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Religiosity and Presence of Character Strengths in American Muslim

Youth

Sameera Ahmed ab
a
The Family and Youth Institute, Canton, Michigan b Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral
Neurosciences, Wayne State University, Detroit, Michigan

To cite this Article Ahmed, Sameera'Religiosity and Presence of Character Strengths in American Muslim Youth', Journal

of Muslim Mental Health, 4: 2, 104 123

To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/15564900903245642
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Journal of Muslim Mental Health, 4:104123, 2009

Copyright Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 1556-4908 print / 1556-5009 online
DOI: 10.1080/15564900903245642

Religiosity and Presence of Character Strengths

in American Muslim Youth
SAMEERA AHMED

Downloaded By: [Hamid, Hamada] At: 02:51 17 November 2009

The Family and Youth Institute, Canton, Michigan

Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral Neurosciences, Wayne State University,
Detroit, Michigan

This study explored religiosity and the presence of character strength

among American Muslim youth and analyzed 174 Muslim and
Comparison youth. The results indicate that 75.5% of American
Muslim youth sampled were categorized as Highly Religious, significantly more than their peers (p = .0001). Although Muslim youth
were identified as Highly Religious, only 33.7% of the sample had
previously explored their ideological beliefs and then made a commitment to Islam. Religiosity was significantly associated with a
greater number of character strengths (p = .0002), which served
as a protective factor. Finally, Highly Religious American Muslim youth were associated with the following character strengths:
kindness, equity, leadership, self-regulation, prudence, gratitude,
hope/optimism, spirituality, and forgiveness.
Keywords Character strength, Muslim youth, religiosity

INTRODUCTION
Since the September 11, 2001, attacks, there has been an increased interest in
understanding the estimated 58 million Muslims living in the United States
(Bagby, Perl, & Froehle, 2001). It is estimated that almost 67% of Muslims living in America are under the age of 40 (Zogby, 2000). As such, researchers
and policy makers alike are interested in gaining a better understanding
of American Muslim youth and factors impacting their development. In an
attempt to build greater scientific knowledge on this understudied population, this study explores religiosity and the presence of character strengths.
Address correspondence to Sameera Ahmed, PhD, Director, The Family and Youth Institute, 42015 Ford Road #169, Canton, MI 48187. E-mail: director@thefyi.org
104

Religiosity of American Muslim Youth

105

The article begins by providing an introductory background on American

Muslim youth, then identifies protective factors that may positively impact
their development (i.e., religiosity) and highlights methodological challenges
in studying American Muslim youth. The implications of the results, as well
as the need to conduct additional research, are explored.

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American Muslim Youth

American Muslim youth, who are developing within an ever-changing, complex environment, are faced with numerous challenges and opportunities.
Like most young people, Muslim youth encounter predictable biological,
psychological, and social developmental changes, which influence how they
experience the world around them. In addition to the normative developmental changes, American Muslim youth have reported varying challenges,
including lack of support from their family and friends, problems in maintaining their faith, real or perceived discrimination, and issues related to
identity and acculturation (Ahmed & Akhter, 2006).
Lack of support from ones immediate context (i.e., family and peers)
has been described as one of the greatest challenges experienced by American Muslim youth. Muslim youth have stated that their parents often lack
understanding of the American social context and normative youth culture.
In addition, many youth believe their parents fear that they will acculturate
into society and lose their religious and cultural identity. This often prompts
parents to prevent age-appropriate exploration and impose many restrictions on social activities, even on those that do not conflict with religious
values and beliefs (Ahmed & Akhter, 2006; Al-Mateen & Afzal, 2004). In
addition, Muslim youth have reported experiencing peer pressure to engage
in activities and behaviors that are contrary to their religious beliefs such
as dating, engaging in premarital sex, and consuming alcohol or drugs. As
a result, Muslim adolescents and young adults frequently find themselves
caught in a struggle between trying to maintain their religious and cultural
values while also finding a way to relate to their peers. These difficulties
are often compounded when parents, who may be unaware of the challenges experienced by the young person, fail to provide viable social and
recreational alternatives. The manner in which a young person responds
to these stressors depends on a number of differing factors, including but
not limited to: sources of support, personal and family beliefs, self-esteem,
and available social and recreational alternatives. Some youth will engage
in normative peer behaviors, risking being ostracized by their family and
the Muslim community. Other youth may engage in normative behaviors as
expected by their parents and Muslim community while potentially experiencing feelings of alienation, loneliness, and lack of acceptance from their
peers due to differences in life styles and beliefs (Ahmed & Akhter, 2006).
American Muslim youth have frequently indicated that the communities they reside in are not supportive of their needs. When referring to the

