ipacura, and
Mama Raua.
Sarmiento de Gamboa wrote that these eight
Inca left Tambotoco and walked to
(or Huanacancha), where Manco
Guanacancha
Capac had intercourse with his sister
Mama Ocllo, who became
pregnant. From Guanacancha, the Inca
walked to several other villages including
Pallata, and Haysquisrro. In Haysquisrro,
Tamboquiro,
seven of the Inca decided to kill their
brother Ayar Cache.
In order to achieve this, Manco
Capac sent Ayar Cache, with a helper
called Tambochacay, back
to Tambotoco to retrieve various
items said to be left in the cave. When
Ayar Cache entered the
cave, Tambochacay sealed him in with
a large boulder. Tambochacay was,
however, then transformed into a stone by the entombed
Ayar Cache. Sarmiento de Gamboa
specifically noted that
even in his day the natives of the
region wou]d point out the stone
Tambochacay beside the cave
ofCapac-toco.
After the death of Ayar Cache, the
seven remaining Incas left Haysquisrro
and walked to the
mountainof Guanacauri [or Huanacauri],
where a second brother of Manco Capac
was transformed
intostone. It is said that Manco Capac
then descended from the mountain of
Huanacauri into the
valleyof Cuzco. After considerable
fighting, Manco Capac and his sister/wife
Mama Ocllo defeated
theindigenous settlers of the Cuzco
Valley and established a new dynastic
order
in Cuzco.
The ruling elite of Cuzco at the time
of the Spanish conquest were
thought to be the direct
descendantsof Manco Capac and Mama Ocllo
and as such were viewed as the
theInca state. The association between
legitimate rulers of
Manco Capac and the Inca nobility is most
byJuan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti
eloquently stated
Yamqui (1950:273 [1613]) as he describes
the elite of Cuzco as
themancopchurincuzeo
(Cuzco Sons of Manco [Capac]).
THE REGION OF PACARIQTAMBO
The modern District of Pacariqtambo,
in the Province of Paruro, lies
approximately 32 km by
trail
(or 5.75 leagues) due south of Cuzco
(Figure 1). Residents of this district
traditionally associate
three
locations with the Inca and the
Pacariqtambo origin myth. The first of these
largeInca site of Maukallaqta. The
locations is the
extensive ruins of Maukallaqta, containing
over 200 stone
foundations,stand on a wide, slightly curving,
mountain shelf on the western side of the
canchaQuebrada, a small tributary of the
HuaynaYaurisque River (Figure 2). The ruins
include several
architectural
zones, with buildings aligned along grid
systems in each zone. Other distinguishing
features
of Maukallaqta are several elaborate
stone gateways, cobblestone streets, and
an unusual
central
court (Bauer 1988, 1990, 1991).
The second location in the region
traditionally associated with the Inca is the
stone outcrop of
Puma
Orco situated immediately to the east of
Maukallaqta (Figure 3). This massive outcrop,
arockfall
with
at its northern end, towers above the
surrounding river valley on a small spur of
cave,
land.
A
approximately 6 m wide, 4 m high, and 4 m
long, is located at the northern base of
Orco.
This is not a cave in the true geological
Puma
sense, but instead is a shelter formed by
the superposition
of several large boulders. A carved
passageway
between the boulders that form one side
of
the cave and the vertical face of Puma
Orco leads into the northern rockfall
area. A number of
carved
boulders lie in the rockfall area, including a
large pyramid-shaped boulder with a
steps
series of
carved on its top (Figure 4). On the
eastern side of Puma Orco are the remains
of three Inca
buildings,
a carved outcrop, and a series of
terraces leading down to the Huaynacancha
stone
River. Inca
craftsmen transformed the rocky summit of
Puma Orco into a continuous series of
horizontal

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GRAFICA

Figure1. The mythicalrouteof Manco Capac(shownby dottedline). Surveyboundaryindicatedby dashed

line.

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LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY

[Vol. 2, No. 1, 1991

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Bauer]

MYTHICALORIGINSOF THE INCA

Figure 3.

