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N E U N U N D D R E I S S I G S T E R BAND
'/68'
HANDBOOK
OF
UGARITIC STUDIES
E D I T E D
BY
/ 6 81-'
BRILL
LEIDEN B O S T O N K L N
1999
L i b r a r y of C o n g r e s s Cataloging-in-Publication D a t a
Handbook of Ugaritic studies / [edited] by Wilfred G.E. Watson and
Nicolas Wyatt.
p.
cm. (Handbuch der Orientalistik. Erste Abteilung, Nahe
und der Mittlere Osten, ISSN 0169-9423 ; 39. Bd.)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 9004109889 (alk. paper)
1. Ugarit (Extinct city) 2. Cuneiform inscriptions, Ugaritic.
3. Ugaritic philology. I. Watson, Wilfred G.E. II. Wyatt.
Nicolas. III. Series.
DS99.U35H35
1999
939'.43dc21
99-13946
CIP
D i e D e u t s c h e Bibliothek - C I P - E i n h e i t s a u f n a h m e
Handbuch der Orientalistik.
Leiden ; Boston ; Kln : Brill
Teilw. hrsg. von II. Altenmller . - Teilw. hrsg. von B. Spuler
Literaturangaben
Teilw. mit Parallelt.: Handbook of oriental studies
Abt. 1. Der Nahe und Mittlere Osten = The Near and Middle East /
hrsg. von H. Altenmller ...
Teilw. hrsg. von B. Spuler
Bd. 39. Handbook of Ugaritic studies. -
1999
ISSN 0169-9423
ISBN 90 04 10988 9
Copyright 1999 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands
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PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS
CONTENTS
List of Illustrations
Prcface
W I L F R E D WATSON -
Chapter O n e
xi
xii
NICOLAS W Y A T T
General Introduction
W I L F R E D WATSON -
NICOLAS W Y A T T
ADRIAN CURTIS
28
28
W I L F R E D VAN SOLDT
46
PITARD
WALTER
58
MAYER
CATHCART
T h e Ugaritic Script
MANFRIED DIETRICH -
76
76
81
OSWALD
LORETZ
Ugaritic G r a m m a r
91
JOSEF TROPPER
Ugaritic Lexicography
WILFRED
122
WATSON
134
HUEHNERGARD
140
140
M E I N D E R T DIJKSTRA
Ugaritic Poetry
WILFRED WATSON
165
193
193
J O H N GIBSON
T h e Legend of Keret
T h e Story of Aqhat
T h e Rpum Texts
203
BARUCH MARGALIT
234
NICOLAS W Y A T T
259
WAYNE PITARD
T h e Incantations
270
KLAAS SPRONK
287
287
PAOLO X E L L A
305
T h e O m e n Texts
353
PAOLO X E L L A
359
359
JESS-LUIS CUNCHILLOS
T h e Akkadian Letters
JOHN
HUEHNERGARD
Chapter Nine
IGNACIO MARQUEZ
1
2
3
4
375
ROWE
Introduction
T h e Akkadian Legal Texts
T h e Ugaritic Legal Texts
T h e Hittite Legal Text
Chapter T e n
390
T h e Economy of Ugarit
390
394
411
420
423
M I C H A E L HELTZER
1
2
3
T h e Administrative Texts
Commerce
Crafts and Industries
Chapter Eleven
T h e Society of Ugarit
423
439
448
455
JUAN-PABLO V I T A
455
2
3
4
5
Chapter Twelve
T h e Onomastics of Ugarit
....
467
475
484
492
499
RICHARD HESS
1
2
Chapter Thirteen
An Overview
499
515
T h e Religion of Ugarit:
529
NICOLAS W Y A T T
Chapter Fourteen
T h e Iconography of Ugarit
586
IZAK CORNELIUS
Chapter Fifteen
603
ITAMAR SINGER
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
Preliminary Remarks
Ugarit in the Early and Middle Bronze Ages
Ugarit under Egyptian Influence
Ugarit under Hittite Rule
Ugarit in the Age of 'Pax Hethiticd
T h e Weakening Grip of the Hittites
T h e Last Years of Ugarit
603
608
621
627
646
683
704
734
734
STEVEN WIGGINS
747
JESS-LUIS CUNCHILLOS
References
Abbreviations
Bibliography
List of Contributors
Indices
Index of Topics
Index of Personal Names
Index of Divine Names
755
755
761
824
827
839
843
Index
Index
Index
Index
Index
Index
Index
of
of
of
of
of
of
of
Toponyms
Ugaritic Words
Syllabic Akkadian
Various Languages
K T U Texts
R I H Texts
RS Texts
844
847
850
851
852
871
871
LIST O F I L L U S T R A T I O N S
Map
Fig. 1
Fig. 2
Fig. 3
Fig. 4
Fig. 5
Fig. 6
Fig. 7
Fig. 8
Fig. 9
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
xiv
81
82
83
84
86
87
87
88
90
588
590
592
594
596
597
599
600
752
753
754
PREFACE
WILFRED
August 1998
NICOLAS
WYATT
CHAPTER O N E
GENERAL
INTRODUCTION
WILFRED G . E . WATSON -
NICOLAS W Y A T T
PREVIOUS COMPREHENSIVE
STUDIES
SOME C U R R E N T
WORK
FUTURE RESEARCH
With this description of the present state of studies, which shows the
discipline to be in a healthy condition, it is important to point to
further work that is required, although some indications are provided in the various contributions. Topics to be studied more exhaustively include the alphabetic and syllabic personal names, as well as
archaeology; and as yet there is no comprehensive translation of the
so-called administrative texts. T h e texts in Ugaritic have tended to
be the focus of attention, with the result that other areas have suffered
from comparative neglect.
T H E HANDBOOK OF U G A R I T I C STUDIES
between them. Even so, many contributors discuss a range of topics either not previously dealt with, such as iconography and technology, or with more detail than previously available. T h e main
thrust of the book has been to provide surveys of what has been
achieved, a task which often proved difficult either due to the absence
of previous surveys or because of the sheer range of opinions voiced.
It is hoped that a balance has been struck in respect of the amount
of detail provided and coverage is intended to be comprehensive and
representative rather than complete. Finally, the extensive consolidated bibliography will certainly be of use for reference, filling the
gap between 1988 (covered by A O A T 20/6) and 1998. This work
has appeared in the seventieth anniversary of the discovery of Ras
Shamra, a propitious portent, perhaps, of discoveries to come.
CHAFFER T W O
RAS
SHAMRA,
MINET
T H E
EL-BEIDA
MATERIAL
ADRIAN H . W .
AND
RAS
IBN
HANI:
SOURCES
CURTIS
INTRODUCTION
Seventy years have elapsed since a chance discovery was made close
to the coast of Syria which was to spark off a series of archaeological investigations which have continued right up to the present. Not
only have the excavations revealed an important commercial centre
the ancient city of Ugaritwhich flourished in the second millennium BCE, thereby shedding light on the history and culture of the
area and of the wider ancient Near Eastern world. They have also
yielded a hitherto unknown language or dialectUgariticwhich
has made an important contribution to the study of the north-west
Semitic languages in addition to giving access to the life and thought
of the people of the city. T h e facts, firsdy that the newly discovered
language was seen to be akin to Hebrew, secondly that the texts,
once deciphered, were found to contain references to deities mentioned in the Hebrew Bible, in particular the god Baal, and thirdly
that the site was geographically rather closer to the land occupied
by the Israelites than the other great centres of ancient Near Eastern
civilization (though the considerable distance has sometimes been
minimised) all doubtless contributed to the early claims that a site
of major significance had been discovered. This had its pluses and
its minuses. It brought the discoveries to earlier prominence and to
a wider audience than might otherwise have been the case. But the
issue of the relevance of the discoveries at Ugarit for the study of
the Hebrew Bible, exacerbated by the tendency to assume that Ugarit
was a Canaanite city, has often been unduly dominant, at the expense
of an appreciation of Ugarit and its texts in their own right. T h e
excavation of other ancient cites in Syria, notably Ebla and Emar,
has helped to redress the balance somewhat and enabled Ugarit to
be seen in its rather more immediate geographical milieu.
D I S C O V E R Y AND E A R L Y
EXCAVATIONS
After just over a month (on May 9th) attention was turned from the
necropolis to the tell itself, just over a kilometer away, in order to
answer the question whether it did indeed contain the ruins of a city
of which the necropolis was the cemetery. T h e summit of the mound,
which was some 17-20 m above the surrounding terrain, was very uneven
but showed no clear sign of any ancient structures. After a survey
of the tell's surface, the decision was taken to make the first trial
excavation at the point on the mound's surface which was closest to
the sea. T h e decision was influenced by reports that local inhabitants
had come across artefacts, some of gold, in an olive orchard which
lay below that part of the tell. Schaeffer wondered whether the objects might have come from a royal palace. His acumen was well and
speedily rewarded. Almost as soon as digging commenced, the excavators came upon the foundations of a large edifice which seemed
to have suffered destruction by fire. A bronze nail embedded between
the blocks of a pillar, and a bronze dagger which had suffered distortion as a result of the intense heat of the conflagration, pointed
to a date for the edifice in the second millennium BCE. Confirmation
of this dating was provided by the discovery of parts of an Egyptian
statue made of granite and bearing a hieroglyphic inscription whose
style of writing was dated to the New Kingdom period.
As excavation continued, the scale and plan of the building began
to become clearer. So that the extent of the building might be assessed,
another trench was begun some 20 m to the east. More foundations
were revealed, whose depth and direction suggested that they belonged
to the same building, but here the rooms seemed to be smaller and
it was thought likely that they were storerooms. Pieces of ceramic
pointed to a date for the building which coincided with that of the
necropolis and suggested that both had ceased to be used by the
end of the thirteenth or the beginning of the twelfth century BCE.
O n May 14th, less than a week after excavations had begun on
the tell, in the corner of one of the small storerooms, a tablet of baked
clay bearing a cuneiform inscription was discovered. Soon others
began to emerge within a small radius. Some had been rendered
very friable, presumably by the fire of which evidence had already
been found, and great care was needed to prevent them crumbling.
It was necessary for some to be removed still encased in soil and
allowed to dry slowly. This first epigraphic find involved a total of
twenty tablets of varying sizes, and perhaps the most intriguing fea-
ture was that they had revealed a hitherto unknown cuneiform script.
Shortly afterwards, in a newly opened area in another part of the
tell, a deposit of 74 bronze artefacts was discovered under a stone
slab (see SCHAEFFER 1939, pl. X X I I fig. 2 for photograph of hoard
in situ). These objects included various tools and weapons, all apparendy unused, and a small tripod decorated with pomegranate flowers.
It was soon noticed that some of the tools bore incised inscriptions
in the same script as that which had just been found on the clay
tablets ( K T U 6.6, 6.10, 6.7, 6.8 and 6.9 = RS 1.[051]; 1 .[052];
1. [053] ; 1. [054] ; 1.[055] respectively). Charles Virolleaud, who examined the newly found tablets and the inscribed tools, suggested
that the writing on the tools might perhaps provide the clue to the
decipherment of the hitherto unknown script. (The inscription on
the tools in fact turned out to read (or, in the case of K T U 6.7,
include) the words rb khnm, 'chief of the priests', suggesting that the
building where they had been discovered was the home of the chief
priest, and that the bronze items were perhaps a dedicatory offering
made by one of the metal-workers of the city.)
SUBSEQUENT CAMPAIGNS
went back as far as the Neolithic period, and suggested five major
phases of occupation:
Level
Level
Level
Level
Level
I
II
III
IV
V
ca. 1200-1600
ca. 1600-2100
ca. 2100-3500
ca. 3 5 0 0 - 4 0 0 0
Neolithic
(Subsequent excavations have revealed a much more complex stratigraphy, and discerned some twenty occupation levels stretching from
the Early Neolithic period \ca 6 5 0 0 - 6 0 0 0 BCE] down to a R o m a n
occupation in the first and second centuries CE.)
In the pre-war seasons of excavation on the tell, work was carried
out in particular on the acropolis, revealing what came to be identified
as the Temple of Baal, the Temple of Dagan and the House of the
High Priest. This last emerged as much more than simply a dwelling
place for an important cultic official, but as a temple library and
scribal school where texts were written and stored and where new
scribes could learn their art. After the interruption of the war years,
a limited resumption was possible in 1948, but it was not until 1950
that full-scale work could again be undertaken. Excavations were
concentrated first in the area of the Royal Palace. More will be said
about this imposing edifice later, but it is appropriate to note that
this was not just the residence of the royal family and court but also
an administrative headquarters. A number of groups of texts were
discoveredfive which have been labelled as the Eastern Archives,
the Central archives, the Southern Archives, the South-Western Archives and the Western Archives. A further group was found within
what was originally identified as a firing kiln and therefore thought
to comprise the last tablets to be written before the destruction of
the city at the end of the LBA (but see M I L L A R D 1995).
In the Royal Palace area, excavations were extended southwards
to reveal what came to be known as the 'Southern Palace'. Subsequently a building which has been named the 'Northern Palace' was
found in the proximity of the Royal Palace. T o the west of the Royal
Palace was found a residential area which included a number of
buildings which have been named as a result of discoveries made
within them or because of evidence of their ownership. These included
the houses of Raap'abu and of Rap'anu, in the latter of which was
found an archive of texts, and the so-called 'House of the Scholar'
TEXTUAL
DISCOVERIES
contained an entrance porch leading to the main central area, comprising a large room containing benches and a platform or altar and
another smaller room. There appear also to have been various annexes
to the main building. But is it possible to say to which deity this
temple was dedicated? T h e discovery of a stone statue of a figure
seated on a throne may provide the clue since it is thought to be a
representation of EL, the head of the pantheon ( R S 8 8 . 7 0 ; Y O N 1 9 9 6 ,
422 fig. 4c). It would be surprising if there were not a temple dedicated to EL in Ugarit. T h e texts do suggest that EL was perhaps
receding somewhat into the background, in favour of the younger,
more active Baal (though it should be remembered that many of
these texts are particularly concerned with Baal and the construction of his 'palace' or temple, and doubdess reflect the beliefs of his
worshippers). Nevertheless, EL is still the head of the pantheon who
presides over the assembly of the gods, and whose permission is
needed for major projects such as the building of Baal's palace/temple). So perhaps the 'Rhyton Temple' is in fact the Temple of EL.
T h e most impressive building in the city, certainly so far as its
size was concerned, was doubtless the Royal Palace. There is reason to believe that it began (perhaps in the 15th century) as a relatively small building comprising a number of rooms arranged around
two courtyards, but that it developed thereafter in a n u m b e r of
phases of construction until, by the 13th century, it was a huge complex containing some ninety rooms, five large courtyards and some
smaller courts and what has been described as the 'garden'. At its
zenith it measured some 120 m by 85 m. (On the stages of development of the Royal Palace, see SCHAEFFER 1962, 9-17.) O n e of
the courtyards contained an ornamental pool surrounded by two
tiers of shaped stones. Elaborate arrangements were made for the
palace's water supply, a covered channel having been constructed to
bring water from a trough which was next to a well some distance
from the palace itself. Servants presumably drew water from the well
to feed the trough and in turn the channel bringing water to the
palace.
T h e main entrance to the palace seems to have been from the
west, through a doorway approached by low steps and flanked by
two columns whose bases remain in situ. A feature of the Royal
Palace is the high quality of the stone-work which must have involved
skilled masons. O n some of the interior walls, traces of plaster can
be seen and gaps between some of the courses of stone suggest that
they considered to be of value) suggests that perhaps it was felt necessary to make some sort of provision for the dead, a fact which, if
correct, would be of relevance for the question whether the people
of Ugarit believed in some form of afterlife. T h e presence of cups
may also indicate the notion of the provision of sustenance for the
dead. Earlier descriptions of these tombs noted the presence of clay
pipes which were thought to be for the purpose of providing liquid
(or perhaps even libations) for the dead. But it is perhaps more likely
that these were less glamorously part of the drainage system (PITARD
1994).
In some of the excavated areas further from the palace, for example to the south of the acropolis and in the so-called 'Southern City',
the houses were often rather smaller and closer together, built along
narrow streets. In the latter area, where it seems likely that some of
the city's artisans and craftsmen lived, there is evidence that houses
were built around a public square, close to which was a large building which contained a library of texts.
Preliminary excavation reports have been published in the journal Syria.
A R T AND C U L T U R E
speculation that this was perhaps a replica of the head of the metal
worker himself, and that he was therby making it absolutely clear
whose weights they were! T h e actual value of the various weights
suggests that both the Mesopotamian and Egyptian weighing systems
were in use in Ugarit.
Two particularly fine examples of metal-work deserve mention.
These were a bowl (sometimes described as a cup) and a rimmed
plate or patera, both made of gold, which were unearthed together
in 1 9 3 2 (Fig. 1 3 , p. 5 9 4 ; SCHAEFFER 1 9 3 9 pll. XVII, XVIII^ ibid.,
1 9 4 9 , 1 - 4 8 ) . T h e bowl, 17 cm in diameter, was embossed with various decorative features, notably three concentric circles of animallike figures, some of which appear to be winged and are probably
mythological creatures. T h e principal scene depicted on the rimmed
plate (19 cm in diameter) is easier to interpret. It is a hunting scene,
showing a figure (often thought to be the king) in a chariot, armed
with a bow and arrows, in pursuit of various animals and followed
by a dog. Noteworthy among other items of gold which have been
found at Ugarit are a number of pendants, some of which were decorated with geometric devices, e.g. stars (see SCHAEFFER 1 9 3 9 , pi.
X X X I I fig. 1). Other pendants depicted a naked female, sometimes
showing the full figure from head to feet (Fig. 14, p. 596), and sometimes showing just the head and torso with particular concentration
on the breasts and pubic region (see SCHAEFFER 1 9 3 9 , pl. X X I X
fig. 1). It is thought likely that these were representations of a goddess, probably associated with fertility.
In addition to evidence of skilled metal work, it is also clear that
carved ivory was used as a decorative feature. Mention has already
been made of the little ivory box-lid, of Mycenaean style, perhaps
depicting a fertility goddess. Various ivory items were found during
excavations in the Royal Palace in 1952, one of which was particularly impressive (SCHAEFFER 1954b; C A Q U O T - SZNYCER 1980, pll.
XXVIII, XXIX). This was a large ivory panel, measuring approximately 1 m by 50 cm, comprising eight smaller plaques, six of which
were carved with scenes and two (at either end) were representations of trees. Because of the fragile state of the panel, it could only
be removed from the ground with some difficulty, but, when the
task was eventually achieved, it became evident that this was an even
more impressive piece than had at first been appreciated. There was,
in fact, another set of plaques underneath the first, making it clear
that this was a double-sided panel, comprising sixteen panels in total,
T H E PORT AREA
R A S IBN H A N I
to the speculation that it may have been an island during the second millennium BCE. Sections of stone paving which showed through
the sand from place to place to the south-east of the 'Southern
Palace' seemed to be the vestiges of a roadway. These pieces of paving seemed to predate the sand-bar on which part of the Hellenistic
town was situated. Further study of the roadway has been impossible since 1976, but, in 1991, radiocarbon tests were carried out on
two samples of natural cement formed between the paving-blocks of
the roadway when they were submerged as a result of an earlier
phase of erosion. These tests yielded dates of 1179-860 and 791-441
and led to the suggestion that the road must have been constructed
prior to 1179/860 and was subsequently submerged. T h e most likely
time for its construction, in view of what is known of the site, would
have been the LBA, the period of building of the 'Southern Palace'
(and other important buildings as will be noted later), and it is possible that the roadway originally led to the eastern entrance to the
'Southern Palace'.
In 1977, a new area close to the tomb which had been discovered in 1973 was opened up. It soon became clear that this was a
site of considerable importance and led to subsequent excavations
being concentrated in this area and on the edifice which has come
to be known as the 'Northern Palace'. Various soundings were undertaken with a view to establishing the extent of the building in the
LBA. It became clear that this was a major building including not
only residential areas but also an administrative centre and that it
housed workshops, e.g. for metal-working. It proved difficult to produce a plan of this 'Northern Palace', partly due to the fact that,
as in the 'Southern Palace', stones had been removed to be re-used
later (but see the plan in L A G A R C E 1 9 9 5 , 1 5 4 ) . Some indication of
its extent was provided by the presence of what appeared to be a
street running along its western periphery and, less certainly, another
to its east. T h e block which lay between these two limits has been
analysed as divisible into two quite distinct sections. T h e first, to the
south-west, was basically rectangular and arranged around a central
courtyard; the second, to the north-west, was a much more confused
conglomeration of rooms. It is thought unlikely that these two sections of the building were entirely separate, and that there must
therefore have been a corridor or passageway linking them. There
is some evidence which makes it possible to suggest the original function of some of the rooms. For example, an impressive room off the
construction. However, there is no clear evidence, e.g. from the pottery found on the site, for a beginning of this occupation earlier than
the 13th century BCE. Pottery may be of more use in suggesting the
possibility that the end of Ras Ibn Hani mirrored the end of the
city of Ugarit itself, in view of the fact that people using a particular type of Mycenaean ware seem to have occupied the site immediately after its destruction. This would lend support to the view that
both Ugarit and Ras Ibn Hani were destroyed in the context of the
advance of the 'Sea Peoples' as they pressed south through the regions
of the Levantine coast.
T h e 'Northern Palace' seems to have suffered a violent destruction by fire, but not before it was abandoned and emptied of essential moveable items by the inhabitants. This fits with what appears
to have been the case in Ugarit. A similar situation seems to have
occurred with the 'Southern Palace', i.e. that it was emptied prior
to being destroyed by fire. However, it is not clear that this was the
case in 'Building B', where evidence of fire seems to be restricted
to a room which was probably used for cooking or baking and which
may therefore have been caused by that activity. It does not seem
to have been the result of a major conflagration involving the whole
building. T h u s caution is needed. Nevertheless, it is possible to suggest that archaeology (to some limited extent supported by the texts
found on the site) points to a foundation of what might be thought
of as this outer suburb of Ugarit not earlier than the late 14th century and more likely in the early 13th century BCE. This expansion
of Ugarit may reflect a period of relative stability and prosperity. Its
destruction was not later that the early 12th century and perhaps
more likely at the end of the 13th century, probably at the hands
of the 'Sea Peoples'.
CONCLUSION
It seems appropriate, therefore to think of ancient Ugarit as comprising not merely the city on the tell of Ras Shamra, but also, at
its zenith in the LBA, the city proper together with the port area
and the oudying suburb of Ras Ibn Hani. It was an important strategic and commercial centre, standing at the 'crossroads' of major land
and sea routes, and was doubtless quite cosmopolitan. It was a city
of impressive buildings, high culture and literary artistry, which has
CHAPTER THREE
T H E SYLLABIC AKKADIAN
TEXTS
W I L F R E D VAN S O L D T
1.1
Introduction
SCHAEFFER
BAUER
1929,
2 9 5 ; VIROLLEAUD
1932, 9. S e e
1929.
4.1.
1 9 9 5 ; BORDREIJIL
M A I .BRAN-I .ABAT
1995.
The archives
There are, however, many problems with the way the excavator kept his record.
During the first nine campaigns new p.t.s. were given for every new pit that was
opened. This led to duplicate numbers with the threat of confusion. Therefore, a
unified system was set up in 1938 which also covered previous seasons (VAN S O L D T
1991a, 673-4; the new p.t.s. are sometimes provided by B O R D R E U I L - P A R D E E
1989, 16-50). However, the multitude of p.t.s. given in the record for a single tablet
from the house of the High Priest (1929 1934) makes any attempt to locate them
hazardous.
9
10
VAN S O L D T
1991A,
49-60.
MARGUERON
1995a, 194 5.
in alphabetic cuneiform. Noteworthy are a few letters and schooltexts and especially two 'work copies' of the treaty with the Hittites,
in which the tribute is stipulated." Similar tablets were found elsewhere in the palace. Dated texts point to the time of 'Ammittamru
II and later (VAN S O L D T 1991a, 57-8), with the notable exception of
the translated 12 treaty from the time of Niqmaddu . Whether the
tablets had been stored on an upper storey cannot be ascertained.
No stairs were found in this part of the building.
T h e Eastern Archive 13 (rooms 54-56) is more diverse in contents
than the Western Archive, although administrative textsmainly in
Ugariticstill form by far the biggest group. Interesting is a small
group of juridical texts, most of which are styled as private contracts. 14 It is only from rooms 54 and 55 that we have royal deeds. 15
T h e most remarkable group of texts from this archive, however, is
formed by the letters. More than fifty letters were found, a fair
number of which can be ranked as international correspondence.
T h e letters were mainly addressed to king Ibirnu and his(?)16 queen
Taryelli. 17 Only a few texts survive from before this king. 18 T h e
tablets were at least partly stored on an upper storey.
The Central Archive 19 consists of three different wings with different
contents.
11
RS 1 1.732 (PRU 3, 181; 4, 47) and RS 1 1.772 (KTU 3.1). For the latter, see
K T U 2 199-200 and VAN S O L D T 1990a, 354-7.
12
Translations of Akkadian texts into Ugaritic such as K T U 3.1 = RS 11.772
are not really summaries nor are they faithful copies of the original. For K T U 3.1
see K N O P P E R S (1993), who suggests that the text is a covering letter including a tribute list sent by Niqmaddu. However, since the text is in Ugaritic, I tend to regard
it as a simplified copy for the use of the administrators in the Western Palace
archive. According to M I L L A R D 1995, 120, not all letters in Ugaritic which were
sent by foreign powers need to have had Akkadian or Hittite originals. The messenger could have memorized the message which was then written down in Ugarit.
13
VAN S O L D T 1991a, 6 0 - 7 3 .
14
RS 15.37 (PRU 3, 35), 15.81 (PRU 3, 37), 15.173 (PRU 3, 40), 15.180 (PRU
3, 36), 15.182 (PRU 3, 35), 17.248 (PRU 4, 236), 17.388 (PRU 6, no. 50), 17.426
(PRU 6, no. 51). Note also 15.128 (KTU 3.3), a legal text in Ugaritic.
15
RS 15.113 (PRU 3, 168), 15.114 (PRU 3, 112), 15.131 (PRU 3, 133).
16
VAN S O L D T 1985-6, 71; 1991a, 15-8.
17
That the diplomatic correspondence in general was kept in the eastern archive
as contended by Courtois 1988 is not true; many international letters were found
in other archives as well. It is possible, however, that the correspondence of Ibirnu
was concentrated in this wing of the palace.
18
Niqmepa': RS 15.117 (KTU 7.63); 'Ammittamru II: RS 15.114 (PRU 3, 112),
RS 15.131 (PRU 3, 133) and probably RS 17.383 (PRU 4, 221).
19
VAN S O L D T 1991a, 7 4 - 9 6 .
20
VAN S O L D T
1986, 2 0 0 - 3 ;
21
VAN S O L D T
1991A,
22
1991A,
91-2.
78.
Published as Usfltica 5, nos. 159-61. For the seal of Tipit-Ba'lu, see ibid..,
p. 261.
23
VAN S O L D T 1991a, 97-109.
24
Published in PRU 4.
25
VAN S O L D T 1991a, 114-24.
27
RS
SAPORETTI
see
1970 I, 344;
HLSCHER
1996,
SAPORETTI
FREYDANK
33
VAN S O L D T
1991a,
372.
34
VAN S O L D T
1991A,
160-3.
35
36
VAN S O L D T
146a.
1991A,
163-5.
1991a, 165-81.
38
VAN S O L D T 1995a, 179.
3!
' Cf. Ugaritica 5, nos. 53-5.
40
For the correspondence in general, see Ugaritica 5, nos. 20-80; The Alashiya
letters are nos. 22 and 24 (no. 23 comes from the antiques market).
37
VAN S O L D T
41
VAN S O L D T
1991a, 1 8 2 - 9 3 .
42
VAN S O L D T
1991A,
43
190-1;
CALLOT
1994,
61.
1991a, 2 1 2 - 2 0 ; C U N C H I L L O S 1989.
1995a, 194.
49
For arguments for this date, see VAN S O L D T 1991a, 27-9. However, according
to B O R D R E U I L
M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995, 447-8, the king mentioned in the colophons
is more likely to be Niqmaddu III than Niqmaddu II.
50
Y O N 1995; For Urtenu, see already VAN S O L D T 1991a, 221. B O R D R E U I L
M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995; R S O 7 ; B O R D R E U I L
P A R D E E 1995b, 3 1 2 ; M A L B R A N - L A B A T
1995a, L O M B A R D 1995. For previous literature, see VAN S O L D T 1991a, 221-3.
51
YON 1995, 439.
47
VAN S O L D T
48
VAN S O L D T
52
BORDREUIL -
PARDEE
1995,
28;
BORDREUIL
MALBRAN-,
1995,
447
8.
In view of a number of syllabic spellings with -a-, I prefer the vocalization Ili-malku
to the more traditional Ili-milku, see provisionally van Soldt 1991a, 21 n. 182 and
M.S.
SMITH
1994,
3 n.
6.
53
For example, the battle of Nihriya, R S O 7, no. 46, a letter from NorthBabylonia (no. 47, in line 3 read DIi-tlmi-, 'Shepherd of M a n ' [<Itr-Mer]),
and a letter from the Hittite king concerning the Sikila'ites, who are said to live on
boats (no. 1 2 ) . For a short description of the letters found in 1 9 9 4 , see B O R D R E U I L MALBRAN-LABAT
34
1995,
445-6.
R S O 7, nos. 48-77.
1.3
Text genres
58
VAN S O L D T
1991A, 2 2 2 - 2 2 3 ;
59
VAN S O L D T
1991a,
BORDREUIL -
MAI.BRAN-I.ABAT
1995,
448.
224.
J . and E . L A G A R C E 1995; B O U N N I - S A L I B Y
L A G A R C E 1996. For earlier literature, see VAN S O L D T 1991a, 225.
61
Almost all treaties have been published in PRU 4. An additional fragment was
published as R S O 7, no. 1.
62
See my remarks to the texts from the western palace archive. Note also the
60
list K T U 4.610 = RS 19.017 from the southwestern archive, in which the share of
the tribute for the Hittite king (argmn p) is calculated for every town and guild.
63
Compare, for example RS 17.244 (PRU 4, 231) in which two high Hittite
officials are supervising a settlement in court. In RS 17.314 (PRU 4, 189) prince
Arma-ziti is present.
64
Compare, for example, RS 17.228 (PRU 4, 141), a settlement between
'Ammitttamru II and augamuwa of Amurru on the famous matter of the former's (ex-)wife.
65
VAN S O L D T 1991a, 2 2 6 - 3 1 .
66
No legal texts have been found in the house of the Hurrian Priest or that of
the High Priest.
67
For example, RS 22.399 + 23.77 from the 'Tablet House'.
68
O r Ibirnu, if RS 15.139 (PRU 3, 166) still belongs with these texts.
to find them not only in the palace but also in some private archives. 69
Moreover, except for a later copy(!) of a letter from the time of
Niqmaddu II 70 filed in the southern palace archive (and probably
considered a state document), all the letters are dated to the time
of 'Ammittamru II or later. 71 Both this dispersion and the relatively
short period of preservation indicate that these texts were not considered as important as the treaties and the legal texts. Quite a few
letters give the name of the king of Ugarit as the sender, from which
we may conclude that in a n u m b e r of cases a copy of the letter was
kept. For the few international letters in Ugaritic, see the remarks
on the Western Palace archive.
T h e private letters are letters sent from private persons to the
royal family or to a high official (usually the skinu) or between private persons, one of whom can be outside Ugarit. T h e former are
usually found in the palace, the latter in private archives. Some letters of the first group, however, have also been found in the houses
of R a p ' n u and the 'Tablet House', 7 2 a situation familiar from that
of the international letters. This genre is found in almost every single archive; only the house of Rasap-'abu has not produced any private letters. T h e texts can be written in Akkadian or in Ugaritic,
two letters are in Hurrian. 7 3 By their very nature private letters can
seldom be dated. T h e few indications that we have point to a late
date, the reign of 'Ammittamru II and later.
T h e administrative texts are documents usually styled as lists in
which persons, either as individuals or as a group (towns and guilds),
are mentioned who receive or deliver commodities, who pay taxes
or are just listed with their place of residence. T h e majority of these
texts is written in Ugaritic, the rest is in Akkadian. T h e r e is not a
single archive which has not produced at least one administrative
text. T h e r e are, however, a n u m b e r of archives which can be labeled
'administrative' by the sheer quantities of texts of this genre in comparison to other genres. Such archives are the western (75%), the
eastern (64%), and the southwestern (75%) palace archives (76% of
all administrative texts come from the palace) and the southern palace
69
(90%). T h a t the last archive is mainly administrative is not surprising: its owner is Yabni-apu (Yabninu), the chief administrator
(.atammu rabu). Dates obtained from a number of texts point to the
last 50 years of Ugarit's existence, a time span which serves as an
indication for their limited importance. 7 4
T h e lexical texts form the primary study material for students of
Akkadian ( 3.1.4). Thus they can be expected in buildings which
served as schools. Since the palace has produced only two lexical
texts and two syllabic practice texts it probably did not house a
school. 75 Different is the situation in the private houses, where large
numbers of these texts have been uncovered. 7 6 Especially the houses
of the Lettr, R a p ' n u , Urtenu, the High Priest, the 'Tablet House'
and the Lamatu-archive were very rich in lexical material. All these
houses must have had a school within their walls. Dates are usually
lacking, so that we cannot be sure if the texts were kept for longer
than one or two generations. T h e lexical texts are closely associated
with the next genre.