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S. Ahmed

American Muslim community, many youth have voiced frustration due to

lack of culturally relevant (i.e., American), age-appropriate, religious, and
social programs. They also have reported a lack of influence on the future
direction of the community. With respect to their society, polls conducted by
Cornell University indicated that 44% of Americans polled believe that some
form of restriction should be placed on American Muslims (Cornell, 2004)
and 70% of American Muslim youth have reported experiencing negative
reactions due to their religious beliefs and practices (Muslim Public Affairs
Council [MPAC], 2005). Similarly, government actions, such as the issuance
of the USA PATRIOT Act, ethnic-based immigration interviews and profiling,
and investigations of numerous high-profile charity groups, has led many
American Muslim youth to perceive themselves as misunderstood and as
unwelcome citizens of their own country.
The lack of support in varying contexts, coupled with the real or perceived experiences of discrimination and feelings of alienation during a crucial developmental period, may be challenging for American Muslim youth.
These challenges may predispose many young people toward engaging in
aggressive behaviors such as substance abuse, and antisocial behaviors
such as truancy, criminal activity, and aggressiveness. Although research on
American Muslim youth is in its infancy, initial studies have reported preliminary evidence for American Muslim youth engaging in risky behaviors
(Abu-Ras et al., 2009; Ahmed et al., 2009; Islam & Johnson, 2003; Rice et
al., 2006). As such, understanding factors that may prevent American Muslim
youth from engaging in risky behaviors is of great interest.

Protective Factors and Character Strength

Psychological research has traditionally focused on pathological and maladaptive behaviors of an individual. However, a renewed interest in understanding human strengths has evolved through positive psychology. Positive
psychology is the study of human strengths and virtues with the aim of
reducing maladaptive behavior and building strengths and virtues to help
individuals and communities not only endure and survive, but also flourish
(Seligman, 2002). As mentioned above, American Muslim youth are exposed
to numerous factors that may increase the likelihood of engaging in risky
behaviors. There is great interest in understanding protective factors, ones
that may serve to decrease the likelihood an individual will engage in risky
behavior or lead toward the promotion of positive youth development. Protective factors promote development through a variety of mechanisms: They
may prevent the initial occurrence of a risk factor altogether, interrupt the
pathways through which risk factors function, or, at the very least, reduce
the impact of risk factors.
Research has indicated that certain beliefs or values within ones character are associated with a decrease in the impact of negative stressors. These

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107

character strengths are also associated with promoting positive youth development (Park, 2004). Thus, the presence of character strength that emerges
based on the classification of strengths and virtues across history and cultures
has been associated with being a protective factor (Park, 2004; Peterson &
Seligman, 2001).
In addition to character strengths serving as protective factors, current
research in the field of youth development has suggested additional factors that promote youth development, including: positive family interactions
(Feldman et al., 1998; Jessor et al., 1998; Kotchick et al., 1999; Windle, 2000),
positive peer group identification (Hogg & Abrams, 2003; Pombeni, Kirchler,
& Palmonari, 1990; Tarrant et al., 2001), community support (Benson,
Roehlkepartain, & Rude, 2003; Eccles & Gootman, 2002), positive experiences and bonding to conventional society (Hawkins, Catalano, & Miller,
1992), and greater religiosity (Regnerus, Smith, & Fritsch, 2003). However,
it is unknown if these factors also serve as protective factors for American
Muslim youth.

Religiosity as a Protective Factor?

Given the current geopolitical and social context, it is of particular interest to understand whether or not religiosity indeed serves as a protective factor for American Muslim youth. At present, prior investigation
on the protective nature of religiosity on American Muslim youth has not
been conducted. However, previous research on non-Muslim populations
has theorized that religion serves as a protective factor for young people. It is believed that religion sets standards that are repeated by religious
and community leaders, and provides young people with clear and explicit messages of socially appropriate behaviors during a period in their
life that is often unclear (Erickson, 1965). Researchers have suggested that
religious youth are less likely to engage in health-compromising behaviors such as carrying weapons, engaging in fights, drinking and driving,
and using illegal drugs (Wallace & Forman, 1998). In addition, religion
appears to exert a significant to moderate deterrent effect on an individuals criminal behavior (Baier & Wright, 2001) and sexual acting out (Donahue & Benson, 1995). Similarly, adolescent delinquency has been observed
to negatively correlate with personal religiosity and the religiosity of their
peers.
Religiosity may serve as a protective factor because of meaningful interpersonal connections through religious involvement. Religious organizations
and community groups often share goals and similar experiences that foster
support and a stable sense of community and belongingness through rituals
and community interaction (Erickson, 1965). The presence of trusting and
supportive mentors, parents, and friends with similar beliefs and values and
who help to nurture positive characteristics has been observed to function

