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Joseph Vallin
Professor Dietel-McLaughlin
WR 13300
November 14, 2014
East African Runners: How Cultural Rhetoric Affects Athletic Prowess
Ever since the first Olympics of ancient Greece, the sport of competitive running has
grown into one of the worlds most popular, truly international sports. No equipment is needed.
No rules or even a coach is necessary. Anyone can do it. However, as one narrows in on
the spectrum of this sport to its competitive, professional extreme, a very interesting pattern
arises running at an elite level becomes less and less international and more and more
dominated by a single geographical area: East Africa. In fact, just last year out of all 147
marathon performances that were less than two hours and ten minutes, all but fifteen were by
East Africans, most of these by Kenyans (Robinson, Running Phenomenon). Even more
intriguing is the fact that out of all of Kenyas elite runners, 75 percent come from the same
tribe, which makes up only about ten percent of the population (Pitsiladis et al. 286). These
staggering statistics appear to be a mere anomaly, however the Kenyans and Ethiopians have
dominated the long distance for over 40 years now. One begins to wonder if there is something
behind this trend. Why are Americans, and everyone else for that matter, so inferior to Kenyan
runners? Many have suggested valid reasons for success including diet, genetics, altitude, and
even doping. However, the main difference between the American and East African running
scenes appears to be sociocultural influence and the rhetorical image of running. By examining
these factors, one can not only discover the secret to East African success, but also more clearly

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understand the importance of rhetorical portrayals to the success of athletes and professions in
general.
On first glance, a common response to the incredible running dominance of just a few
Kenyan tribes is that genetics must be the reason. After all, what else could account for such a
high concentration of talent in a relatively small area? Indeed, there have been studies that affirm
unique genetic characteristics of Kenyan athletes that aid in the sport of running. As anatomy is
directly affected by genetics, these characteristics can be easily observed in East African runners.
For example, East Africans generally have a small stature and thin limbs the best body type to
release extra heat generated from intense, long races (Mayes 43). Thin legs, especially ankles
and calves, are also biomechanically efficient. Compared to those with thicker ankles, which
places mass farther away from the runners center of gravity, they require less energy to lift
(Warner 1). In addition to thin legs, a 1990 study determined East Africans to be born with
muscles that are about seventy percent slow-twitch, remarkably high compared to South and
West Africans. These slow-twitch muscles, compared to fast-twitch, are more efficient under
aerobic exercise such as long distance running (Mayes 44). Apart from these anatomical
characteristics from which we can indirectly see the work of genetics, there has been little to no
identification of any specific so called running-genes that have given East Africans a
competitive edge. Although one 2009 study discovered an excess of a certain section of
mitochondrial DNA in elite Kenyan runners, which itself has yet to be connected to any aspect of
running success, many other genetics tests for supposedly beneficial genes resulted inconclusive
(Onywera 104). This is where the problem with a genetics explanation emerges. Not only are the
overall results inconclusive, but an insistence on ascribing genetics as the main factor of East
African running success, runs the risk of falling into racism. As foundational researchers to sport

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science, Bale and Sang argue that, To say that Kenyans run so well because of their
physiological or genetic characteristics is a racist statement (158). Yes, a small and thin body
type is extremely well suited for running (as are long arms for swimming), but making
generalizations about all Kenyans based on these and other biological characteristics is bordering
on racism (158). Saying Kenyans are built for running because of their genetics is eerily
similar to the antebellum whites rationalization of African American forced labor because of
their build. Regardless of possible problems with racism, the genetics explanation is deficient
in other grounds too, failing to explain why Kenyan tribes living in close proximity (and
presumably having very similar genomes) differ significantly in the number of elite runners they
produce. Although definitely a contributing factor, it appears that genetics is too interwoven into
other environmental and cultural factors to be seen as the major cause of East African running
dominance.
After genetics, the next most popular explanation for Kenyan and Ethiopian speed is
environmental factors, namely altitude. Ask almost any recreational runner in America if altitude
training is beneficial and they will almost certainly answer yes, even if they do not entirely know
why. It turns out that this widely held belief is rooted largely in truth. According to the Duke
graduate student Mayes, exposure to high altitude releases hormones in the body which increase
blood circulation (increasing the rate that muscles receive oxygen), stimulate increased
production of hemoglobin and red blood cells, and draw mitochondria closer to the capillaries,
resulting in faster delivery of oxygen to muscle cells (40). The goal of these physiological
adaptations is a more efficient harnessing of oxygen, vitally necessary for intense aerobic
exercise and substantially less available at high altitude. In the Kenyan highlands (2400-3000m),
where many elite runners reside, oxygen levels are only seventy percent of sea-level values