T h e literary and religious texts are actually two groups with a
different purpose. Both groups, however, served as advanced study
material for students of Akkadian 77 ( 4) and were normally found
in archives which also show a sizable number of lexical texts. As with
the latter, the palace archives have produced just a handful, whereas the house of the Lettr, the Tablet House and especially the
Lamatu-archive have been rich sources. Also interesting is the number of texts from the City Centre: five out of eleven (the others were
lexical texts). Most conspicuous is the (almost) complete absence of
this genre from the houses of R a p ' n u and the High Priest. For the
possible implications, see 3.1.4. In the house of Urtenu literary
and lexical texts have recently been uncovered. 78 Dates are difficult
to ascertain for this genre, a characteristic shared by the lexical texts.
As for the Ugaritic literary and religious texts, for which the alphabetic
script had perhaps been introduced, 7 9 they are discussed in another
chapter.
1991a,
1991a,
76
VAN S O L D T 1991a,
77
Not to be included
the southwestern palace
74
VAN S O L D T
75
VAN S O L D T
139, 231.
140.
7 4 7 - 8 ; 1995a, 1 9 4 .
are, of course, the many texts in Hurrian, especially from
archive (Ugaritica 5, 462-96).
78
BORDREUIL -
79
Note that the literary texts are the oldest alphabetic texts uncovered so far, at
MALBRAN-LABAT
1995,
446.
In conclusion, one can say that the genres can be divided into
two groups, those that were kept on file for future reference and
those that were discarded not more than two, or at most three generations after they had been drawn up. T h e former group consists
of the treaties and legal texts, both international and domestic. They
were usually kept on file inside one of the palace archives. T h e latter group comprises the letters both international and private, the
administrative texts and the schooltexts (the lexical, literary and religious texts). These genres, especially the international letters, are
much more dispersed and probably had only ephemeral importance.
1.4
Scribal education80
As indicated in the previous paragraph, the education of scribes-tobe took place in private houses and not in the palace. T h e syllabic
cuneiform script and the languages for which it was used in Mesopotamia, Sumerian and Akkadian, was a highly complicated tool
which could only be learned during many years of study and practice. T h e study material was organized in a didactic manner, in an
order which ensured a rising level of difficulty. No school books were
available to the students; teachers knew the texts by heart and taught
from memory. 8 1 T h e order of the schooltexts can be deduced from
combinations of texts on single tablets and from catchlines. T h e most
elementary exercise was a list of signs arranged by their phonetic
values (tu - ta - ti, bu - ba - bi, etc.), then a few lists with simple
ideograms followed, of which we have unilingual (Sumerian) as well
as bilingual versions (Sumerian - Akkadian). These lists are the
'Silbenalphabet/-vokabular A' and the Syllabary A with its vocabulary. T h e latter was a complete list of simple signs, which in Ugarit
also had a trilingual and even a quadrilingual version: columns in
Hurrian and Ugaritic were added to the Sumerian and Akkadian.
After this probably came a long list of divine names (the 'Weidner
G o d List'), a list of grammatical forms and a table of measures, the
82
See
83
VAN S O L D T
84
VAN S O L D T
1995a, 172 3.
1995a, 1 8 1 - 2 , 2 1 1 - 2 .
1995a, 1 8 2 .
VAN S O L D T
1.5
HUEHNERGARD
86
VAN S O L D T
HUEHNERGARD
1989,
2 0 1 ; VAN S O L D T
1991A,
464.
1991a, 350 note 209; see S P E I S E R 1955, 164b, who suggests that
the form is either a noun or a verbal form. H U E H N E R G A R D 1989, 93 opts for a noun.
93
VAN S O L D T 1991a, 375-81; 1995b, 208-9.
94
VAN S O L D T 1991a, 2 6 3 .
95
VAN S O L D T 1991a, 4 6 4 .
96
VAN S O L D T 1991a, 517; cf. H U E H N E R G A R D 1989, 227-9.
97
VAN S O L D T 1991a, 471.
98
VAN S O L D T 1991a, 4 3 0 .
92
VAN S O L D T
Assyrian signs f o r m s " and the verb tadnu in texts from the Southern
Palace, 100 see below. Assyrian sign forms are also attested in some
texts from outside Ugarit. 101
Ugaritic made by far the strongest impact on the Akkadian texts.
However, it is not constant. In the older texts the Ugaritic influence
is mainly noticeable in syntax, but gradually it also becomes stronger
in morphology. It is impossible to list all the phenomena that can
be ascribed to Ugaritic influence. Instead, I shall select a few salient
examples. Most important of these is, again, syntax. From the earliest texts on, the Akkadian documents do not conform to standard
Babylonian grammar, but follow patterns that have their origin in
the language of Ugarit. Thus, instead of the order subject - object indirect object - verb (the verb is normally the last constituent of the
clause), the normal order of constuents in a main clause in Babylonian,
the texts from Ugarit usually have subject - verb - object - indirect object
and, even when they do use the Babylonian word order, the verb
can still be followed by an adverb. 102 In morphology the growing
preference for nouns with case vowels and triptotic declension (also
in lexical and literary texts!) in the construct state is the most obvious feature. 103 O t h e r examples are the lack of a subjunctive in subordinate clauses, the application of the Barth-Ginsberg law in verbal
prefixes, and the occasional use of Ugaritic verbal forms. 104
These three types of influence affected every single archive. However,
there is a certain distribution according to archive. For example,
Ugaritic influence, although noticeable everywhere, is particularly
strong in the domestic legal texts and, since most of these come from
the central palace archive, this type of influence is most obvious
there. Assyrian influence is strong in two archives: the Tablet House
and the Southern Palace. For the latter it is not difficult to find an
H U E H N E R G A R D 1989, 277; most of his examples in the second paragraph come
from the Southern Palace archive.
100
VAN S O L D T 1991a, 438; H U E H N E R G A R D 1989, 278.
101
As, for example, in R S O 7, no. 12, see also the photo, Ugaritica 7, pl. XI.
Note that the letter also shows a number of Assyrian grammatical characteristics.
102
VAN S O L D T 1991a, 4 8 5 .
103
H U E H N E R G A R D 1981; VAN S O L D T 1991a, 417-26; for the chronological distribution, see ibid., 418.
104
For the subjunctive, see VAN S O L D T 1991a, 440 and H U E H N E R G A R D 1989, 169.
For the Barth-Ginsberg law, see VAN S O L D T 1991 a, 431. The prefixes ta- and ti- are
not in free variation (thus H U E H N E R G A R D 1989, 159), but show a distribution in time:
ta- in older texts (Niqmaddu II and Niqmepa'), ti- in later texts ('Ammittamru II).
For Ugaritic verbal forms, see VAN S O L D T 1991a, 432, 436-7, 441-2.
99
explanation: the only scribe attested so far for this archive appears
to have been an Assyrian (see the Southern Palace archive, above).
In the former, we probably have to think of a solution along similar lines. At any rate, it is clear that foreign scribes were working
in Ugarit. T h e same is probably true for the Lamatu-archive. T h e
schooltexts found here show reasonably good Babylonian written with
Babylonian signs in a Babylonian orthography. T h e number of mistakes is much smaller than in archives like that of R a p ' n u and that
of the Tablet House. T h a t the students who wrote these texts (and
the one teacher mentioned in one of them) were natives of Ugarit
is clear from the colophons. 105 T h e name of a teacher from Babylonia
does not appear in the documents at our disposal.
A final word on the political situation during the time the texts
were written at Ugarit. As explained in VAN S O L D T 1991a ( 5 2 2 - 3 ) ,
the development of the various language influences is closely connected with the political situation in the final stage of the Late Bronze
Age, the period from which we have written documents from Ugarit. 106
At the beginning of this period the Mittanni empire was still an
important power, although under heavy attack from the Hittites. T h e
state of Mittanni was a cultural centre which was a much closer
neighbour to Ugarit than Assyria or Babylonia and we may assume
that Mittannian teachers probably worked in Syria. This would at
least explain the strong Hurrian influence that we find during the
earliest Ugaritic kings. After the defeat of Mittanni, Assyria slowly
took its place and Assyrian troops reached the Euphrates during the
first half of the thirteenth century. It is therefore not surprising to
find an increasing Assyrian influence and even an Assyrian scribe at
Ugarit. With Mittanni out of the way, the road to Babylon was open
again and correspondence with this part of Mesopotamia shows that
contacts existed. 107 Finally, Ugaritic influence, already strong at the
beginning of the historic period, becomes stronger as time passes.
T h a t the native language of the scribes at Ugarit interfered more
and more with their Akkadian is to be expected and provides a good
parallel for developments in other cities outside Mesopotamia where
Akkadian was written.
VAN S O L D T 1 9 8 8 , 3 1 6 ; 1 9 9 5 , 2 1 0 (students:. . . -iskur and . . . -la-na) and 2 1 1
(teacher: Gamir-Haddu son of Nu'me-Rasap).
106
For a survey of the history of Ugarit, see the chapter by I. S I N G E R ( 1 5 ) .
107
Babylonian letters are R S O 7, nos. 39, 40 and 47. The last one is from the
area of Mari.
105
T H E ALPHABETIC UGARITIC
WAYNE T .
2.1
TABLETS'
PITARD
Introduction
During the first season of excavations at Ras Shamra in 1929, a number of clay tablets were found in the ruins of a house on the city's
acropolis. T o the great surprise of the excavators, the tablets were
written in a previously unknown script, rather than in the expected
Akkadian cuneiform. Charles Virolleaud, who was assigned the publication responsibilities, copied these peculiar texts and published the
facsimiles in Syria the following year, to allow scholars to work on
decipherment of the script. Within months Virolleaud, Bauer and
D h o r m e had each independently worked out a substantial percentage of the script (on the history of the decipherment, see 4.1). It
proved to be a cuneiform adaptation of the linear alphabetic script,
the ancestor of all the western alphabets, that had been invented in
the Levant sometime in the first half of the second millennium BCE.
With the decipherment of the script, scholars began to realize the
extraordinary treasure that had been found at Ugarit. T h e texts were
written in the local Semitic language of the town, and a number of
them had a religious content. During the excavations of the next
two seasons, astounding new tablets in the same language and script
emerged from the rubble in and around the house, and it became
clear that Schaeffer had discovered a library of 'Canaanite' religious
and literary texts unparalleled anywhere else in the Levant. For the
first time native texts which allowed a direct view into Canaanite
mythology, legend and cultic practice were available. But it also
became immediately clear that these texts showed astonishing cultural relationships with the Israelite literature of the Hebrew Bible.
In fact, the impact of these texts on biblical studies can hardly be
overestimated, and an argument can be made that the Ugaritic tablets
are the most significant single discovery this century for the study
of Israelite religion and the Hebrew Bible. 2
' I thank Dennis Pardee, who read over this chapter and made a number of
valuable corrections and comments. Any remaining inaccuracies, of course, are my
own responsibility.
2
Numerous books and articles have dealt with the relationship between the
GINSBERG
1969;
TO
1 and
2; COOGAN
1978;
GIBSON
1978;
2.2
Priest (also known as the House of the Priest with the Liver and
Lung Models) in the area called the South Acropolis, which possessed two separate archives known as the Cella of Tablets, and the
Library of Lamashtu Texts; the House of Literary Texts in the area
called the Southern City (la Ville Sud), and the House of Urtenu in
the South Centre area. In addition to the private archives, a group
of administrative texts originated in the area just north of the palace,
called in the reports 'the Northwest Hill (Butte Nord-ouest) of the tell',
but the tablets are not identified as belonging to a specific building.
And finally, an important archive was found in the Northern Palace
at Ras Ibn Hani, an additional residence of the Ugaritian king. In
addition to these, smaller finds of texts occurred at numerous other
locations, both in houses and in plazas and streets. 5
T h e tablets from the Royal Palace were found primarily in five
discrete archives located in various wings of the building. All of these
archives were originally located on the upper floor of the palace and
fell into the ground-level rooms when the palace was destroyed. 6
Each of them contained both alphabetic and Akkadian tablets. Three
proved to possess more alphabetic than syllabic texts. These were
the West Archive (found in Rooms 3-5), which consisted of a number of documents dealing with the administration of the towns and
villages in the kingdom of Ugarit; the East Archive (Rooms 52~56),
another collection of administrative records concerning various goods,
weapons, personnel, etc.; and the Southwest Archive (Room 81),
again primarily administrative, but containing a few religious and
scribal texts as well. In addition, about 75 alphabetic texts (ca. 30
A good sense of the extent of finds throughout the city can be gained by examining the 'Index des Points Topographiques par Quartier et Locus' in B O R D R E U I L P A R D E E 1989, 423-45. Here each inscription is listed according to find spot. In
addition to the archives described above, small finds of texts were made in eleven
other buildings, as well as in numerous courtyards and plazas. In addition, there
are many tablets whose exact find spots are not known. The following description
of the archives is based on the extensive article on the archaeology of Ugarit by
C O U R T O I S (1979, 1155-1285), the new and important book by Y O N (1998a, 998b),
the discussions in VAN S O L D T 1991a, 47-231, and B O R D R E U I L - P A R D E E 1989.
6
This circumstance appears to be typical of most of the archives found at Ugarit.
Most of the tablets located in the private houses were also stored on the upper
floor and were retrieved in the rubble of the collapse. The chaotic nature of a
house collapse explains why tablets belonging to the same archive may be strewn
through more than one ground-level room and even outside in the street or plaza
abutting the house. See YON 1998a, 59, 78, 84, 101, 106 for discussions of this situation in specific houses.
with very few alphabetic inscriptions. T h e House of the Scholar produced only two alphabetic tablets, a letter and an administrative text,
within its lexical, religious and literary library. T h e House of Literary
Texts contained significant Babylonian literary works, but it also produced the famous alphabetic text in which someone (Anat?) appears
to eat the flesh and drink the blood of Baal ( K T U 1 . 9 6 = RS 2 2 . 2 2 5 ;
but cf. 6 . 5 . 3 ) , as well as a fragmentary hippiatric text, an abecedary
and a few administrative tablets. T h e Library of the Lamashtu Texts
added only two administrative tablets to the alphabetic corpus.
T h e other two locations contained the extensive collections of
Ugaritic literary and religious documents. T h e archive in the House
of the High Priest, the first one discovered at Ugarit, produced the
single most famous collection of texts from the site. Here were found
the major literary texts of Ugarit, alongside a number of cultic tablets,
letters, and administrative texts. T h e 'Cella of Tablets' in the House
of the Hurrian Priest provided a collection of paramythological and
cultic tablets all together in a single room. In addition to the tablets,
some thirty liver models and one lung model were found in the
room, several of which had alphabetic inscriptions naming the participants in various extispicy rituals.'
2.3
See
K T U
78/03,
9
2.36+
KTU
2.38 =
RS
RS
17.435+,
18.031
KTU
and
2.76
KTU
RS
2.39 =
RS
34.356,
KTU
2.81
RIH
18.038.
They are: (1) literary texts, (2) religious or ritual texts, (3) letters, (4) tribute,
(excluding the categories, 'Not Classified Texts,' and 'Illegible T a b lets.'). 10 P a r d e e - B o r d r e u i l ( 1 9 9 2 ) 7 0 6 - 2 1 subsume all of them
under three large umbrella designations ('Religious, Epistolary and
Administrative'). T h e following description makes use of the genre
divisions chosen by the editors of the Handbook, so that the reader
may easily move from this summary to the more detailed discussions in the succeeding chapters.
2.3.1
Literary texts
(5) hippiatric texts, (6) administrative, statistical and business documents, (7) tags,
labels or indications of ownership, (8) Hurrian texts, (9) Akkadian texts written alphabetically, and (10) Miscellaneous.
Iu
They are (1) Literary and Religious Texts, (2) Letters, (3) Legal Texts, (4)
Economic Texts, (5) Scribal Exercises, (6) Inscriptions on Seals, Labels, Ivories, etc.
(KTU2, ix).
11
T h e find spots for the religious texts are as follows: fifty-six tablets, including
the major literary texts were found in the House of the High Priest during the first
four seasons of excavation (1929-32). Twenty others were found elsewhere on the
acropolis. T h e Cella of Tablets in the House of the Hurrian Priest, excavated during the twenty-fourth season of excavations (1961), provided sixty religious texts.
Seventeen others were found in various rooms of the Royal Palace ( K T U 1.78 =
RS 12.061, K T U 1.79 = RS 13.006, K T U 1.80 = RS 15.072, K T U 1.81 = RS
15.130, K T U 1.82 = RS 15.134, K T U 1.83 = RS 16.266, K T U 1.84 = RS
17.100[a]+, K T U 1.86 = RS 18.041, K T U 1.87 = RS 18.056, K T U 1.88 =
RS 18.107, K T U 1.89 = RS 18.[508], K T U 1.90 = RS 19.013, K T U 1.91 = RS
19.015, K T U 1.92 = RS 19.039, K T U 1.93 = RS 19.054, K T U 1.94 = RS 19.059,
K T U 1.95 = RS 19.179), and fourteen came from the North Palace at Ras Ibn
Hani (KTU 1.163-176 = RIH 78/14, 77/02B+, 77/04+, 77/08A+, 77/10A, 77/10B+,
78/20, 78/11, 78/16, 7 8 / 0 1 + , 78/04, 7 8 / 0 9 + , 77/18, 78/26). T h e few other
tablets of this genre were found in various houses on the site. This includes three
unpublished texts from the house of Urtenu, RS 88.0237, 92.2016 and 92.2014.
12
T h e alphabetic Akkadian texts are K T U 1.67 = RS 5.199; K T U 1.69 = RS
5.213; K T U 1.70 = RS 5.156+. O n e tablet, K T U 1.73 = RS 5.303 bis, has seven
lines of Akkadian in the alphabetic script, followed by eleven lines in Ugaritic.
in the house of Urtenu, an official who served Niqmaddu III during the latter part of the thirteenth century, it seems more likely that
Ilimilku produced the tablets during the latter's reign. 14
2.3.1 (b) T h e cultic texts. Somewhat over one hundred alphabetic
tablets and fragments may be considered cultic texts. Most of them
are in the Ugaritic language, but twenty-nine are in Hurrian and
several contain a mixture of Ugaritic and Hurrian elements. 15 These
texts are considerably shorter than the literary tablets (the mythological and legendary narratives constitute approximately sixty percent of the preserved lines of the Ugaritic religious texts). These texts
may be divided into three general types:
(1) Ritual texts, which provide information about the performance
of rituals. Some of the literary tablets described above also fit into
this category. These texts are often very difficult to understand, since
they are 'professional texts,' intended for the use of the priests. They
contain obscure technical vocabulary, and do not provide explanations of the concisely described events that make up the rituals.
Examples of such ritual texts include K T U 1.161 = RS 34.126, a
funerary ritual for the deceased King Niqmaddu III; and an expiatory ritual found in several exemplars, but best preserved in K T U
1.40 = RS 1.002. (See 7.1).
(2) Offering and deity lists. This is the most common type of cultic
text found at Ugarit. Most of these simply provide listings of offerings
made to the gods. They usually give the name of the deity, the thing
offered, and sometimes the name of the type of offering (e.g., srp,
'burnt offering,' lmm, 'peace offering'). These lists are important for
identifying the gods actively worshipped at Ugarit, and, to an extent,
their relative positions in relation to one another. (See 7.2).
(3) Omen texts. T h e examination of the internal organs of sacrificed
animals and the study of abnormal animal and h u m a n foetuses were
two ways in which the priests looked for signs of the future. This
type of practice is well known throughout the Near East, and a number of texts from Ugarit reflect the local version of it. Five inscribed
14
On the date of Ilimilku, see B O R D R E U I L
M A L B R A N - I ^ A B A T 1995, 4 4 7 - 8 . For
the chronology of the kings of Ugarit, see the discussion in VAN S O L D T 1991a, 1 4 6 .
15
See, for example K T U 1.132 = RS 24.291, a sacrificial list that is made up
of a peculiar mixture of Hurrian and Ugaritic phrases, and K T U 1.148 = RS
24.643, another sacrificial list that has two sections in Ugaritic and one in Hurrian.
Legal texts
16
The liver texts are K T U 1.141-144, 155 = RS 24.312, 24.323, 24.326, 24.327
and 24.654. The lung model is K T U 1.127 = RS 24.277.
Administrative texts
This is by far the most common genre of alphabetic document recovered at Ugarit. Nearly eight hundred have been published, and many
of the as yet unpublished texts fit into this category as well.17 T h e
majority of these tablets arc lists compiled for various purposes. There
are lists of names, professions, towns and villages, as well as records
of land transfers, deliveries of goods, distribution of rations, inventories, and payment of taxes. Most of these tablets are quite small,
possessing fewer than twenty lines. Only a handful of administrative
tablets exceed fifty lines of text. (See 10.1).
2.3.5
1996.
The
Hurrian
Manfried
and
Dietrich
Hittite
W a l t e r
Texts
Mayer
Due to the integration of Ugarit into the cuneiform writing tradition of Middle Babylonian Koine during the 14th century, clay tablets
in palace, priest and private libraries have reached us which show
that the indigenous Ugaritic population of the harbour town at the
close of the 13th century was multilingual: Besides documents in the
local language of Ugaritic and Middle Babylonian Koine were found
some in Hurrian and Hittite, demonstrating the ethnic mix of the
population.'
T h e discussion which follows starts from the evidence for Hurrian
and Hittite, with Hurrian plainly having priority since the documents
found so far outnumber those in Hittite. In terms of topic, linguistic,
cultic and historical questions are to the fore.
3.1
Within the palace, only texts and fragments in syllabic script were
found. 3 Apart from a letter (RS 11.853) and an Akkadian-Hurrian
wisdom text (RS 15.010), these are exclusively songs which are religious in content with indications of melody and directions for playing, most of them have been preserved only as fragments: RS 14.015,
14.018, 15.030 + 049 + 17.387, 18.282, 19.084, 1 9 . 1 4 2 - 1 5 1 ,
19.153-155, 19.164evidently, to this group of texts also belong the
Isolated Cypriot texts and documents, with A1aia-Cyprus as their theme, provide grounds for the assumption that the close connections of Ugarit with its neighbouring Mediterranean island also entailed a Cypriot component of the population.
2
Cf. VAN S O L D T 1991a, 339-40.
3
If the fragment K T U 4.669 + 7.130 = RS 19.174A + 19.174c, the contents
of which cannot be defined, should prove to be Hurrian, it would be the only
Hurrian text in alphabetic script to be found in the palace.
KTU
KTU
KTU
KTU
KTU
KTU
KTU
KTU
RS 1. [066]
1.32
1.33
RS 1. [067]
1.34 z= RS 1 .[076]
1.35 = RS 1. [069]
RS 1 .[070]
1.36
1.37
RS 1 .[071]
RS 1.004
1.42
1.44 = RS 1.007
9. K T U 1.51
10. K T U 1.52
11. K T U 1.54
12. K T U 1.59
13. K T U 7.40
14. K T U 7.43
BORDREUIL -
PARDEE
RS 1.027
RS 1.028 + 035
RS 1.034 + 045
RS 1. [ 0 4 9 a ]
RS 1 .[074]
RS 1.031
1989,
15-39;
fragment
fragment
fragment
- uncertain
fragment
fragment
hymn
incense incantation for
Kumarbr'
uncertain
- uncertain
incense incantation for
auka 6
fragment
fragment'
fragment
VAN S O L D T
1991A,
212-7.
- list of sacrifices 8
uncertain
In addition, from the area of the acropolis come the two tablets:
17. K T U 1.66 = RS 5.182
18. K T U 1.68 = RS 5.200
- uncertain
- uncertain
RS 24.274
RS 24.278
7. K T U 1.131 = RS 24.285
8
9
10
BORDREUIL -
11
Most
Most
Most
Most
Most
Most
12
13
14
15
16
recent
recent
recent
recent
recent
recent
PARDEE
edition:
edition:
edition:
edition:
edition:
edition:
DIETRICH
MAYER,
DIETRICH -
MAYER,
VAN
1998;
1998; 1997b.
S O L D T 1991a, 194: 'Hurrian Priest'.
DIETRICH
MAYER
1995,
DIETRICH
MAYER
DIETRICH -
MAYER,
DIETRICH -
MAYER
12
6.
DIETRICH
MAYER
1995, 1 7 22.
1997b; 1998.
1997a.
1994, 87 94.
DIETRICH
MAYER
1994, 94
101.
8. K T U 1.132 = RS 24.291
9. K T U 1.135 = RS 24.295
10. K T U 1.148 = RS 24.643
Formal aspects
17
18
19
BORDREUIL -
PARDEE
20
BORDREUIL
PARDEE
1996a.
1997b; 1998.
1989, 228; VAN S O L D T 1991a, 165-10.
1989, 282.292; VAN S O L D T 1991a, 182 91.
DIETRICH
MAYER
DIETRICH
MAYER
1987b.
Photo: B O R D R E U I L P A R D E E 1 9 8 9 , 2 9 7 : Fig. 3 8 a : reverse with seal impression.
23
On the problem of symbiosis and its effects, e.g. of Akkadian on the Hurrian
M A Y E R 1992, 39-40.
of the Mittanni Letter see D I E T R I C H
21
22
HUEHNERGARD
and which come from both cultures, are however in Hurrian and
seem to be almost fossilized.
An essentially formal aspect is also the re-use of previously inscribed
tablets for which the term 'palimpsest' can be used, as shown for
example by K T U 1.114, K T U 1.116 and K T U 1.131, to mention
the three most important, where individual wedges and traces of
signs especially on uninscribed sections can only be explained if the
tablet had already been written on, before the new text was applied. 24
All these tablets come from the archive of the Prtre Hounite. T h e
priest responsible had re-used an already inscribed tablet after a new
covering for a text for a particular occasion. T h e reasons for this
practice can only be speculated on: perhaps to save on clay for a
text of lesser importance which was used only for a particular occasion a n d / o r lack of clay suitable for making tablets.
3.2
In spite of the close political relationship to the Hittite kingdom, especially to the sub-capital Carchemish, in Ugarit only a private Hittite
legal document (RS 17.109) and a polyglot Sumerian literary text
with a translation into Akkadian and Hittite (RS 25.421) have been
found. 2 5
3.3
3.3.1
Previous research
24
D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1993 for K T U 1.114; D I E T R I C H
for K T U 1.116; 1995, 23 n. 58: as yet unnoticed.
25
See K M M E L 1969; N E U 1995b, 126-8.
26
FRIEDRICH
1932,
8-32.
27
SCHRDER
1915,
200.
MAYER
1994, 96 n. 78,
TROPPER
1994b.
3.3.2
Grammar
3.3.2.1
3.3.2.1.1
Sibilants
TROPPER
30
THUREAU-DANGIN
D N
Kdg
(KTU
3.3.2.1.2 Velars
T h e emphatic velar q also indicates that a word in a Hurrian context is a loanword from Semitic: ql (ql) 'with a loud voice' ( K T U
1.44:4).
3.3.2.1.3 T h e liquids r and / as word-initial
Since there is no initial I or r in Hurrian, it can be assumed that
words beginning this way correspond to Semitic foreign and loanwords. T h u s we derive rznn (rzenni-ne) ( K T U 1.128:12) from Akk.
rsu 'helper' and li (le'e) ( K T U 1.128:4) from Akk. leu 'capable, able'
and consider them as foreign words.
In a borrowed word, initial r can be avoided either by a preposed
vowel (cf. the D N Irappa < Raapu) or by means of a metathesis between r and the following consonant, as in the case of trbn (,tarb = enne)
( K T U 1.54:3), which derives from Akk. rsibtu 'one who commands
respect'. T h e uncertainty in respect of liquids emerges also in the
attribute bsl (basle) ( K T U 1.44:5), occurring in a context which is
parallel to that of srbn (sarb-enne) 'rich in willows' ( K T U 1.131:3.5).
Since loanwords of this kind occur in a H u m a n i z e d form, it has
to be accepted that they belong to an earlier stage of borrowing
than those which still retain an unchanged Semitic phonology.
3.3.2.1.4 T h e tenuis d
T h e tenuis d is inserted in earlier borrowings where the underlying
Semitic word has the emphatic dental /: pdrrn (padr-ma(n)) K T U
1.44:11 and K T U 1.128:20, which must go back to Akk. patru 'to
release'.
Before the stressed vowel u an original t is 'weakened' to d as
shown by the example mrdml (mrdmele) K T U 1.131:2, which is the
H u m a n i z e d form of Akk. mrtma-ilim 'El's daughter'. This phenomenon also occurs in the Mittanni-Letter, where it also applies to
Hurrian words.
3.3.2.1.5
Matres lectionis
In line with usage in late Ugaritic texts, the incantations show a certain tendency to plene writings, with y for | i / / | and if for | u / / | :
kby kbny (kubb = i kib-enn = iye), mryt (mite) ( K T U 1.131:2), nw (re'u)
K T U 1.42:38 and ilwny (iln) ( K T U 1.128:17-8).
3.3.2.1.6 Hiatus
T h e auka-Incantation transmits this divine name in the form twtk
( K T U 1.54:2.11.13) and is thus outside normal tradition, which uses
the M-aleph for the glide: tutk ( K T U 1.42:22; K T U 1.59:1.5; K T U
1.60:2; K T U 1.64:26; K T U 1.116:3.9.13; K T U 1.120:3; K T U 1.135:2;
K T U 1.149:10.11).
T h e word 'heaven' only occurs in the spelling with a w-aleph: hum
(haurunne) ( K T U 1.68:27 and K T U 1.128:2).
3.3.2.2
Morphology
3.3.2.2.1 Nouns
T h e following determined or undetermined cases are attested: the
absolutive, ergative, directive, ablative and comitative.
T h e absolutive: Alongside the use of the absolutive as an adverbial it also functions as a vocative. As far as can be ascertained,
the forms of this absolutive used as a vocative are not determined.
T h e r e are too few occurrences for making a reliable assertion as
to whether there really is a connection between indeterminateness and the vocative.
T h e ergative shows no deviation from normal usage.
T h e directive and the ablative. Apart from the use of the directive,
which is well documented, and in Hurrian corresponds to West
Semitic and Ugaritic I 'to, for, towards' it also occurs in the El
Incantation with an ablative function, whereas the ablative occurs
only once: il.dn (ile-dan) 'away from ( K T U 1.128:16), where
it has been retained in a fixed formula. In general the findings
of the Mittanni Letter confirm this, where the ablative seems to
vanish in favour of the directive. 3 '
T h e comitative. T h e determinate plural of the comitative is relatively well documented: ath.ndrm (athe- nadura - ma[n\) ( K T U 1.128:3),
in(.)dr (en-nadura) ( K T U 1.128:4.6), trnd.rm
(ture-nadura-ma\n\)
( K T U 1.128:5). However, it occurs as indeterminate in the UharaIncantation: armdr (ar-urn-adura)
( K T U 1.131:14).
3.3.2.2.2 Pronouns
T h e enclitic personal pronoun, 2. sg., occurs in hldp (held= a=ppa[n])
'you (sg.) are exalted' ( K T U 1.128:4.5).
31
DIETRICH -
MAYER
1993,
150-1.
3.3.2.2.3 Verbs
Transitive verbs are attested in the 3 pi. imperative of the indicative
hllyd(hill=ill~yada)
( K T U 1.44:4-5) and the cohortative singular: agrl
uwln (agr-ile uw=ilen) shall incense (and) slaughter!' ( K T U 1.128:19).
In the intransitive conjugation the 1. sg.umtn (um-a-ttari)
(KTU
1.131:12)and the 2. sg hldp (held= a= ppa[n]) ( K T U 1.128:4.5)are attested.
3.3.2.3
Syntax
T w o simple intransitive/stative clauses form the end of the incantation in the style of noun clauses: gr a*r*mdr mr kl '(Here is) the
igT-vessel with the (offering that) has been brought. Maru (is the
Uhara) messenger' ( K T U 1.131:13-15). It cannot therefore be excluded that both gr and ski are in the locative-stative: *sagara and
*ukkalla respectively.
A special indication of Semitic influence on the Hurrian of Ugarit
is the compound: within the god-lists, unnamed gods are defined by
apposition. Thereby the apposition is, on the model of the Semitic
construct state, so closely connected that it forms a unit with it of
which only the apposition has the case-ending syntactically required
for both words; cf. such expressions as en tlnd 'for the /z/fe-god(s)'
( K T U 1.110:1; K T U 1.111:7) or ewrn prznd 'for the lord over the
decision' ( K T U 1.110:4) instead of *end tlnd or *ewmd prznd.