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S. Ahmed

as a protective factor in the lives of young people (Busseri et al., 2006; Jessor
et al., 1998). These interpersonal connections are also thought to help by
connecting young people to adults and established institutions, providing
them with meaning and a framework within which young people can work
to establish their place in society and to gain a sense of purpose for the
future (Erikson, 1965, 1968). In addition, religious institutions are thought to
assist young people in the development of self-regulatory abilities by providing them with role models and opportunities to model prosocial behaviors
in structured settings, thereby protecting them from possible antisocial behavior (Cook, 2000). Moreover, such trusting interactions within a religious
setting foster identity development, strengthen self-worth, and provide the
adolescent with a set of convictions (Cook, 2000).
Religious organizations and institutions can serve to promote the development of character strengths and other protective factors because they often
engage youth in socially sanctioned activities, thereby providing alternative
peer group and prosocial opportunities and reducing the opportunity for antisocial involvement (Kress & Elias, 1997). Groups that offer special programs
for youth, such as mentoring programs, can foster resiliency in adolescents
through meeting their social and spiritual needs (Cook, 2000). Communities
that provide youth with a place to congregate and engage in activities that
help build feelings of self-worth and self-confidence, as well as feel positive about belonging to a group, may help to foster their sense of self and
provide them with a set of convictions, directions, and a community to be a
part of (Cook, 2000; Erickson, 1965). However, many mosques provide only
religious instruction and do not offer social or recreational programs for adolescents and young adults. As such, a Comparison between the role of many
churches in the lives of Christian youth may not be analogous to the role
of many mosques in the lives of American Muslim youth. Researchers may
consider alternatives such as community- and student-led groups to focus on
meeting the needs of American Muslim youth and provide an environment
promoting positive youth development.
Contemporary research on the protective nature of religion on young
people has primarily focused its attention on religious groups that are dominant in society. Specifically, a majority of the present literature on the protective nature of religion has been conducted with Christian youth and their
respective congregations. However, in Islam there is no religious hierarchy
structure, and mosques are sometimes simple prayer halls which, therefore,
may not meet the social needs of its membership. As a result, American
Muslim youth may consider a variety of religious organizations, not directly
affiliated with their local mosque, in order to better meet their interpersonal
needs such as specialized youth groups, student organizations, national organizations, or Internet communities. As such, how one defines the religious
community of the young person will likely influence the degree of impact
that the religious community has on their life and, thus, should be considered

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109

when studying American Muslim youth. Religious organizations that cater to

the needs of American Muslim youth are more likely to serve the role of
religious institutions as described in the literature.
Few researchers have investigated religious commitment among religious minority youth. The phrase religious minority group refers to religious
groups that clearly identify themselves as being distinct in their faith, rituals,
and practice, and whose faith is not practiced by the majority of people in
their society (Markstrom-Adams, Hofstra, & Dougher, 1994). For religious
minority youth, such as American Muslim youth, religious commitment is
theorized to have varying impact depending on the young persons environment. Individuals born into religious minority families are thought to
receive greater religious socialization from their family and religious community throughout their childhood in the hopes that the individual will maintain
their religious beliefs and pass them on to the next generation (MarkstromAdams et al.). It is during young adulthood that many youth are expected
to display their loyalty to their religious group. An individuals identification
with their religious minority group is thought to be strengthened when they
experience negative attitudes and treatment directed toward their religious
group (Markstrom-Adams et al., 1994). Another possibility is that religious
minority youth may instead choose to dissociate from their religious community, and assimilate into mainstream society, in order to avoid potential
rejection due to their religious minority status. To date, there has been no
research that has explored the influence of religious minority status on religious commitment or the protective nature of religiosity among American
Muslim youth.