13

The outcrop of Puma Orco.

and vertical planes and two pumas were carved on the highest point of the rock outcrop. Settings
for stone blocks run along the summit's outer edge, indicating that the summit was circumscribed
by a stone wall. The carved boulders and summit of Puma Orco, as well as the buildings at the base
of the outcrop, appear to date to the Inca period. According to the traditions of the residents of
Mollebamba, a village between Maukallaqta and Puma Orco, this latter site, despite its name,
represents the legendary Tambotoco of the royal Inca.
The third location in the region associated with the royal origin myth of the Inca is a small cave
(1.8 m in height, 2.6 m in width, and 6.5 m in length) located near the modern community of
Pacariqtambo (Figure 5). The cave, currently called "Tamputoco," (or Tambotoco), is marked on
the CartaNacionalCuzco 1:100,000 (Instituto Geografico Nacional 1973:28s). It is located on the
western face of a ridge, approximately 2.5 km east of the town. Neither the cave's entrance nor its
intenor shows indications of worked stone, and the semicircular entrance of the cave is unobstructed
and visible from a distance. The dirt floor contains scattered human skeletal remains.
Because of the association of the Pacariqtambo region with the mythical origin of Manco Capac,
the ruins of Maukallaqta and Puma Orco have been the foci of several research expeditions. The
first ofthese expeditions, dating to 1912, was led by Hiram Bingham (1913, 1922). Bingham's work
in the region was followed by two additional expeditions in the early 1940s led by Jorge Muelle
(1945) and Luis Pardo (1946, 1957). The latter two researchers were the first to suggest that the
ruins of Maukallaqta and Puma Qrco were related to the Pacariqtambo origin myth of the Incas.
They appear, however, to have been unaware of the existence of the small cave near the modern
village of Pacanqtambo.

14

LATIN AMERICANANTIQUITY

[Vol. 2, No. 1, 1991

Figure4. Largepyramid-shapedboulderat Puma Orco.

THE IDENTIFICATION OF TAMBOTOCO OF THE

PACARIQTAMBO ORIGIN MYTH
Two diffierentlocations in the Pacariqtambo region, the rock outcrop of Puma Orco and a small
cave called Tambotoco, are specifically associated with the royal paqarina of Manco Capac by the
oral traditions of the inhabitants of the region. Several lines of evidence may be investigated to
determine which of these locations most likely represents the legendary Tambotoco. The first line
of evidence consists ofthree graphic representations ofthe cave preserved in the texts of seventeenthcentury chronicles. The work of Juan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui contains the earliest known
drawing of the cave of Tambotoco (Figure 6). The drawing of the cave is, however, highly stylized.
Tambotoco is represented by Pachacuti Yamqui with three closely nested rectangles. The four interior
corners of the third rectangle are marked by small circles. In the center of this rectangle are two
additional nested rectangles; the first has been rotated 45 degrees while the second has been rotated
90 degrees. The nesting is terminated with a dot in the innermost rectangle. On either side of
Tambotoco is a tree said to represent the father (Apotampo) and mother (Pachamamaachi) of Manco
Capac. Pachacuti Yamqui also depicts the caves of Marastoco and Sutictoco on either side of
Tambotoco as two sets of three nested rectangles.
Two other graphic representations of Tambotoco are found in Guaman Poma de Ayala's thousandpage letter of protest to the King of Spain. The first drawing (Figure 7) shows a coat of arms divided
into four panels (Guaman Poma de Ayala 1980:62 [1615:f. 79]). The first panel contains the sun,
the second the moon, the third a star, and in the fourth panel the idol of Huanacauri is depicted
standing on top of a hill called "Pacaritambo." At the base of the hill are three caves labeled

Bauer]

MYTHICALORIGINS OF THE INCA

15

Figure5. The cave of Tambotoconear the communityof Pacariqtambo.

"Tamputoco."The four figuresof the coat of arms are reproducedas backgroundelements in a

second drawing(Figure8) that depicts the Inca and his wife prayingduringthe month of Capac
Ynti Paymi (Guaman Poma de Ayala 1980:238 [1615:f. 264]).4 The sun, the moon, and a star,
which we are told by Guaman Poma de Ayala representsVenus, are depicted above the kneeling
figures.Behind and to the right of the Inca is the hill of Pacariqtambowith three caves at its base.
Both of these drawingsby Guaman Poma de Ayala, although somewhat reminiscentof the rock
outcrop of Puma Orco, appearto be stylized representationsof the cave, and as such cannot be
directlyused to identify the actual place that the Inca called Tambotoco.
The narrativedescriptionsof the royal paqarina of Manco Capac, as presentedin the Spanish
chronicles,may also be examinedfor informationconcerningits probablelocation.As statedabove,

Figure6. The cavesof Marastoco,Tambotoco,andSutictocoas representedby Juan de SantaCruzPachacuti

Yamqui.

LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY

[Vol. 2, No. 1, 1991

16

'iMERAPJTWOW

Figure 7.

The Inca's coat of arms according to Guaman Poma de Ayala.

there are two places in the region of Pacariqtambothat may representthe mythical origin place of
the Inca:the outcropof PumaOrcoand the cave of Tambotoconearthe communityof Pacariqtambo.
These two possible originplaces vary, however, in terms of their physicalappearance.Puma Orco's
summitand severalbouldersalongits base have been alteredby Incacarvers,while the cave currently
called Tambotoco, near the community of Pacariqtambo,remains in its naturalstate.
The simple presenceor absence of Inca stone carvingat a site does not, however, directlyaid in
the identificationof Inca shrines. Both historical sources and archaeologicalremains suggestthat
Inca shrines could take the form of either naturalor carved stones. For example, the stone shrine
of Huanacauri,one of the most sacredshrines of the Inca empire, appearsto have been worshiped
in an uncut, naturalform (Cobo 1956:181 [1653:Book 13]). On the other hand, the intihuatanasof
Machu Picchu and Pisac, the elaboratelycarved stones of Sayhuiteand Rumiquillayoc,as well as

Bauer]

MYTHICALORIGINS OF THE INCA

17

Figure8. The Inca and his wife prayingduringthe monthof CapacYnti Paymi as drawnby GuamanPoma
de Ayala.
the vast number of carved stones surrounding Sacsayhuaman, Kenk'o, and Chinchero in the Cuzco
region underscores the importance that stone carving had for the Inca. Nevertheless, if the early
Spanish descriptions of the Pacariqtambo origin myth indicate that worked stone was present at
Tambotoco, then this would support the suggestion that the carved rock outcrop of Puma Orco
marks the mythical origin place for Manco Capac. If, on the other hand, the chroniclers state that
the shrine was of uncut stone, then this would support the suggestion that the natural cave of
Tambotoco, near the town of Pacariqtambo, was viewed by the Inca as the royal paqarina.
Brief descriptions of the cave of Tambotoco can be found in two chronicles. Polo de Ondegardo
(1916:49-50 [1571]), a Spanish offical who lived in Cuzco for a number of years, describes the cave
of Tambotoco in the following passage:
[C]incoleguasdel Cuzco, . . . est labradaantiquisimamentevna ventanade canteriaarrimadaa un cerroque
fue antiguoadoratoriosuyo.

LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY

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[Vol.2,No.1,1991

Five leaguesfrom Cuzco, . . . there is an ancientlycarved window of stone, near a hill that was itself an old
shrine.