3.3.2.4
Style
Incantations are particularly subject to the usual rules of poetic language with stylistic usages such as parallelism and chiasmus: Simple
parallelism is evident for example in K T U 1.131 in the opening
address (uhr mryt mrdml ttl srbn 'Ushara, Lady of Mari, || daughter
of El from Tuttul rich in willows', lines 1-3), with the chiastic positioning of its members in the following predicate (kby kbny mdm kt*[y\
'who plans her destiny, || who utters wisdom', lines 3-4). In the
second case the inversion of predicate and object in the second member requires the addition of the enclitic -m(a).
A typical poetic characteristic is also the emphasis of an independent imperative by the enclitic -m(a), as shown by the form him
'speak up!' ( K T U 1.131:13). In a non-poetic context this -m(a) irrespective of whether its origin is Hurrian or Ugariticcan also be
attached to nouns when at the head of a list: atf}lm 'a/AZ-offering
( f o r ) . . . ' ( K T U 1.110:1; K T U 1.111:3.8).
3.3.3
Lexicon
Whereas the rituals and sacrificial texts are written in a H u r r o Ugaritic Mischsprache, the incantations, in 'good' Hurrian probably
also reflect authentic Hurrian thought. However, they are directed
to a mixed Hurro-Syrian pantheon: to Kumarbe of Uriga and K u m m a
including the cult centre Tuttul, to Akkadian auka of Niniveh, to
Ushara of Mri and to El of Ugarit. In line with this mixed tradition, which ultimately represents the result of a lengthy symbiosis, it
is not surprising that the texts contain numerous Semitisms and also
countless borrowings from neighbouring Asia Minor. This finds expression not only in the names of the gods, their messengers and
their places of worship, but also in the lexicon. Here we have provided a list of lexemes which as yet have not been explained or have
been explained inadequately.
3.3.3.1
Semitic words
3.4
32
DIETRICH
33
NOUGAYROL
LORETZ
1968,
1988b, 300-5.
42-64.
34
DIETRICH -
MAYER
1995,
12
35
DIETRICH -
MAYER
1995,
17-22.
6.
are deified paraphernalia and expressions of well-being and in addition, deities from the realm of the dead ( D i e t r i c h - M a y e r 1997).
K T U 1.132 describes a three-day ritual for the palace goddess 36
Pidray. T h e sacrifices which had to be made during the feast are
principally directed to the palace goddess and her retinue, 37 in
which the daily list of offerings begins with the talli-deity (in tlnd:
lines 4, 18 and 22).
This brief description of the relevant texts with lists of offerings shows
that K T U 1.125 and K T U 1.132 evidently lie outside the frame
which the other texts profess. For the investigation of a H u r r o Ugaritic pantheon they are thus only of limited use.
T h e list provided in the following table shows the differences in
sequence. They seem to be independent of the rank of individual
gods. O n e gets the impression that the god-lists were compiled individually for particular occasions. T h u s a group of repeatedly recurring 'chief deities' can be drawn up which occurs to some extent in
almost all the textsas expected the exceptions are K T U 1.125 and
K T U 1.132. This group regularly begins with the talli-god and
includes the father-god, El, Teub, auka, Kumarbe, Kuuh, Ea,
Atabe, the city-god, H a m m u , Nubadig, Anat, imige, Piaaphe,
Hebat, Daqit, Hudena-Hude11ura, Ihara, Allai and Nikkal as well
as Ninatta-Kulitta and finally Adammait thus includes 23 deities
and to some extent represents the kernel of a 'palace pantheon'. T h e
lists in K T U 1.110 and K T U 1.111 are shorter, with 13 and 11
deities respectively. 38
These findings are in general also confirmed by K T U 1.42, which
is provided in the last column of the following table of sacrificial
lists for comparison.
K T U 1.116 extends this group of gods by a series of numina which
are hard to identify, to which are added deified paraphernalia and
expressions of well-being. In the other texts these are only quite inadequately documented, which may be partly due to the incomplete
condition of the tablets and partly due to an existing but not completely transparent eclecticism, as in the cases of K T U 1.125 and
K T U 1.132.
36
Text
(KTU)
1.116
1.26
1.60
1.110
1.135
in tin
in atn
il
(/ kmrb)
ttb
11
12
13
2
[2]
[2]
[2]
[2]
[2]
1
2
3
[2]
[2/3]
3
13
4.13.31
14
[2]
3
3
[2]
3
4
4
4
5
5.14
14
iy
[3]
[4]
[5]
5
4
6
5
6
7
10
8
6
9
(/m
tutk
(il/)
kmrb
kz/dg
(/kdg)
attb
15
in ardn
15
in h,mn
6.16
nbdg
8.16.35
c
17
nt
(/amm)
tmgn
17
pddpl}n
18
bbt
19
dqt
19
ffdn20
ijdlr
i/ul}r
21
atn
21
(ib/)
22
nkl
nnt-klt
7.223.34
adm
23
kbb
23
24
P"g
xxhr
25
xxndr
26
udn
27
abn
28
tgn
29
kldn
29
ant
f}wrt
iy
pdgn
33
[4]
[4]
[5]
[5]
5
[5]
[6]
[]
[]
6
9
11
12
16
15
10
7
7
6
[7]
7
8
9
11
10
13
[]
[]
1.111
4.18.22
8
3
4.9
4.9
9
11
10
10
15
1.132
12
12
14
[]
[]
[]
10
11
12
14
13
13
14
[17]
1.125
5.14.20
7
8
19.23
5.10
10
10
[10]
11
12
1.42
1-5
6-9
10-14
22-25
6-9
60,
15-16
29-31
50-53
44-46
38-40
35-37
56ff.
32-34
47-49
16
18
16
[18]
[1]5
[19]
[16]
11
12
(table cont.)
Text
(KTU)
1.116
1.26
1.60
1.110
1.135
1.125
1.132
1.111
1.42
bwr
sbr
6
9
bnrig
tyd
12
13
14
nwnvn
agrb
15
hbrtbn
ddm
pdry
17-21
2-3
60
Of the deities listed, El, Ea, c Anat and Nikkal, for example, originally come from the Syro-Canaanite world of gods, as their names
indicate, whereas Teub, Kuuh, K u m a r b e , imige, auka and
Nubadig are evidently Hurrian. Which particular numina lie hidden
behind ta//z-deities, the father-gods and the city-gods, and where they
come from, to the extent that they do not denote groups of gods
here, must remain open for the time being.
What decisions can be made concerning the insertion of separate
sections in the Syro-Ugaritic and Hurrian panthea? At all events the
lists represent a mixed religious tradition. Therefore, one can hardly
speak of 'canon' of the pantheon, as given in the Akkado-Ugaritic
memoranda.
3.5
Historical Aspects
39
See
DIETRICH
MAYER
1994.
Here also the Hurrian wording has still been conscientiously transmitted even when Hurrian was no longer a commonly understood
language in Ugarit. Incantations, in fact, as in any language, have
to be difficult to pronounce and difficult to understand in order to
be effective. 40
From this observation can be derived a bridge to the mixed language particularly of the sacrificial texts. Starting from the existence
of a Hurrian pantheon and the rituals connected with it, then it can
be shown that it was no longer possible to carry out these sacrifices
and rituals at the time these texts were composed, since the Hurrian
instructions had become unintelligiblenothing is more important
for a ritual than its correct performance. T h u s these rubrics had to
be supplemented or replaced by rubrics in Ugaritic. An immediate
result was that originally non-Hurrian deities were accepted into the
rituals and lists.41 By their nature the incantations remained unaffected,
although they were directed to deities who, like El, belonged to the
Semitic pantheon.
It is also clear from this that at the time when the texts were
written down by the Prtre Hounite and his school, the Hurrian cult
was no longer alive but was only cultivated in certain fields. This is
certainly the result of a long process and can scarcely be traced back
to a specific historical date. T h u s it is in any case feasible that the
seizure of power towards the middle of the 2nd millennium by a
ruling house from the south 42 whose followers we care to name
'Ugaritians' as shorthand for their written tradition, had taken the
first steps towards the elimination of the Hurrian cult from Ugarit.
T h e n their kings, who had erected their palaces to the south of the
'acropolis' ( D i e t r i c h 1 9 9 7 ) , performed their cult also in the temples
on the 'acropolis'; they moved there with their Semitic deities. T h e
dominant role assumed by these deities is particularly clear from the
god-lists, where of the individual gods, El is at the top and others
such as Ea, Attabi, Anat and Nikkal are ranked below him only as
of minor importance and cannot be omitted from any list. Quite
clearly, at the same time the Semitic language of the new masters
took root in the Ugaritic cult, so that ultimately Hurrian was eliminated from the ritual texts. 43
40
41
42
43
Watson)
DELI.ER
1981.
C H A P T E R
F O U R
T H E UGARITIC LANGUAGE
T h e
Decipherment
Kevin J.
1.1
of
Ugaritic
C a t h c a r t
Introduction
1.2
Charles Virolleaud
tion but the words were preceded by another word of four letters:
^ 5J3> ^
c n > Virolleaud suggested that this word should mean
'axe', pointing to a tenth-century arrow-head from Sidon: KAI 20
hs cd\ 'the arrow-head of Addo'. T h u s the first word must denote
the object on which it is written and the second word has to be the
name of the owner. Virolleaud believed that in the absence of a
bilingual inscription, success in working out the meaning of the words
on the adzes would lead to the decipherment of other texts. In this
his first paper, which was the text of his communication to the
Acadmie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres in Paris on 20 September 1929,
he made no hard suggestions as to the identity of the language. He
excluded 'Mittannian', then suggested that perhaps a search should
be made in Asia Minor for the key to the new writing, and even
wondered whether Cypriot colonists had invented the cuneiform
alphabet. More to the point, although he did not realise it at the
time, he posed the question whether the Ras Shamra alphabet was
older than that of the Phoenicians or was an imitation or adaptation
of it ( V i r o l l e a u d 1929, 310). Some months later, however, Virolleaud
was expressing the view that the search for decipherment should be
directed towards Cyprus and the Aegean world: 'Malgr la difficult
actuelle d'un dchiffrement, il faut probablement orienter la recherche
vers Chypre et le monde gen' ( V i r o l l e a u d 1930, 353).
1.3
Ren Dussaud
1.4
Hans Bauer
1.5
Edouard Dhorme
middle position and the same sign before and after it. T h e only
word in the Semitic languages to fit this combination of signs was
the numeral 'three', which is l in Hebrew and tit in Arabic. T h e
early decipherers did not immediately establish the correct value of
Ugar. t. Virolleaud also recognised that the Ras Shamra alphabet
possessed three aleph-signs. H e seemed to have worked out the value
of more than twenty signs, but when the French newspapers reported
his decipherment of a 'mysterious alphabet', as if it were the first
successful attempt, Dhorme, clearly irked by the announcement, commented 'Nos lecteurs savent quoi s'en tenir sur la porte de ces
affirmations' ( D h o r m e 1931, 33).
An examination of J o h a n n e s Friedrich's publications on Ugaritic
( F r i e d r i c h 1933a; 1933b) shows that his grasp of the issues was very
sound in the early days of Ugaritic studies. T h e r e was still much
work to be done, but with an ever-increasing supply of texts, scholars would arrive at a complete decipherment.
Manfried
The
Ugaritic
Dietrich
Script
Oswald
Loretz
Fig. 1 A list of offerings with the first tablet number (KTU 1.39 =
RS 1 . 0 0 1 ; Photo: U G A R I T - F O R S C H U N G Archive)
Fig. 2
&
m .
Ug.
>
Phoen.
-Can.
>
^
w
ug.
ff
^ - ^ r r r - r
Phoen.
-Can.
Fig. 3
<
<
FT K * * - *
Ug.
^ c
>1
>u
See also
DIETRICH
LORETZ
1989.
B
KTU 1.77
KTU 4.31
Iff
Y K
f
^
pK
Q.
-<
KTU 4.710
L
KTU 1.77
KTU 4.31
KTU 4.710
Fig.
m ?
m ?
m>
i<Kt
<J
(Dietrich
Loretz
Sem.
value
Western alphabets
proto- Ane. Phoen.
Can. Can. Ah. Byblos
Yhmlk
if
b
3
JL
"
V*
h
to
Palest.
Mea
Siloam
cuneiform linear
protoform
Arab.
(reconstr.)
I 1
n
1 <- - r
.
m-
gm
i p
t1 "
,43
F i t
1
V
fct-J ^
>
>
<=>
>
HO
i
il
Il **
rrr
-
V
O
lU
Hf
s
; J
.7
i.
X +
*
i
'JL
<P
?
+ y
W
+
H
H
YY
<D
/1
H
o
n
-o -
_ H-X 4
t f * -M
e
*
*
o
oo
7 V ?
O
31
:
e m r H*
X
W f
-> 1
r"
A 3
n ?
Il
96
I
o-
<7
II
t=
d n
- ri
1
r
t
s
(-)
W
ri
- > O
\ X
a
. . . Ill- -w
V - n>rt
III -
Saf.
-a cr) r r
H*
OSA Iih.
4 X
*>-
1
C
?
*
/ <
~~
h
an
va
i
k
->
^J " F
V
*
Southern alphabets
LONG ALPHABET
*
}
>;
>
X
IX
1
D3
t
- -t
? I C
(P)
fill)
Fig. 5
Fig. 6
Fig. 7
PARDEE
1995,
856)
Beth eme
Ugarit
{J. Ryckmans
H L H M Q. w
H L H M Q. w
H L H M Q. w
Beth eme
'
Ugarit
' '
{J. Ryckmans
'
Fig. 8
'
'
R
R
TS
N U [] F
T D K N U S S
S/Z}
B(G)
G(B)
D Y
F}
with the traditions of Beth Shemesh and Ugarit gives the following
results (Fig. 8)in the third line the South Semitic alphabet is given
in brackets for convenience, as established by R y c k m a n s ( 1 9 8 5 ) from
texts dating to the first millennium bce.
This comparison shows clearly that the sequence of letters of the
cuneiform alphabets attested in Beth Shemesh and Ugarit as well as
the South Arabic-South Semitic alphabet reconstructed by Ryckmans
show very few divergences. T h e fact that the signs, as shown by
hand-copies and photographs, vary slightly as well, leads to the conclusion that the traditions, certainly not least in view of their geographical separation, must to some extent have developed independently.
These divergences are basically so slight that their common origin
never completely vanished from view.
This report on the discovery of the two cuneiform alphabets as transmitted in Ugarit as well as their summary comparison should show that
the commercial centre Ugarit in the third quarter of the second millennium was a turning point in the early history of the alphabet in
two ways:
1. With the earliest recorded alphabet so f a r w h e t h e r in the '-b-g
sequence of the north west tradition or the h-l-h-m sequence of
the south eastern traditionwe are quite unexpectedlyor rather,
as was to be expectedat a point in its development which already
has the appearance of the conclusion to a forerunner. Just when
we thought we were close to the origin of the evolution of the
alphabet and finally were able to propose a date for the 'discovery
of the alphabet', we have to envisage a world with two alphabets (Fig. 9).
W.G.E.
Watson)
.ArstaiTai Hamm
W Bars
,8f*S
-Halet>/Ateppo
SfTre
f is
Ris amrj/Uqarit
/larnaka/Kition
Hata Sultan Tekke
Uj
CQ
Palmyra/Tadncr
Neti Mwd/CLadeS.
Sarafand/Sarpta,
#Ruweisah
"TK3md ei-Lz/Kumidi
Damaskus
Sean
Mountains of
s G ILE AD
Oer
.0$
HWj
Heni J
.Balu'an
.QakSBarnea
Ugaritic cuneiform
Proto-Canaanlte Inscriptions
is
ill
7S
100kw
drawing: G. Neuber
Fig. 9
Ugaritic
Josef
3.1
3.1.1
Grammar
Tropper
Introduction
Ugaritic, the local language of the city state of Ugaritic, is one of the
Semitic languages. T h e classification of Ugaritic within Semitic is still
a matter of dispute.
T h e Semitic languages can be broadly divided into an East Semitic
branch (Akkadian) and a West Semitic branch. West Semitic can be
further divided into a South Semitic and a central Semitic branch
(Canaanite, Aramaic and North Arabic). Of the central Semitic languages, Canaanite and Aramaic can be traced back to a common
former stage which is called 'Northwest Semitic'. T h e r e is hardly any
doubt nowadays that Ugaritic is more closely related to Canaanite
and Aramaic than to North Arabic. 1 T h u s Ugaritic is shown to be
a Northwest Semitic language. Since Ugaritic is closer to the later
Canaanite languages than to Aramaic due to more important linguistic isoglosses, either it belongs to Canaanite or it is the (only) representative of a separate language branch of Northwest Semitic closely
related to Canaanite.3.1.2
' The opinion maintained in the early period of research that Ugaritic is particularly close to North Arabic can no longer be held today. The two most important arguments for this theory, the extensive phoneme inventory of Ugaritic and
Ugaritic-Arabic isoglosses have been substantially modified by the results of recent
research.
2
For most recent discussion see especially ISAKSSON 1989 and T R O P P E R 1994b.
Here follows a brief grammatical outline of spelling, phonology, morphology and morpho-syntax of the Ugaritic language. It contains
only the central topics of grammar. Facts on which scholars are
widely in agreement are described without reference to secondary
literature. However, areas where there are problems are provided
with a short commentary. In this way the outline of grammar will
describe the present state of research on Ugaritic grammar.
3.2
3.2.1
Orthography
T h e basic principle of the Ugaritic alphabetic script is that each consonantal phoneme of the language is equivalent to one sign in the
script. By the introduction of the three additional signs of the Ugaritic
alphabet, < i > , < u > and < s > , the principle is violated in two ways:
the phoneme / V is represented in Ugariticdepending on the following vowelby < a > , < i > or < u > (cf. 3.2); the phoneme / s / is
represented by <s> or < s > . 4
Lengthened (doubled) consonants were not differentiated from single consonants. They can be determined only by comparative philology or on the basis of syllabic spellings.
3.2.2
4
For the phonetic value of this grapheme, which gained entry into the Ugaritic
alphabet only at a later date, see S E G E R T 1 9 8 3 (<s> = [su]) and recently T R O P P E R
1995. Thus the grapheme <s> has the value ['s]. It was inserted after the Ugaritic
phoneme / s / written with <s>, which originally (also) had the phonetic value ['s],
had been deaffricated to [s] in certain phonetic contexts.
5
For the proponents of these theories see V E R R E E T 1983a, 2 2 3 - 6 .
d. T h e theory of the position of aleph defended here is more complex than the proposals mentioned above. 6 O n the one hand it envisages the possibility that the syllable-closing glottal stop in Ugaritic
was not always strongly articulated (= quiescent aleph). O n the other
hand it follows that in Ugaritic / a V after the loss of a syllable-closing
glottal stopmost probably irrespective of stressbecame either / /
or / 0 / (cf. Heb. ns't < *naa>t as distinct from Heb. ro < *ra> ).
O n this basis the following 'rules' can be formulated: the (articulated) syllable-closing glottal stop is written with an < i > , irrespective
of the preceding vowel. If the glottal stop is not articulated, i.e. the
aleph is quiescent, then the following applies: < a > stands for / / <
*a}; < i > stands for III < *i'; < u > stands either for // < *u} or
for loi < V .
e. T h e graphic notation of a syllable-closing glottal stop is non-homogeneous in the corpus of Ugaritic texts, as some alephs evidendy
represent a strong aleph, others a quiescent aleph. T h e former are
phonemic spellings, the latter phonetic spellings: e.g. yihd lya'fyud-l
'he takes/took' ( K T U 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+5.155 1, etc.) againstyahd
lyhud-I <*ya}(}ud- ( K T U 4 . 4 4 = RS 9.453:28) or yuhd(m) lyffVd-l
<*ya'hud- ( K T U 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+3.341+3.347 iv 16; K T U 1.22
= R S 2.[024] ii 17*; K T U 1.103+ = R S 24.247+: 17) and tuhd/tfj. Vdl<*ta'hud- ( K T U 1.2 = RS 3.367 i 40).7 Within a word there
are more spellings with strong aleph, but at the end of words there
are more with quiescent aleph.
3.2.3
Vowel notation
DIETRICH
3.3
3.3.1
Phonology9
3.3.2
/p/
/t/
/t/
/s/
//
/k/
/ y
/h/
/h/,
emphatic
-
/t/
/z/
/s/
/q/
voiced
/b/
/d/
/d/
/z/
'g'
igi
/7
/7
PS
OSA
Arab.
Ugar.
Heb.
Aram.
Eth.
Akk.
s
s
s
s
d
h
s
h
<
early
t
d
s3
s1
s2
X
y
d
s 3 /s
s'/s
S2/
d
h
g
3.3.4
d
s
s
d
h
g
t
? g*
d, d
s
s, z*
b
g
s
s
h
c
late
t
t
d
s
c
Sound changes
12
OSA Old South Arabic; Arab. = Classical Arabic; Aram. = Aramaic; Eth. =
Ethiopie; Akk. = Akkadian; PS = Proto-Semitic.
3.3.5.1
(a) Sound change *w > lyl at word-initial, e.g. \ybl < *wbl, 'to
carry, bring'. 13
(b) Voicingdevoicing, 14 especially with labials, e.g. ybcl /yib'alu/ 'he
makes' ( K T U 1.17 = RS 2. [004] vi 24; <p'l) and tpky /tapkiyu/
'you (sg.) weep' ( K T U 1.107 = RS 24.251+: 11; <bky).
(c) Regressive assimilation: *dt > / t t / , e.g. aht /'ah(h)att-/ < *'ahadt'one' ( K T U 1.48 = RS 1.019:13 etc.); *nC > /CC, e.g. ap = syllabic spelling ap-pu /'appu/ < * 'anpu 'nose' ( K T U 1.2 = R S
3.367 i 13 etc.); *IC > /CC/, only in qh 'to take' (see 3.4.4.4c).
3.3.5.2
(a) Vowel harmony: *qattv\l > /qv\ttv\l/, e.g. ibr /'ibbr-/ < *'abbr
'bull' ( K T U 1.10 = R S 3 . 3 6 2 + iii 35 etc.); *>ViC.v2C(C) >
^V2C.V2C(C) ( V = short vowel), e.g. urbt /'urubbat-/ < *'arubbat'opening, hatch' ( K T U 1.4 = R S 2. [008]+ 61, etc.), irt irit-/
< *>arit- 'wish' ( K T U 1.104 = RS 24.248:1, etc.).
(b) Vowel syncope: pretonic: (Cv)CvCvC.v > (Cv)CvCC.v (V = short
vowel), e.g. rit /ra'sat-/ < *ra'at- 'heads' ( K T U 1.2 = RS 3.367
i 23.24, etc.); post-tonic: C.vCvCvCv > C.vCCvCv or C.vCCvCvCv >
CvCCvCCv (V = short vowel).
3.3.5.3
(a) Contraction of diphthongs: *aw > /<?/; *ay > /<?/; *iy > //\
>
*uw
//.
13
3.3.5.4
3.4
3.4.1
3.4.1.1
The pronoun
T h e personal pronoun
Pronominal suffixes
Demonstrative pronouns
17
T h e forms of the Ugaritic determinative pronoun, which also functions as a relative pronoun, are: m.sg. d /d/ (Nom.), / d / (gen.),
/d/ (acc.) and d = /d/ (only K T U 1.24 = R S 5.194:45 [gen.]);
f.sg. dt = /dtu/, /dti/, /data/; c(?).p1. dt /dtV/. T h e r e is also an
indeclinable variant d = /da/(?).19
3.4.1.5
Interrogative pronouns
Indefinite pronouns
19
It occurs only as a determinative pronoun before a noun clause or as a relative pronoun before a nominal relative clause.
20
Cf. Akk. mammon < *man-man 'anybody' as well as the expression mar marnmana(ma), 'anybody's son' (CAD M / l , 200-1).
3.4.2
3.4.2.1
The noun
Noun formation
Several different patterns are used for the formation of nouns (nouns
and adjectives) in Semitic: monosyllabic forms; polysyllabic forms;
forms with lengthened components; forms with prefixes, infixes and
suffixes. Most patterns can be assigned to specific classes of meaning. T h e r e are severe limitations on identifying nominal patterns in
Ugaritic as the alphabetic spelling often permits no conclusions regarding formation. 21 T h e Ugaritic noun forms attested in syllabic spelling
are rich in information. 2 2
3.4.2.2
Gender
Number
C f . SEGERT
22
1 9 8 4 4 3 ; SIVAN
1997,
HUEHNERGARD
60.
Case
23
Occasionally the oblique ending seems (already) to have assumed the function
of the nominative ending, e.g. ily ugrt (= /ill UgaritV/) tgrk tlmk 'may the gods of
Ugaritic guard you (and) grant you well-being' (KTU 2.16 = RS 15.008:4-6).
State
24
25
3.4.2.6
Determination/Indetermination
Ugaritic has no morphological marker for determination or indtermination. T h e r e is neither a definite article nor a specific determined
case, and mimation on nouns has neither a determinative nor an
indeterminative function. 26
3.4.3
Cardinal numbers
ahd /'ah(h)ad-/;
aht/'ahhatt-/
Against
SEGERT
1 9 8 4 , 5 2 . 6 ,
62.6,
73.21.
2 1 - 9 9 comprise two or at most three words: the ten, the unit and
usually a word linking the ten and the unit, e.g. tt I ttm '66' ( K T U 1.4
= R S 2. [008]+ vii 9) or tmnym tmn kbd '88' ( K T U 4.179 = RS
15.103:14).
d. '100' is mit /mi't-/,
'200' mitm (dual of mit). T h e hundreds from
300 are formed by connecting a unit and mat /ma'at-/ (pi. of mit),
e.g. tit mat.
e. '1,000' is alp /calp-/, '2,000' alpm (dual of alp). T h e thousands from
3,000 are formed from a unit and alpm (pi. of alp), e.g. hms alpm
'5,000' ( K T U 4.181 = RS 15.106:2).
f. T h e word for '10,000' (or 'myriad') is rbt or rbbt.
3.4.4
The verb
3.4.4.1
Introduction
Form
short form
extended short form
long form
Function
Abbreviation
PC s p
PC s j
PC s e
PC1
27
Singular
3.m
3.f.
2.m.
2.f.
I.e.
yaqtul-0
taqtul-0
taqtul-0
taqtul-
c
aqtul-0
Plural
taqtul-
taqtul-na(?)
taqtul-
taqtul-na(?)
naqtul-0
Dual
y/taqtul-
taqtul-
taqtul-
f. T h e forms of the PC S without endings have a morphological variant with the suffixed m o r p h e m e I-at instead of - 0 (= PC s e). 32 It is
only attested in connection with jussive forms and so can be termed
a lengthened or 'emphatic' jussive. T h e lengthened jussive is attested
in an unequivocal spelling a large n u m b e r of times only in the 1st
p. sg. In analogy with Hebrew this form can be called 'cohortative'.
As the lengthened jussive is not attested for every person and is not
in functional opposition to the ordinary jussive (= PC s j), it is not an
30
VERREET
1984,
S
tulna/ and a PC Iqtl = /laqtul/ for the 3.f.p1. However, a PC-form of the 3.f.p1.
without the -n ending does not exist.
31
For these vocalic sequences see already B A R T H 1894, 4-5. For the validity of
'Barth's Law' in Ugaritic see especially V E R R E E T 1983b.
32
It is therefore the same morpheme as probably also occurs in Ugaritic on the
lengthened impv. (m.sg.); see 3.4.4.2.1c.
Singular
3.m.
3.f.
2.M.
2.f.
1 .c.
yaqtul-u
taqtul-u
taqtul-u
taqtul-na
'aqtul-u
Plural
Dual
taqtul-na
taqtul-na (?)
taqtul-na
*taqtul-naa (?)
naqtul-u
33
See
esp. GOETZE
1938,
296-309.
Singular
3.m.
3.f.
2.m.
2.f.
I.e.
qatVl-a
qatVl-at
qatVl-ta
qatVl-ti
qatVl-tu35
Plural
qat VI-
qatVl-/ (?)
qatVl-tum(Vf4
*qat Vl-tun(n)a
*qat Vl-na/
Dual
qatVl-
qatVl-t
qatVl-tum
c. T h e thematic vowels of the SC are / a / , / i / and / u / . / a / is reserved exclusively for the fientic-perfective subtype of the SC (SCp),
/ u / for the stative subtype of the SC (SCs). I i i occurs in both subtypes. In the fientic subtype, however, it is limited to roots with I I /
III guttural, where the thematic vowel of the PC is / a / . T h e system
of thematic vowels in the SC and their equivalents in the PC can
be summarized as follows: SC qati/ ula - PC Ciqtal (stative); SC qatala PC Caqtu/il (fientic); SC qatila - PC Ciqtal (fientic II/III-guttural).
3.4.4.2.4 Finite Verb Forms with Energie Ending
a. Besides the inflectional endings, finite verb formsespecially in
poetry and in object suffixesoften exhibit a so-called energic ending,36 spelled either -n or -nn. At least two perhaps even three different
alloforms of the energic m o r p h e m e can be distinguished (energic
types I / I I / [ I I I ] ) . As the energic endings may occur, basically, on all
finite verb forms, whether they are indicative or volitive, the energic is not a mood in the strict sense.
b. By far the the most commonly attested allomorph of the energic
is -n /-()nnV/ (= energic type I). It may stand alone and or before
the 3rd pers. sg. pronominal suffixes. In combination with 3rd pers.
sg. suffixes, the ending is -nh, to be vocalised as I-anna-hI or / -annaha/ respectively.
c. T h e r e is also an energic allomorph: -nn = l-ninl(?) (= energic
type II). It occurs exclusively in combination with 3rd pers. sg.
suffixes. T h e initial consonant, I hi, of the pronominal suffix is thus
34
Alternatively /i/- vowel, i.e. / qatVl-tim(V)/. Similarly for 2.f.p1. (/qatVl-tin(n)/)
and 2.c.du. (/qatVl-tim/).
35
Alternatively: /-til (as in Canaanite). In favour of /-t/ however is that the
independent personal pronoun l.c.sg. in Ugaritic also ended in / - / (/'anku/).
36
On this topic see especially V E R R E E T 1 9 8 8 , 7 9 - 9 8 and K R E B E R N I K 1 9 9 3 .
anteriority
contemporaneous
posteriority
yaqtul (PCsp)
*yaqtul(a) (PC s j/e)
perfective
imperfective
qatala (SCp)
*qatala (SCp)
qatala (SCp)
yaqtulu (PC L )
yaqtulu (PC L )
yaqtulu (PC L )
All the fields on the right = imperfective column of the table are
filled by the long form of the prefix conjugation (PC 1 ). T h e left =
perfective column includes the short form of the prefix conjugation
(PC S ) and the perfective-fientic suffix conjugation (SCp). In the field
'perfective anteriority', the P C s p and the SCp have practically the
same function. T h e field 'perfective-contemporaneous' is empty because facts which occur simultaneously are essentially imperfective.
Only a special function of the SCp, i.e. the function of the so-called
'performative perfect', 37 can be placed in this field. T h e field 'perfective-posteriority'with reference to indicative statementsis only
covered by the SCp. T h e function of the variants of the PC S also
in that slot is exclusively volitive (jussive).
T h e table shows clearly that the PC1 is always imperfective and
the PC S is always perfective. As the PC L is used for simultaneous
situations, this category is conventionally labelled the 'present'. As,
on the other hand, the indicative P C s p generally expresses previous
events, this category is conventionally called the 'preterite'. These
labels, which suggest an opposition of tense between PC 1 ' and PC S ,
are not in fact correct, as the PC1- can also denote previous events,
37
E.g. I rgmt Ik hereby surely tell you . . .' (KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367 iv 7).
stem
functions
G
Gp
Gt
D
Dp
basic stem
passive basic stem
reflexive basic stem
intensive
passive intensive
see
47
KREBERNIK
1991.
In stative verbs the function is chiefly factitive/causative (e.g. 'be good': 'to
make [someone/somethingl good'). In intransitive-fientic verbs the D-stem chiefly
provides transitivity. In transitive-fientic verbs it strengthens or pluralizes the verbal
(table cont.)
symbol
stem
functions
tD
reflexive intensive
or causative
passive
reflexive
or passive
reflexive of D etc.
causative
passive of
reflexive of etc.48
reflexive, passive49 etc.50
l
St
PC s j
G
Gp
Gt
D
Dp
tD
St
3.4.4.4
yaqtu/il
yiqtal
yuqlal
yiqtati/ al54
yuqattil36
yuqattal ?
yVtqattVl
yuaqtil39
yuaqtal
y Vtaqtil
yiqqatilM
impv.
se
q1 tu/il
q'tal
qatala
qati/ula
quti/ ala
(')qtat(a)la
qattila
qutti/ala ?