Measuring Religiosity
Although religiosity has been identified as a protective factor among Jewish and Christian youth, measurement issues raise concern about the applicability of current measures with American Muslim youth. Researchers
have often used adolescent and young adult church attendance as a
measure for religiosity, which may not be an accurate measure of religious commitment for religious minority youth (Markstrom-Adams, 1994);
in particular, weekly mosque attendance is not required of all Muslims. While Muslim men are required to attend weekly Friday congregational prayers, it is optional for women. Friday prayers can take place
anywhere as long as the requirement for congregational prayers is met
and thus not required to be held at an established Mosque. Also, Friday congregational prayer cannot be used as a proxy for church attendance because attendance is not mandatory for Muslim women. In
addition, measurement of church attendance does not adequately address the
extent to which youth identify with religion, or the degree of internalization
of these beliefs into their everyday life and may be more related to parental

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S. Ahmed

expectations than to an individuals beliefs and practice. As such, it would

be important to clarify whether a young persons religious commitment
is due to personal conviction, one that they have thought through and
committed to, or a reflection of parental expectations. This is of particular
importance for American Muslim youth because it is theorized that they receive greater religious socialization from their family and community. Hence,
there is a need for researchers to assess the extent of an individuals religious
exploration and the degree of religious commitment.
Another methodological issue with many of the current measures of
religiosity is that they were developed based on Judeo-Christian beliefs and
practices, and the meanings of the behaviors often have different significance
to Muslims. For example, if a Christian youth prays once a day, the implication is likely that the individual is Highly Religious. However, if a Muslim
youth, who is required to pray five times a day, endorses the same measure
indicating that they pray once a day, the implication is that the individual
may not be Highly Religious because they are not fulfilling a basic tenet of
Islam. Although there has been an attempt to develop scales to better measure religiosity in Muslims, the norms and scales are specific to Islam and
Muslims and, therefore, not easily adaptable to non-Muslim populations (AlGhorani, 2008; Francis, Sahin, & Al-Failakawi, 2008). When studying American Muslim youth, it is important to use measures that can adequately assess
their religious commitment and allow for the comparability of the results with
non-Muslim peers in order to determine if religiosity significantly differs.
This study aims to explore the religious commitment of American Muslim youth. Specifically, it looks at the religiosity of American Muslim youth,
and whether there are any differences between them and their peers. In
addition, the study investigates the degree of religious exploration and how
the findings compare with an individuals proclaimed religiosity. The study
also attempts to determine whether religiosity in American Muslim youth is
associated with the development of character strengths that serve as protective factors. Finally, if religiosity is indeed associated with protective factors
for American Muslim youth, what are the specific character strengths that are
associated with greater religious commitment?

METHOD
Procedures
Participants were recruited from organizations serving the needs of young
people. Individuals attending activities of a community-based organization,
the Muslim American Society Youth (MAS Youth), and a university-based
organization, the Muslim Students Association (MSA), were invited to participate in the research study. Participants were informed that the study was
aimed at understanding young peoples values, beliefs, and behaviors. These

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Religiosity of American Muslim Youth

individuals were also asked to invite their peers (both Muslim and nonMuslim) to participate in the study, resulting in a snowball sampling. In addition, Comparison youth were recruited through undergraduate psychology
courses at a nonreligiously affiliated private metropolitan university with a
diverse student body.
Participation in the study was voluntary. Participants were informed
both verbally and in written format about their rights while participating in
the study, and asked to sign consent forms. They were then provided with
a questionnaire packet. Upon completion of the questionnaire, participants
were given a debriefing form.

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Participants
This study was comprised of 174 participants between the ages of 18 and
25 years. The sample included 97 Muslim youth and 77 Comparison youth
from across the nation. Muslims comprised 56% of the participants (n =
99), followed by Christians 29% (n = 51), as the main religious groups
represented. Other religious views were represented in smaller numbers
(>2%), and included Jews, Hindus, atheists, agnostics, and those describing
their beliefs as other.
Comparable numbers of male and female participants were included in
the study (96 women, 78 men). The Muslim population consisted of 43.3%
men and 56.7% women while the Comparison sample consisted of 46.8%
men and 53.2% women, as noted in Table 1.
Research participants were comparable with respect to similarity in age;
American Muslim youth were slightly older than their peers. Participants
were raised mainly in North America, and there were no significant differences between Muslim and Comparison youth in the number of years lived
in North America. With respect to academic performance, as measured by
self-reported grade point average (GPA), there was no significant difference
identified between Muslim and Comparison youth. Although the study attempted to control for socioeconomic background of participants, based on
parental income, insufficient data was collected.

Table 1 Demographic Comparison of Sample

Subject (N )

Muslim group
Comparison
group

Age

Years in
U.S.