In this quotation Polo de Ondegardo not only suggests that the cave of Tambotoco was carved, but
it seems that the hill in which the cave was found was also a shrine. Polo de Ondegardo's description
of the royal paqarina of the Incas as a carved cave in a worked hill depicts the sculpted rock outcrop
of Puma Orco more closely than the natural cave of Tambotoco near the town of Pacariqtambo.
The second description of the origin place of Manco Capac is provided by Bernabe Cobo, a Jesuit
scholar who lived much of his life in Cuzco, and who, according to his chronicle, may have actually
visited the area of Pacariqtambo:
[Y] en la entradade aquellafamosa cueva de Pacarictampu,labradacuriosamenteuna ventanade piedraen
memoria de que salio della Manco Capac [Cobo 1956:64 (1653:Book 12)].
And in the entranceof that famous cave of Pacariqtambo[there is] a curiously worked stone window in
commemorationthat Manco Capaccame forth from it.
Thus, both Cobo and Polo de Ondegardo specifically described the legendary cave of Tambotoco
as being carved. These representations suggest that Puma Orco, with the elaborate carvings on its
summit and on the boulders and caves around its base, is more likely the royal paqarina of the
Incas than the natural cave of Tambotoco near the community of Pacariqtambo.
The identification of Puma Orco as the royal paqarina of the Incas is also strengthened through
comparisons of the physical features of the outcrop with events mentioned within the narrative of
the myth. For example, Sarmiento de Gamboa (1906:33 [1 572:Chapter 1 1]) wrote that at a place
called Pacariqtambo there was a hill called Tambotoco in which there were three caves. Near the
modern community of Pacariqtambo is a ridge that contains a single cave. The outcrop of Puma
Orco, on the other hand, contains several caves at its base. In addition, several of the Spanish
accounts of the myth suggest that one of Manco Capac's brothers returned to the royal paqarina
and was sealed inside. The cave of Tambotoco near the community of Pacariqtambo contains a
clear, unobstructed entrance, while the outcrop of Puma Orco contains a large rockfall on its northern
side. It is possible that this northern rockfall is a physical representation of the mythical boulders
that sealed the brother in the cave. Furthermore, near the center of Puma Orco's rockfall is a carved
rock. This rock may have been carved to represent Tambochacay, who was turned to stone by the
angered brother, and who, as Sarmiento de Gamboa (1906:36 [1572:Book 12]) wrote, can still be
seen near the cave entrance (Figure 4). Finally, the remains of three Inca structures may be noted
at the base of Puma Orco (Bauer 1990, 199 1). In contrast, there is no clear evidence of Inca activities
in the immediate confines of the cave of Tambotoco near Pacariqtambo. On the basis of these
observations, it appears that Puma Orco is the most likely candidate for being the royal paqarina
of the Inca.
THE MYTHICAL JOURNEY TO CUZCO
The journey of the mythical ancestor of a ruling elite from the periphery of the kingdom to the
center is an important aspect of most origin myths of ancestral kings, because it defines the first
ruler and his descendants as foreigners. The preliminary identification of Puma Orco as the mythical
origin place of the first Inca makes it possible to trace the mythical journey of Manco Capac from
the royal paqarina to Cuzco. Cieza de Leon, Sarmiento de Gamboa, Cabello Balboa, and de Murua
each wrote that the four original Inca brothers emerged with their sister/wives at a place called
Pacariqtambo, outside of the valley of Cuzco. These chronicles also presented detailed discussions
of the brothers' legendary journey from the royal paqarina to the valley of Cuzco via the mountain
of Huanacauri (Figure 1, Table 1).5
Both de Murua (1962:21 [1605]) and Cabello Balboa (1951) mention that the royal brothers and
sisters, after emerging from the origin cave, first visited a place called Pachecti. For example, Cabello
Balboa wrote:
[Llegarona] Pachete y no auiendoles agradadola tierra acordaronentre ellos volverse por el camino que
auian traydoy llegarona Guamancancha[CabelloBalboa 1951:261 (1586:Part3, Chapter9)].

MYTHICALORIGINS OF THE INCA

Bauer]

19

Table 1. The MythicalJourneyof Manco Capacfrom Pacariqtamboto Huanacauri.

Cieza de
Leon [1553]
Pacarec Tampua

Sarmiento [1572]
Pacaritambo
Tambotoco
Marastoco

Cabello Balboa
[1586]

de Murua [1605]

Archaeological
Sites

Pacaritamboa
or Tambotoco

Pacaritamboa

Maukallaqta
Puma Orco

Pachete

Pachete

Pachecti

Guamancanchbcd

Guaynac Cancha

Capactocoa

Sutictoco
Huancanchat
Huaynacancha
Tampu Quiru

TamboquiroC

TambuquiC

Pallata

HaysquisITod

Chasquitod

Quirirmanta
Guanacaure

Guanacaure

?
Yaurisque
?

Guanacauri

Huanacauri

Huanacauri

Manco Capac and Ayar Brothers emerge with sister/wives.

Manco Capac and Mama Ocllo conceive Cinchi Roca.
c Cinchi Roca is born to Manco Capac and Mama Ocllo.
d An Ayar Brother (either Auca or Cache) returns to the cave and is sealed in by Tambo Chacay.
a

They arrived at Pachecti and not having liked the land they agreed among themselves to return along the
trail on which they had come and they arrived at Guamancancha [Huaynacancha].

At the time of the Spanish invasion, the settlement of Pachecti was the fifth and northernmost