('i)tqatti/ ala57
aqtila
uqta/ ila
n.o.
('i)qtatil
qattil
n.o.
n.o.
aqtil
n.o.
n.o.
naqtVl ?
ptc.
qtil (act.)
qatl (pass.)
muqtatil ?
muqattil
muqattal ?
inf.
qatl
tVqtatil55
quttal
n.o.
n.o.
VqtVl
n.o.
musaqtil
muaqtal
mutaqtil
naqtala
n.o.
naqtal
n.o.
n.o.
In forms with endings there was probably syncope of the corresponding vowel:
/yiqlatl/ < *yiqtatVl (cf. 3.3.5.2b). The same applies to other forms of the paradigm with similar syllabic structure.
55
Occurrences: Imthsh 'her fighting' (KTU 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ ii 19); trntbs 'fighting'
(KTU 1.3 = RS 2.[014]+ ii 29); tljtsb 'quarrel' (KTU 1.3 ii 20.30).
56
/y/t/nuqattil/, l.c.sg. but /'aqattil/ < *'uqattil (vowel harmony; see 3.3.5.2a).
57
Alternatively: /taqatti/ala/. The only certain example: w Ikms /wa-t(a)kamm Vsa/
'he fell to his knees' (KTU 1.12 = RS 2. [012] ii 54). Another possible example:
tmz' (KTU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ i 36.46).
58
Possibly /tuqattil/, cf. the uncertain syllabic spelling: tu-a-p-[ku(?)] /tuhappiku/
(Ug 5 137 = RS 20.123+ ii 23).
59
/y/t/nuaqtil/\
l.c.sg. however /'aaqtil/ < *'uaqtil (vowel harmony).
60
< *yinqatil (chiefly undifferentiated by spelling).
61
The same verbs also have similar forms in Hebrew (verbs with 'weak aleph'
as the first radical). On the topic see esp. T R O P P E R 1990b, 367.
62
On the morphology of I-h verbs see T R O P P E R 1990d.
c. In I-n verbs and Mqh 'to take', the first radicalwhen vowellessis
assimilated to the following consonant, e.g.ygr /yaggur-/ < *yangur- (Vngr
'to guard' G-PC) or yqh /yiqqah/ < *yilqah (Mqh G-PC). 6 3 In most
I-n verbs the G-impv is formed without the first root, e.g. la/sa'a/
< *a3a (^ln' 'to raise', lengthened impv. m.sg. [ K T U 1.4 = R S
2.[008]+ viii 5]). u /a'/ (VraT, m. pl. [ K T U 1.2 = R S 3.367 i 27
etc.]), sk /saf/ (<nsk 'to pour', f. sg. [ K T U 1.3 = R S 2. [014]+ iii
16 etc.]) as well as qh/qah/ ilqh, m. sg. [ K T U 1.4 = R S 2. [008] +
ii 32, etc.]). T h e verb ^lngr 'to protect' constitutes an exception: impv.
m. sg. ngr /mgur/ 'look out!' ( K T U 1.4 viii 14 [alternatively: N-impv.
/naggVr/ < *nangVra\).
d. III- J verbs arebesides \\\-w/y verbsof central importance for
understanding the Ugaritic verbal system as in principle in such verbs
the spelling allows verbal aspects and moods to be differentiated
clearly. PC1 forms occurs with the spellingyC\C 2 u (3.m.sg); for forms
of the PC S , however, the spellingyC\C 2 i (3.m.sg) is expected. In fact,
though, the situation is more complex as in Ugaritic word-final aleph
was no longer reliably pronounced. 6 4 O n this basis only verbs with
the PC thematic vowel H / permit an unequivocal differentiation of
the underlying classes: e.g. P Q ysu /yasi'u/ 'he goes out' i^yf) versus
PC S ysi /'yasiV (or /yasV/ < *yas) 'he should go out / he went out'.
In PC S forms with the thematic vowels / / and / a / this differentiation
is not given with certainty: spellings such as ybu (yn') and yu (yn1)
can be understood as PC 1, (/yabu'u/ or /yia?u/), but possibly they
could also be PC S forms (/'yab/ < *yabu', /yis/ < *yina').65
e. Verbs with /w/ or /y/ as the first, second or third radical present several forms which are irregular with respect to the forms of
the paradigm of the 'strong verb', as the semi-vowels /w/ or / y / ,
depending on position in the syllable, can occur either as consonants
or as vowels.
f. T h e paradigm of I - w / y verbs, which in Ugaritic includes ^lytn 'to
give', is characterised by the occurrence of forms both with and
without a (consonantal) first radical. If the word begins with a semi-
63
However, there is no assimilation of / / / in the N-stem: SC nlqht /nalqahat/
(KTU 4.659 = RS 19.166:1).
64
See 3.2.2d (quiescent aleph).
65
O n the grapheme < u > for / 0 / < *aJ see 3.2.2d. There are no attested forms
of the spelling ysi. On the topic see T R O P P E R 1990c.
yard
yurad
yittarid
yuwanid
yusridbl
impv.
SC
ptc.
inf.
nd
yarada
yrid
yard
od
sonda
nrada
musrid
wurrad
66
The paradigm for I-y verbs is still blank at many points due to the lack of
significant forms.
6
' However, l.c.sg. /'a(md1.
<>8
Conventionally vocalized as /yaqmu/ or /qma/.
69
These stems are conventionally called 'lengthened stems' and denoted by 'L',
'Lp' and 'tL'. The term 'lengthened stem' has been taken from Arabic but is
Significant forms of the paradigms for II-; and II-y verbs i^qwm
'to rise' and ^yt 'to place'): 70
PC1
impv.(m.sg./pl.)
yaqmun
yatu
yuqo/mimu
yuq/ mamu
yitq/ mimu
yu(a)qmu
G
D*
Dp*
tD*
SC
ptc.
qum/ qm
it/t
qo/mim
qma12
ta
qm-(?)73
sat-(?)
muqo/mim-
aqim/aqm
aqma
mu(a)qm-
inf. abs.
qm-(?)
JSJK?)
misleading. Ugaritic 'L'-stems correspond to the III and VI verbal stems of Arabic
neither in form nor in function.
70
The II? forms in the derived stems are the same as II-w forms.
71
Shortening of the long vowel between the first and third radical when the syllable in question is closed, e.g. PC * /yaqum/ and PC L/S 3.f.p1. /laqumn/, analogically, impv. m.sg. /qum/, PC S II-j /tait/, impv. m.sg. U-y /it/.
72
Before personal endings beginning with a consonant, either Iqam-I < *qmor /q/m/ (cf. Heb. bnt [byn 'to understand', G-SC l.c.sg.]). The same applies
analogously to the SC-forms of the derived stems.
73
Uncontracted forms of the type *qyim or *q'im are unattested.
74
75
See
SIVAN
1984
and
VERREET
1985,
330-41.
The rules concerning triphthongs in respect of noun forms (cf. 3.3.5.3b) cannot be transferred to verbs without being modified.
ptc.
inf.
or
ban//.
impv.
SC
ptc.
Particles86
Adverbs
a. Adverbs of place:
tm, tmt, tmn, tmny. 'there'; 7, cln 'above'; I pnm 'before'; b'dn 'behind';
atr '(directly) after'; pnm 'within/inside'.
b. Adverbs of time:
ht, htm, cnt 'now'; idk, ap(.)hn, apnk, b km 'then; thereupon; a!}r
'after(wards), later', atr '(directly) after'; ahrm 'in succession'(P); clm
'on the following/next (day)' (alternatively: 'further').
c. Modal adverbs:
k, kd, kmt 'thus, in this way'; Ibdm 'alone'.
d. Interrogative and indefinite adverbs:
iy, i, 'where?'; an 'whither?'; ik, ikm, iky, 'how? why?'; Im 'what for?
why?'.
3.4.5.2
Prepositions
a. monoconsonantal prepositions:
b (also: by), syll. bi-i /b/ 'in, at, on, with, from'; / (also: ly), syll.
le-e // (or / l e / ) 'towards, for, against; from; away from; to';
k /ka/ with the (lengthened) variant kmm 'as, like'.
b. prepositions formed from bi- or triconsonantal roots:
yd /yada/ 'next to, together (with)'; 'm /'imma/ '(together) with;
towards'; bn /bna/ 'between'; cd /cad/('?) 'until'; 7 /Cal// 'upon;
towards; down from; away from'; tht /tahta/ 'under, beneath'; qdm
/qudma/(?) 'before; in front of'; b'd /ba'da/ 'behind'; atr /'at(a)ra/
'in the wake of; (directly/immediately) after'; tk /tk/(?) '(right) in
the midst of; into'; qrb /qarba/ 'in the interior; into'.
c. Composite prepositions: (preposition b or / + noun):
bd /bdi/ < *bi yadi ' i n / f r o m the hand of; from'; b tk /bi tki/ 'in
the midst of'; b qrb /bi qarbi/ 'in the midst of'. I p /li p/ 'according to, in the m a n n e r of'; I pn /li pan/ 'to the front of; before;
before (temporal); away from (spatial)'; I p'n /li paen/ 'at (both)
feet of; (low) before'; I ir /li in/ 'on top of; on; onto (movement); from o f f / o n (movement)'; I bl /li bal/ 'without'.
d. Prepositions can be lengthened by the enclitic particles -m or -90
with no essential change in meaning. T h e forms b-m, k-m, l-m, cm-m,
l-n und cm-n are attested. T h e y are especially favoured in poetry.
3.4.5.3
Conjunctions
a. coordinating:
- w /wa/ 'and; but': copulative conjunction.
p /pa/ 'and t h e n / t h e r e u p o n / c o n s e q u e n d y ' : copulative conjunction;
it marks a temporal or logical sequence. 90
- ap (extended variant: apn) 'thus, just as; even'. 91
- u /'0/ < *}aw 'or': disjunctive conjunction.
b. subordinating:
- ahr 'after': to introduce a temporal clause.
- id 'when; as soon as': to introduce a temporal clause.
c
d 'while; as long as; until': to introduce a temporal clause.
88
89
90
91
See d.
See 3.4.5.9.
On Ugaritic p see W A T S O N 1990e, 1994e.
Also functions as an asseverative particle.
- hm /him/ with the phonetic variant im /'im/ 'if, in case': to introduce a conditional clause.
k /k/ (variant spelling: ky) 1. 'because': to introduce a causal
clause; 2. 'that': to introduce an object clause; 3. 'as, when i f : to
introduce a temporal or conditional clause.
- km /kma/ 'as; as soon as'.
- him !; as; as soon as'.
3.4.5.4
Interjections
Asseverative particles
Optative particles
Negatives
Existential particles
92
93
WATSON
1991C.
3.4.5.9
Enclitic particles
94
Watson)
U g a r i t i c
W i l f r e d
4.1
L e x i c o g r a p h y
G . E .
W a t s o n
Previous work
Not unexpectedly, the meanings of Ugaritic words have been a matter for discussion and analysis right from the earliest days of Ugaritic
studies and it is due to the difficulties inherent in these texts that
many words remain unexplained to this day. Several surveys of previous studies are available 1 and there is no need to repeat all this
material here. As yet, the only complete dictionary is Aistleitner's
Wrterbuch der ugartischen Sprache (1963, etc.). T h e only other comparable 'dictionary' is the glossary which formed part of Gordon's series
of handbooks to Ugaritic: with each new edition, the glossary was
revised as new texts were discovered and different solutions were
proposed. 2 Like the Wrterbuch, Gordon's glossary listed all the words
found in the Ugaritic texts discovered at the time, including personal and place names. Partial glossaries are to be found in Segert's
g r a m m a r ( S e g e r t 1984, 175-205) and in the various translations of
the Ugaritic texts now available. 3 Specialised glossaries are included
in studies on the following: the hippiatric texts, 4 the ritual texts. 5 Also
important are the studies of prepositions 6 and the particles 7 and in
spite of its age, d e M o o r 1971 remains a mine of lexical information.
Of particular interest are the study of terms connected with textiles used in the Ugaritic texts ( R i b i c h i n i - X e l l a 1 9 8 5 ) and the
discussion of terms for sheep and goats ( d e l O l m o L e t e 1 9 9 3 ,
1 8 3 - 9 7 ) and of terms for sacrifice ( d e l O l m o
L e t e
1 9 9 5 ) . Useful,
too, are Pardee's listing of lexical items with bibliography ( P a r d e e
1987) and the studies of syllabic spellings. 9 T h e personal names of
8
DE M O O R
GORDON
DRIVER
not
4
TO
1 9 7 3 ; DEL O L M O L E T E 1965
1955;
(1967);
1940;
GIBSON
1978;
1947
SANMARTIN
and
1988; WATSON
1995a.
1955.
DEL O L M O
LETE
1981;
TO
II
and
C A R T U
but
I.
COHEN
SIVAN
1983;
PARDEE
1985.
See
also
SANMARTIN
1988b
and
COHEN
1996.
5
DEL O L M O
PARDEE
LETE
1975,
AARTUN
1974,
See
review
HUEHNERGARD
the
1992a,
1976,
20-1
1999,
00-0;
XELLA
1981.
1979.
1978.
b y DURAND
1987b;
SIVAN
1990.
1984a;
see review by
HUEHNERGARD
1987a.
Ugarit are also a source of lexical items even though their meaning
may not have been noticed overtly either by those who gave them
or by those who bore them. T h e classic collection by G r o n d a h l
( G r o n d a h l 1967) is a useful if somewhat dated reference work in
this respect. Some recent studies have provided additional material. 10
T o p o n y m s also contribute lexical items but their origins are more
difficult to ascertain."
Several series of articles on Ugaritic lexical problems have been
written by various authors, some of which are to be continued, 1 2 as
well as sets of studies on Ugaritic semantics. 13 T h e r e are many notes
and articles on individual words or groups of words which cannot
be listed here. 14 It is very helpful when a study is devoted to words
belonging to a particular semantic field: sociology ( R a i n e y 1963),
fabrics and dyes ( v a n S o l d t 1990), sacrifice ( d e l O l m o L e t e 1995),
crafts ( S a n m a r t i n 1995) and the army ( V i t a 1995a). For various reasons, some words receive more attention than others, for example,
words which occur in the mythological texts. 15 A reverse glossary
(English-Ugaritic) is provided in UT, 530-7. 1 6
In recent years actual dictionaries are starting to be published.
O n e is the Diccionario de la lengua ugartica (DLU) by del O l m o Lete
and Sanmartin, a two-volume work of which the first volume has
appeared and the second is at an advanced stage of preparation.
Another is Cohen's Comprehensive Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language, as
yet unpublished. 1 7 T h e third such lexicon (UHw), ] R which was initiated in Mnster at Ugarit-Forschungen several years ago, will soon
be ready for publication but is available in the form of a word-list
19
( D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z 1996b).
1990a, 1990b, 1993, 1995b, 1996a.
10
WATSON
11
S e e ASTOUR
1 9 8 7 ; cf.
12.2.
DIETRICH -
AARTUN
1968,
LORETZ
1984,
1985,
1 9 9 1 ; BERGER
XELLA
GREENFIELD 1 9 6 7 , BADRE
BORDREUIL
1984, WATSON
13
14
See
now
1978,
1 9 7 0 ; MARGAI.IT
1 9 8 2 ; SANMARTIN
DE
MOOR
1977,
1965, 1979,
AJJAN - V I T A L E 1 9 7 6 ,
RENFROE
etc.
DEL O L M O L E T E
1 9 8 4 ; SANMARTIN
1973.
4.2
The texts
4.3
Problems
Aside from the large n u m b e r of words which are known from comm o n Semitic (um, 'mother', klb, 'dog', etc.)21 it is difficult to determine the m e a n i n g of m a n y lexical items in Ugaritic for several
reasons. For one thing, the corpus is small and the range of significant
contexts is accordingly quite limited. Also, vowels (aside from the
use of the three aleph signs, 'a, 'i, 'u) are not indicated, and it is therefore not always easy to distinguish homographs. While prose and
verse texts share much of the vocabulary (e.g. thm, 'message'), certain
words are found only in non-literary contexts (e.g. gzl 'spinner' [ K T U
4.358 = RS 18.048:9]) whereas others occur only in verse (e.g klat
'both' [ K T U 1.1 = RS 3.361 iv 10 etc.]; phi 'stallion' [ K T U 1.4 =
R S 2.[008]+ iv 5.9.15, etc.]; rt 'dirt' [ K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+
29, etc.]). 22 M a n y words are difficult or obscure, or have uncertain
etymologies, e.g. ilqsm, bnn, b^r, gml, gpr, ddym, dnt II, dqr, dnt, kb, kbm,
kdr, kmlt, knh, kpsln, krln, cbk, cprt, crgz, ctrb, gb, gbt, gprt, dmt,23 tkt, etc.,
and the meanings of others (aktn, agzr, aqhr, askrr, idm, idrp, idt, udbr,
unk, Cd, etc.) cannot as yet be determined. Some words occur in broken or difficult contexts, e.g. hkm, hnn, hsm, htn, kdt, gbz, gbt, gdm (see
DLU for details). With the discovery of new texts, previously unknown
words continue to be added to the lexicon but the meanings of these
20
23
1992C.
can also be uncertain, e.g. udn, 'to give ear', ghr, 'to sound forth(?)',
zb, 'to foam(?)', qnn, perhaps 'to stand up', in RS 92.2014 ( P a r d e e
1997a, 327-8)
4.4
Principles
4.5
24
HELD
25
26
1959,
1 6 9 ; DE M O O R
1973,
98;
PARKER
1979-80.
1991).
4.6 Methodolog))
T h e first task necessary before resolving the meaning of a Ugaritic
word is to survey all previous attempts, which is often very timeconsuming, with no guarantee of complete coverage. T h e scholar
must then establish the correct reading on the tablet, determine the
context, perhaps use etymology based on established language laws,
refer to a wide range of Semitic languages, if necessary, use other
languages (including Egyptian, Hittite, Hurrian, and even Sanskrit
and Sumerian) and avoid the multiplication of homonyms and homographs. These rules, however, are an over-simplification. In practice,
several other factors need to be taken into account, as the following examples show.
4.7
Selected examples
Some examples can help to illustrate the above. Evidence from cognate (Semitic) languages can come from Phoenician ( d e l O l m o L e t e
1 9 8 6 ) , Hebrew, Akkadian, Aramaic and Arabic as well as from such
languages as Ethiopie 30 and even Syriac. For example, the verb nsr,
parallel to bky 'to weep' ( K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+ vi 4-5), can be
explained from Syriac n'sar/nasar, 'to sigh, groan, m u r m u r , howl,
shriek, lament'. 3 1 Choice of the correct cognate is important; for
27
HEALEY
1988.
28
HEALEY
1988,
29
RENFROE
30
31
68.
n.
280.
32
T h e text remains difficult because the term ant (line 2) is not yet understood.
1986b, 46~7 = 1996a, 32-3. For comparison with a syntagm
from Aramaic cf. W A T S O N 1992d.
34
DEL O L M O L E T E 1979; cf. V I T A 1995a, 57.
33
DEL O L M O L E T E
which is formed from the word rgl, 'leg'. T h e same applies to placenames such as bir, 'well' ( K T U 1.91 = RS 19.015:29, etc.). For both
types of names syllabic spellings can be of use in determining meanings.
4.8
Lexical tablets
Akkadian
Hurrian
Ugaritic
Meaning
UL
EZEN
et-lu
za-am-ma-r35
u-ta-an-ni
hal-mi
ba-ah-hu-r
si-i-ru
'youth'
'song' 36
T h e sources for the vocalization of Ugaritic are (1) the three aleph
signs, (2) syllabic spellings of Ugaritic words and to a lesser extent
(3) comparative Semitics. T h e aleph signs give some indication of the
associated vowels (or the absence of a vowel; see 4.3.2.2). T h e syllabically written Ugaritic words and names are particularly helpful.
T h e list of such items in v a n S o l d t (1991a, 301-8) has 156 entries.
H u e h n e r g a r d provides a glossary with approximately 280 entries
(Huehnergard
1987b, 103-94). Similarly, S i v a n 1984, 185-295,
although his sources are not confined to texts found at Ras Shamra
(see 4.5). 3 ' Reference to other Semitic languages can only provide
an indicadon of possible spellings and has to be used with caution.
4.9
38
See the list provided by DE M O O R 1973, 98. Not all are correct, of course.
For additional material the indices of Ugarit-Forschungen and other periodicals may
be consulted. For a survey see W A T S O N 1995c, 1996c. See also P A R D E E 1996.
30
Borrowed through Middle Assyrian utnannu: cf. VON S O D E N 1988.
40
However, cf. DEL O L M O L E T E
SANMARTIN 1 9 9 5 .
41
DIETRICH -
LORETZ
1977;
RIBICHINI
XELLA
1985,
61.
42
WARD
1961
'emerald', 43 Sanskrit marakata and Greek smaragdos (also found as maragdos), both meaning 'emerald' (WYATT 1 9 9 8 C , 9 1 , n. 9 0 ) .
4.9.6 Words from other languages: adr, 'door (?)' ( K T U 4.195 =
R S 15.184:5), explained by anduru of uncertain origin; 44 irp, 'vase,
container' ( K T U 4.123 = RS 13.014:20), is perhaps Hurro-Hittite,
unless to be explained by Egyptian irp, 'wine' and therefore, possibly, 'wine-container'; utiyn ( K T U 3.1 = R S 11.772+:30 has the syllabic spelling u-r[i-ia]-ni ( P R U 3 203 = R S 16.257+ iv 21) and may
derive from Hurrian, Hittite or some other language (cf. DLU, 62).
Generally speaking, in the case of some loanwords it is difficult
to know whether they have been loaned directly, or indirectly through
another language such as Akkadian, or even whether they are in
fact Kulturwrter or Wanderwrter. Some words may even have been
borrowed back from the language which initially borrowed them,
e.g. kht, 'throne', from Hurrian keshi, itself a loan from Semitic ksu
(DEL OLMO LETE - SANMARTIN 1995) and the same may apply to
mgn, 'gift' and mryn, 'warrior' ( O ' C O N N O R 1989). T h e r e were also
inner-Semitic borrowings, 45 and a distinction must be made between
cognates and actual loans, such as nmrt from Akk. namurratu, 'splendour' (PARDEE 1988b, 115).46
4.10
Homonyms
43
many different meanings. 47 Examples include b'r I, 'to burn', b'r II,
'to a b a n d o n ' (only in the D stem); 48 gl I, 'shout of joy', gl II, 'cup'
and gl III, '(type of field)'; ptt I, 'linen' and ptt II, '(make-up) case'
( K T U 4.247 = R S 16.399:22; SANMARTIN 1987a, 54, n. 7).
A clear example of the importance of distinguishing homonyms
(and incidentally of correct word division) is provided by
yrk tcl bgr
She climbed the mountain by the flank,
mslmt bgr tliyt by the incline, the immense mountain.
wfl bkm ban She climbed bkm, Araru,
bm an wbspn Araru, Sapnu,
bn'm bgr tliyt the fair, the immense mountain
(KTU 1.10 = RS 3.362+ iii 27-31)
Although the sequence bkm looks like the particle bkm, 'thereupon',
this is impossible here as such particles are never postpositive: they
always come first in the clause (RENFROE 1 9 9 2 , 58). Instead, here
km means 'hill, m o u n d ' (as proposed by AARTUN 1 9 6 8 , 2 9 1 ) and it
is preceded by the preposition b (as part of the syntagm cly + b, 'to
climb'). 49 Hence the third line should be translated 'She climbed the
m o u n d , Araru'. 5 0
4.11
Ghost words
47
DIETRICH -
LORETZ
and
DIETRICH
LORETZ
SANMARTIN.
4,1
DIETRICH
LORETZ
49
Cf.
1975,
PARDEE
SANMARTIN
1975.
362.
50
DE M O O R
SANDERS
1991,
4.12
Future research
Although the core vocabulary of the Ugaritic texts is now understood to a large extent, there still remain many lexical items which
either need to be determined or require further clarification. For example, in the Keret epic, msb'thn bslh ttpl, ' T h e seventh of them fell
by (the) sW ( K T U 1.14 = R S 2. [003]+ i 20-1), it is uncertain
whether the deaths described refer to his wives or to his children or
indeed to the way the last victim died. T h e word slh could mean 'a
throwing weapon', 'a sword', 'war', 'lightning', the god 'Salhu', 'parapet' or a disease which affects babies (Babylonian ulhu). If the last
meaning applies, then this death must have affected Kirta's children,
which in turn is significant for the meaning of the epic (WATSON
1997c).
However, the task of determining the meaning and or etymology
of individual words is not simply a luxury for students of Ugaritic.
Scholars in other branches of Semitic studies or in other disciplines
frequently need to consult reference works on Ugaritic for their own
purposes. Examples include the compilers of DNWSI and HALOT or
of encyclopaedias of various kinds or of comparative studies (e.g.
H O C H 1994). It is important, therefore, to establish as accurately as
possible what Ugaritic words mean. O u r main difficulties in understanding correctly many a difficult passage are principally that there
is no similar passage in Ugaritic or that the context is uncertain. In
other words, the Ugaritic corpus is simply too small owing to lack
of texts. Future discoveries and continuing research are our only
hopes in this exercise.
52
HILLERS
53
RENFROE
1985.
1986, correcting amd, the first word of the line, to tmd. See
WATSON
1989a, 47~8.
54
DIETRICH -
55
DEL
6.5.3.
OLMO
LORETZ
LETE
SANMARTIN
1992b;
LEWIS
1976.
1996,
WYATT
SPRONK
U G A R I T I C W O R D S IN SYLLABIC
JOHN
TEXTS
HUEHNERGARD
in
IT)
in LH LO
m
3
S rc en
?. S CO
.
-50 S?
?
? o f cb
( Il C
II :CM
M II CM ^ II
II CM? CO
&)
II
=
II ; ~
Il
n
"
sa " + :3 + :S + :s
+
+ :=
+
a h Il> 13 O
C
D
C
O
^
C
O
C
O
co
C
O
-
I-03
o
O
O
TtCMco CMco Tt- co CO
2 - CO^ - - - - ^ CO co CO
. ~' O
o oM o oCM o
CM
o o
o
CM C0 CMC CM 0 CM QCM Q CM Q
CM co CM C
O
CM C o CMC C
o
G
C
C
C/} C/3 C/3 </3 c/3 (
/3 C/3 C/3 C C/3 C
O)
Ci
Ci
ci ci Ci 0 Ci 0
Pi
'
J
ja
o
P
<
0N
1
;
3
ja
!
j3
jC
y
'Ja
5
3
T3
J3
3
C
3
j3
3
C
IC
3
-a
aj
>
ja
CL
:
:
- S
a
'S
c
3
C
_aM
Q
3
'S.
=3
3
3
'ci.
D.
jaa
CL
CL
a
o.
-S
CL
'3
ct
S
I
"3
S,
c
aI
a
>s
-D
! J
Q
D
a.
Q
D
13
_3
oo
a.
S
-Si
Q.
H
U
>
'o
c/3
js.
o
=e
jag
c
-S
-S
J
<
CQ
S3
1.
1 MIN
pa-[si-lu]
khnm (line 9)
1 MIN
^ma-h[i-s]
1 MIN ^karbi-s[]
1 MIN
10
na-ffi-ru
ia-q- [u]
iu
(line 19)
yqm (line 6)
15
1 MIN lna-s[i-ku]
As the examples cited thus far suggest, most of the Ugaritic forms
that occur in Akkadian texts (except for the S a Voc. quadrilinguals)
are nouns. A few finite verbs are also found, however, such as the
following suffix-conjugation forms:
G
D
urudu
kimc5
UGARITIC STYLISTICS
Ugaritic
Meindert
1.1
Prose
Dijkstra
Introduction
1.2
1.2.1
Administrative texts
Letters
T h e second largest corpus of Ugaritic prose texts that are susceptible of basic linguistic analysis are letters ( K T U 2.1-83). T h e r e is
some doubt as to the epistolary nature of some of the texts ( K T U
2.2 = R S 3.334, 2.5 = R S 1.020, 2.7 = R S 1.026+, 2.19 = R S
15.125 [manumission of a royal slave], 2.27 = R S 16.378A, 2.31 =
R S 16.394, 2.60 = R S 18.[528], 2.62 = R S 19.022 and 2.69 = R S
24.660G). Quite a few letters are purely formal epistles, or contain
only short messages apart from the usual airs and graces ( K T U 2.4 =
R S 1.018, 2.10 = R S 4.475, 2 . 1 1 - 7 = R S 8.315, 9.479a, 11.872,
[Varia 4], 15.007, 15.008, 15.098, 2.24 = R S 16.137 [b\+, 2.26 =
R S 16.264, 2 . 3 0 - 3 1 = R S 16.379, 16.394, 2.40 = R S 18.040, 2 . 6 3 64 = R S 19.029, 19.102, 2.68 = R S 20.199 a n d 2.71 = R S 29.095),
or they are too broken for coherent translation ( K T U 2.1 = R S
3.427, 2.3 = R S 1.013+, 2.6 = R S 1.021, 2 . 8 - 9 = R S 1.032, 2.[026],
2.18 = R S 15.107, 2.20 = R S 15.158, 2.22 = R S 15.191 [a], 2.25 =
R S 16.196, 2.35 = R S 17.327, 2 . 4 8 - 5 9 = R S 18.285[a], 18.286[ab],
18.287, 18.[312, 364, 380, 386, 387, 400, 443, 482, 500], 2 . 6 5 - 6 7
= R S 19.158B, 19.181 AB, 2 . 7 7 - 8 0 = R I H 7 7 / 0 1 , 77/21A, 7 7 / 2 5 ,
7 8 / 2 1 and 2.83 = R I H 78/25). Only a few offer larger portions of
prose to give an impression of the 13th century West Semitic per-
2.10
RS
4.475,
RS
16.402,
17.434
and
17.434ba,
RS
18.113a,
2.45
2.36
2.23
+
2.38
=
RS
37
=
RS
73
16.078+,
+
74
RS
18.031,
18.140,
2.70
RS
2.39
=
2.31
RS
RS
16.394,
17.435+,
17.438,
RS
29.093,
18.038,
2.72
2.42
=
RS
1.2.3
Ritual texts
Quite a large group are about fifty Ugaritic rituals and five lists of
gods. With this group should also be mentioned about 26 completely
or partially Hurrian ritual texts. T h e Ugaritic rituals include a series
of monthly rituals as a kind of service book through the cultic year.
T h e y contain prescriptions for daily sacrifices, seasonal festivals a n d
prayers. T h e H u r r i a n texts include sacrificial lists, sacrificial agr hid.
hymns a n d perhaps incantations:
1.2.3.1
yrh ryn K T U 1.411| 1.87 = R S 1.003+, 18.056 and partial duplicates 1.39 = R S 1.001a.2-10|| 1.41 = R S 1.003+.11-9, 1.126 = R S
24.276.18ff.il 1.41.44-9;
yrh sm[et] K T U 1.87.54ff.|| 1.46+ = R S 1.009+ [ D i j k s t r a 1984, 6 9 f f ]
and partial duplicates 1.109 = R S 24.2531| 1.46+. 10-32, 1.130 =
R S 24.284111.46+. 11-21, 1.58? = R S 1.047, 1.134? = R S 24.294;
yrh n[ql] K T U 1.138 = R S 24.298;
yrh ib'lt K T U 1.119 = R S 24.266;
yrh hyr K T U 1.105 = R S 24.249, 1.112 = 24.256, 1.132 = R S
24.291 (partially Hurrian, continuation of 1.112? = R S 24.256), 1.148
= R S 24.643 rev?;
yrh gn? K T U 1.106 = R S 24.250+, partial duplicates 1.134 = R S
24.294 obv., 1.171 = R I H 7 8 / 1 6 .
1.2.3.2
Procession
rituals
G o d lists
Expiation rituals
H u r r i a n rituals
Minor groups of prose texts are the juridical texts, medical prescriptions and omens. T h e juridical texts are mainly found in K T U
Section 3, but see also K T U 2.19 = R S 15.125 (manumission of a
slave) and K T U 4.659 = R S 19.166 (sales record of a female slave?)
4.172 =
RS
15.093, 4.266
RS
17.074, 4.336
RS
18.023
1.71 =
RS
5.300,
1.72 =
RS
5.285+,
1.85 =
RS
17.120
and
RS
23.484; C o h e n
1.3
1996).