GPA

Total

Male

Female

SD

SD

SD

97
77

42
36

55
41

21.3
20.1

2.7
2.3

3.39
3.27

.4
.5

15.6
14.9

7.2
7.5

Note. GPA = grade point average.

112

S. Ahmed

Measures
DEMOGRAPHIC QUESTIONNAIRE
Demographics included information regarding gender, age, and years lived
in the United States. In addition, the religion with which the participant
identified, their parental income, and GPA were also obtained.

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MEASURE

OF

RELIGIOUS COMMITMENT

The Religious Commitment Inventory-10 (RCI-10) consists of 10 items measuring an individuals religious commitment as defined by the degree to
which a person adheres to his or her religious values, beliefs, and practices,
and employs them in their daily living (Worthington et al., 2003). The measure uses a 5-point Likert scale and has previously been used to measure
religiosity among Muslim and non-Muslim populations (Schlosser, 2006). The
RCI-10 has been positively related to self-reported religious commitment, frequency of attendance at religious services, and intensity of ones spiritual life
(Worthington et al., 2003). The internal consistency score was observed to be
0.93, the testretest reliability coefficients was 0.87, and the construct validity was compared to Rokeachs Value Survey as well as previous versions of
the Religious Values Scale, which produced consistent results (Worthington
et al., 2003).
According to its developers, the RCI-10 mean is 23.1 (SD = 10.2). Scores
of more than one standard deviation higher than the mean indicate that an
individual is considered Highly Religious. The developers have suggested
that a cutoff score of 33 be used to minimize false negatives and label
someone as Highly Religious while a cutoff score of 38 be used to minimize
false positives. For the purpose of this study, a cutoff score of 38 was utilized
in order to minimize false positives.
MEASURE

OF

RELIGIOUS EXPLORATION

The Extended Objective Measure of Ego Identity Status-2 (EOM-EIS-2) was

used to measure the extent of religious exploration and commitment of an
individual. The EOM-EIS-2 measures identity status by assessing the degree
of exploration and commitment along varying ideological and interpersonal
domains: religious, occupation, politics, philosophical, friendship, dating, sex
roles, and recreation.
The EOM-EIS-2 is validated for individuals between 13 and 30 years of
age and uses a 6-point Likert self-report scale. Internal consistency estimates
for the EOM-EIS-2 domains, an indication of the degree to which the test
items intercorrelate with one another, range from 0.3 to 0.91, with a median
alpha of 0.66 (Adams, 1998). The correlations of stability for the EOM-EIS-2
subscales, an estimate of how stable the results of the measure are over a
given time period, range from 0.59 to 0.82, with a median correlation of 0.76

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Religiosity of American Muslim Youth

113

(Grotevant & Adams, 1984; see Adams, 1998, for a review). The split-half
correlations of the subscales range from 0.10 to 0.68, with a total identity
correlation subscale scores ranging from 0.37 to 0.64 (Adams, 1998). Finally,
the split-half reliability score for the EOM-EIS-2, an indication of the degree
of correspondence between two halves of the test and an estimate of the
extent the halves are equivalent to one another, range from .10 to .68 for
subscales (Grotevant & Adams, 1984).
For the purposes of this study, the ideological domain of religion was
used in order to measure the extent of religious exploration by young people
(permission was obtained from the scales developer). Individuals who had
explored their religious beliefs and then decided to commit to their religion
were categorized as Religiously Achieved. Young people that were grouped
as Religiously Achieved indicated that they had gone through the process of
exploration and had come to a resolution regarding their religious beliefs.
Such a process results in the formation of a relatively firm religious commitment that is less likely to conform and be influenced by peer pressure
(Adams, Ryan, Hoffman, Dobson, & Nielsen, 1984; Toder & Marcia, 1973).
Participants who either did not explore their religious beliefs or did not make
a commitment to a religion were categorized as individuals that had not developed a Religiously Achieved identity. The cutoff score for an individual
to be categorized as Religiously Achieved was 10.
MEASURE