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(Pitsiladis et al. 288). The fact that the majority of elite East Africans were born, raised, and
trained in this environment allows their bodies to be well conditioned and adapted to a lack of
oxygen. The theory is that this more efficient use of oxygen translates into increased success on
the track. However, as Bale and Sang make sure to point out, one must be careful with confusing
association with causation (145). There have been plenty of rather ambiguous studies that have
attempted to show how altitude stimulates permanent physiological changes beneficial to
running. Another flaw with the altitude explanation is that it is geographically inconsistent. Other
high altitude nations around the world, such as Peru and Nepal, produce little to no professional
runners. This same problem is found in East Africa itself. Kenya produces elite athletes at 10.65
times the continental average, yet its high altitude neighbors, Ethiopia and Tanzania, produce
elite athletes only at 0.73 and 1.04 times the national average, respectively. Even inside of
Kenya, the Rift Valley Province produces athletes at 3.7 times the national average, and yet one
of the provinces own districts, Turkana, produces athletes at only half the national average (Bale
and Sang 146-147). These odd patterns are inconsistent with the broad dispersion of athletic
success throughout all of the East African highlands, which would be expected if altitude was a
crucial factor. Once again, attributing Kenyan success to environmental/physical factors has
proven incongruent. Surprisingly, though, these strange patterns do hold special meaning when
viewed under a different context. However, there are still several more myths that need
dispelling before this revelation.
The next two explanations, although much less prevalent than the first two, are
nonetheless valid factors of East African running: diet and, unfortunately, doping. Regarding the
first of the two, it is widely held that because many Kenyan runners reside in rural agricultural
areas, they gain access to healthy, secret foods that boost their fitness exceptionally. Indeed the

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lack of fast-food and processed meats, elevates their already robust and nutritious meals. A
cornmeal-like starch called Ugali as well as isochot, osuga and isakiat vegetables constitute a
very wholesome and energy packed meal common to many Kenyans (Onywera 105). Other
notable items on the East African menu, include Kenyan tea, unga (red-millet flour), substantial
portions of milk, and, in some tribes, cow blood (Mayes 74). Although the heartiness of such a
diet no doubt contributes to an increased level of fitness, there are still no foods that resemble
anything as powerful as Popeyes spinach. Even if no super-foods have been discovered in
East African diet, several studies have shown interesting data in terms of how much they
consume. According to Pitsiladis et al. one study revealed Kenyan runners consumed a whole
210 kcal less energy per day compared to the estimated daily energy intake for the typical
Kenyan male (289). Another study mentioned by Onywera had similar results: Kenyan runners
consumed 620 less kcal then the presumed daily energy intake for athletes (105). These puzzling
results about diet could indicate that many Kenyans, for reasons not yet fully understood, have a
greater running economy; in other words, they require less energy and oxygen to perform well.
However, diet is still only an incomplete explanation for the staggering magnitude of Kenyan
dominance. It fails to adhere to the geography pattern mentioned earlier with altitude, and no
especially powerful foods stand out among their diet.
As previously discussed, East Africans are well known for putting healthy substances
into their system, but unfortunately some are also infamous for filling their system with illegal
ones too. This is primarily due to East Africas economic struggles. Running is a lucrative
profession in places like Kenya and prize money from winning races entices some runners into
using performance enhancing steroids. As Kenyan elite marathoner and recently elected
politician Wesley Korir testifies, there are cases of overseas agents who recruit many young