Administrative prose
By far the largest group of prose texts are the administrative texts,
which include census lists of persons, guilds and cities, p a y m e n t rolls,
receipts and records of received or distributed commodities. T h e y
are a main source for private n a m e s a n d also a lexicographic goldmine, though m a n y words are still poorly understood. For the structure of the language they are less informative, since their syntactical
structure and style is often very simple. M a n y texts only have a simple label as heading mentioning a guild (hrtm 'ploughmen', K T U
4.65 = R S 11.602, 4.122 = R S 13.012; tnnm a kind of soldier, K T U
4.66 = R S 11.656; mrynm 'knights', K T U 4.623 = R S 19.049[b];
nqdm, 'sheep breeders', K T U 4.681 = R S 19.180; mdrglm 'guards ? ',
K T U 4.751 = R S 29.096; khnm, 'priests', K T U 4.761 = R S 34.123)
1.4
125):
(1) arh td.rgm.b gr (2) b py.t'lgt.b 1n[y] (3) gr.tyb.b npy.rg[m] (4) hzvt.b'l.itm['.y
gr'] (5) M ly.y p. i[k(?)] (6) hkr(.b]ry[ } . . .
The Cow let out a cry against the Mountain: 'In my mouth is stammering, on [my] tongue is agitation, in my throat rolls "thun[der]".
Heed the word of Ba'al [O Mountain!] Listen to me, you braggart!
Why this distress of my [bo]dy . . . ? . . . '
K T U 1.92 and 1.114 contain prosodie phrases and epic formulae
borrowed from the major myths ( D i j k s t r a 1 9 9 4 , 1 1 6 ) , but the narratives are basically prose compositions despite this poetic flavour.
For K T U 1.92, one has to assume that many verses have been shortened to monocola, if it was a piece of narrative poetry. In K T U
1 . 1 1 4 , the sequences of perfect (with inversion of the subject) and
imperfect forms suggest the transformation of poetically structured
verses into prose sentences (so also K T U 1.96 = R S 22.225.Iff.).
Consider
il dbh . . . sh . . . tlhmn.ilm.wtstn . . . After El slaughtered . . . called . . .
the gods ate and drank . . .
After he rebuked El his father,
b il.abh.gcr. ytb il.. .
El sat down . . .
After
El sat down at his
il.ytb.b mrzhh yt. .
marzeah, he drank . . .
After El wanted to go home,
il.hlk I bth . . .y'msn.nn . . .
they carried him . . .
A similar mixed style is also present in the ritual K T U 1.161 - R S
34.126, the incantation K T U 1.169 = R I H 7 8 / 2 0 and the prayers
K T U 1.65 = R S 4.474, 1.108 = R S 24.252 and perhaps 1.123 =
R S 24.271. W e observe in these texts a certain repetitive style, even
chains of adverbial clauses and comparisons: k qtr.urbtm.k btn. cmdm
(3) kyim.zrh.k Ibim.skh, 'like smoke from a chimney; like a snake from
a pillar; like a mountain-goat to the hill-top; like a lion to a lair'
( K T U 1.169.3-4); il h il add (10) bcd spn bcd[ (11) ugrt (12) b mrh il
(13) b nit il (14) bsmd il (15) b dtn il, etc., El, hurry! El, stand
up, on behalf of Saphon, on behalf of Ugarit, with the javelin of
El, with the spade(?) of El, with the span of El, with the threshings1edge(?) of El, etc.' ( K T U 1.65.9-15); b mrmt (8) b miyt.bzlm.b qd,
'. . . on the heights, in the lowland, in darkness and in the sanctuary' ( K T U 1.169.7-8); b cz (22) [rpi.] mlk.'lm. b dmrh.bI (23) [anh].bhtkh.b
nmrth . . ., 'in the safety [of the Healer], the eternal king, in his protection, in his strength, in his dominion, in his benevolent power . . .'
( K T U 1.108.21-3; also 1.108.4-5). C o m p a r e also the chain of adverbial p h r a s e s a n d //^-greetings K T U 1 . 1 6 1 . 2 2 - 6 (with tht), 3 1 - 4
and the chain of epithets in K T U 1.100.1: um phi ph.lt bt.'n.bt.abn.
bt.mm.wth. . ., ' T h e m o t h e r of the he-ass, the she-ass, daughter of
the spring, daughter of the stone, daughter of heaven and flood . . .'.
Similarly, the chains of epithets and participial predicates in the liturgical prayer K T U 1.108.Iff. T h e y are all instances of poetic prose
with repetition and even occasional parallelism within a prose context. Despite these poetic elements, such passages as K T U 1.65.9ff.
and K T U 1.108.Iff. form one extended prose sentence, bursting the
bounds of an originally poetic structure. Even the small fragment
K T U 1.83 = R S 16.266, p e r h a p s part of an incantation (DE M O O R
1987, 181-2), shows this mixed style:
. . . [ts]un. b ars (4) mhnm. trp ym (5) 1nm.tlhk (6) mm. ttrp (7) ym dnbtm.
(8) tnr. I btn (9) ist. trks (10) I miym Ibnm* (11) pi. tbtn. yymm* (12) hmlt.
ht. ynh*[r] (13) itph. mk* [ ] (14) thmr. [ ] . . . (text newly collated by
PITARD
1998,
263
[/] rHSyy[al]
[]lm.brt.yl[m.rn\
\s\gr.l lmt.l[m]
b*th.p lmt.p* lm
(5) b*t.lbn.trgm*[?]
(6) / stmt.I lm.b[tk]
(7) by.nt.mlit.t[mla]
(8)
(9)
(10)
(11)
ymgyk.bnm.ta[r]
bnm.wbnt.ytnk*
[bYLbny.ht.w\x.x.]
[w]h*t.msgr.bnk[ ]
(12) [wh]n.thmM[ ]
1.5
Letters form the most interesting group in which to study the syntax of Ugaritic prose in the latter days of its floruit. W e shall not
deal here with the well known formulae of sender and addressee
(thm X rgm l Y), the airs and graccs (yslm Ik, ilm tgrk tlmk, with its
variants), the prostration formula (lpen PN[bCd bCd/tnid] mrhqtm qlt/qlny),
enquiries about health (al lm formula), requests for an answer (wrgm
[t]ttb l/cm-PN), to reply or to pay attention to the message (wbcly. . .ydc
[rgmh]), or even the closing remark to reassure somebody (wap mhkm
b Ibk al tst, etc.). These have all been thoroughly and properly studied
in the past ( A h l 1 9 7 3 ; K r i s t e n s e n 1 9 7 7 ; P a r d e e 1 9 8 4 ; P a r d e e
Whiting
1987; C u n c h i l l o s 1983a, 1989a). Here attention will be
paid to the larger passages of prose only in so far as they are preserved and help to give a glimpse of late colloquial Ugaritic.
Characteristic of this Ugaritic 12th-century written vernacular is
the increased use of plene writing with -y in prepositions by, ly, ky,
iky, construct state: ily ugrt and verbal forms tmgyy, etc., but also an
increase in enclitic - j as a marker of direct speech, in particular in
letters ( T r o p p e r 1994d, 474-5). T h e difference between plene written -y and enclitic -y is not always easy to detect ( T r o p p e r 1994d,
480-1). O t h e r changes in vocalization and phonology include the
quiescent aleph, sbcd < bC,id, yr < yar, etc., though also incidentally
found in poetry, cbdnn < acbdnn; cdbk < a'dbk ( K T U 1.6 = RS 2. [009] +
ii 21; 1.18 = R S 3.340 iv 22);ytmr < yitmr ( K T U 1.3 = RS 2. [014] +
i 22), the shift of ' < h, for instance in im < hm ( K T U 2.15 = RS
15.007.8; 2.72 = RS 34.124.9, 10, 17; 3.9 = RS [Varia 14].6; T r o p p e r
1989b, 421-3); vowel harmony ulp (*ullupi) < alp (*allupi); ihy and
uhy < ahy, ibr (Hbbiru) < abr (*abbiru). See further below 8.1.
T h e g r a m m a r and syntax of this late Ugaritic prose are enriched
by the use of the article and demonstrative element hn, rarely independent in hn Ws, K T U 1.40 = R S 1.002 (perhaps also 1.114 =
RS 24.258.28 and in assimilated form in K T U 2.70 = RS 29.093.15-6,
w.hwt (16) hbt, 'and I repaired the house'), but frequently as part of
a set of demonstrative pronouns: masc. hndhnk; fem. hndthnkt pi.
hnhmt. Morphological developments may include the loss of diptotic
plural and the occurrence of imperatives with prothetic aleph i: ibky,
ihn ( K T U 1.161 = RS 34.126; T r o p p e r 1993a, 391-2); igr ( K T U
2.33 = RS 16.402.1); or aleph a: add ( K T U 1.65 = RS 4.474.9).
Furthermore, we may note the wider use of the absolute infinitive
with separate personal p r o n o u n to continue a finite verb or imperative, wtbc ank ( K T U 2 . 1 7 = R S 1 5 . 0 9 8 . 6 ) ; w.ttb.ank ( K T U 2 . 3 8 =
R S 1 8 . 0 3 1 . 2 3 ) ; wrgm hw/ank ( K T U 2 . 4 2 = R S 1 8 . 1 1 3A. 1 9 , 2 5 ) ; hbt
hw (6) hrd w.sl hw (7) qrt, '. . . it eliminated the guard a n d pillaged
the c i t y . . . ' ( K T U 2 . 6 1 = R S 1 9 . 0 1 1 . 5 - 7 ) ; w.ybl.hw ( K T U 2 . 7 2 =
R S 3 4 . 1 2 4 . 2 7 a n d passim), though this is incidentally also attested in
poetry ( S E G E R T 1 9 8 4 , 6 4 . 4 2 ) .
T h e variation in the use of the conjunction p(m)- is significant,
a n d greater than in poetry (DE M O O R 1969, 2 0 1 - 2 ; K T U 2.2 = R S
3.334.4, 2.3 = R S 1.013+.19, 2.10 = R S 4.475.12, 2.14 = R S [Varia
4].12, 2.15 = R S 15.007.7, 2.23 = R S 16.078+.17, 2.26 = R S
16.264.7, 2.33 = R S 16.402.28, 2.70 = R S 29.093.27, 2.71 = R S
29.095.11 [pm], 2.72 = R S 34.124.1 1, 22, 42, 2.73 = R S 17.434.14;
W A T S O N 1990e, 1994e) a n d the occurrence of pi and pn 'lest, you
may not' ( K T U 1.83 = R S 16.266.11, 1.114 = R S 24.258.12). Also
new, specific verbs such as dhl, 'to be afraid' ( K T U 2.16 = R S
15.008.12, 2.31 = R S 16.394.21); hbt, 'to knock down, eliminate'
( K T U 2.4 = R S 1.018.19, 2.47 = R S 18.148.16, 2.61 = R S 19.011.5),
or verb forms like tn cm/l 'put something at the disposal of P N '
( K T U 2.36+ = R S 17.435+.6, 13, 2.45 = R S 18.140.19, 2.50 = R S
18.287.16, perhaps also 2.32 = R S 16.401.7, 10, 2.39 = R S 18.038.35,
2.79 = R I H 77/25.3), presumably a -stem ofy/ntn;
-stem 'hr 'to
withhold, keep back (things)' ( K T U 2.42 = R S 18.113A.11, 2.79 =
R I H 7 7 / 2 5 . 4 ) a n d the Gt-stem sal 'to make a request, e n q u i r e '
(2.17 = R S 15.098.15, 2.42 = R S 18.113A.23, 2.70 = R S 29.093.12,
2.71 = R S 29.095.10).
Further, we may note the continued use of bl in compounds like
blym, 'never' ( K T U 2.45 = R S 18.140.23; 4.272 = R S 17.118.7),
bl bns, 'nobody' ( K T U 2.45 = R S 18.140.25), l.bl.hrb || Ibl ks, 'without a knife, or cup ( K T U 1.96 = R S 22.225.4-5) a n d bl sml ( K T U
1.169 = R I H 78/20.7), though also used in poetry: bl spr/hg ( K T U
1.14 = R S 2. [003]+ ii 37-8); blmt, 'immortality' ( K T U 1.17 = R S
2. [004] vi 27, etc.), the increased use of the perfect or participle Nstem ntkp ( K T U 2.10 = R S 4.475.14); nUi (2.34 = R S 17.139.13);
nskh (2.38 = R S 18.031.15); nmkr ( K T U 2.48 = R S 18.285[A].5); nplt
(2.82 = R I H 7 8 / 1 2 . 4 , 11); also in administrative and legal texts: nkly
( K T U 4.213 = R S 16.127.24, 4.230 = R S 16.341.15; 4.280 = R S
17.236.6, etc.); night ( K T U 4.659 = R S 19.166.1) a n d nlm ( K T U
4.328 = R S 18.008), but also a new preposition like ml(y), 'opposite
(me)' ( K T U 2.50 = R S 18.287.12; 2.75 = R S 34.148.11). T h e r e is no
(11)
. . . from Trgds and Klby I have heard that we suffered a heavy defeat.
However, if we did not suffer a defeat, send me a message and, as
for the hand of the gods, it will indeed be as strong as Death (against
you) if your answer be negative(?).
Letters often include reports. A good example is the letter from the
king of Tyre to the king of Ugarit about the shipwreck of a Ugaritian
fleet sent to Egypt, but there are also short reports such as K T U
2.17 = RS 15.098, 2.30 = RS 16.379, 2.33 = RS 16.402.4ff., 2.40 =
RS 18.040, 2.61 = RS 19.011 and 2.75 = RS 34.148. We often
find here as a typical report marker the formula 'the king my lord
may know it/his word!' ( K T U 2.17, 2.33, 2.40, 2.75; perhaps also
2.35 = RS 17.327), or advice not to fear or to worry too much
about the reported developments ( K T U 2.16 = RS 15.008, 2.30,
2.38 = RS 18.031 and 2.71 = RS 29.095).
(10) anykn.dt (11) likt.msrm (12) hndt.b.sr (12) mtt.by (14) gm.adr (15)
nkh.wb.tmtt (17) lqh.kl.dr'\ 18) bdnhm.w.ank (19) kl.np (20) kMm.bd.rb.tmtt.lqht
(21) w.Ub.anUhm (22) wanyk.lt (25) by.'/cy.'ryt (26) w.ahy.mhk (27) b.lbh.al.yt
This fleet of yours, which you sent to Egypt, was shipwrecked at Tyre.
It was hit by a heavy storm. And the master of shipwrecks took all
the cargo from their holds. However, I in turn took all their cargo,
all the livestock for their provision from the hand of the master of
shipwrecks and returned it to them. And your second fleet is in for
repair(?) at Acre, but my brother should worry about nothing.
(KTU 2.38.10-27).
In particular, the mode and tenor of the discourse in international
diplomatic letters becomes very persuasive, if not suggestive. In many
instances we are here perhaps dealing with drafts and translations
of official letters, of which the originals were sent and received by
the royal chancelleries in official Akkadian. They negotiate about
tribute, settle border disputes and deal with conflicting interests and
loyalties. Consider the following anthology:
ky.hkt. bt. mlk. thmk. hin [y] (6) \lj\rs.a rgmny [ .\'m. p. tn ,\ank\ (7) [w]at.m[h]r.k[x]
t.d.tt.b.ms[mt] (8) \ht\.Iqdm.udh.mgt.wmlkn.[] (9) [m]hrt[.]nib.'mnkm.I.qrb.[xx]
(10) [xj.i[x]t.w.at/my.l.mgt.[xY.] (11) [w.]ma[k]tk/my.l.likt
([12)
[x] .km.knt.ly.ht.hln.hrs.[xx] (13) | xxx] Jtnt.Cmy.'m.pJtn[t]
When you sent your message to the royal palace (saying), 'Herewith
I put the gold of my tribute at the disposal of the Sun', [as for] you,
the equivalent of the . . . as was settled in the trea[ty], you should present it now! Its payment(?) is due. And the king [said?], 'Tomorrow
we shall return to you to deliver the . . ., but you have not come to
me [. . . nor] did you send your embassy to me. [Now was this] as
arranged with me? So, the gold [of your tribute that was] put here
at my disposal, I shall put (it) at the disposal of the Sun.
(KTU 2.36+ = RS 17.435+.5-13)
Li[th]dn.p (6) ad[nk.'] bdk.ukJkn (7) k.'[bdm.]sglth.hw (8) w.b[nh].uk.ngr (9)
rg[mh.l]adny.l.yfysr (10) w.[ap.y]d'.l.ydet
(11) ht[.hm].l.p.belk (12) 'b[dm.]sglth.at (13) ht[.hm].p.b'lk (14) yd'm.l.yd't
(15) 'myJps.b'lk (16) nt.ntm.lm.<.>l.tlk
Did not the Sun his father and his servant make an agreement(?) either
that he would record that he and his sons would be servants of his
own property, or that he would keep his promise (saying): 'My father
will not lack anything' and [also]: acknowledge you fully'.
Now, if to the Sun your lord, you are servant of his own property,
so then, if you recognize the Sun your lord fully, why did not you
come to the Sun your lord for one, for two years?
(KTU 2.39 = RS 18.038.5-16)
Likewise K T U 2.23 = RS 16.078+. T h e tenor of such letters is often
haughty, if not aloof on the part of the Great King, his queen and
his officials. T h e Great King speaks about himself in the third person, the greetings are curt and there is no love lost, whereas the
attitude of the vassal king is submissive and the airs and graces are
elaborate, if not exhaustive. More than half the letter from Ammittamru
to the Egyptian Pharaoh is filled with the repeated string of royal
tides: p.mlkJb.ml.mpm.mlkMcm.mlk.sdq.mlk.mlLLbMI^wt msrm . . . , ' . . . the
Sun, the great king, the king of Egypt, the benevolent king, the righteous king, the king of kings, lord of the whole country of Egypt . . .'
( K T U 2.81 = R I H 7 8 / 0 3 + ; see somewhat less tediously K T U 2.23
= R S 16.078+, 2.76 = RS 34.356.1-2, 9 - 1 0 [a draft?]). All along,
the writer repeatedly praises his overlord as benevolent king, trying
to negotiate a lower tribute: [mtn.]gm.bCly.nCm.hn.ksp.d.sen (25) ['bdk.b]
nt.qdm.alpm.mznh (26) [ht. cbdk.] yir.snp.ln.dym.hw, '. . . Another matter,
my benevolent lord. Look, the silver which [your servant] has
paid for many years, two thousand (shekels) is its weight. (Now your
servant] asks, will two thirds be sufficient for us? . . .'. Another flower
of such submissive speech is K T U 2.23 = RS 16.078+. 15-24:
w.an[k.cbdk.]d (16) ar[.hym.lp] (17) mlk.r[b.b'l}y.p.l. (18) hy.np[h. ]/ (19)
/./w.//[/.] spn.b'ly (20) w. urk.ym. b'ly (21) l.pn.amn.w.l.pn (22) il.msrm. dt.tgm
(23) np.p [.]mlk.rbMy
. . . And I am [your servant] who begs [for life to] the Sun, the great
king, my lord. Then do I not pray for the life of his soul before Ba'al
Saphon my lord, and length of days for my lord before Amun and
before the gods of Egypt who protect the soul of the Sun, the Great
King, my lord?
In the exchange of messages between the king a n d officials, we sometimes find such elaborate phrases in addition to the usual formulae
of submission, ankn.rgmt.l.b'l.spn. (7) Ups.'lm.l.'ttrt (8) l.'nt.l.kl.il.alty (9)
nmiy.mlk.'lm, ' . . . I pray to Ba'al Saphon, to the eternal Sun, to Astarte,
to Anat, to all the gods of A1aia for the splendour of an everlasting kingship!' ( K T U 2.42 = R S 18.1 13a.4-9).
N o t only are developments reported, but problems are also discussed a n d instructions given in the same persuasive sort of style.
T h e U g a n d a n king reports violations of his territory by Egyptian caravans, a n d the Hittite q u e e n , probably in consultation with the Hittite
deputy-king of C a r c h e m i s h , instructs him to direct t h e m past Q a d e s h
through the valley of the O r o n t e s ( K T U 2.36+ = R S 17.435+ .16ffi;
D I J K S T R A 1989, 142-4). An interesting instance is the letter f r o m
G e n e r a l Iwri-tarruma ( K T U 2.33 = R S 16.402), reporting an attack
by the kings of Mugihe (Alalakh) a n d , p e r h a p s , Nuhai against
N i q m a d d u II. After some explanations a b o u t the course of strategy
taken, he c o m e s with a m a z i n g e l o q u e n c e to the subject of reinforcements:
w.mlk.b'ly (23) ImJkn.hnk (24) l.'bdh.alpm.sswm (25) rgmt.Hy.lh.lm (26)
l.ytn.hm.mlk.<b>'ly (27) w.hn. ibm.sq.ly (28) p.l.at.atty (29) riry.lh.l pn.ib
(30) ht.hm.yrgm.mlk (31) b'ly.tmgyy.hn (32) alpm.wm. hnd (33) w.mlk.b'ly.bnl
(34) bnny.'mn. (35) mlakty.hnd (36) ylak.'my (37) w(l.lh.hn (38) [a]lpm[.]umi
(39)
[x].l.[yx]xs/l.w.ib
And the king my lord, why did he assign such a thing to his servant?
Two thousand horses, you said, would come soon! Why has the king,
my lord, not provided them yet? Look, the enemies are pressing me
hard, but I cannot put my womenfolk and children just in front of
the enemy! Now, if the king my lord orders it, they will arrive here,
those two thousand horses. And the king my lord may also send to
me mediators(?) with this my embassy. And let them come up soon
hither, the two thousand horses [and] let him not [. . .] and withdraw!
(KTU 2.33 = RS 16.402, 22-39)
Fragments of such eloquent pieces of prose, in which someone is
pleading his case, are also found, for instance, in K T U 2.41 = R S
18.075, 2.42 = R S 18.113A, 2.45 = R S 18.140, etc., but unfortunately they are too broken for their lines of reasoning to be followed
in detail. In K T U 2.70 = R S 29.093, we find a complaint a n d a
request. Obviously one of the senders of this letter is a w o m a n (as
also K T U 2.11 = R S 8.315):
Why did they release these two, as if they were not subordinate to
the king? Either being the son of Qln, or the Son of Alyy, or a subordinate of the king, these two should have come to me together and
should have broken my heart. As for the letter about the daughter of
the king of Amurruwhen my mother speaks on behalf of the city:
'If now the city will not go on to live in anxiety, who then must I
send with the letter about the daughter of the king of Amurru?' Let
Yabninu go to the king of Amurru and let him bring a hundred
(shekels) of gold and the repudiated woman(?) to the king of Amurru
and let him take oil in his horn and pour it on the head of the daughter of the king of Amurru. Whatever sin [she] committed [she will be
free?] . . .
'
(KTU 2.72 = RS 34.124.10-33)
It is characteristic of this m o d e of prose to construct complicated
sentences in an elaborate rhetorical, often conditionally phrased style.
For instance, the passage quoted from K T U 2.39 = R S 18.038.1 1 - 6
is probably one long sentence. Sentences introduced with conditional
1.6
In this group I would include the medical texts, omens, rituals and
contracts, though a distinction from other prose texts is not always
easy. For instance, the protocol of necromancy through the medium
Dtn, one of the royal deified ancestors, contains as a report an amalgam of narrative discourse, ritual and medical prescriptions ( D i e t r i c h
L o r e t z 1990a, 212, 216). T h e Ugaritic liturgical prayer K T U
1.108 = RS 24.252 is an interesting amalgam of performative ritual language and descriptive hymnic prose with occasional parallelism. Though the style of contracts is basically performative and
very formal, lym hnd RN mlk ugrt ytn bt/d. . ., ' O n this day, R N the
King of Ugarit gave the house, the field . . ( K T U 3.2 = RS 15.111;
3.5 = RS 16.382); lym hnd iwrkl pdy . . ., ' O n this day, Iwrikalli
redeemed P N . . . ' ( K T U 3.4 = RS 16.191+), we occasionally find
instances of persuasive style complete with metaphor: . . . l.yihd stqlm
(2) b unt.km.p (3) d brt.kmt. (4) br stqlm (5) b unt cd clm, 'No one shall
take Stqlm in corve-service. As the Sun who is free, so Stqlm is
free from corve-service for e v e r . . .' ( K T U 2.19 = RS 15.125).
T h e largest category in this section comprises rituals. They are
written with an exasperating concision ( P a r d e e - B o r d r e u i l 1 9 9 2 ,
709). Many of the ritual texts look like administrative texts: a list of
gods and the sacrifices administered to them. Some of them are even
simple onomastica of gods ( K T U 1 . 4 7 || 1 . 1 1 8 ; Akkadian RS 2 0 . 2 4 ,
N o u g a y r o l , 1 9 6 8 , 4 2 6 4 ) , perhaps a kind of canonical list of gods.
Excerpts from this list and others, are extended in the rituals by
sacrifices administered to them. This may happen by simple juxtaposition of name and sacrifice, e.g. b'l i, atrt s tkmn wnm 'nt , rp
/, etc. ( K T U 1 . 4 1 = RS 1 . 0 0 3 + . 15-6, with parallels), but also with
a dative I (wtn sm lbclt bhtm, csrm lins ihn, K T U 1 . 4 1 . 5 , see also 1 . 8 1 =
RS 1 5 . 1 3 0 ; in H u m a n texts dative -d/-da, plural -tt/-asta). These
lists can be preceded by date formulae of months and days: byrh ris
yn. bymhdt. . . btltt esrt, 'In the month Risyn (First Wine) on the day
of the new moon . . . on the 13th day . . .' Occasionally, and often
interspersed between this lists of sacrifices, we find references to
processions and other cultic rites to be performed. A basic question
remains as to whether these rituals were meant to be 'prescriptive'
If a city is besieged (and) if plague attacks a m a n , the citizen's household will take a goat a n d banish it to the remotest parts.
(KTU 1.127.30-2)
However not many other examples of such characteristic prose can
be gleaned from the rituals. T h e style is often extremely concise and
many phrases are still poorly understood, for instance Crb.p. whl.mlk
( K T U 1.87 = RS 18.056.56-7; 1.46+ = RS 1.009.9-10, 44, 1.112 =
RS 24.256.9, 1.119 = RS 24.266.4, 2 3 - 4 , 1.126 = R S 24.276.23?,
1.132 = RS 24.291.27-8), variant sbu p (whl ym crb p) whl mlk
( K T U 1.41 = RS 1.003+.47-8, 5 3 - 4 , 1.112.14-5), also ttb rgm (bgn)
whl mlk ( K T U 1.106 = RS 24.250+.23-4, 33). T h e context suggests
a kind of morning or evening prayer spoken by the king.
Ugaritic
Wilfred
2.1
2.1.1
G..
Poetry
Watson
Introduction
Scope
The texts
DUSSAUD
1935,
1 9 3 6 (19412); GASTER
1933,
GINSBERG
1936,
OBERMANN
1936,
DEI. O I . M O LF.TF. 1 9 8 1 ,
31-62;
AVISHUR
1994,
13
25.
1979,
730).
makes many
poetic texts,
specific diffiproblematic.
E.g.
MARGALIT
6
See
K T U
OLMO LETE
LORETZ
1976,
1986,
KOTTSIEPER -
LORETZ
1987.
Approaches
See, e.g.
DEL O L M O L E T E
MARGALIT
ROSENTHAL
1939.
Metre
SEGERT
10
1979,
MARGALIT
259-72).
738,
HORWITZ
cf. SEGERT
PARKER
1975,
1979,
1973,
730
1990 and
LEWIS
1996.
1995, 215;
(on
K T U
1.24
RS
5.194)
and
WANSBROUGH
1983.
2.2
Language
2.3
2.3.1
General
Semantic parallelism
Synonymous parallelism
Numerical parallelism
Antithetic parallelism
16
AVISHUR
t pt lars pt 1mm
set a lip to the earth, a(nother) lip to the sky
(KTU 1.23 = RS 2.002:61-2)18
and, in spite of the missing text:
[A1]oud did Anat laugh,
[g]/n tshq cnt
wblb tqny [. . .]
but in her heart she was hatching [a plot?]
(KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] vi 41-2)
2.3.2.4
Alternating parallelism
More problematic is the existence of what appear to be non-parallel bicola (SEGERT 1983, 300). Such non-parallel lines can be explained
in several ways. For example, a line such as hm it Ihm wtn wnlhm, 'If
there is food, then give so that we may eat' appears to be prose,
but in view of its counterpart, the lines are evidently in alternating
parallelism (indicated by A / A ' and B/B'):
hm [it 1 ]hm
(A) If there is food,
wtn wnlhm
(B) then give so that we may eat
hm it [yn]
(A') If there is wine,
\yi\tn. wnt
(B') then give, so that we may drink
(KTU 1.23 = RS 2.002:70-2). 19
Elsewhere the overriding pattern of parallel couplets tended to generate non-parallel couplets.
2.3.3
WO*
WO
18
See MERLO
19
adduces K T U 1 . 1 9 = R S 3 . 3 2 2 + iv 4 6 5 0 .
V = 'verb'; = 'object'.
Parallel to K T U 1 . 1 7 = R S 2. [ 0 0 4 ] 2 9 - 3 0 , perhaps with hendiadys here.
20
21
22
DE M O O R
CASSUTO
WATSON
1996.
1993, 2 0 4
1971,
FENTON
1969,
1973,
HELD
1962,
1965,
M.S.
SMITH
1994,
al trgn ybtltm
Do not delude me Virgin,
dm Igzr srgk hhm
for your delusion to a hero is sheer rubbish.
(KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004]+ vi 34-5)
Perhaps chiastic parallelism belongs here, as in
sb ksp Irqm
turned had the silver into sheets
hrs nsb llbnt
the gold had turned into bricks
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ vi 34-5)
where the components of line 1 are switched around in line 2. 23 O n
chiasmus see W e l c h ( 1 9 7 4 ) . 2 4
2.3.4
S e e WATSON
24
25
26
27
1 9 8 3 C , DE M O O R
1993,
193.
A ballast variant is the use of a longer expression (usually in the seco n d line) for its corresponding a n d evidently shorter equivalent (usually in the first line) a n d is related to ellipsis. ' T h e principle of ellipsis
in poetry is the converse of (and goes h a n d in h a n d with) the principle of ballast variants.' (UT 13.105). For example:
wykn bnh bbt
Sired be a son for him in the house,
wykn 1rs bqrb hklh Sired be a scion within his palace
(KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] i 25-6 || 42-3)
H e r e , the ballast variant of bbt in the first colon is bqrb hklh in the
second colon, which compensates for the the ellipsis of wykn in the
second colon Similary, zbl b'l ars is the longer equivalent of aliyn bcl
(matching the ellipsis of widc) in:
wid' khy aliyn b'l
kit zbl b'l ars
2.4
Verse
paragraphs
28
See also G R E E N S T E I N
single word in K T U 1 . 2 =
1.14
2. [ 0 2 4 ]
1.3 =
29
RS
i
RS
2. [ 0 0 3 ] +
21-4,
RS
iv 4 2 - 3 ;
SIVAN
3.367
K T U
YONA
20-1;
1.16 =
1983,
iv
302;
39-40.
1984,
108
71.32.
(1998,
K T U
RS
2. [ 0 1 4 ] +
SEGERT
1983.
404-5)
1.3 =
3.325+
K T U
vi
1.2
RS
discuss ellipsis of a
iv 5 ; K T U
2.[014]+
11-2;
=
RS
K T U
1.22
3.367
iv
6;
RS
K T U
2.4.1
Monocola
The tricolon
30
See
WATSON
AA'BB'
tmh ht atrt wbnh
Let Athirat and her sons now rejoice,
ilt wsbrt aryh
the goddess and the throng of her kin,
kmt aliyn b'l
for dead is Mighty Baal,
khlq zbl b'l ars
expired has the Prince, the earthlord
(KTU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ i 39-43)
Some are formed when one couplet is inserted into another, as in
dnilysb palth
Daniel went round his blighted land,
bsql yph bpalt
he saw a stalk in the blighted land,
bsql yph byglm
he saw a stalk in the weeds,
bsql yhbq wynsq
he hugged and kissed the stalk.
(KTU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ ii 12-5).32
31
See
281-309.
AVISHUR
1972,
GREENSTEIN
1974,
1977,
LOEWENSTAMM
1969
1980,
analepsis ( W A N S B R O U G H 1 9 8 2 ) .
32
As identified by D I E T R I C H
LORETZ
DEL O I . M O
LETE
2.4.4
The pentacolon
An example is:
bh p'nm ttt
On her, her feet quake,
e
behind her, her loins burst,
b dn ksl ttbr
'In pnh td'
above, her face perspires,
tgs pnt kslh
the joints of her loins quiver,
ans dt irh
the muscles of her back.
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ ii 16-20; || KTU 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ iii
32ff. KTU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ ii 44ff.)
Again, much like the quatrain (see above) pentacola arise when a
tricolon is inserted into a bicolon, as in
Who sings and plays
dyr vuydmr
bknr wtlb
with lyre and flute,
btp wmsltm
with drum and cymbals,
bmrqdm dsn
with ivory castanets
bhbr ktr tbm
in the company of sweet(-voiced) Kothar.