OF

CHARACTER STRENGTH

The Values in Action Inventory of Strengths Scale (VIA-IS) utilizes a 5-point

Likert scale assessing an individuals character strength by asking participants
to endorse items that describe their attitudes, values, and behaviors (Peterson
& Seligman, 2001).
Marlow-Crowne social desirability scores did not significantly correlate
with scale scores, with the exception of prudence (r = .44) and spirituality
(r = .30). The issue of social desirability is often of concern when dealing
with the topic of religious commitment. However, Watson, Morris, Foster,
and Hood (1986) found no consistent link between religiousness and social
desirability responses. In fact, there was evidence that religious people were
more likely to agree with items that reflect their normative belief system,
which may appear to be viewed as a socially desirable answer. Construct validity was investigated by comparing the measure to the NEO-Personality
Inventory: http://ww3.parinc.com/products/product.aspx?Productid=NEOPI-R (NEO-PI). As expected, the correlations were found to be substantial:
Openness correlated with awe (r = .65), curiosity (r = .73), and love of
learning (r = .58); agreeableness with teamwork (r = .42); and conscientiousness with industry (r = .73) and self-regulation (r = .55).
A total of 15 of 20 subscales from the VIA-IS were used (with permission
of the instruments developers). A detailed description of each character

114
Description

Sorts through information in an objective manner and is

synonymous with critical thinking.
Draws upon experiences to help solve problems and gain
perspective.
Stands up for intellectual or emotional stances that are
unpopular, difficult, or dangerous.
Takes on and completes given tasks.
Presents oneself to others as well as to the self in a sincere and
truthful manner by words and deeds.
Relates to others in a manner that is in the other persons greatest
interest, even if it is in conflict with their own wishes and
needs.
Works well in a group, values group goals and purposes, and
works toward them even if they differ from their personal
goals.
Guided by moral principles, takes the welfare of others as
seriously as their own, and can set aside personal prejudices.
Possesses skills needed in order to accomplish the groups work
and maintain good relations among group members.
Holds needs and impulses in check and meets them at an
appropriate time.
Waits until he or she understands the situation before taking a
course of action.
Values others excellence in moral character.
Takes a cognitive, emotional, and motivational stance and
approach toward the future, and anticipates events to occur
after appropriate effort.
Articulates a philosophy of life that locates himself or herself in
the universe and for whom life has meaning.
Involves not taking revenge for others actions, not holding
grudges, forgiving ill treatment, and being willing to give
someone another chance.

Note. VIA-IS = Values in Action Inventory of Strengths Scale.

Forgiveness

Spirituality

Gratitude
Hope/optimism

Prudence

Self-regulation

Leadership

Equity/fairness

Citizenship/teamwork

Kindness/generosity

Industry/perseverance
Integrity/honesty

Valor

Perspective

Judgment

Character strengths

Table 2 VIA-IS Character Strengths

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0.89
0.65

3.6

0.59
0.70

0.55

0.65

0.54

0.48

0.55

0.49

0.68
0.46

0.58

0.52

0.48

SD

3.3

3.9
3.6

3.5

3.3

3.7

3.9

3.5

3.9

3.6
4.0

3.7

3.8

4.0

4.25

4.19

4.49
4.30

4.05

3.95

4.24

4.38

4.05

4.39

4.28
4.46

4.28

4.32

4.48

Cut-off score

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Religiosity of American Muslim Youth

strength, the respective means, standard deviations, and cutoff scores are
provided in Table 2.

RESULTS

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Religiosity
This study investigated the religiosity of American Muslim youth and their
peers. Significance testing revealed that group assignment was related to
RCI Full Scale scores, F(1, 174) = 125, p = .0001. American Muslim youth
scored significantly higher on the RCI-10 compared to their peers. Chi-square
analysis revealed that score differences were carried over to religious categorization, which found that American Muslim youth were more likely to be
categorized as Highly Religious compared to their counterparts, X 2(1, n =
174) = 68.4, p = .0001. Of those categorized as Highly Religious in the overall
sample, 88.1% were Muslim and 11.9% were Comparison youth as indicated
in Table 3. Further analysis of the Muslim sample found approximately three
quarters of the youth were considered Highly Religious (75.5%). Examination of the categorization of the Comparison group revealed that 12.8% of
the individuals were identified as Highly Religious (see Table 4).

Religious Exploration
Religious exploration was measured by analyzing the results of the EOMEIS-2 Religious Identity Status, which measures the extent of exploration
and commitment of ones religious beliefs. Analysis revealed that there were
significantly more Muslim youth categorized as Religiously Achieved than
Comparison youth (X 2(1, n = 170) = 8.02, p = .005). Of those who were categorized as Religiously Achieved, 74.4% were Muslim and 25.6% were from
the Comparison group. However, only 33.7% of the entire Muslim youth
population were identified as Religiously Achieved (Table 5), compared to
the 75.5% of Muslim youth identified as Highly Religious by the RCI-10 in
the previous analysis. Such a dramatic difference was not noted between
the Comparison youth scores for religiosity (RCI-10 = 12.8%) and religious
exploration (EOM-EIS2 = 14.7%).
Table 3 Comparison of RCI-10 Scores and Religious Categorization

Muslim group
Comparison
group

RCI-10 score

Difference

SD

98
78

40.4
25.0

7.4
10.9

15.5

.0001

Note. RCI-10 = Religious Commitment Inventory-10.