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runners, put them away in training camps, and throw them out when they get injured. He hints
that the pressure to remain in the camps and receive a salary, leads to serious drug issues
(Robinson, Elite Development). The most recent case has been Kenyan marathon champion
Rita Jeptoo who upon failing a preliminary drug test, dropped out of this years New York
Marathon and is now under international scrutiny. Despite these few legitimate cases of doping,
Mayes indicates that much of the doping hype stems from frustrated and jealous runners who
have little evidence to substantiate their accusation (133). He maintains that, shame and peer
pressure discourage most from using illegal performance enhancers (132). Indeed, regardless of
the true extent of doping in East Africa, there are still a wealth of legitimate runners who are just
as fast as those who use performance enhancing drugs. Doping alone cannot account for the
tremendous dominance East African athletes have displayed for the past forty years.
After investigating several prevalent physical/environmental explanations for the East
African running phenomenon, it is clear that although they are definitely contributing factors,
they cannot completely describe the whole picture. At this point, discussion will turn towards
exploring a new and more complete explanation: the rhetorical and socio-cultural context of the
East African running scene. As was mentioned before, physical and environmental factors failed
to describe the strange patterns in geographical distribution of elite East African runners. Now,
however, when this pattern is re-analyzed in respect to a rhetorical sociocultural model, the
pattern starts to make sense.
The first step to understanding the geographical distribution dilemma is to investigate
why the majority of elite East African runners come from Kenya. Eighty out of 147 marathon
times below 2:10 last year were from Kenyans; the next best was forty-seven from Ethiopia
(Robinson, Running Phenomenon). The answer to this problem lies in the history and national

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development of the Kenyan people. Ever since settlers from the west began exploring Kenya
following its British colonization starting in 1888, it was noticed that many Kenyan tribes had
swift runners; some, acting as messengers, were seen to have covered 92 miles in less than two
days (Bale and Sang 52, 69). Many Kenyan tribes were pastoral, raising and herding cattle much
like American cowboys, except by running. One commonly observed custom was cattle-raiding,
a sport in which men of a certain tribe would steal cattle from another tribe and run them back to
their own, sometimes covering over 100 miles (Bale and Sang, 53). As colonization progressed,
the British, particularly the military and missionaries, noticed the Kenyans athletic abilities and
began to use amateur athletics as rhetoric to achieve their own agenda: social control (Pitsiladis
et al. 287). The missionaries exigence was spreading the Gospel and teaching virtue, so they
included physical education as an appealing aspect to their mission schools. For the military, the
exigence was the desire for colonial stability and mitigated rebellion. By making track and field
appealing to Kenyans, such as creating the Arab and African Sports Association, they attempted
to divert the minds of the people from politics by giving them such innocent delights as
football, as one witness put it (Bale and Sang 72-77). Eventually, foreign coaches entered the
scene and began recruiting and training runners to compete in national and later international
competition. The key to all this, which will help to unlock the mystery of the geographical
distribution of elite runners, is that only Kenya was colonized by the British. Other nearby East
African nations were either colonized by other nations or not at all. Thus, only Kenyans had
early exposure to westernized competitive running, thanks to the rhetorically advanced culture of
the British. This explains the heavily weighted Kenyan dominance of distance running compared
to the rest of East Africa.