(KTU 1.108 = RS 24.252:3-5)33
2.4.5
Longer sequences
Hexacola are relatively rare in Ugaritic (cf. L o r e t z 1 9 8 9 ) . T h e following comprises an introductory line and a five-line speech:
tm ydr krt t' itt
There Keret the votary vowed a gift:34
atrt srm wlilt sdynm 'Oh, Athirat of Tyre, and goddess of Sidon,
hm hiy bty iqh
if I take Hurriy to my house,
asr'b glmt hgry
and bring the damsel into my dwelling,
tnh kspm atn
twice her mass in silver shall I give,
wtltth hrsm
and three times her mass in gold!'
( K T U . 14 = RS 3.343+ iv 36-43)
O t h e r hexacola may be K T U 1.3 = RS 2.[014]+ iii 3 - 8 a ; K T U
1.3 iv 4 8 - 5 3 () 3 9 - 4 4 || K T U 1.4 = R S 2. [008]+ i 12-8; iv
2.5
Strophe and
stanza
A stanza is 'a fixed . . . or variable . . . grouping of lines that is organized into thematic, metrical, rhetorical, musical, or narrative sections' ( M e y e r s - S i m m s 1989, 288), though whether this definition
would be recognised by the poets of Ugarit is a moot point. T h e
only p o e m with an a p p a r e n t sequence of strophes or stanzas 37 is
K T U 1.100 = R S 24.244 which is divided into 14 sections by ruled
lines. O f these, sections 2 - 1 1 have the same n u m b e r of verse-lines
(i.e. 10) due principally to almost wholesale repetition. T h e first section ( K T U 1.100:17) has 14 lines because the initial couplet has
been expanded to a quatrain (see W a t s o n 1997a, 3 5 ) . 3 I ! T h e last two
sections differ completely from all the others. T h u s , although these
sections are actually marked off on the tablet, as P a r d e e (1978, 104)
comments: 'this is unquestionably o w i n g . . . to the extra-poetic structure of the text and the comparable length of the sections is owing
to the repetition within this structure' and 'any attempt to find strophes in Ugaritic poetry as a prosodie or poetic e l e m e n t . . . is d o o m e d
to failure'. 3 9 Analysis is limited to identifying shorter or longer sets
of verse-lines (couplets, tricola, quatrains, etc., as above), with no
regularity or predictability. 40 Even so, this remains a useful exercise,
and Ugaritic poetry can be segmented into sections based on content,
sometimes marked off by features such as certain particles (apnk, etc.)
35
KORPEL -
DE M O O R
1986,
190-1
36
1988,
30-1.
1995,
KLEVEN
1988.
a tricolon, peculiar syntax ( d e M o o r 1993, 197-200), speech introductions and the like, though these generally reinforce what has already
been indicated by the meaning of the passage concerned (see, for
example, the headings in d e l O l m o L e t e 1991a, 158-235, etc.).41
2.6
Repetition
Repetition of words
41
Repetition of lines
Repetition of passages
B
C
pair ng II rhq is inverted the last two texts. Unless due to dictation
error, this indicates that verse was composed in formulaic passages,
perhaps orally.
2.7
In Ugaritic the poets were free to expand single lines to bicola and
in turn form tricola from bicola. T h e process could also be reversed,
with longer strophes becoming shorter. It is certainly the case that
a line can be expanded to a couplet, as in:
rr rr latiyn b'l
Listen, please, Mightiest Baal!
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ vi 4)
which becomes
m' laliyn b' I
Listen, Mightiest Baal,
bn Irkb 'rpt
understand, Cloud-rider!
(KTU 1.4 59-60)46
A single line can also be extended to a tricolon. For instance, Pughatu's
core epithet is tkmt mym '(she who) shoulders water', and it can occur
alone ( K T U 1.19 = R S 3.322+ iv 28); it can also be expanded by
two further epithets: hspt Is'r tl, 'scooping dew from the barley' and
yd't hlk kbkbm, 'knowing the course of the stars' (cf. M a r g a l i t 1989a,
364-5). T h e prose formula wrgm Ikrt t' thm pbl mlk,47 'And say to Krt
the Noble, "Message of King P b l " ' ( K T U 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+
32-3), which derives from everyday usage, is expanded by applying
parallelism to each half to form two bicola:
wrgm Ibn ilm mt
And say to divine Mot,
tny lydd il gzr
Repeat to El's beloved, the hero
thm aliyn b'l
"Message of Mightiest Baal,
hwt aliy qrdm
The word of the Mightiest warrior".
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [014]+ viii 29-35)48
However, it is sometimes difficult to determine whether a poet has
intentionally added or omitted a line (or lines) or whether these are
accepted variants. For example, in
46
47
48
DE M O O R
1978b, 1980.
sh hrn bbhtk
Call a caravan into your house,
c
dbt bqrb hklk
merchandise into the midst of your palace.
tblk grm mid ksp
The rocks will bring you much silver,
gb'm mhmd hrs
the hills attractive gold.
yblk udr ilqsm
let the quarries bring you choice gems.
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ 15-6 and KTU 1.4 38-40)
T h e last line is present in the two parallel passages but has been
omitted in K T U 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ 31-3. Is this a mistake or a
deliberate contraction? Since it is of little significance, it was probably left out unintentionally. However, in the two club-naming passages, it is only when the c o m m a n d line
yprsh ym wyql lars
May Yam crumple and fall to earth
(KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367 iv 22-3)
is given to the weapon that it is effective and achieves the intended
result (line 26); this line does not appear either in the previous n a m ing or in the unsuccessful previous attempt, which indicates its omission there to be intentional. Each case has to be judged carefully
because the copyists 49 did occasionally leave out lines by mistake but
generally speaking the poets could expand or contract as they saw fit.
2.8
Word pairs
It has been noticed that there seems to be a large set of word pairs
which recur in Ugaritic verse and that many have equivalents in
other verse traditions of the ancient N e a r East. 50 T h e problem then
arises: Did the poets have a sort of 'dictionary of word pairs' on
which they drew to compose their verse, which was probably originally oral, 51 or were these pairs the side-effects of their use of parallelism and of (oral) formulaic language?'' 2 As is evident from the
following, the matter is unresolved.
In such word pairs, the - w o r d ' is usually c o m m o n e r than the
'B-word', e.g. klb || inr, 'dog' || 'puppy' ( K T U 1.16 = RS 3.325+
i 12; K T U 1.114 = RS 24.258:13) and any particular -word may
49
50
See
HORWITZ
1974,
1977,
1979.
be paired with several different B-words (e.g. ib, 'enemy' || srt, 'adversary' or qm 'one who rises against' or nu, 'hater'). 5 3 Often a word
pair is related to a theme, e.g. ars || d, 'earth' || 'field', and is connected with fertility as in
n'm lars mtr b'l
Pleasant to the earth is Baal's rain,
wild mtr 'ly
and to the field the rain of the Most High.
(KTU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ iii 5-6, 7-8)
as also in K T U 1.3 = R S 2.[014]+ iii 16-7 and par., K T U
R S 2. [022]+ 18-9; K T U 1.6 = R S 2. [009]+ ii 16-7, 19-20.
word pairs are bound to a formula or formulaic expression
fewer that are non-formulaic and m a n y of these are repeated
as Aitken has shown for the Aqhat Narrative. H e comments:
1.5 =
Most
with
pairs,
This calls into question the notion of the word pair as a compositional
device, functioning independently of the formulas and formulaic expressions or of a thematic or/and formulaic context within the tradition.
While there are indications that a narrator could 'learn' a word pair
as a word pair in one context and use it quite independendy in another,
this was the exception rather than the rule. In the overwhelming majority of examples, the repository of word pairs is the formulas and themes
of the narrative tradition, and their appearance in the narrative is a
spontaneous reflex of the formulary and thematic habits of that tradition, and not of the production and manipulation of word pairs.
Neither spontaneous word association, nor the 'learning' and subsequent deployment of 'generally useful' word pairs has played a significant
part in the generation of recurrent word pairs within the narrative
54
( A i t k e n 1989b, 38).
Very rarely, word pairs are reversed, generally to denote some form
of reversal of events. C o m p a r e
al tt urbt bbhtm
You shall not install a window in the mansion,
hin bqrb hklm
an aperture within the palace.
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ 64-5 || 61-2; vi 5-6, 8-9)
with the reversal of urbt || hin, which matches the sense, in
ypth hin bbhtm
Let an aperture be opened in my mansion,
urbt bqrb hklm
a window within the palace.
(KTU 1.4 vii 17-9 II 25-7).55
53
54
55
W o r d pairs, then, were an integral part of the poet's composing technique and the very traditional character of versification in Ugaritic
resulted in most pairs remaining 'fixed'.
2.9
2.9.1
Formulae
T h e Ugaritic poems were composed using traditional formulae, sometimes with modifications or complete transformations. 5 6 A c o m m o n
type of formula is the one which introduces speech and it can take
many forms. Typical examples are
wy'n Itpn il dpid
Answer did Lutpan, kindly god
(KTU 1.1 = RS 3.361 iv 13)
where the slot Itpn il dpid could be filled by the appropriate name
or epithet, and
yu gh wysh
Formulaic patterns
See
57
WATSON
1 9 8 1 , also M E I E R 1 9 8 6 .
1983a = 1994b, 414- 24; 1992a. Some of them had elaborate preambles;
cf. W A T S O N 1994d.
5B
W A T S O N 1990 = 1994b, 425-30.
WHITAKER
ym ymm yt'qn
A day, two days elapse,
lymm lyrhm
from days to months,
rhm 'nt tngth
Maid Anat (still) looks for him.
(KTU 1.6 = RS 5.180+ ii 26-7).
O n c e again these patterns can be extended. They are used for themes
such as making a journey ( K T U 1.14 iv 31-5), preparing a banquet
( K T U 1.22 = R S 2.[024] i 21-6) or to depict a ruling monarch
( K T U 1.6 5 - 1 0 ; K T U 1.16 vi 21-4). T h e y also have other functions within the wider framework of the narratives. 59
2.10
Sound patterns
Alliteration
Particular words and forms were often chosen for reasons of alliteration although this feature should not be exaggerated. 6 0 First comes
the simple word-initial type, as in
ap ank ahwy aqht gzr
I too shall revive Hero Aqhat
(KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] vi 32-3).
Quite often consecutive lines of verse began with the same letter
which may indicate they were intended to be read as well as performed. An example, with line-initial i- twice, is
in b'l bbhth
Baal is not in his mansion,
il hd bqrb hklh
the god Hadd, in his palace.
(KTU 1.10 = RS 3.362+ ii 4-5)
1980 = 1994c, 431-4). In addition, multiple alliteration
seems to have played a part in longer sections of verse as has been
shown by P a r d e e ( 1 9 8 8 c ) .
(Watson
5N
A I T K E N 1987. See also LOEWENSTAMM 1965 = 1980, 192-209, P A R K E R 1989,46-52
('Repetition with a numerical framework'), T R O P P E R 1995 and YVHITAKER 1969. On
theme cf. A I T K E N 1990, 1991a, H I L L E R S 1973, L L O Y D 1990 and on motif, W A T S O N 1984a.
60
M A R G A L I T 1975, 310-3, 1979, 1980a.
2.10.2
Wordplay
2.11
Figurative language
Simile
61
62
63
64
NOEGEI.
1995.
Metaphor
Imagery
2.12
An example
In order to illustrate some of the poetic structures, rhetorical techniques and expressive language described above, a passage is set out
here in tabular form, with analysis, comments and discussion.
2.12.1
description
text
line translation
introd. to sp.
"gm ysh il
44
Irbt alrt ym
01
02
Aloud shouted El
to Lady A.Y.
non-par.
bicolon
rr ''Irbt alrt ym
03
monocolon
monocolon
speech:
El
67
68
keyword ||m
(table cont.)
description
text
line translation
introd. to sp.
[7
05
keyword ||m
monocolon
speech:
Athiratu
06
introd. to sp.
07
monocolon
dq anm lyrz
08
tricolon
h[
09
11
monocolon
speech:
El
b2
introd. to sp.
speech:
Athiratu
51
12
5i
13
narrative
mlk
mlk
monocolon
bicolon
mlk
56
tricolon
bicolon
monocolon
57
rilh lymgy
61
aps/i
17
18
introd. to sp.
19
speech:
Athtar
,a
20
narrative
mlk
21
monocolon
tricolon
mlk
2.12.2
Comments
T h e following selective remarks are set out in the sequence of topics adopted above, and there is a brief overall evaluation (on the
whole passage see now X e l l a 1996a).
General
T h e passage is a combination of speech and narrative, linked by the
formulaic introductions to speech which are all monocola (except for
0 1 - 0 2 which is a non-parallel bicolon).
Stichometiy
In 13 of the 23 lines, the verse-line corresponds to the line on the
tablet (i.e. 05-16, 0 9 - 1 5 and 20-23). Lines 14-18 could be analysed
in several other ways (e.g. monocolon + two bicola) or one could
argue that they form a pentacolon. fiy O n the other hand, although
amlkn (04) could be a single-word separate line, it would seem to
belong to tn ahd bahk amlkn, like the corresponding expression tn ahd
bahk ispa (see below). Similarly, some scholars argue that ktmsm (10)
comprises a separate line, 70 although this view has not been accepted
here. Others argue that 0 8 - 1 0 comprises a couplet.' 1
Language
Difficulties are caused by the lack of a clear translation, especially
of 0 8 - 1 0 (survey: d e l O l m o L e t e 1984, 77). T h e expression bars il
klh has been translated in various ways. 72 T h e epithet ydc ylhn, perhaps 'he knows, he understands', may be a hendiadys and occurs
only here. Also unique is aps, 'edge' and the form nmlk is found only
here (twice);73 on bit, see below. T h e verb form amlk is used elsewhere only in K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+ vi 37, 53, also in the context of a failed would-be usurper to the throne. T h e formula tn ahd
bahk, 'Give (me) one of your brothers (so that I may . . .)' occurs later
in this text ( K T U 1.6 = R S 2. [009]+ 19-20, where Mot is speaking to Baal), but nowhere else.
69
70
71
EMERTON
72
1965, 441
2.
Parallelism
T h e best examples are 12-13 and 17-18. In many 'couplets' it is
absent (eg. 01-02); 'staircase parallelism' is present in lines 21-23.
Antithetic, distant parallelism is effected by lines 16 and 22 (_ytb Ikht
aliyn b'lyrd Ikht aliyn b'l) and lines 20 and 23 (lamlk bsrrt spn ymlk
bars klh).
Strophes and stanzas
T h e strophic sequence of monocola, bicola and tricola is unpredictable, 74 and inasmuch as there is any demarcation into stanzas or
sections, these seem to be 0 1 - 0 6 , 0 7 - 1 3 , 14-18 and 19-23. T h e
only clear division is signalled by the combination of apnk and a tricolon (14-17).
Repetition
T h e title rbt atrt ym, 'Lady Athirat Yam', occurs 4 times in 23 lines,
c
ttr crz, 'Awesome Athtar', occurs 5 times, but mlk occurs 6 times. In
view of the content, which primarily concerns kingship, the keyword
here, then, is mlk, 'to rule, be king'. Crucially, it is missing from the
first narrative section (14-18), where Athtar attempts to sit on Baal's
throne and fails miserably (mlk - 0). However, in the second narrative
section, where he actually rules over the earth, it does occur, only
once but to effect. It is interesting that when bl is repeated it takes on
a form with enclitic -t which is found only here ( A a r t u n 1974, 27).75
Sound patterns
Consecutive lines beginning with the same letter are 0 9 - 1 0 ( f ), 15-16
(y) and 2 1 - 2 2 (y again). Alliteration also occurs in the n a m e + epithet sequences, notably 'ttr 'rz, and perhaps in the obscure yd' ylhn;
see also srrt spn. T h e r e is probably wordplay between 'rz and yrzWord pairs
These include p'n || ris (found only here) and the repeated pairs / ||
I, mlk mlk, mgy || mgy and 'm || 'm.
Figurative language
Apart from the comparisons in the difficult tricolon where the wouldbe king is compared to Baal, there is virtually no figurative language,
but Athtar does perform a symbolic act (descent from the throne).
' 4 It is possible that lines 2 0 - 2 3 form a split couplet with inserted bicolon; cf.
1997a, 3 1 .
75
For a similar usage in respect of enclitic -m see W A T S O N 1992c, 238-9.
WATSON
2.12.3
Discussion
T h e passage demonstrates the difficulties caused by uncertain stichometry and obscure language, especially in 06 and 08-10. Also,
it is not always clear how lines were grouped together to form couplets or higher units. However, overall the structure is quite evident
and there are no textual problems to complicate matters. T h e mix
of speech and narrative is fairly typical and the use of repetition and
stock formulae is offset by the presence of rare vocabulary and grammatical forms. T h e interpretation of the passage is quite clear (no
suitable successor to Baal has been found) 76 and is reinforced in
particular by the keyword (mlk), while of course the passage forms
part of a larger whole (the Baal Cycle).
2.13
76
1986,
VERREET
1987.
many lines there are in a 'strophe' or 'stanza', etc., are all completely variable.
Generally speaking, studies of Ugaritic poetry pay considerable
attention to similarities with other verse traditions, particularly ancient
Hebrew (e.g. A v i s h u r 1 9 9 4 , P a r k e r 1 9 8 9 ) . While this is useful, especially when features from other traditions can throw light on Ugaritic,
it is also of interest to determine in what respects Ugaritic differs from
such verse traditions. T h e question to be asked is: what is unique or
special to Ugaritic verse? According to S e g e r t ( 1 9 7 9 , 7 3 1 ) , 'The most
prominent feature of Ugaritic poetry is its parallelistic structure. It
can be said that no other literature of the ancient N e a r East, Semitic
or non-Semitic, exhibits such consistent application of this structure'.
O t h e r features which could be mentioned include the use of verse
for narrative (which though rare or virtually unknown in Hebrew or
Phoenician, is common in Mesopotamian tradition) and a general lack
of hymns (though this could be due to chance). In addition, there
is a tendency to alter repeated (parallel) passages slightly. Special
verse patterns such as 'staircase parallelism', and its combination with
anadiplosis (notably in K T U 1.10 = RS 3.362+), the use of word
pairs in fixed sequences, with variation and inversion rare, the use
of chiasmus to show two or more individuals acting as one (e.g.
K T U 1.17 = R S 2. [004] 10-1) and the split couplet 80 all seem to
be peculiar to Ugaritic. Also, unlike Hebrew and Akkadian verse,
there is no clustering of similes or of lines with inner parallelism. 81
However, descriptions of actions as preludes to speech and lengthy
introductions to speech are c o m m o n e r in Ugaritic than in Hebrew
verse, whereas abrupt or unmarked speech is rare. 82 'If there is a
specific contribution made by Ugaritic to a poetic tradition . . . [it]
seems to lie in injecting originality into a well-worn, stereotyped body
of versification . . . T h e single copies of the Ugaritic tablets that have
been found are, perhaps, the work of a single school which re-worked
stock and static verse and made it sparkle with new life'. 83
80
WATSON
81
WATSON
82
WATSON
83
WATSON
1997a,
1985b
1994d,
1983b
1997b.
= 1994b, 157.
cf. W A T S O N 1990 = 1994b, 425-30.
= 1994b, 68.
U G A R I T I C L I T E R A R Y T E X T S
T h e
Mythological
John
1.1
1.1.1
C.L.
Texts
Gibson
The tablets
The contents
1.1.2.1
T h e first part leads up to Baal's defeat of his rival Prince Yam (sea),
also called J u d g e N a h a r (river), with the help of two maces constructed for him by the divine craftsman, Kothar-and-Hasis, a story
told in the last column of 1.2 (iv). T h e evidence of what happened
prior to the battle is, however, not at all so clear, since 1.1 is very
imperfectly preserved. But near the beginning (1.1 ii) a message is
sent from the supreme god, El, to Anat, Baal's sister, calling on her
to perform what seems to be some kind of ritual, which involved
setting an offering of war in the earth (perhaps the burying of
weapons) and, following this, offerings of love and peace. This ritual may originally have had to do with ceremonies for the cessation
of hostilities; but it was not, as far as we can tell, performed by
Anat, so it is more likely that the passage uses ritual language to
express a wish on El's part that the notorious goddess of war and
love should a b a n d o n her more savage ways and, in particular, not
employ them in her brother's support. It is an important indication
of the way El desires things to work out. Thereafter in 1.1 iii Kotharand-Hasis is summoned to El's distant abode, perhaps as an ally of
Baal, to be given a similar warning; for clearly Y a m - N a h a r is at this
point being favoured by El, since in 1.1 iv he accords him royal status in a kind of ceremony of coronation.
By 1.2 i, however, Y a m - N a h a r is worried; for he sends an embassy
to the divine assembly, complaining that Baal has been reviling him
and demanding his surrender. El appears to sympathize but Baal,
who is present, objects strongly and sends an angry reply back to
Yam-Nahar. In 1.2 iii, a large fragment (perhaps out of place in its
present position), El instructs Kothar-and-Hasis to build a palace for
Y a m - N a h a r , and the claims of a minor rival, Athtar, are dismissed.
W h e n , after a sizeable gap, the text resumes, the battle between Baal
and Y a m - N a h a r is joined, Baal with the encouragement of Kotharand-Hasis wins and, though it is not according to his plans, the
supreme god has presumably to accept that Baal is now king.
1.1.2.2
These tablets concern the building of a palace for Baal, from which
he may exercise his newly achieved kingly power. After a victory
banquet (1.3 i), the goddess Anat resumes her warlike ways and
mercilessly slaughters the inhabitants of two u n n a m e d towns, thereafter repeating the process with a n u m b e r of soldiers and guests in
her own mansion (1.3 ii). At the beginning of the next column (1.3
iii) she sings of her affection for her brother, but Baal, perhaps like
El before him, perturbed by her behaviour, sends messengers to her
requesting her to perform the same 'ritual' for peace as El had previously asked for, but also tells her to visit him and help him search
for the secret of the lightning. She has to be reassured that YamN a h a r and his cohorts, w h o m she had worsted in the past, had been
finally dealt with and were no longer a threat to Baal (1.3 iv); but
she decides to call on him to find out for herself what is really worrying him. It transpires that what Baal has set his mind upon is to
have a palace like other gods, and she herself goes to El's abode to
press Baal's suit, which she does in too threatening a m a n n e r and
apparendy has it turned down (1.3 v).
A new plan has to be concocted, the working out of which takes
up the last column of 1.3, all of 1.4 i-iv and half of 1.4 v. This
involves the preparation of gifts for El's consort, Athirat, and the
enlisting of her intercession with the supreme deity. T h o u g h we know
from elsewhere that she is no friend of Baal's, she persuades him to
let Baal have his palace. Anat takes the good news to Baal, and he
immediately summons Kothar-and-Hasis to build a palace for him
on his sacred mountain Saphon (1.4 27ff.). At the end of of colu m n the divine craftsman suggests that it should have windows in
it, but at the beginning of column vi Baal refuses to entertain the
idea lest, it seems, his old enemy Y a m - N a h a r may gain entrance
and again wreak havoc on earth. The house is soon finished and a
celebratory feast held (1.4 vi). Column vii tells how Baal then marches
through the surrounding territory, annexing a large n u m b e r of cities
and towns and thereby forming an empire for himself. Returning
home flushed with success, he puts away his former fears and resolves
that after all he will have windows in his palace. H e thunders out
of them; the earth reels and people far and near are terrified, his
enemies cling to the rocks in dismay, and he openly taunts them:
would anyone, prince or commoner, now dare to resist his royal
power? Column 1.4 viii nicely leads into the third main division of
the cycle as Baal sends messengers to the underworld abode of Mot
inviting him to a feast to acknowledge his sovereignty.
1.1.2.3
1.5-6)
Interpretation
Since the early days of Ugaritic research the Baal cycle has nearly
always been interpreted as a ritual and seasonal text, either enacted
can cause. Baal is the victor in the contest, becoming the 'prince,
lord of earth' ( K T U 1.3 i 3 - 4 ; 1.5 vi 10; 1.6 iii 9; 1.6 iv 29), holding at bay the unruly waters from outside and bringing the dry season to an end by his rains. But there is much more than these
naturalistic roles to the three of them. Y a m - N a h a r also engenders
moral chaos or evil in the lives of mankind, Mot eventually finishes
everyone off, while Baal by his control of the atmosphere can be
regarded as the life-force in the world of Ugarit. H e did not only
secure year by year the ordered succession of the seasons, but every
day of every year he had to wage a constant battle against evil and
death in the lives of humanity, so that the one did not cause too
m a n y depredations or the other gain too m a n y victims too soon.
T h a t was really why Baal became the favourite god of the people
of Ugarit.
But he became this in the last resort u n d e r the supervision, indeed
by the connivance of El reigning from his distant abode beyond the
earth. From the standpoint of people on earth, looking around them
in fear and trembling, the encounters between the negative and positive forces in their environment were tense and awesome affairs,
and Baal's victory was always in the balance and never certain. But
the people of Ugarit could also take comfort from their belief that
beyond the squabbling powers that impinged so insistendy on their
everyday lives stood a remoter but by no means disinterested figure,
the god El, who had fathered the gods, the nice and nasty both,
and had created the universe, contrary powers and all, who must
therefore have planned it that way and built both good and evil into
its very fabric, and who could for that very reason be trusted to
uphold its equilibrium. For all his mistakes, his choosing the wrong
side, his blustering, his pleading, his changes of mind, his putting
up with impertinence from his underlings, hisif you willlack of
power, he was the one ultimately in charge, whom the other gods
had to visit for approval whenever they had an enterprise planned,
and whose was the final decision, which, however reluctandy, they
had to accept. And perhaps most remarkably of all, he masterminded
the balance he sought, not by calling on openly superior force but
by relying upon an engaging mixture of diplomacy and conciliation,
sharpness and persuasion. H e arranged it so that usually good and
life triumphed, but even evil and death were his 'darling' and 'beloved'
children ( K T U 1.1 iv 20; 1.4 viii 23~24) and had, as it were, their
rights too. This is the view of reality espoused by the people of
Ugarit, their explanation of the divine ways with the universe and
with h u m a n beings, their estimate of power and the m a n n e r it is
exercised; it is, for all the fancifulness with which ancient peoples in
their myths expressed themselves, mature and not lacking either faith
or irony. It may have involved naturalistic reasoning, but it involved
a great deal more besides.
1.2
This tablet has three columns of text on one side of the tablet only.
O f the first column little readable text survives, but at the beginning
of the second Anat calls on Baal (also called Hadd) in his palace.
O n being told that he is out hunting in the Shamak marsh, she follows him there, and is warmly welcomed. She sees a cow giving
birth and is apparently seized with passion, as is Baal who mounts
her before returning to his sacred mountain. As a consequence she
gives birth to a bull and, on her taking the news to Baal, he rejoices.
Some scholars attach the tablet to the Baal cycle, but it is more
likely that it belongs to a series recounting his dalliances with his
sister (e.g. K T U 1.11 = R S 3.319 and K T U 1.13 = RS 1.006). It
is not obviously thogonie, ritualistic or seasonal.
1.2.2
This difficult text survives in two columns. T h e first tells of the conception of monstrous creatures by the handmaids of the deities Yarih
(the moon-god) and Athirat (the wife of El), who complain to El that
they are being caused distress by carrying them. T h e head of the
gods, doubtless their begetter, is amused by this, and instructs the
handmaids to go into the desert to bear their offspring. In his naming of them they are likened to bulls and steers. Baal is present, and
he expresses a great interest in them, perhaps for hunting purposes.
In the second column, after a long gap, the offspring, called the
'devourers', set upon and destroy Baal, who falls into a swamp, after
which the earth suffers a drought for seven or eight years. H e is
eventually found by his brothers and and restored. At the end of
the text a few lines tell the king to perform a water ritual, presumably to guard against the disaster caused by the 'devourers'. This
disaster cannot be a seasonal disaster but is a long-lasting one. T h e
real point does not seem to be about Baal but about El fathering
such dangerous creatures.
1.2.3
A hymnic text, interesting mythologically for its portrayal of the complex character of Anat, called the 'virgin' in the Baal cycle, and in
the final lines here described as voracious to bring forth, although
her w o m b had not known conception. T h e r e is no need to connect
the hymn with any specific ritual, e.g. an incantation against infertility.
1.2.4
1.2.6
The
Legend
Baruch
2.1
of
Keret
Margalit
2.2
quick and merciful end to this euphoric era and to the fata M o r g a n a
of biblical persons and tribal entities. O f the alleged geographical
allusions, only the shrine of Asherah in the environs of Tyre and
Sidon would survive the debacle; and even this determination was
destined not to go uncontested (Cf. A s t o u r 1973, 29-39).
2.2.1.1 Still, there is wide if not consensual agreement today that
two fundamental insights of this early era in Ugaritic studies retain
their validity, viz., (a) Late Bronze Age Keret, like Aqhat, reflects a literary genre qualitatively different from the mythological tales of Baal,
Anat, and the members of the Ugaritic pantheon generallythis
notwithstanding the prominent roles of divine actors in both poems;
(b) the main works of Ugaritic literatureBaal-Mot, Keret and Aqhat
are 'classics' of Late Bronze Age Canaanite civilization and culture
and as such were known in Iron Age C a n a a n generally and in ancient
Israel specifically.
2.2.2 A second and similarly fleeting phase in the interpretation of
Keret was introduced by the Scandinavian, secondarily British, Myth
and Ritual School, representedat its most extremeby the publications of Engnell and Mowinckel. T h e former considered the poem
'a ritual for the Ugaritic sukkot festival' ( E n g n e l l 1967, 149) T h e
wedding party for Keret and his bride described in K T U 1.15 =
RS 3.343+ is characterized as 'originally the [ ] of the god
and goddess, celebrated annually and co-experienced by the participants as they watched the cult-drama and also when indulging in
sacral prostitution' ( E n g n e l l 1967, 148). For Mowinckel, on the other
hand, the poem exemplified myth attenuated as legend; behind the
portrait of the hero as a Phoenician king stands the figure of Adonis:
'[in Keret] the god is . . . strongly anthropomorphized; the original
god has become the dynastic founder, the mythic first ancestor of
the royal family . . . the poem is no longer a real myth, but a mythic
hero-legend.' 3
2.2.2.1 If the shortcomings and misconceptions of the French historical school were the result of inadequate philology, those of the
myth-ritualists were the product of faulty methodology. By means of
MOWINCKEL
MOWINCKEL
1954,
ENGNELL
GRAY
1954,
GRAY
1954,
2.2.3
Pedersen,
2.2.3.2.1
T h e theme of divinely sanctioned dynastic kingship, moreover, is deemed to reflect a society 'deren Knigsgeschlecht schon
als eingewurzelt betrachtet werden kann', analogous to the Israelite
society which spawned the Davidic royal ideology: 'hier wie dort
handelt es sich u m Legenden welchen den festen Bestand der herrschenden Dynastie besttigen und begrnden' ( P e d e r s e n 1 9 4 1 , 1 0 4 ) .
T h e author of Keret is so to speak a 'kept w o m a n ' of the political
authorities. His hand is free to write but his soul is in bondage. O n e
does not normally take the work of such writers seriously, whatever
their technical virtuosity.
2.2.3.3
This view of the Keret poem as a work of royal propag a n d a b y implication if not explicitly, by the ruling house of the
2.2.3.5 But the most telling refutation of the dynastic interpretation comes from the final scene of the poem (a scene unknown to
Pedersen at the time of his essay) in its portrayal of Yassib, the king's
eldest son and divinely-ordained (as well as politically confirmed)
heir. It is difficult to imagine a less favourable comment on dynastic kingship or a more incongruous endorsement of a royal line supposedly founded by Keret.
2.2.3.5.1 In short, there is altogether too much comedy
ody in Keret for it ever to have served as propaganda for
but the joy of living. For the author of Keret, not even the
sacred, much less the political institution of kingship. His
devotion are given unconditionally only to his art." 1
and paranything
gods are
love and
2.2.4
2.2.4.1 G i n s b e r g ' s short monograph published in 1946, inaugurated
a new era in the poem's interpretationor rather, explication. O n e
of his severest critics, Gaster, hailed it as 'a marked and revolutionary advance in our understanding [of the text]' ( G a s t e r 1947,
385). Ginsberg's was the first study to have addressed the material
in its (extant) entirety: K T U 1 . 1 4 - 1 5 - 1 6 = RS 2. [003]+ 3.343+
3.325+, are fully at his disposal and will be so henceforth for the
scholarly world to study and analyse. It is Ginsberg's contribution to
have been the first to establish the narrative coherence of the text.
However, Gastera dues-paying m e m b e r of the Myth and Ritual
schooltook Ginsberg to task for 'his obvious lack of acquaintance
with c o m m o n facts and methods of comparative religion, anthropology, and folklore . . . This leads . . . to an egregious disregard for
the cultural context and background of the narrative.' ( G a s t e r 1947,
286-7).