ayllu (or kin group) of the Hanansaya (upper part) of the Pacariqtambo moiety system. This ayllu,
according to local informants and historical records, was situated on a small hill immediately south
of Puma Orco (Urton 1984, 1988, 1989, 1990). Its precise location on this hill has been confirmed
by the presence of an archaeological site with both Killke (ca. A.D. 1000-1400) and Inca (ca. A.D.
1400-1532) pottery (Bauer 1987, 1990).6
The Pacariqtambo origin myth suggests that the royal brothers, after their brief trip to the ayllu
of Pachecti, walked to a place called Huaynacancha where Manco Capac and Mama Ocllo conceived
a child. This child was named Sinchi Roca, traditionally known as the second ruling Inca. He is
said to have married a daughter of a local lord of the Cuzco area and to have continued the rule of
the Incas after Manco Capac's death. Approximately one kilometer north of Puma Orco stands the
Hacienda of Huaynacancha. Evidence of an Inca occupation at this site is presented through the
remains of several Inca-style terrace walls noted behind the main hacienda building as well as
through Inca pottery recovered in the courtyard and the surrounding fields (Bauer 1990; Muelle
1945). It seems apparent that this Inca site marks the location of the Huaynacancha mentioned in
the origin myths.
From Huaynacancha, Manco Capac turned northeast and followed the course of the Yaurisque
River toward the mountain of Huanacauri. According to Cieza de Leon (1959:33 [1553:Part 2,
Chapter 6]) the first stop of the royal entourage after leaving Huaynacancha was at a village called
Tampu Quiro. Sarmiento de Gamboa and de Murua mentioned the same resting place, spelling it
Tamboquiro and Tambuqui, respectively. Using the spelling provided in de Murua, Pardo (1946,
1957) suggests that this stop represents a visit to the site of Hacienda Tamboqui, which lies some
12 km to the southeast of Huaynacancha in the Paruro River valley (Figure 1). Archaeological
survey work in the valley of Paruro, however, has found no evidence of Inca remains at this hacienda.
According to Sarmiento de Gamboa (1906:35 [1572:Book 12]) the royal brothers then walked
to a village called Pallata, which is described as being close to Tamboquiro. The location of this
village is currently unknown. Sarmiento de Gamboa (1906:35 [1572:Book 12]) wrote that the

20

LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY

[Vol.2,No.1,1991

brothers left Pallata and continued on their journey to Cuzoo, stopping at the village of Haysquisrro.
De Murua mentions the same location but wrote the name as Chasquito. Pardo (1946) and Urton
(1989, 1990) suggest that Haysquisrro is an orthographic error for Yaurisque, a village between
Pacariqtambo and Cuzoo.
From Haysquisrro, Sarmiento de Gamboa wrote, Manco Capac traveled to Huanacauri stopping
briefly at the site of Quirirmanta. Cristobal de Molina (de Cuzco) also refers to the site of Quirirmanta
when describing the descent ofthe young warrlors from Huanacauri to Cuzco after the male maturity
rite of Wiracikoy (de Molina 1943:51 [1575]). The Pacariqtambo origin myth also states that at the
summit of Huanacauri one of Manco Capacss brothers was transformed into stone, and was then
worshipped as a shrine. The mountain of Huanacauri, one of the highest in the immediate Cuzco
area, is located on the divide between the Valley of Cuzco and Yaurisque/Pacariqtambo region
(Rowe 1944:42).
THE RUINS OF MAUKALLAQTA
AND THE PACARlQTAMBO ORIGIN MYTH
If the rock outcrop of Puma Orco does mark the mythical origin point for Manco Capac, then
the major Inca occupations of the Pacariqtambo region may be examined and interpreted in light
of the information presented in the Pacariqtambo origin myth. Critical in this investigation is the
relationship of the Inca ruins of Maukallaqta, which lie west of Puma Orco, with the Pacariqtambo
myth. It may be asked if these ruins represent a religious center for the Inca, directly tied to the
Pacariqtambo origin myth and the legitimization of the Cuzco elite, or whether they are the remains
of a regional administrative center for Inca control over the local ethnic groups south of Cuzco.
The most impressive feature of the ruins of Maukallaqta is the central court of Zone 1 (Figure
9). This court of fine Inca stone masonry measures approximately 13.5 meters across and is laid
out on a north-south alignment. Each of its three sides has three large triple niches (Figure 10). The
niches measure approximately 2.80 meters at the base and are recessed more than one meter into
the walls. Although their height is difficult to determine, because of poor preservation of adobes at
their tops, the niches would have measured more than three meters high.
While each of the nine niches is striking, the central one on the north wall deserves special
attention (Figure l l). Unlike the other eight niches in the central court, this one has no back wall,
but rather a niche-entrance, which provides access to a passageway leading into an inner chamber
of the court, composed of four adjacent rooms in a line with a smaller connecting room off its
southeast corner. The central court of Maukallaqta includes an outer chamber as well, to the east
of and sharing a wall with the inner chamber. The outer chamber consists of two rooms and a small
side room, also oF its southeast corner. The two chambers share a common inner-wall and are
connected by three small windows (Bauer 1990, 1991).
Archaeological research was conducted at the site of Maukallaqta during 1984 and 1986. During
these field seasons surface collections and excavations were made at the site (Bauer 1990, 1991).
Although limited excavations in the inner chamber provided no evidence of the exact activities
which took place in it, this small cluster of rooms with restricted access most certainly represents
an area of nonpublic, sacred activities. Given the ruins' close proximity to Puma Orco, it is possible
that the inner chamber was used for an oracle of Manco Capac. If the inner chamber of Maukallaqtass
plaza did house an image of the first mythical Inca, then the unusual niche entrance between the
plaza and the inner chamber may have represented a window or cave through which the image of
Manco Capac could have emerged The reemergence of Manco Capac on certain ceremonial occasions, such as the installation of a new successor, would have reestablished the Inca elite as, in
the words of Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui, the mancopchurincuzvo. The ruins may have represented
a religious pilgrimage point for the Incas. The pilgrimage, retracing the mythical route of Mance
Capac, could have taken the travelers to the shrine of Huanacauri near Cuzco and then continued
down the Yaunsque River Valley, past the site of Huaynacancha, to Maukallaqta.
The suggestion that the ruins of Maukallaqta are related to the Pacariqtambo origin myth of the
Inca is supported by a number of references in Spanish documents. Sarmiento de Gamboa (1906:

MYTHICALORIGINS OF THE INCA

Bauer]

21

Wall
|

Niche

Excavation

SCALE
Area
0

Inca Burial

---Canal

Figure9. The centralcourtof Maukallaqta.

5m.

LATINAMERICANANTIQUITY

22

Figure 10.

[Vol.2,No.1,1991

The west wall of Maukallaqta's central court.

68 [1572:Book30]), for example,while reviewingthe legendarydeeds of PachacutiInca Yupanqui,

notes that an oracle did exist at the place of Pacariqtambo.In addition, Cieza de Leon (1985:113,
1959:195 [1553:Part2, Chapter32]), who may have confused Pacariqtambowith Tampu Quiro,
mentions three major oraclesassociatedwith the Pacariqtamboorigin myth. It is Cobo, however,
who after discussing a version of the Pacariqtamboorigin myth, provides the most detailed descriptionof an Inca state installationbeing built at the site of Pacariqtamboin commemorationof
the mythicalappearanceof Manco Capac.Cobo wrote:
[D]emas de lo que contienen las dichas fabulas,tengo por no pequeno indicio en apoyo de mi opinion el
haber los Incas fundado un pueblo en aquel asiento de Pacarictampuy labradoen el, para ilustrarle7un
grandiosoy realpalaciocon un templo suntuossimoque aun duranhoy dia sus ruinasy se ven en ellas algunos
idolos y estatuasde piedra[Cobo 1956:64 (1653:Book37Chapter3)].
Besideswhat is containedin the mentionedfables,I considerno small evidencein favorof my opinion, [that]
the Incasfoundeda village at the site of Pacariqtambo,and built on it, in orderto make it famous,a grand
and royal palacewith a splendidtemple, which ruins still stand today, and in them there can be seen some
stone idols and statues.

Cobo's descriptionof an Inca ruin south of Cuzco is importantas it appearsto representan early
visit to the Pacariqtamboregion. It is possible that Cobo's account of a "grandand royal palace"
builtby the Incaas a monumentto MancoCapacrefersto the ruinsof Maukallaqta.Morespecifically
still, his descriptionof a "splendid temple" may refer to the impressive central court and inner
chamberof the site. The "stone idols and statues"he mentions may well have been the two pumas
carved on the summit of Puma Orco.
Anotherimportantdocument that links the ruins of Maukallaqtawith the site of Pacariqtambo
has been found by Urton in the archives of the Ministerio de Agricultura:Cuzco (Urton 1989,
1990). The document is a petition from ayllu Pachecti to the Ministerio de Trabajoy Asuntos

MYTHICALORIGINS OF THE INCA

Bauer]

Figure 11.

23

The central niche of the north wall of Maukallaqta's central court.