% of Highly
Religious

% of Not Highly
Religious

88.1
12.0

26.1
73.9

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Muslim group
Comparison group
Overall

74
10
84

N
75.5
12.8
47.7

%
4.6
4.4
4.6

M
3.8
4.4
3.8

SD

No. of
strengths

Highly Religious

24
68
92

Table 4 Comparison of Religious Categorization and Number of Strengths

24.5
87.2
52.3

1.5
2.3
2.1

1.8
2.9
2.7

SD

No. of
strengths

Not Highly Religious

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3.14
2.1
2.5

.0002
.05
.0001

Difference
religious between
categorization

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Religiosity of American Muslim Youth

Table 5 Comparison of Religious Identity Achieved Status
Religiously
Achieved

Muslim
Comparison
Overall

Not Religiously
Achieved

32
11
43

33.7
14.7
25.3

63
64
127

66.3
85.3
74.7

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Association Between Religiosity and Character Strength

The effect of religiosity measured by the RCI-10 on the presence of character
strength, defined as the total number of strengths obtained through the VIAIS, was used to determine if religiosity was associated with being a protective
factor for American Muslim youth. Individuals were categorized into dichotomous groups based on their RCI-10 scores, Highly Religious or not Highly
Religious. An analysis of variance revealed that religiosity was observed as
being significantly related to the number of prosocial values and behaviors
within both Muslim, F(1, 96) = 15.4, p = .0002, and Comparison youth,
F(1, 76) = 3.8, p = .05, subgroups. Examination also revealed that Muslim
youth categorized as Highly Religious had approximately three more character strengths than Muslim youth who had not been categorized as Highly
Religious. Similarly, Comparison youth that were categorized as Highly Religious had approximately two more character strengths than Comparison
youth who had not been categorized as Highly Religious.
Comparison between the Muslim youth and the Comparison youth
revealed that religiosity served as a protective factor for both groups,
F(1, 172) =14.8, p = .0002. However, neither group assignment (i.e., Muslim or Comparison) nor its interaction with religiosity was observed to be
significant, as indicated in Table 4.

Character Strengths Associated With Highly Religious Youth

Given that religiosity appears to serve as a protective factor, it is important to understand which character strengths are associated with individuals
identified as Highly Religious. A correlation using Yules phi coefficient of
correlation (r ) was conducted since both variables used were binary (Yule,
1912). Highly Religious American Muslim youth were associated with the
following character strengths: kindness, equity, leadership, self-regulation,
prudence, gratitude, hope/optimism, spirituality, and forgiveness. Highly
Religious Comparison youth were associated with the following character
strengths: gratitude and spirituality (Table 6).

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S. Ahmed
Table 6 Yules phi Coefficient of Correlation (r ) Between Highly
Religious Youth and Character Strengths

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RCI-10
Character strength

Muslim

Comparison

Judgment
Perspective
Valor
Industry/perspective
Honesty
Kindness
Citizenship/teamwork
Equity
Leadership
Self-regulation
Prudence
Gratitude
Hope/optimism
Spirituality
Forgiveness

0.119
0.235
0.210
0.333
0.333
0.559
0.292
0.710
0.778
0.713
1.000
0.814
0.537
0.909
1.000

0.034
0.296
0.041
0.185
0.326
0.153
0.125
0.134
0.481
0.316
0.488
0.636
0.125
0.803
0.326

Note. RCI-10 = Religious Commitment Inventory-10.

DISCUSSION
This research provides a beginning glimpse of an understudied population,
American Muslim youth. The study began by exploring their religiosity and
found American Muslim youth in this sample to be Highly Religious. The significantly greater percentage of individuals identified as Highly Religious can
be attributed to greater religious socialization often experienced by religious
minority youth, as suggested by Markstrom-Adams (1994). An alternative
explanation could be related to notions of social identity theory that suggest certain context, events, and experiences can activate varying identities
which contribute to greater identification and affiliation with certain groups
(Tajfel, 1981; Turner, 1987). Given that this data was collected within 1 year
of the September 11 tragedies, it is highly possible that the Muslim youth
participating in this study experienced their Muslim identity repeatedly being
activated. The repeated activation may have caused a higher identification
with their religious group than what might have been the case before 9/11. In
addition, the Muslim sample was primarily collected from faith-based organizations, whereas the sample for the Comparison group was gathered from
a university psychology class. As such, the difference in religiosity between
Muslim and Comparison youth could be attributed to religious minority status, chronological bias, or selection bias. Hence, further investigation needs
to be done in order to validate the findings of this study.
Although a significantly large percentage of American Muslim youth
were identified as Highly Religious, the degree of religious exploration that