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After unlocking the first part of the geographical dilemma, the second part of the problem
remains why certain Kenyan tribes produce disproportionate amounts of elite athletes and
others hardly any. For example, a group of tribes residing above the Great Rift Valley known as
the Kalenjin make up ten percent of the Kenyan population, yet they turn out approximately
seventy-five percent of elite Kenyan runners. Narrowing in even closer, the Kalenjin sub-tribe of
Nandi accounts for three percent of the total Kenyan population, yet forty-five percent of
internationally competing Kenyan runners are from Nandi (Pitsiladis et al. 286). The answer to
this staggering statistic lies in Kalenjin sociocultural conditions as well as the ancient concept of
epideictic rhetoric. According to Bale and Sang, the Kalenjin peoples are rather reserved, selfdisciplined, and serious. The researchers also cite several studies which revealed that Kalenjin
youth have significantly high levels of achievement orientation compared to other tribes (149150). In other words, they are very competitive with sports. Combined, high levels of selfdiscipline and competitiveness, along with a positive self-image create a formidable athlete. As
one old Nandi saying goes, We are Nandi; all other people are nothing (151). The solidarity of
this statement is also reflective of the epideictic rhetoric (community based rhetoric) that is
associated with intra-tribe social influences. Originating from Aristotle, and later expounded
upon by Chaim Perelman, epideictic rhetoric is generally held as discourse that has to do with
the praise or blame of certain community values. In summarizing Perelmans work, Richard
Graff and Wendy Winn from the Department of Rhetoric at the University of Minnesota describe
epideictic rhetoric as, argumentation that seeks to reaffirm [] agreements on values, its chief
outcomes being the strengthening of community bonds and, by extension, the laying of grounds
for future appeals to action (51). Kalenjin initiation ceremonies are one example of this rhetoric.
Although in this case the rhetorical discourse is an event rather than a speech, it indeed reflects

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the epideictic idea of praising or blaming certain values in order to unify the community. On a
recent NPR All Things Considered, Elly Kipgogei, a nineteen year old Kalenjin runner, listed
circumcision, genital mutilation, club beatings, and running through thorns as parts of his
initiation ceremony (Warner). These graphic ceremonies are used to teach or praise
community values such as loyalty, strength, and bravery; on the other hand, they shame or
blame other values such as cowardice. The goal of initiation is to unify the community of
teenagers into the virtuous young men and women that the tribe desires a more forceful
example of epideictic rhetoric but effective nonetheless. Together, this shared set of praised
values along with the enormous social pressure placed on [their] ability to endure pain creates
a mindset of mental toughness (Warner). And in a sport where mental strength is as valuable as
physical strength, this by-product of tribal epideictic rhetoric is what gives many Kalenjin
runners an edge. The effect of this epideictic rhetoric can be seen in the motivation that runners
gain from current Kalenjin running titans. After interviewing a group of internationally
competing Kalenjins, Mayes found that tradition, as well as esteemed elites like Moses Kiptanui,
were reasons given for success and motivation (117-121). It is reasonable to assume that the
solidarity formed by tribal epideictic rhetoric is what causes this deep respect for leaders who
exhibit their community values. Considering the effects of Kalenjin epideictic rhetoric and
culture on its runners, it is no wonder why they excel so much compared to other tribes.
However, there is still one last major rhetorical aspect about running that leads to Kenyan
dominance, and it happened to be the most common answer to Mayes interview on motivation.
Even though adherence to tradition and tribe loyalty are major factors influencing
Kalenjin success, the allure of money is a tremendous influence on all elite East African runners
because they are so dominant in the sport and many, in financial need. East Africa, although