Indigenas requesting official recognition of Pachecti as a rural community. In the petition, the author,
Hilario Galindo G., uses archival documents dating back to 1614 to record the modern land
boundaries of the community. Galindo specifically states that the "old town of Pacariqtambo" lies
within the lands owned by aylluPachecti (Archivo del Ministerio de Agricultura: Cuzco 1964; Urton
1989, 1990). Because the ruins of Maukallaqta represent the only large set of ruins within the
boundaries of ayllu Pachecti, there can be little doubt that the reference to "the old town of
Pacariqtambo" in the document refers to Maukallaqta.
If Maukallaqta is the place called Pacariqtambo in the Spanish chronicles, then there is evidence
to suggest that the Inca occupied Maukallaqta until the Spanish conquest and that Hernando Pizarro
and Diego Almagro (the Younger) actually visited and looted the site. Cieza de Leon wrote:
[Y] por ellos fue determinadode hazer en aquel lugaruna nueva poblacion,a la qual pusieronpor nombre
Pacaritambo;y fue hecha brevemente,porqueparaello tuvieronayudade los naturalesde aquellacomarca
y andandolos tiempos, pusierongrancantidadde oro puro y en joyas con otras cosas preciadasen aquella
parte,de lo qual ay fama que ovo mucho dello HernandoPivarroy don Diego Almagroel movo [Ciezade
Leon 1985:14 (1553:Part2, Chapter6)].
They decidedto build a new settlementon that spot, to which they gave the name Pacaric-Tampu;and this
was quicklyaccomplished,for they had the help of the natives of the regionin this work. And as time went
by, they broughtto that place a greatquantityof pure gold and jewels, and other valuablethings, of which
it is believed that HernandoPizarroand Don Diego de Almagrothe Youngeracquireda largepart [Ciezade
Leon 1959:32 (1553)].
The change of the site's name, from Pacariqtambo to Maukallaqta, most likely resulted from the
Spanish reduccion
(reduction) movement. Before the arrival of the Spaniards the indigenous population of the Pacariqtambo region was located in dispersed kin group settlements scattered across
the western side of the Molle Molle River, south of Maukallaqta (Bauer 1987, 1990, 1992; Urton

24

LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY

[Vol. 2, No. 1, 1991

1984, 1988, 1990). In 1571, the Spanish administration in Cuzco, under the authority of Viceroy
Toledo, implemented the reduction of the scattered settlements of the Andes into large centralized
towns. During this movement the settlements, which formed and defined the rural moiety system
of the Pacariqtambo region, were reduced to a central location and the modern village of Pacariqtambo was founded (Ulloa 1909). With the establishment of the reduccion
settlement of San
Pedro de Pacariqtambo, the former Inca installation would have been referred to as the old town
of Pacariqtambo or simply Maukallaqta (Mauka = old, llaqta = city).
SUMMARY
Like many societal origin myths, the Pacariqtambo myth suggests that the existing social order
was deterrnined by a set of events that occurred outside the social order in a primordial setting of
time and space. The social order of the Inca, like that of other societies, was hence seen to be
unchangeable by human actions, because its establishment involved the operation of powers that
were beyond the norrnal range of human existence. Furthermore, like many divine kingships, the
ancestral origin of the Inca dynasty was linked to a mythical journey from the periphery of the
kingdom to its center. Manco Capac was a stranger-king who through marriage to his sister, Mama
Ocllo, and their mythological conquest ofthe indigenous inhabitants ofthe Cuzco Valley, legitimized
his right to found the sacred city of Cuzco, and their descendants' rights to rule the empire.
However, unlike many other societies, Andean peoples believe that the ancestral founders of kin
groups emerged from sacred locations in the landscape, called paqarinas.These origin places were
not abstract, nonlocalized notions, but were linked with recognizable, topographic features of the
landscape. Sacred origin places are found throughout the Andes and represent principal foci for
indigenous religious rites. Consequently, within the Andean logic of paqarinas,
the Inca associated
a region south of Cuzco, and a specific cave in that region, with the mythical appearance of Manco
Capac.
This study provides evidence suggesting that the outcrop of Puma Orco, in the Province of Paruro,
may represent the royal paqarina
of the Inca. In addition, it is suggested that the ruins of Maukallaqta,
perhaps once called Pacariqtambo, may have held an oracle of Manco Capac. Although the evidence
presented in this study has enabled us to map the route that the mythical Incas are thought to have
taken from the royal paqarinato the Valley of Cuzco, the route should not be seen as a simple
journey, nor the sites as simply shrines, but instead as a medium through which the Inca established,
defined, and legitimized the spatial and social relationships that existed between the ruling Cuzco
elite and the populations surrounding Cuzco. By establishing their origin place outside of the Valley
of Cuzco, the ruling Incas portrayed themselves as powerful conquerors of the region, who had
triumphed over the local inhabitants and who had won the right to rule. In this way, the major
Inca installations south of Cuzco can be seen as components of the processes of mythification and
mystification of centralized rule which took place during the development of the Inca empire. The
establishment of a temple complex at the site on the eve of imperial expansion would have reaffirmed
the sacred role of the ruling elite in the social-ritual organization of the empire and strengthened
their claim to dynastic power.
This work has profitedfrom critical readingsprovided by Paul Goldstein, Alan Kolata,
MartinaMunsters,Don Rice, CharlesStanish,Gary Urton, and three reviewersfor Latin American Antiquity.
Their criticisms and suggestionsare gratefullyacknowledged.Additional aid was provided by Luis Barreda
Murillo and Alfredo Valencia Zegarraas well as members of the Instituto Nacional de Culturain Lima and
Cuzco. The researchpresentedin this work was conductedthroughthe generoussupportof foundations,corporations,and individuals.Majorfundingwas providedby The L. J. Skaggsand Mary C. SkaggsFoundation,
The Organizationof AmericanStates,The InstituteforNew WorldArchaeology,The AmericanCanFoundation,
andthe Fulbright-Haysfellowshipcommittee.This workwasfirstpresentedin 1988at The InternationalCongress
of Americanists,Amsterdam.