2.2.4.1.1 But Ginsberg consciously and deliberately eschewed 'metaphysical' interpretation; he was a devout positivist. His strength lay
lu
stood to mean 'Its sheen (i.e., of brother Ilhu's lance \mrh\) lights up
the gateway'. H e makes no effort to translate K T U 1.16 = RS
3.325+ ii 2 4 - 3 4 , although the text is quite well preserved; and he
passes over in silence the sudden a p p e a r a n c e of Octavia in her
father's bed-chamber in lines 5 0 - 1 . In col. iii, 8 - 9 , the language
tnnth . . . tltth does not evoke in Ginsberg's mind the association with
Keret's vow in K T U 1.14 = R S 2.[003]+, and his understanding
of the a C tiqat episode (v 28-vi 14) is both faulty and incomplete;
especially curious in his failure to render yqrs, while citing the analogy with Gilg. I ii 34 and its reference to tta iqtaris. Finally, the
curse which concludes K T U 1.16 R S 3.325+ (vi 54-8) is deemed
by Ginsberg to be 'unintelligible', in which case one wonders at the
certitude which informs his opinion as to the non-conclusion of the
poem at this point.
2.2.4.3 T h e foregoing critique, be it noted, is based not on Ginsberg's
early translation ( G i n s b e r g 1946) but rather on his contribution to
P r i t c h a r d ' s anthology, first published in 1950 and subsequently
(unrevised!) in 1955 and 1969. T h e authority of Ginsberg's name
he was widely considered to be the 'doyen of Ugaritic studies' in the
fifties and sixtiesand the popularity of Pritchard's anthology, which
soon became a standard reference work for biblical and ancient Near
Eastern studies, go a long way towards explaining the rather limited
progress made subsequently in the elucidation of the poem at the
most basic level of narrative explication. T h e unspoken if not also
unconscious assumption is that short of a windfall discovery of additional copies, Ginsberg's translations of the major Ugaritic poetic
texts ( K T U 1.1-6 = R S 3.361, 3.367, 3.346, 2.[014]+, 2.[008]+,
2.[022]+, 2.[009]+; K T U 1.14-16 = R S 2. [003]+, 3.343+, 3.325+;
K T U 1.17-19 = RS 2.[004], 3.340, 3.322+) have defined the limits of what scholars can ever hope to know of them.
2.2.5
2.2.5.1 A new phase in the study of Keret is introduced by M e r r i l l ' s
short essay ( 1 9 6 8 ) , marking the first serious attempt to deal with the
poem as a literary uvre and providing the inspiration for an important essay by P a r k e r ( 1 9 7 7 ) nearly a decade later.
2.2.5.2 ' T h e hypothesis of this paper', writes Merrill, 'is that the
poem . . . points to the 'house of Keret' as the basic issue. Every part
here in Keret and in Ugaritic literature generally. 14 T h e r e is no evidence for a 'history' of any of the m a j o r Ugaritic poems, although
such is not to be precluded a limine.^
2.2.5.4.1 T h e vow-to-Asherah episode, it must be insisted, is absolutely central to the plot of the story for the simple reason that it
alone supplies the story with its dramatic quality. Without the vowepisode the story is a tale not worth the telling, much less the price
of admission to its performance. T h e absence of a corresponding
instruction in the dream-episode does not prove the vow to be secondary: if someone were intent on tampering with the original by
'grafting' on the vow episode, he would have had little difficulty
making the necessary emendation in K T U 1.14 = R S 2.[003]+. 1 6
2.2.5.4.2 T h e omission, on the other hand, speaks volumes for the
authorial intention. T h e r e is nothing more characteristic of the (male)
dramatis personae in Keret than their personal shortcomings and imperfectionsincluding most definitely the head of the pantheon who
(like Y H W H in the Garden-of-Eden story) fails to anticipate his clientservant's initiative. 1 '
2.2.5.4.3 However, there is a second and more basic problem in
Merrill's theory, viz., his initial assumption that the well-being of
14
It would be inappropriate in this connection to cite in rebuttal the complicated history of the Gilgamesh epic for obvious reasons related to the chronological spans of the respective works.
15
One should also not wish to deny the existence of 'parallel traditions' in Ugaritic literature, notably the stories dealing with the construction of Baal's palace
(KTU 1.3 II 1.4). However it has yet to be demonstrated (though often assumed)
that 1.3 and 1.4 belong to a single literary work or that they constitute a consecutive narrative.
16
T o be noted in this connection are the ill-preserved conversations of the
Udumite king, first with his wife Na'amat (KTU 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+ 14-23)
and subsequently with his messengers, commissioned to scale Mt Inbb and offer
sacrifice to the gods {ibid., 24-9; cf. Margalit, 224 31), both of which are unforeseen in Keret's dream. Since no authorial design can be discerned in their omission from the dream, and since nothing in the sequel would seem to presuppose
these conversations, the theoretical possibility of a 'second hand' can be entertained
here. However, as presently constituted the scene has the positive effect of 'humanizing the enemy', a sentiment very close to the (original) author's heart, as is evident from the emotional departure-scene which follows shortly at the beginning of
K T U 1.15 = RS 3.343+.
17
It should not be overlooked that once Keret awakes, El 'disappears' from the
story. He will return as a guest at the wedding reception, but he cannot be supposed to have monitored his client's actions in the interim.
KereCs dynasty stands at the centre of the poet's concern and creation.
It is simply not true that the king is portrayed at the beginning of
the poem as impoverished note how easily Keret dismisses El's offer
of 'silver and gold' in the dream, and the king of U d m ' s bribe subsequently during the siege. H e lacks progeny, but not for having
been bereaved; like Dan'el, he lacks a male heir for not having sired
one! N o w just as the birth of a son in Aqhat does not signal the
completion of the story but more nearly its commencement, so too
does the birth of Keret's offspring provide the impetus for moving
the story to its climax. T h e truly important developments in the
story come after the birth: in the case of Aqhat, the lad's treacherous m u r d e r by the goddess Anat and her Sutean mercenary, followed by the homicidal act of blood-redemption by the hero's sister.
In the case of Keret, the 'meat' of the story is the king's illness and
the behaviour of his offspring in response. T w o of them, without
aspirations to the throne, are devoted, loving, and obedient. T h e
third, predesdned by birth as heir-apparent, is the spoiled-brat antithesis. T h e attempted putsch by Yassib and the thunderous curse called
down on his head by his enraged father ( K T U 1 . 1 6 = R S 3 . 3 2 5 +
vi) bring the story full circle as it drives home the principal message: Keret is miserable at the beginning of the story for want of a
son and heir; he is equally miserable at its conclusion precisely
because of his son and heir. If the curse were not so funnyYassib
examining his teeth in the cup of his h a n d t h e ending would indeed
be sad. This is the essence of the poem as tragi-comedy, mixing the
tears of laughter with those of pain.
2.2.5.4.4 T h e fate of the 'house of Keret' is thus of no particular
interest either to the poet or his audience. T h e real 'star' of Keret is
neither the king nor the gods but the invisible Moira who like the
poet delights in irony and makes the h u m a n life-experience at once
fascinating and unpredictablethe very qualities required of a good
story!
2.2.6
For P a r k e r ( 1 9 7 7 , 1 6 7 ) , the poem of Keret is a conflation
of three originally independent stories executed by different poets at
different times and with variable degrees of editorial skill. ' O u r conclusion . . . is that the first section [= A] of Keret originally stood on
2.2.6.1
its own, and the material dealing with Keret's sickness [= B] was
attached to it by the insertion of the promise [= vow] passage into
the journey to U d m . . 18 U p to this point Parker is echoing Merrill.
But he goes further in positing multiple authorship and in his understanding of the Yassib episode ( K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+ vi) as an
'originally independent story . . . tacked [iic] onto section B' ( P a r k e r
1977, 169).
2.2.6.1.1 T h e alleged 'third story' (C) is of course quite incomplete,
and is assumed to have continued on (a) no longer extant tablet(s).
It follows accordingly that 'we are scarcely in a position to speak of
the theme or function of the whole work' ( P a r k e r 1 9 7 7 , 1 7 4 ) . Here
too (cf. critique of Ginsberg above) the assumption of incompleteness serves as a safeguard against criticism based on literary considerations; the 'answers' to difficult questions can be conveniently
assumed to lie in the unattested and empirically unverifiable 'hereafter'.
2.2.6.1.2 E.g. it would be most surprising if a literary work which
had evolved in this 'tacky' way could be shown to have a unifying
theme or structure. Yet according to Parker, the combination of story
A and the 'neatly grafted' story yields, remarkably, a unified theme
described by him as 'the vulnerability and helplessness of the king
on the one hand, but also the benevolent power and wisdom of El
on the other." 9
2.2.6.2 We have discussed earlier some of the weaknesses in Merrill's
argument for the secondary nature of the vow episode. In his monograph P a r k e r ( 1 9 8 9 ) tries to meet one of these objections, but in
so doing actually reinforces it.
2.2.6.2.1 Parker acknowledges that (a) the reason for suspecting the
vow is its absence from the list of detailed instructions in the dreamtheophany of K T U 1.14 = RS 2. [003]+ which the king subsequently
IB
PARKER
20
Here too the influence of O.T. scholarship is readily apparent. Bible scholars
commonly assume 'pious glosses' in the text originating with 'pious Jews' of the
post-exilic era.
21
The language of the council's decision can be presumed identical with the resolution presented by its president, the rk-il (KTU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ 18-21): 'rb.
p. lymg19 krt/sbia. p'10 b'lny/uymlkn [ j ] ^ ( . ) 'In 'When Keret arrives at the western
horizon (i.e., dies)|Our lord, at the setting s u n | T h e n will [Ya]ssib rule over us'.
Cf. M A R G A L I T 1982, 425; 1995, 252-2.
work as king of Bt-Hbr (ibid., 11. 22-4) ought to have been greeted
with much fanfare and public celebration.
2.2.6.5.2 T h e 'addition' of the episode of filial infidelitya sin punishable by death in the Bible and which the very name 'Aqhat' (lit.,
'the-obedient-one') attests to as heinous in ancient Canaanite societyturns this would-be happy ending on its head at the same time
as it brings the story full-circle to tragi-comic conclusion. In K T U
1.14 = R S 2. [003]+ Keret is miserable for want of a son and heir;
at the end of K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+ vi he is miserable for having obtained a son and heir. Nothing more can or need be said.
2.2.7
2.2.7.1 But a word should be said, in conclusion of our critique,
on vestiges of the historical approach to the poem still current.
2.2.7.1.1
Parker writes:
I would see the origin of the poem in a story about a king who undertook a campaign against another king to claim the king's daughter as
his bride. Negotiations between the king resulted in the ceding of the
woman in question, and hence in the marriage of the two and the birth
of children. . . . It is this much that forms the most solid basis for those
who claim that die poem reflects historical events . . .' ( P A R K E R 1 9 8 9 , 39)
2.2.7.2 This statement, I submit, is as true (or false) of Keret as it
is (mutatis mutandis) of Hamlet, Julius Caesar, or Antony and Cleopatra,
none of which can be considered 'historical' works reflecting historical events. T h e y are works of the imagination, pure fiction, in which
historically attested personal a n d geographical names, scraps of history, social and religious customs are expertly utilized as trappings
for the plot and its characters by craftsmen minutely knowledgeable
in historical arcana andall importandymasters of disingenuity in
the service of artistic integrity.
2.2.7.2.1 But even if the poet be inspired by a 'real event'which
in the case of Keret one is entitled to doubtthis determination is
no more consequential for understanding the poem and its author,
than is the Danish chronicle which inspired Shakespeare's Hamlet.
At most, such knowledge can produce some learned footnotes to the
text, enhancing its appreciation by cognoscenti but irrelevant and
boring for poet and audience alike.
2.3
22
For the author of Keret, this 'patriarchal era' began with Ditanu (Ug. dtn, var.
ddri) cited obliquely in K T U 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 2 - 3 || 13-5) thought to have
lived in the early MBA (ca. 2100 BCE; cf. K I T C H E N 1977, 131-42; H F . L T Z E R 1981,
1 10) and developing into an eponymous ancestor. It needs be emphasized however that Keret's Ditanu-ancestry does not make him a direct ancestor of the Ugaritic
kings Niqmaddu and Ammittamru ( K T U 1.161 = RS 34.126). Like Abraham,
Ditanu is 'the father of many [Amorite] nations'. This much however can be said:
the city-state kingdoms which speckled the Phoenician and north-Syrian coastline
in the early 2nd millennium BCE were all ruled by classes of Amorite stock. The
dynastic houses of Byblos and nearby Ugarit in particular could accordingly have
been related by ties of blood a n d / o r marriage, and both of them to clans residing
in Bashan (cf. K T U 1.108 = RS 24.252: 23-4). T h e phrase qbs. dtn, roughly 'union
of Ditanu' (KTU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 2 - 3 || 13-5), like its parallel rpi. ars (ibid.,
K T U 1.108) denotes the transnational aspect of this consanguinity, the word ars
'land' contrasting with socio-political terms like qrt 'city' and mlk 'kingdom'. (This
usage of ars [Heb. 'eres] survives in the Hebrew Bible in the phrase 'am-h-'res,
denoting an institution of landed gentry who can 'make or break' a king. Cf. provisionally M A R G A L I T 1995, 255-6.)
Act 1, Scene 1
2.3.2.1 T h e curtain rises on the king about to retire for the night
to his sleeping c h a m b e r which he enters shedding tears of self-pity.
Curled up in bed in a foetal position, he falls asleep. His patron
deity now appears in his dream, having heard the heart-rending sobs
of his valiant servant. Wise but not omniscient, El inquires as to the
cause of the king's distress. Ever the jester, he speculates whether
Keret, dissatisfied with the modest extent of his kingdom, has designs
on his own; or perhaps, he wonders aloud, the king is short of money
to cover his regal expenses. In reply, the king assures his patron that
he wants for nothing material, and that his only wish, and the
panacea to his pain, is to sire a family, sons in particular.
2.3.2.2 El is sympathetic; and the remainder of the dream (and
scene) is devoted to divine monologue wherein the deity issues a
series of detailed instructions as part of an elaborate plan for the
hero to realize his ambition. At the centre of the plan is the full
mobilization of the kingdom for a military expedition to the (Bashanite) kingdom of Udum(u), to be followed by a siege and ultimatum
to its king: surrender your eldest daughter, the fair Hry, to be Keret's
wife (or face the consequences).
2.3.3
Scene 2
2.3.3.1 T h e King awakens with a start, but with total recall of the
dream which he immediately begins to implement to the letter. He
attends first to his personwashing (for cleanliness) and rouging (for
war) then to the gods to w h o m he offers sacrifice, and then to the
business of war.
Comment: (1) El's oneiric thcophany is part and parcel of n o m a d i c /
Amurritic religion centering on El and his consort Asherah. El resides
in the subterranean fresh-water deep which feeds the palm-trees of
the oasis where the n o m a d pitches camp. W h e n the latter retires for
the night and sets his sleepy head down to rest, he is lulled to sleep
23
Cf. Num. 12:6 8. A later tradition, no longer familiar with the religio-historical presuppositions of the patriarchal faith, attributed this fact to the uniqueness
of Moses' prophetic status.
24
H e could also have spared U d u m the pains of siege, and its monarch the
pangs of uncertainty, by revealing himself in a dream to Pbl and thereby confirm
Keret's ultimatum as indeed inspired and supported by divine degree. But then El
would be seen to be truly wise and compassionate rather than the comical dotard
intended by the poet.
brothers), a contrast further accentuated here by the disparity between the normally peacable and compassionate El (Itpn. dpid) advising,
and devizing, a strategem of war. 25 (4) T h e use of parody at this
early stage in the story must be understood as setting the tone for
all that ensues. It is the dramaturgic equivalent of Shylock's 'poundof-flesh' bond contracted (ostensibly) 'in a merry sport', and to the
over-reaction of foolish king Ahasuerus (Est. 1) to the queen's refusal
of a royal summons (itself a parody of a king 'ruling from India to
Ethiopia'). It serves notice that the poem of Keret is a species of 'mock
epic', perhaps the oldest of its kind in recorded history.
2.3.4
Scene 3
25
O n e may note the uncanny if fortuitous resemblance of El's plan with that of
Portia's 'virtuous father' (The Merchant of Venice), mocking the 'holy men [who]
at their death have good inspirations'. El's plan is similarly 'inspired'.
Comment: (1) O n the identifications of U d m and Mt. Inbb respectively, cf. M a r g a l i t 1995, 2 2 5 - 4 3 . (2) Although formally a married
couple, El and Asherah do not live together (cf. K T U 1.4 = R S
2. [008]+ iv).26 (3) T h e fact that the king's initiative, for all its good
intentions, eventually lands him in hot water couldif Keret were a
'serious' piece of literaturebe taken as implying the futility of human
endeavour and the advisability of resignation to divine will. But if,
as I maintain, Keret is tragi-comical, then the crisis precipitated by
the king's ill-fated initiative (the result, be it recalled of his absentmindedness) can and should be seen as contributing to his portrayal
as a pathetic figure, a 'Schlemiel' or 'Sad-Sack' who can do no right,
a master bungler. Keret, like Dan'el, is a 'talker', not a 'doer'. (4)
This characterization of the king is underscored by Pbl and Na'amat's
reluctance to become Keret's in-laws. After all, such an attitude is
not self-evident given Keret's credentials. A king of the backwater
kingdom of U d u m would normally have given his eye-teeth for a
liaison with the royal house of Bt-Hbr, alias Byblos. However,
Keret's reputation as a matrimonial 'jinx' has preceded him to Udum.
2.3.5
Act II
2I
' The separation of El and Asherah on the mythopoeic level is surely a reflection
of the transformation of their originally pastoral-nomadic cult following the sedentarization of their worshippers. El is put out to pasture in the Upper Jordan Valley,
his domain extending from the foot of Mt Hermon near Dan as far as the Sea of
Galilee. But his consort starts up a new career among Tyrians as rbl. alrt. ym 'Lady
Asherah-of-the-Sea' where she is presumably worshipped as the patroness of fishermen (cf. her attendants qdl. wamrr described (KTU 1.3 = RS 2.[014]+ vi 10-1;
K T U 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ iv 2-4) as dgy. rbl. alrt. y m 'fishermen of Lady Asherahof-the-Sea'.
27
28
1990,
171).
Act III
on his feverish forehead. She is his little 'blossom' (ib). She leaves
shortly thereafter, heeding her father's request to climb a mountain
and pray there for his recovery. 29
Comment: (1) T h o u g h not expressly stated, it is a reasonable inference from this portion of the narrative that Octavia has become a
nadtu-priestess, or nun, residing in a cloister and in the service of
the sun-goddess, Shapsh. A m o n g other things, this hypothesis will
explain (a) why Octavia is residing away from her parental home;
(b) why Ilhu does not even consider entering the gateway to notify
his sister of his arrival. As a female retreat, it is presumably off-limits
to men. (2) Octavia's funereal song-and-dance, encircling her brother,
is described in language similar to that used by Ilhu to describe the
wailing-women in Keret's house. This may help to explain the intrusion here of extraneous material originating as a (corrected) version
of Ilhu's plaintive speech to his father. (3) It is typical of Ugaritic
epic literature to portray w o m e n as superior in intellect a n d / o r
courage to men; 30 and the present encounter of brother and sister
is certainly no exception. El compares unfavourably with Athirat,
Dan'el with his daughter Pughat, and Ilhu with Octavia. 31
2.3.7
2.3.7.1 Scene 3. T h e text of this scene is very fragmentary, and
its contents consequently are obscure. T h e king's illness, like Aqhat's
murder, has resulted in drought, and the stocks of grain, wine, and
oil are depleted. A set of obscure ritual acts, intended presumably
to induce rainfall, is followed by a delegation of farmers to the king,
presumably (since the continuation is lost) to apprise him of the situation and to ask for help.
29
A considerable part of the text summarized above is missing, and the summation at certain points presupposes the correctness of the restorations. Cf. the discussion in M A R G A L I T 1 9 9 5 , 2 6 4 - 8 9 for this and other matters relating to this passage.
30
It is also not uncommon in O.T. literature: Adam is clearly inferior in intellect to wife Eve (which is why the 'wily' snake takes her on first). The same holds
true for Isaac and Rebekkah, Barak and Deborah, Sisera and Jael, Haman and
Esther, etc. A notable exception is David and Michal. The latter is possibly the
most 'trag(ed)ic' figure in the entire Bible: bright, beautiful, and courageousand
an habitual 'loser'.
31
Anat is only seemingly an exception: for while nominally female, she acts and
dresses like a (violent) man, and is therefore the villain of Aqhat. She contrasts both
with her virtuous brother Baal and the heroine Pughat; and the poet does not stop
short of ridiculing the penis-envy of this self-hating goddess by depriving her of the
coveted bow once acquired (KTU 1 . 1 9 = RS 3 . 3 2 2 + i).
The semantic correspondence of Ug. ngr and the Arabic mu'addin (< 'dn (II)
'cause-to-hear, announce') is very close indeed. T h e Ugaritic term is cognate with
Akk. nagaru 'Ausrufer, Herold' (., 711). The translation 'herald' in the present
context is, however, misleading in that it implies a palace functionary charged with
making public pronouncements. Ils is rather a temple functionary; and since his j o b
is to summon the faithful to prayer, he is necessarily (a) mortal, and (b) a BronzeAge Canaanite precursor of the Islamic mu'addin.
words, the king might well have wished he were dead. (2) Yassib is
'instructed' (V wsr) by his jinn (Ug. ggr)he is a school-boy listening to the wrong teacher. (3) T h e charges laid by Yassib against his
father are instructive for the insight they provide to the Canaanite
view of kingship. T h e most important task of the king is not to lead
in battle (which is precisely what Keret does in K T U 1.14 = RS
2.[003]+) but to administer justice fairly and compassionately (something he is never seen to do). 33 T h e Canaanite king is first and foremost a 'judge', in contrast to his Amorite counterpart whose claim
is based on personal charisma as a warrior proven in batde (gibbr
hayyil). In this sociological sense, Aqhat is older than Keret, in that the
former describes its (male) heroes, young and old, in terms derived
from the military lexicon. Keret is a mlk,H Dan'el a gzr. (4) In addition to ferocity and hilarity, the curse also contains the most important clues, suitably and cleverly embroidered into the finale, to the
identity of pseudonymic Bt-Hbr, lit., 'House-of-Union'. 3 5 T h e king
calls on 'Astarte-name-of-Baal'i.e., Baalatand Yassib's dislodged
teeth are to fall out 'altogether', for which the poet chooses the rare
(b)gbl (Palmyrene-Aramaic gbl 'community', M H e b . gbl 'to mixtogether (as porridge)', which plays on the original form of 'Byblos',
i.e. G B L / G u b l a (Heb. Gba).
2.4
33
Contrast the description of the (non-royal!) judge Dan'el! For all their impudence, Yassib's words thus contain a germ of truth. This motif of 'truth from the
mouth of babes' is especially prominent in Aqhat (cf. M A R G A L I T 1989, passim).
Noteworthy too is Absalom, like Yassib motivated by a desire to depose his father,
who sets himself up as a judge in the gateway, intercepting his father's 'clients', in
order to establish his credentials for kingship.
34
As well as (Heb. s'a) a title which he (presumably) shares with the other
members of the Bt-Hbr nobility.
35
Cf. Akk. /)ibru(m), a Canaanite loanword denoting 'clan' (OB) and 'in gathering (of fruit)' (LB)cf. AHw, 344. In the 11th cent. Egyptian Wen-Amon story,
f}-b-r denotes a joint commercial venture (AJVET 27, n. 17). ^l(fbr and Igbl are thus
fully synonymous terms.
36
What J. H U I Z I N G A (Homo loudens) has said of 'play' is equally true of writing
poetry: 'all play is a voluntary activity. Play to order is no longer play; it could at
best be a forcible imitation of it. By this quality of freedom alone, play marks itself
off from the course of the natural process. It is something added thereto and spread
out over it like a flowering, an o r n a m e n t , a g a r m e n t . ' (Beacon ed., 1955, 7).
Elsewhere (ibid., 132) he rightly observes that poetry as such is a form of play.
The
Story
of
Aqhat
Nicolas
3.1
(KTU
1.17-19)
W y a t t
Introduction
1
See B O R D R E U I L - P A R D E E ( 1 9 8 9 ,
systems for the texts are as follows:
26, 30-32).
RS
VIROLLEAUD
GORDON
HERDNER
2. [004]
2D
3.340
3 D
3.322+
2 Aqht
3 Aqht
1 Aqht
C T A 17
C T A 18
C T A 19
LORETZ -
SANMARTIN
K T U 1.17
K T U 1.18
K T U 1.19
T h e tablets are located as follows: K T U 1.17, 19 in the Louvre (AO 17. 324 and
A O 17.323 respectively), K T U 1.18 in the British Museum (AO 17.325 = BM
L84).
2
Published by V I R O L L E A U D 1936a (Editio Princeps).
3
Typical expressions are 'clearly at least one further tablet must have followed':
G I B S O N 1 9 7 5 , 6 6 . 'At least four tablets': DE M O O R 1 9 8 7 , 2 2 4 . P A R K E R 1 9 9 2 , 9 9 ,
1 3 4 - 5 , still evidently had a fourth tablet in mind, but refrained from identifying it
with K T U 1 . 2 0 = RS 3 . 3 4 8 . See also P A R K E R 1 9 9 7 , 4 9 .
4
Provisionally K T U 9.432. See C A U O T 1992, B O R D R E U I L 1995a, 2.
3.2
ii
iii
iv
vi
18
ii
iii
iv
19
ii
iii
6
This is the folk-tale idiom for worship with sacrifices, but uses the figure of
face to face, person to person, communication between deity and devotee.
iv
As can be seen from this synopsis, there are tantalizing gaps in the
narrative. Particularly u n c l e a r a n d consequently open to variations
in reconstructive guessworkis the sequence of events in K TU 1.18.
T h e synopsis above represents this author's reading of the story.
Again, the last column of K T U 1.19 breaks off at the most inopportune moment. It is commonly supposed that Pughat went on to
kill Yatipan, which would provide a relatively satisfying dnouement,
but would leave Anat, the true villain of the piece, unscathed. O n
the other hand, as pointed out below, 8 this is to apply our moral
expectations to a divine power, and may misread the author's intention. W h e t h e r or not K T U 1.20-22 = R S 3.348, 2.[019], 2.[024]
have any close relationship with Aqhat must remain an open question. But while they are narrative in form (and they appear to be
three versions of substantially the same narrative, though Pitard opines
below 6.4that tablets K T U 1.21 and 1.22 = RS 2. [019], 2. [024]
may be two parts of one whole), we cannot assume that the mention of Danel proves a link, since a n u m b e r of stories may have
been attached to the same figure.
1976,
1975,
DRESSLER
1975,
1979,
1983,
GIBSON
1 9 7 5 , WATSON
1976,
.,
3.3
History of interpretation*
(1936)
1938,
There is insufficient space to offer a complete survey here, and much of the
earlier discussion is in any case now outmoded. I shall therefore merely oudine one
or two salient features of early discussion, and concentrate on later work. For literature before their respective publication dates see also the surveys in CAQUOT SZNYCER - HERDNER 1974, 401-15, DEL OLMO LETE 1981a, 327-401, and MARGALIT
1989a, 3-92.
1(1
He writes of them being 'redacted in the fourteenth century' and of a considerable lapse of time between their original formation and reduction to writing
by Ilimilku (VIROLLEAUD 1936a, 83). This dating is now in course of modification.
See PARDEE 1997c, 376 n. 2, and below, 13, nn. 284, 289, 311.
11
VIROLLEAUD 1936a, 117, 203-5.
12
O n e of the grounds for considering that the rulers of Ugarit were originally
from the Hauran-Galilee region lies in the familiarity of the tradition with the
toponyms of the region. See discussion, with further references, in M A R G A L I T 1989a,
14-7.
13
GASTER
GASTER
1961
(1966)
320-6.
FONTENROSE 1 9 8 1 , G R A V E S 1 9 6 0 ,
has no obvious links with the stars; 15 and while it would be nice
to find them, we should beware of assuming them on the basis of
'parallels' some centuries younger. But Gaster's work on this aspect
deserves more extensive re-evaluation as our knowledge of the stellar dimension to U g a n d a n religion, now known only fragmentarily,
develops further. But even establishing a stellar basis does nothing
for the explication of a text from which any such putative elements
are now clearly missing. 16
D r i v e r (1956, 8) gave only a slight treatment of the significance
of the story. H e stated that the theme of Aqhat 'is a righteous king's
need of a son', but a couple of paragraphs later wrote that 'the main
theme of the myth is clearly the death and resurrection of Aqhat',
thus introducing a new perception of what concerned the narrator,
before concluding that in view of the damaged condition of the material 'no satisfactory interpretation of the myth is possible'! This final
assessment is certainly the most cautious. But it should be noted that
Driver raised two interesting issues: the problem of whether Danel
was a king, and the death and resurrection motif.
|R>
G A S T E R ' S (1961 [1966], 322) linking of the bow with the constellation of Canis
major is certainly intriguing!
"' T h e only hint at a richer background is Pughat's epithetal yd't hlk kbkbm, 'who
know(s) the courses of the stars', K T U 1.19 = RS 3.322+ ii 2 - 3 etc.
17
WYATT 1998C, 2 8 4 a n d n .
18
Cf.
GRONDAHI.
151.
365.
'Hurrian?': DLU,
54.
dealt briefly with Aqhat in the broader context of ancient Near Eastern tales. Her treatment was too cursory
to contribute much to the discussion, but she served the useful purpose of highlighting the conventional folklore motifs to be found in
the story.- 1
In his edition of the texts, d e l O l m o L e t e 1 9 8 1 offered an extensive analysis of Aqhat. H e classified it as 'epic', along with Keret, and
ran through the scenes, analyzing the literary sub-type of each episode,
drawing on parallels in biblical and other ancient Near Eastern literatures. In reverting to a general statement of the text's 'sense and
function' (pp. 3 5 4 - 6 4 ) , he reiterated its epic nature, judging it however
Irvin
19
(1978,
ASTOUR
76-78)
read the
D N
sml at
K T U
1.39
RS
1.001.14,
counted.
20
M A R G A L I T 1989a, 58, characteristically summed up their exposition as an
account of 'a pastor or a priest. . . [who] teaches platitudes'!
21
She identifies them according to T H O M P S O N 1 9 5 5 - 8 .
more 'mythical' than Keret, since the deities are more involved as
dramatis persona, and not merely invoked in conventional religious
terms. ' T h e gods avenge themselves' in response to Aqhat's insolence, he stated (p. 355), discerning a general theological argument
here, and the supreme god 'has to yield to the caprice of an inferior deity'. 22 This theological quality makes it difficult to estimate a
historical basis for the story, as though that were desirable. Del O l m o
Lete attempted to give a serious theological account, but his assessment of 'the caprice of the gods, their amoral conduct' (p. 356)
seems to me to misconstrue the significance of mythological 23 action.
H e later (p. 358) drew attention to another theological point, the
contrast between Danel who is obedient to the gods and receives a
positive response, and Aqhat who confronts them and is accordingly
rebuffed. But while this is true in terms of narrative device, and of
psychology and pastoral theology, it perhaps disguises the real problem on a purely metaphysical level, which is that the different deities
encountered in the story are quite differently motivated in their relationships with humans. T h a t is, the deities as reifications of certain
metaphysical principles are credited with their own motivation, which
operates independently of immediate h u m a n motivation. Anat is after
all, as goddess of war and hunting, by nature vicious, pitiless and
scheming. T h a t is the role she is constructed to play. We are left
feeling that no a m o u n t of diplomacy on Aqhat's part would have
saved him. Certainly no a m o u n t of piety on Danel's part does him
any good.
Margalit has written a n u m b e r of studies on Aqhat, culminating
in his large-scale commentary ( M a r g a l i t 1981a, 1983b, 1984c, 1989),
the first study on a single narrative from Ugarit on this scale. 24 This
is extremely thorough, but is a very difficult volume to work with,
in view of its division into separate blocks dealing with the same
22
For my slightly different assessment of the general theological principles at
work see below, 13.3.2.6.
23
I am writing here of the mental disposition rather than the literary genre,
though the two naturally overlap. As though grappling with this issue, del Olmo
Lete (p. 356 and n. 90) writes that Aqhat is 'nearer "myth" than the "epic of Kirta"',
and (n.) '[Aqhat's] intermediate position between saga and myth is recognized'.
'Caprice' is also a term appearing in de Moor's assessment (below). For further
observations on the adequate assessment of myth see 13.4 below.
24
The studies on the Baal cycle by DE M O O R (1971) and VAN Z I J L (1972a) are
not formal commentaries in the same sense, and in any case the Baal material is
altogether more heterogeneous than Aqhat or Keret.
materials from different perspectives and no adequate cross-referencing aids. Trying to achieve this during use is a taxing occupation. It begins (pp. 3-92) with a useful survey of previous work,
though this is perhaps excessively negative, not to say waspish, in its
assessment of others' efforts. 25 T h e r e follows a prosodie analysis (pp.