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Religiosity of American Muslim Youth

119

individuals engaged in and the strength of commitment to their religious

beliefs are also important in understanding the potential influence of risk
factors. The results indicate that almost one third of the American Muslim
youth sampled in this study had explored their religious beliefs as well as
made a firm commitment to their religion. The greater percentage of American Muslim youth categorized as Religiously Achieved compared to their
peers could be explained by the constant reminders in their environment
that they are a religious minority group. Their religious minority status contributes to the greater need to understand and evaluate their religious beliefs
and values in the face of alternatives that are ever present. In addition, the
fact that two thirds of the Muslim sample had not explored and made a firm
commitment highlights an area of potential risk. It is interesting to note that,
although the vast majority of American Muslim youth sampled in this study
were categorized as Highly Religious, only one third of these individuals had
actually engaged in the process of religious exploration that culminated in
the their present religious commitment. The observed difference can be attributed to the likelihood of more intense religious socialization of religious
minority youth by family, religious community, and elders without adequate
opportunities to explore their beliefs. In addition, there may be great expectation by these socializing agents for the young person to maintain their
religious beliefs. As such, these individuals may express higher rates of religiosity, but this does not mean that they have explored why they have
chosen to practice their beliefs. Hence, this accounts for the much smaller
percentage of individuals categorized as Religiously Achieved. It is equally
interesting to note that the difference in religiosity and religious exploration
among Comparison youth was not observed. Most likely, Comparison youth
do not experience the same level of pressures and expectations to maintain ones religious values; hence, the lack of difference. However, these
assumptions need to be corroborated by further investigation.
This study also hypothesized that religion would serve as a protective
factor for American Muslim youth, as had been previously been noted with
youth from other religious groups. The results indicate that religiosity was
associated with greater character strength for American Muslim youth. It is
suggested that future studies investigate the mechanisms and relationships
that enable religiosity to function as a protective factor.
Finally, this study attempted to identify character strengths associated
with Highly Religious American Muslim youth. The following character
strengths were identified as being associated with Highly Religious American
Muslim youth: kindness, equity, leadership, self-regulation, prudence, gratitude, hope/optimism, spirituality, and forgiveness. These character strengths
are highly valued among Muslims and may be a result of religious socialization. The analysis conducted was correlational; hence, the nature of the
relationship cannot be established. However, it would be of great interest to further investigate the relationship between the character strengths

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S. Ahmed

associated with Highly Religious American Muslim youth. Specifically, why

were these strengths associated with American Muslim youth, but not their
peers? Are the character strengths related to the influence of family, peer
groups, or religious organizations? What are the developmental pathways
and processes of these character strengths, and how can they be nurtured to
promote positive youth development?
Although this study begins to build our knowledge of American Muslim
youth, much is still unknown. The greater percentage of American Muslim
youth reporting high levels of religiosity is suggested to be related to the
interaction of their religious minority status. In order to strengthen these
results, it is important to corroborate the findings by replicating this study
to rule out any possible chronological bias of September 11. The study also
needs to be repeated with samples coming from more comparable backgrounds (i.e., both Muslim and Comparison youth from faith-based groups)
in order to rule out selection bias as well as to replicate the study in differing
sociocultural contexts. It would be informative to see if Muslim youth report
such high levels of religiosity in countries where Islam is the majority religion. Also, it is important to replicate this study with other religious minority
youth in varying contexts, in order to determine whether religious minority
youth, regardless of particular faith group association, would express high
levels of religiosity.
Furthermore, it is important for researchers to begin to understand the
impact of other factors that may influence the religiosity of religious minority youth such as parental religiosity, parent-child relationship, parents
modeling of prosocial values and behavior, peer religiosity, type and quality
of relationship with peers, peer prosocial values and behaviors, ethnicity,
political climate, and popular culture. Moreover, it is important to recognize which factors in the environment of Muslim youth play a greater role
in promoting the religious commitment of the individual, and why. Such
information would help provide meaning and understanding that could
guide the development of prevention programs for at-risk religious minority
youth.

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