Acknowledgments.

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NOTES
' In a recentarticleand book, GaryUrton (1989, 1990) presenteda detailedstudyofthe Pacariqtamboorigin
myth of the Inca from the point of view of the ruralcommunity of Pacariqtambo.Urton's ethnographicand
ethnohistoricalanalysesdocumentand explorethe presentationof self-interestedrepresentationsof the past, by
Spaniardsand indigenousinformants,duringthe immediate Postconquestand Republicaneras. Throughhis
research,Urton was also able to identify the locations of Puma Orco and Maukallaqtaas the legendaryplaces
of Tambotocoand Pacariqtambo.
This investigationon the Pacariqtambooriginmyth, an outgrowthof the PacariqtamboArchaeologicalProject
(198o1987), was conductedindependentof Urton's research.This work differsfrom Urton's researchin its
relianceon informationpresentedin the Spanishchroniclesand on datagatheredduringmy archaeologicalwork
in the Pacariqtamboregion. While there is some overlap and similaritybetween the two studies both make
distinctlyseparatecontributionsto the study of Inca mythohistory.
2 Urbano (1981) has publisheda collection of the Pacariqtamboorigin myths. See Muelle (1945) and Pardo
(1946, 1957) for earlydiscussionsof Maukallaqtaand Puma Orco in relationto the Pacariqtamboorigin myth,
and Bauer(1990, 1991) for a descriptionof recentarchaeologicalresearchat these Inca sites.
3 A Spanishleague was approximately5.5 km.
4 The logic of the coat of arms is explainedelsewherein the chronicleby Guaman Poma de Ayala (1980:82
[1615:f. 62]):
[Q]ueauia de salir de PacariTanbo un CapacApo YngarreyllamadoMango Capac Ynga,hijo del sol y de
su mugerla luna y ermano de luzero. Y su dios auia de ser Uana Cauri,queste rreyania de mandarla tierra
y auia de ser CapacApo Unga.
That therewas supposedto leave from Pacariqtamboa CapacApo Ynga [RoyalLordInca]kingnamedRoyal
Manco Inca, son of the sun and of his wife the moon and brotherof [the] morningstar. And his god was to
be Huanacauri,that this king was to rule the earth and was to be CapacApo Ynga.
5 The territorybetween the modern town of Pacariqtamboand the Inca ruins of Huanacauriwas included
withinan archaeologicalsurveyofthe Provinceof Parurothattook placebetween 1984 and 1985. The research
design as well as the boundariesand proceduresof this surveyare describedin Bauer(1990). Also see Pardo
(1946,1957) and Urton (1989,1990) for descriptionsof MancoCapac'sjourneyfromPacariqtamboto Cuzco.
6 For a discussionof the Prehispanicsettlementpatternin the areaof Pacariqtambosee Bauer(1987, 1990,
1992).

ReceivedMay 10, 1990; acceptedJanuary 17, 1991