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stable politically, does deal with government corruption and a forty percent unemployment rate
(Pitsiladis 290). Nevertheless, successful athletes can win prize money from races and gain much
needed salaries from contracts with sponsor companies. Pitsiladis, a doctor at University of
Glasgow, asserts that many East Africans view running as a way out of their poor situation as a
normal job, basically, by which they can provide for their families (290). Bestselling author
Malcom Gladwell echoes that claim: In Kenya, running is a way to get an education. Its a way
to get a middle-class income. Its a way to get all these kinds of things you cant get otherwise
(Sticker). This now means that not only do East Africans show a natural gift for distance
running, but, because of running is rhetorically portrayed as employment, there is a bigger base
from which talent can be drawn. Contrary to America, in which wealth and sport diversity
detracts from the potential number of runners, many Kenyans are faced with running or a harsh
financial life. Many choose running.
Every year that passes since the 1968 Mexico City Olympics in which Kenyans first
came to power, researches, runners, and the general western public grow more and more
astounded by the East African phenomenon. There is no other global sport in the world in which
one geographical region dominates by such a staggering proportion. Many theories have been
proposed including advantages form genetics, altitude, diet, and drugs just to name a few. The
fact is that all of these factors are no doubt part of the grand explanation, as this issue is affected
by countless variables. Nonetheless, after a close investigation, two main factors appear able to
holistically describe the phenomenon: sociocultural influences and the rhetorical portrayal of
running. Contrary to the others, these two models are able to elucidate the mystery of the
geographical distribution of East African elite runners. So what does the future hold? Will
Kenyans always remain dominant or will America and other nations rise up to compete at a

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higher level? It is definitely possible. Through the use of social media, American companies like
Runners World (Raphael) and ING U.S. (Health and Medicine Week) have already started to
galvanize increased nationwide interest in the sport. Perhaps one day, as running becomes
popular in more and more nations, the competition as well as cooperation with East Africa will
result in something very special. Perhaps the attainment of the long awaited two hour marathon.

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Works Cited
Ayodi, Ayumba. "Rita Jeptoo's Doping Case: Is the Credibility of Kenyan Runners at Stake?"
Athletics. Daily Nation, 12 Nov. 2014. Web. 13 Nov. 2014.
Bale, John, and Joe Sang. Kenyan Running : Movement Culture, Geography, and Global
Change. London ; Portland, OR : F. Cass, 1996. Print.
Graff, Richard, and Wendy Winn. "Presencing "Communion" in Chaim Perelman's New
Rhetoric." Philosophy and Rhetoric 39.1 (2006): 45-71.Project MUSE. Penn State
University Press, 2006. Web. 11 Dec. 2014.
Mayes, Randall E. The Cybernetics of Kenyan Running : Hurry, Hurry has no Blessing. Durham,
N.C. : Carolina Academic Press, 2005. Print.
"New ING U.S. Social Media Program Aims to Inspire ING New York City Marathon
Runners." Health & Medicine Week 10 Aug. 2012: 483. Web.
Onywera, Vincent O. "East African Runners: Their Genetics, Lifestyle and Athletic
Prowess." Medicine and Sport Science 54 (2009): 102-9. Web.
Pitsiladis, Yannis P., et al. "The Dominance of Kenyans in Distance Running." Equine and
Comparative Exercise Physiology 1.4 (2004): 285-91. Print.
Raphael, T. J. "Runner's World Sees Boom in Social Media: Facebook Climbs 111 Percent in
One Year, Twitter by 293 Percent.(IDEA EXCHANGE: QUICK HITS AND NEW
INITIATIVES)." Folio: the Magazine for Magazine Management 41.2 (2012): 18. Print.
Robinson, Roger. "The Ethiopia/Kenya Running Phenomenon." Runner's World & Running
Times. Rodale Inc, 19 Mar. 2014. Web. 28 Oct. 2014.
Robinson, Roger. "The Journey to Gold: Elite Development from Kenya to Pittsburgh." Runner's
World & Running Times. Rodale Inc, 20 Nov. 2013. Web. 13 Nov. 2014.

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Sticker, Jerry. "A Running Conversation with Malcolm Gladwell." Runner's World & Running
Times. Rodale Inc, 5 Aug. 2013. Web. 28 Oct. 2014.
Warner, Gregory. "How One Kenyan Tribe Produces The World's Best Runners." NPR. NPR, 1
Nov. 2013. Web. 15 Nov. 2014.