93-105), separated by nearly four hundred pages from the appendix on the principles of Ugaritic prosody (pp. 495-502). It is fair to
say that Margalit has ploughed a lonely furrow on this topic, for
few have expressed support for his approach, or are as optimistic as
he that he has solved the considerable problems the topic raises.
Following the initial position-statement on prosody, he offered a
textual analysis (pp. 107-14), followed by a text layout (unvocalized,
pp. 117-41); this is followed in turn by a translation (pp. 143-66),
then by textual and epigraphic notes (pp. 167-246), and finally by
a literary commentary, prefaced by short units of the unvocalized
text (again!) and punctuated by excursi on various topics (pp. 2 4 7 469), before an exegetical overview, a brief statement on Ugaritic
literature and the Hebrew Bible and the final appendix. T w o theoretical positions dominate the work, the non-royal nature of Danel
(on which see further below), and the so-called 'Kinneret hypothesis', according to which the narrative is at home in the Galilee region.
He even considered the Kinneret to be an actor in the drama (p. 411:
'the personified Kinnereth, "unwilling" to disclose the identity of the
assailant, must be punished as "accessory after the fact"'). This seems
a trifle excessive.
Parker has written two studies ( P a r k e r 1987, 26 1989, 99-144) on
Aqhat. In the former, he deplored the atomistic nature of previous
philological approaches to the poem, and the patternistic bias of religious approaches. T h e time had come for a literary approach. While
caution must be urged in view of the fragmentary nature of the text,
a useful approach, on essentially form-critical terms, was the establishment of the types of traditional material employed. 27 'Hypothetically
25
28
P A R K K R 1 9 8 7 , 7 7 , notes that while the language in Baal and Aqhat is remarkably similar, the theme of the goddess' insubordination before the high god is far
less apposite in the former. He adduces a closer relationship between Aqhat and
Gilgamesh.
29
P A R K E R 1 9 8 7 , 7 9 , appears to hold the father of the raptors responsible. In fact
it is their mother, Sumul, who is so described, in K T U 1 . 1 9 iii 2 8 - 3 9 . The birds
are identified as vultures, p. 78. For the present author they are rather falcons.
30
Does he mean an element of the 'fertility cult' here? He does not say. At
most, what can be said is that fertility represents divine blessing, while sterility is
the outcome of a curse, and in broad terms fertility also has to do with royal power
and its effective implementation. The loss of a prince is a threat to a kingdom.
However, P A R K E R notes ( 1 9 8 7 , 8 3 ) the lack of overt emphasis on royal issues.
31
M A R G A L I T 1989a, 72.
have afforded its readers and hearers the opportunity of seeing themselves mirrored in the world of the story, 'a satisfying portrayal of
life in an idealized past era, a life with its own tragedies, but also
with its own orderly and beautiful institutions that in the end prevailed' (p. 143).
In his translation of the texts, d e M o o r 1 9 8 7 , 2 2 4 - 6 6 , made a
n u m b e r of comments on the literary features of the story. In keeping
with his broader assessment of Ugaritian theology, 32 he saw Aqhat as
dealing 'with life and death, and with the fate of m a n who all too
often appears to be the victim of divine caprice'. Read in the light
of his earlier and later treatments of Ugaritic theology, this is not a
perspective to be taken seriously, since he appears to have envisaged
a culture incapable of the moral insight to question its own bankrupt theology. T h e authors are thus as benighted as their literary
characters. At best Ilimilku reflects a disillusioned and pessimistic
oudook supposedly typical of the Late Bronze Mediterranean world. 33
Into this scenario d e M o o r (1990, 97 = 1997, 99) wove an argument developed some years earlier ( d e M o o r 1988a), discerning in
Aqhat a further outworking of the seasonal pattern he had previously
argued to be the foundation of the Baal Cycle ( d e M o o r 1971). In
the 1988 article he expressed the principle thus: 'Ilimilku . . . deliberately wove a seasonal pattern into the Legend of Aqhatu out of
his conviction that life on earth revolves according to a circular pattern that had been laid down in the pristine age of myth' (p. 61).
H e then proceeded to fix episodes in the narrative in sequence
through the calendrical year in the same m a n n e r as had been done
for the Baal cycle. T h e substantial objections raised by some scholars to the seasonal interpretation were dismissed as of no consequence ( d e M o o r 1988a, 75 n. 6).
(1990) 34 offered a very thorough analysis of the narrative
from a folk-literature perspective, drawing on the work of Propp,
Dundes and Dolezel. H e saw the narrative structure in terms of a
series of different thematic levels, and of alternating patterns; 'lacks'
Aitken
32
D E M O O R 1986b, 1990, 42-100 (= 1997, 41-102). For my views on this issue
see 13.3 below.
33
See DE M O O R 1990, 99 (= 1997, 101). In my view the observations made here
result from a mistranslation of K T U 1.19 ii 34-36. For my translation see W Y A T T
1998c, 301.
34
This is the published form of an Edinburgh PhD dissertation from 1978. The
latest entries in the bibliography are from 1984.
being 'liquidated' (not the most apposite term in view of Aqhat's liquidation!) as desires were met or situations reversed (e.g. a son for
the hero, a bow for the hero, the bow for Anat, and so on) or a
status quo maintained. A m o n g the oppositions a set of equivalences
(called 'the synonymous sequence') is also developed, and periodic repetition (e.g. searching the falcons' gizzards for the remains of Aqhat
maintain tension and development to a climax. Aitken was able to
achieve this, quite legitimately, in spite of the considerable gaps in
the narrative, and showed the tight construction of the surviving text,
and, as he put it (p. 206), 'of the skill and artistry of its narrator,
the Ugaritic teller of tales'.
3.4
35
36
37
38
GASTER 1 9 6 1 , 3 1 6 .
GRAY 1 9 6 9 , 2 9 6 .
D E L OLMO LETE 1981a, 3 3 2 - 3 ,
PARKER 1 9 8 7 , 7 2 ; 1 9 9 2 , 1 0 0 .
that Baal drew near (in a theophany), but to El, to whom he speaks
about Danel in the third person. If 'incubation' is to be used to
describe the scene, it requires a considerable extension of the classical meaning of the term.
3.4.2
T h e encounter between Anat and Aqhat in K T U 1.18 i (in particular 1. 24) has also given rise to much discussion. T h e key part of
the text reads at.ah.wan.x[ ]. It has been frequently restored, to read
at.ah.wan.a[htk].41 Was there a sexual encounter between Aqhat and
Anat? This was asserted by A l b r i g h t (1944, 33-4), but rejected by
G i n s b e r g (1945b, 19). T h e best argument against the c o m m o n view,
i.e. that there was, is that of D r e s s l e r 1979, followed by X e l l a
1984b. I have accepted this view. 42
39
N.
CA>UOT -
SZNYCER
1974,
405,
425
n.
f.,
HUSSER
1996,
WYATT
1998C,
262
50.
40
Note the pluperfect sense of 'rb bbth ktrt, 'the skilful goddesses had entered his
house', in K T U 1 . 1 7 ii 2 6 : H U S S E R 1 9 9 6 , 9 1 - 2 , W Y A T T 1 9 9 8 C , 2 6 4 and n. 6 1 .
41
Thus KTU1.
42
Instead of 'You are my brother and I am your sis[ter]', the passage is to be
read 'Come, brother, and I shall [ ]'. The putative reading a[htk\ is impossible. See
WYATT
1998C, 2 7 9
and
n.
132.
3.4.4
43
JACKSON -
DRESSLF.R
44
A king is 'bd DN, 'servant (or "gardener"WYATT 1990b) of DN'. Thus with
Judahite kings 'bdyhuoh, 'servant of Yahweh', or 'gardener of Yahweh'.
45
See
WYATT
1998C,
251
n.
6.
The bow
his argument for a positive view of the afterlife, and even attributed
a firm belief in a beatific vision to the psalmists.
T h e following translation of K T U 1 . 1 7 vi 3 6 ~ 3 8 4 6 represents my
rather less fulsome view of the matter. T h e key word in the problem of translation has been hrs occurring in 1. 37. I have explained
it as representing perhaps a misspelling of the more c o m m o n hrs,
'gold'. D i j k s t r a - d e M o o r ( 1 9 7 5 , 1 9 0 ) offered the same explanation, considering hrs however as a parallel form, d e M o o r ( 1 9 8 7 ,
239) later abandoned this view in favour of 'potash', but I consider
that his initial insight was to be preferred.
Man, (at his) end, what will he receive?
What will he receive, a man (as his destiny?
Silver will be poured on his head,
gold on top of his skull,
[and] the death of all I shall die,
and I shall surely die.
As I read this, Anat does indeed voice the possibility of a life after
death, probably based on the beliefs held regarding dead kings, all
of w h o m are 'divine' in some sense (cf. K T U 1.113 = RS 24.257.
13-26, where each R N is prefixed by il). Some dead kings (though
to judge from the evidence, legendary rather than historical figures,
since no members of the king-list apparently qualify) are even given
the accolade rpum (cf. 6.4), which I understand to denote dead and
deified kings, comparable perhaps to the heroes of the Greek cult.
However, while this idea is here broached, and Ilimilku may indeed
be floating the idea through the agency of Anat's speech, he also
offers through the medium of Aqhat's wholly negative answer a sound
critique of such unrealistic views.
46
Cf. W Y A T T 1998C, 274 and n. 115. I have modified the third colon here. T h e
colon begins spsg, translated in 1998c as 'a precious substance ? ', and variously translated as 'glaze' (|| 'quicklime': G I B S O N 1978, 109), 'enamel' (|| 'whitewash': DEL
O L M O L E T E 1981a, 378), 'glaze' (|| 'potash': DE M O O R 1987, 239), 'a coating' (|| 'limeplaster': M A R G A I . I T 1989, 151). 1 noted (1998c, 274 n. 115) that this is reminiscent
of Prov. 26:23, where the expression kesep siggim, was read by G I N S B E R G (1945b,
p. 2In. 55) as k-spsg\ym\, 'like glaze' on the strength of the Ugaritic. But this argument may be regarded as circular, in which one unknown is used to interpret
another. Perhaps the original kesep is to be retained in Proverbs, and restored to
the Ug. text as <k>spsg || hrs/*/j'rs. T h e -sg(ym) remains unexplained in both cases,
but that is another issue. But Ugaritic is relatively stereotypical in its use of regular word-pairs, and ksp || for s is fairly commonplace, occurring many times in the
repertoire. Furthermore, the Heb. term is pi. in form, while the Ug. is sg., thus
reducing the appearance of a seemingly identical terminology.
3.5
other than the biblical one (where also it is arguably an inappropriate basis for classification, since it really belongs to a polemic
rather than a detached analysis), it may be regarded as irrelevant to
serious discussion of the Ugaritic texts. More to the point is perhaps
the matter of authorial intention. If myth be defined, as it is likely
to be in social scientific terms, as stories bearing an ideological (which
may include a religious) or paradigmatic message to their public,
then the issue of the nature of the characters, divine, h u m a n , or even
animal, is secondary. These elements are important. Fables, folk and
fairy tales, though they contain characters drawn from myth, have
lost the absolute imperative of the ideological norm, which demands
obedience to a conventional set of values, duties and taboos, and
effectively authorizes sanctions against non-conformists. But an element of freedom in the development of a tradition exists. T h u s the
myth (e.g. the Chaoskampf, which is integral to the maintenance of
royal ideology) may slowly evolve into other forms, such as 'St George
and the dragon', which retains vestiges of ideology, and the 'Celtic
dragon myth', which does not. T h u s genre is not absolute, as a given
narrative may be developing from one genre to another.
We noted above del O l m o Lete's and Parker's remarks on the
matter of genre. These highlighted, to my mind, the inadequacy of
the 'genre' approach, in so far as it seeks to establish literary types,
each with its own distinctive mental disposition, attitude to history,
to religion, and so on. These divisions are part of our need to structure our thoughts on such issues, and all too frequently bring a sledgeh a m m e r to crack a nut. Absolute categorizations, of the 'saga',
'legend', 'myth', 'epic' kind, are always subjective, if only because
no one agrees on definitions, and merely cut off various avenues of
retreat from the absolute judgments which each genre is felt to entail.
I prefer like many scholars to speak more neutrally of the 'story' of
Aqhat (and of Keret), noting different tendencies on various issues. This
avoids hostages to fortune, and still leaves narrators free to indulge
in a degree of eclecticism, perhaps drawing on different, or even
hybrid genres, and us free to estimate the broad mental stance of
the tradition, unencumbered by the demands imposed by arbitrary
classification.
T h e most obvious starting-point for an assessment should be the
global one of the LBA Weltanschauung of Ugaritian culture, as established through broad studies of its cosmology, theology, mythology
and ritual forms. I am entirely happy to call this 'mythological', in
the sense in which a modern religious response in devotion, scripturereading and cult remains mythological, since it operates on a different
level from the purely empirical. 'Mythological' is the more useful in
that while it relates to myth, it may also denote quasi-mythic features in other genres, such as deities featuring as characters, the suspension of empirical laws for narrative effect, and so on. 48
Aqhat is to be seen as a story, built up as Parker showed around
a n u m b e r of motifs, and as Aitken showed around a n u m b e r of
themes, motifs, formulae and word-pairs. T h e stages of its literary
prehistory are no longer recoverable, partly on account of the considerable skills of the tradents, partly because no one motivation
seems evident in its construction; but in the hands of Ilimilku there
is a case to answer that the poet pressed it into service in the interests of royal propaganda. T o this extent it has become an ideological text. And in so far as Ilimilku has brought an ideological element
into traditional material, he has blurred the distinction between genres, and produced composite works.
3.6
A n u m b e r of commentators have remarked on the 'patriarchal' characterization of Danel, undoubtedly with an eye to similarities in the
presentation of the patriarchs of the Genesis narratives. T h e r e too
a domestic, almost bucolic gloss is given to narrative themes which
address the most urgent needs of h u m a n societies, their very physical survival, expressed most typically in the yearning of a m a n for
a son, who will support him in his declining years and perform his
obsequies. T h e r e is a surprising tautness to the text (well illustrated
in Aitken's treatment), with no word too m a n y and an action that
proceeds deliberately, its pace tailored to the various levels of meaning requiring weaving into the whole.
T h e fourfold repetition of the duties of the pious son, for instance,
is no mechanical overkill by a poetaster, but a skilful development
of one of the main themes of the story. While it is unprovable, it
is worth suggesting that this is one of Ilimilku's own insertions into
the traditional Vorlage, since it is so germane to his own concerns, if
my analysis is correct. In K T U 1.17 = R S 2. [004] i 2 6 - 3 3 the for-
48
49
In both contexts too, in Genesis and Aqhat, we discern ideological concerns either overtly expressed, or simmering beneath the surface. T h e patriarchs are royal and priesdy ancestors, and Danel is
a king, whose fecundity determines the future of his kingdom. T h e
domestic flavour is deceptive: in their final form both traditions are
pregnant with ideological power.
The
Wayne
4.1
RPUM
T.
Texts
Pitard
266;
and
NACCACHE
1995.
Unfortunately the inventory lists for the first two seasons were lost, probably
during World War II (cf. B O R D R E U I L
P A R D E E 1 9 8 9 , 1 3 ) . It is known that these
tablets were registered with topographic points that were marked on ground-plans
that still exist. T h e tablets of the second season were numbered with points 2 1 0 - 6 4 .
Unfortunately, excavations that year took place all along the western side of the
house, in the street along its southern boundary, in the room to the west of the
southern entry, and in a room to the east of the larger interior courtyard. So these
topographic points are scattered throughout the house (see the plan in B O R D R E U I L P A R D E E 1 9 8 9 , 2 5 ) . Because the third fragment and most of the other literary texts
were found in the entry room or just outside the doorway, it seems probable that
invitations are offered five other times in the three fragments, each
in a broken context that does not allow us to confirm whether these
come from the same deity. Each invitation seems to be followed by
a description of the journey to the banquet.' Both K T U 1.22 = R S
2.[024] and K T U 1.20 = R S 3.348 seem to describe the arrival of
the group at a threshing floor, where the banquet is apparently given,
and K T U 1.22 = R S 2. [024] i 10-25 describes the feast as lasting
for a week. O n the seventh day, it appears that the god Baal arrives.
But his function in the story, and indeed the purpose of the gathering of the rpum for the banquet remains unclear, and the text breaks
off at this point. Beyond these few elements of the story, little certainty about the plot of the narrative and its meaning is possible.
Not only is the larger context of the fragments lost, but the broken nature of the narrative makes it impossible to ascertain even
some of the basic elements of the preserved story line. For example, not only is it uncertain whether all six invitations are offered
by the same character, but it is also unclear whether the invitation
is addressed to the same set of rpum, or whether different groups of
rpum are being invited to the feast. Further, the fragments contain
almost no information about the characteristics and identity of the
rpum. In fact, about all we can say with certainty about them is that
they travel by chariot and that they eat heartily at the feast. O n e
passage in the more complete column of K T U 1.22 = RS 2.[024]
(col. i, lines 4-10), seems to describe a company of rpum who arrive
at the banquet, but the text, though completely preserved, is frus-
tratingly ambiguous. O n e finds critical words here that may be interpreted either as proper names of the rpum, or as verbs describing
actions taken by some of the story's characters. 5 In other cases, one
cannot be sure whether certain construct nouns are to be construed
as singular or plural. T h u s the mhr b'l, mhr ent, and rpu b'l, in lines
8 - 9 , may be titles of individual characters (i.e. 'the warrior of Baal',
'the warrior of Anat', and 'the rpu of Baal'), 6 or they may designate
large numbers of persons (i.e. 'the warriors of Baal', 'the warriors of
Anat', and 'the rpum of Baal'). 7 T h e ambiguity here makes it impossible to use this section to help define the nature of the rpum.
O t h e r problems arise. H o w is one to understand the relationship
between the three fragments? Since K T U 1.22 = R S 2. [024] and
K T U 1.20 = R S 3.348 both describe the arrival of the rpum at the
threshing floor where a banquet is served, is it best to assume that
the two fragments are separate versions of the same scene, fortuitously overlapping, 8 or are they describing two different banquets?
T h e latter interpretation is possible since K T U 1.20 = R S 3.348
depicts the banquet as being hosted by a h u m a n , Danel, a character
also known from the Aqhat epic, while the banquet of K T U 1.22 =
R S 2.[024] may be hosted by Ilu. Since the former text almost certainly comes from a different tablet, it may actually be part of a
completely different narrative that just happened to have a similar
convocation of the rpum as a story element.
In addition, what is the relationship between K T U 1.22 = R S
2.[024] and K T U 1.21 = R S 2.[019]? 9 D o they belong to a single
Beyond this problem of interpretation, the translations just quoted also point up
another major ambiguity in these lines. T h e word alrh may be analyzed as a preposition with a suffix, 'after him', or it can be understood as a noun, atr, 'place, shrine'
with a possessive pronoun, 'to his shrine', or simply a directional marker, 'to the
place/shrine'.
5
For example, is tmq in line 8 a verb (as translated by D R I V E R 1956, 69; L ' H E U R E U X
1979, 152-53; C A Q U O T 1974, 474-75; S P R O N K 1986, 171; DE M O O R 1987, 272; L E W I S
1997, 203) or the proper name of a character (as translated by AISTLEITNER 1964, 85;
DEL O L M O L E T E 1981a, 423; DIJKSTRA 1988, 47; W Y A T T 1998c, 321 n. 38)? The same
question arises concerning the word yhpn in line 9. Some commentators take it as
a proper name (AISTLEITNER 1964, 85; DEL O L M O L E T E 1981a, 423; DIJKSTRA 1988,
47; W Y A T T 1998c, 321); others as a verb ( G O R D O N 1966, 141; D R I V E R 1956, 69;
L ' H E U R E U X 1979, 152-53; SPRONK 1986, 171; DE M O O R 1987, 272; L E W I S 1997, 203).
6
Rendered thus by D R I V E R 1956, 69; C A Q U O T et al. 1974, 474-75; DEL O L M O
L E T E 1981a, 423; DIJKSTRA 1988, 47; W Y A T T 1998C, 321.
7
Translated thus or similarly in G O R D O N 1 9 6 6 , 1 4 1 ; A I S T L E I T N E R 1 9 6 4 , 8 5 ;
L'HEUREUX
8
9
E.g.
See
1 9 7 9 , 1 5 2 - 5 3 ; SPRONK 1 9 8 6 , 1 7 1 ; DE M O O R
DE M O O R
DIJKSTRA
1 9 8 7 , 2 7 2 ; LEWIS 1 9 9 7 ,
203.
tablet, or may they belong to two separate ones, once again overlapping in the part of the story recounted? T h e latter possibility
cannot be ruled out, since the vast majority of the lines in K T U
1.21 = RS 2. [019] i are repeated in K T U 1.22 = RS 2. [024] ii. In
particular, the former preserves two invitations to the rpum, followed
by two descriptions of them making the journey toward the shrine
or palace, while the latter has a threefold appearance of the same
basic lines. Would such an extraordinary amount of repetition in
two small fragments of a single tablet be plausible, or is it better to
identify them as duplicates? Again, there is no definitive argument
for either interpretation. T h e a m o u n t of repetition is indeed surprising in such a small n u m b e r of preserved lines. O n the other
hand, multiple reiterations are well attested in the Ugaritic poems, 1 0
and it is possible to develop scenarios of the story that would allow
for so m a n y recurrences of the invitation (e.g., that different groups
of rpum are being invited to the feast).
And finally, is there a relationship between these fragments and
the Aqhat epic? T h e appearance of Danel in K T U 1.20 = RS 3.348
has led a n u m b e r of scholars to argue that the rpum texts are the
remains of a fourth tablet of the Aqhat narrative." T h e y interpret
the banquet as a preliminary to the restoration of Aqhat to life or
some similar dnouement which would have brought the story to its
conclusion. T h e problem with this proposal is that, apart from the
presence of Danel in this text, there is nothing in the rpum texts that
suggests that the action described in these fragments relates in any
way to such a proposed scenario. Others have pointed out that Danel
may have been the subject of more than one narrative at Ugarit,
and that his presence here does not require that the fragments be
related to the other known narrative in which he plays a role. 12 At
this point it seems best not to insist on a relationship between them
and the Aqhat story.
4.2
Undoubtedly the biggest hindrance to gaining a proper understanding of these texts is the uncertainty about the nature of the rpum,
10
See for example the four-fold repetition of the duties of an ideal son in the
Aqhat epic (KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] i 25-33; 42-7; ii 1-9; 14-23).
" For example, S P R O N K 1986, 160-1; C A Q U O T et al. 1974, 463; DE M O O R 1976,
332; M A R G A L I T 1989a, 464-5; G R A Y 1965, 126-9.
12
E.g. P I T A R D 1992b, 73; D I J K S T R A 1988, 36; and L E W I S 1996b, 119.
and the 'ancient rpun are royal ancestors of 'Ammurapi from the
distant past. Since the word, ars, 'earth', was sometimes used to designate the netherworld, one can render rpu ars, 'the rpum of the
netherworld'.
(3) A passage at the end of the Baal epic K T U 1.6 = R S 2. [009]+ vi
45-9) contains two bicola in which the four words rpim, ilnym, ilm,
and mtm may be understood as synonymous with one another: p
rpim.th.tk \ p thtk.ilnym | 'dk.ilm \ hn.mtm.'dk. This may be translated
as 'Shapshu (the sun goddess), you rule over the rpum, | Shapshu,
you rule over the godlike ones. | T h e gods are your company, |
See, the dead are your company'. It should be noted, however, that
these interpretations of K T U 1.161 = RS 34.126 and 1.6 = RS
2. [009]+ are by no means certain (see below). T h e y cannot be considered decisive for favouring this identification of the rpum.
4.2.2
The r p u m as deities
M u c h of the same evidence can be used to argue that the rpum are
better understood as deities, rather than spirits of the dead. 1 5 Some
scholars would identify them specifically as minor netherworld deities, closely associated with Baal. Others have proposed that the term
may designate any deity, major or minor, who is called upon by Ilu
to perform a special function. Arguments for identifying the rpum as
deities include the fact that the term rpum is several times paralleled
by the term ilnym, 'godlike or godly ones', quite plausibly a divine
title, and perhaps by the term ilm, 'gods' as well."' Arguments against
identifying them as the dead (as described above) and for seeing
them as deities instead also include the following:
(1) Later meanings of words do not always parallel earlier meanings
of the cognates in other languages. T h u s the Hebrew and Phoenician
15
See S C H M I D T 1 9 9 4 , 8 3 - 9 2 and L ' H E U R E U X 1 9 7 9 , 1 1 6 - 9 for a history of this
view. L ' H E U R E U X also argues that the rpum of our texts are deities, not spirits of
the dead, though in other passages the word may designate such spirits. See ibid.
2 0 5 - 6 , 2 1 5 - 3 0 . The idea that the rpum are deities should be distinguished from the
view of those who argue that the dead are deified at Ugarit and thus can be
identified as both spirits of the dead and gods.
16
The occurrences are: K T U 1 . 2 0 = RS 3 . 3 4 8 i 1 - 2 ; K T U 1 . 2 1 = RS 2 . [ 0 1 9 ]
i 3 - 4 , 11-2; K T U 1.22 = RS 2. [024] ii 5 - 6 ; all relatively certain, but all in broken contexts, and in K T U 1 . 6 = RS 2 . [ 0 0 9 ] + vi 4 5 - 9 . Parallels with the word dm,
'gods', probably occur in K T U 1 . 2 0 = RS 3 . 3 4 8 ii 1 2 and 8 - 9 , both, however,
in very broken contexts.
See
SCHMIDT
1994,
84-8.
Some scholars have argued that at least certain of the Ugaritic references to the rpum are best understood as referring to living persons. 18 In this interpretation, they are usually identified as an elite
group of chariot warriors who had strong connections with the king.
Those who support this idea argue primarily from the passage in
the Keret epic, K T U 1.15 = R S 3.343+ iii 2 - 4 and 13-5 in which
Keret is praised by Ilu himself: 'Greatly exalted is Keret in the midst
of the rpum of the earth (or land), | in the gathering of the assembly of Ditanu'. Supporters argue that 'rpum of the earth' in this passage can hardly refer to the spirits of the dead, since it would be
inappropriate in the context of the exaltation of Keret to proclaim
his preeminence a m o n g the dead. 1 9 T h e 'assembly of Ditanu' (qbs
dtn), the phrase that is parallel to rpu ars in the passage, can plausibly be identified as a designation for the leaders of the Ditanu clan.
This suggests an earthly, political and social context for the rpum.
T h e military imagery of our three rpum texts (especially the use of
chariotry and the appearance of what seems to be a military host
in K T U 1.22 = R S 2. [024] ii 4 - 1 0 ) fits reasonably into this reading as well. Most scholars who identify the rpum as living humans
18
See L ' H E U R E U X 1 9 7 9 , 1 2 0 7 for a history of this type of proposal. More
recently see S C H M I D T 1 9 9 1 , 7 1 - 1 2 1 for a detailed defence of the argument, including a number of new elements. G R A Y 1 9 4 9 argued that the rpum were elite leaders, perhaps heads of clans, or perhaps priests, who accompanied the king in rituals
designed to insure fertility of crops. This view has generally not been followed.
19
Those who believe that the rpum are spirits of the dead or deities dispute this,
arguing that since the rpum play an important role in the preservation and support
of the king, Keret's exaltation in the midst the ancestors is a reasonable image to
use in the story. See P O P E 1 9 7 7 , 1 6 6 - 7 ; F O R D 1 9 9 2 , 7 3 - 6 .
also assume that even after these chariot warriors died, they continued to be called rpum, so that there were both living and dead
rpum. This would explain the origin of the usage of the term for the
dead. Note is often made of the fact that the Bible refers to an
ancicnt tribe of giants, located in northern C a n a a n and Transjordan
before the establishment of Israel, as rephaim (Gen. 14:5, 15:20; Deut.
2:11, 20; 3:11, 13; Jos. 12:4, 13:12; 17:15). K n o w n for their military prowess, these rephaim are thought to be a dim memory of the
elite warrior class of that name in the Late Bronze Age. So again
we find some plausible arguments, but again none of the texts used
to support the interpretation provide irrefutable evidence. Plausible,
alternative interpretations of each of these passages have been made.
T h u s in the final analysis, no decisive conclusions about the identity of the rpum can yet be drawn. It is quite possible, as several
scholars have argued, that the word had more than one meaning in
the Ugaritic texts and that different contexts require different meanings. O n the other hand, other scholars have made plausible cases
for seeing all the occurrences of the word as referring to a single
group of beings, either spirits, gods, or humans. Only further discoveries of texts relating to the rpum are likely to improve the present situation.
From the preceding discussion, it is clear that these texts are exceedingly ambiguous and that great caution should be used in drawing upon them to reconstruct aspects of Ugaritic or Syro-Palestinian
culture. In many cases such caution has not been employed, so that
the rpum texts have been used extensively as the basis for elaborate
descriptions of Ugaritic concepts concerning afterlife by scholars who
identify the rpum as spirits of the dead. 20 A similar situation has also
occurred in some of the reconstructions of the Ugaritic military and
20
its relation to the royal house by those who view the rpum as living
elite warriors. 2 ' It is important not to place too much interpretational weight on ambiguous and problematic texts such as these.
Before they can be used as sources for dealing with the wider issues
of Canaanite religion and society, a clearer understanding of the
texts themselves is necessary.
21
GRAY
1952,
39-41.
THE
INCANTATIONS
KLAAS
5.1
SPRONK
Introduction
LUDWIG
1987,
151.
For the much larger corpus of Akkadian incantations see the surveys by F R B E R
1981, 1984 and 1987.
3
Cf. A R N A U D 1995a. Within the context of the incantations' 'fire' can be regarded
as a reference to demons; cf. K T U 1.2 = RS 3.367 i 3, where the demoniacal
helpers of Yam are described as 'one, two fires'.
4
See on mnt P A R D E E 1 9 8 8 , 2 0 6 - 8 . According to DE M O O R 1 9 8 7 , 2 4 8 the masculine mn is attested in K T U 1 . 1 9 = RS 3 . 3 2 2 + i l l .
5
Cf. the expression man iptu, 'to recite an incantation', in Akkadian, cf. CAD
, III, 89.
6
Cf. J E F F E R S 1 9 9 6 , 1 8 , facing the same problem with regard to the more general theme of magic and divination.
B
,J
AVISHUR
XELLA
1981,
13.
1981, 207-50.
DE MOOR 1987,
175-90.
DIETRICH -
LORETZ
5.2
12
13
14
15
DEL OLMO
LETE
of the much debated text K T U 1.108 = RS 24.252, , e which is discussed below together with texts related to necromancy. Hymns also
seem to have formed a standard element in Hurrian prayers accompanying incense offerings ( K T U 1.44 = RS 1.007; K T U 1.51 = R S
1.027; K T U 1.54 = RS 1.034+; K T U 1.128 = RS 24.278; K T U
1.131 = RS 24.285). 17
In the legend of Aqhat we hear of his father Daniel praying (Ug.
sly) for rain ( K T U 1.19 = RS 3.322+ i 38 46). He calls on the
name of Baal, as 'rider of the clouds', and on his 'delightful voice',
that is of the thunder heralding coming showers. In a subsequent
scene, Daniel beseeches (Ug. sly) the gods that the small stalks in
the dry land may shoot up ( K T U 1.19 ii 15-25).
It is more c o m m o n for prayer to be part of ritual actions, as we
can see in the legend of Keret. T h e c o m m a n d to raise the hands
(in prayer) is paralleled by a reference to a sacrifice to El ( K T U
1.14 = R S 2.[003]+ ii 22-3). W e can also find this combination in
the ritual text K T U 1.41 = RS 1.003+, with prescriptions about the
annual celebration of the grape harvest in the month 'First of the
Wine'. T h e text ends with the same call for prayer as in the legend
of Keret. In K T U 1.87 = R S 18.056, a copy of K T U 1.41, these
last lines containing the reference to the king's prayer are missing.
T h e action described in K T U 1.41:50-5 is situated in another place:
not in the temple, but on its roof; and it refers to a sacrifice offered
to an unknown deity (prgl sqrn). This is probably a deity of Hurrian
origin. So the expansion of the text can be explained as due to later
Hurrian influence upon an older Ugaritic ritual. T h e king is said (or
prescribed) to offer a recitation (yrgm mlk), but we hear nothing of
its contents. Perhaps building on the assumption of Hurrian influence
one should think here of something like the Hurrian incense prayers
mentioned above. These texts all follow a similar pattern: after the
heading we read the names of the gods to w h o m the prayer is
addressed, together with a short hymn. T h e gods are asked to come
and receive the offerings and then to do something on behalf of the
suppliant. T h e texts end with mention of the messenger and in some
16
A V I S H U R 1994, 297-8 even speaks of the entire text as a 'hymn in honor of
EF, because of the striking similarity with Hebrew psalms and its vocabulary being
reminiscent of that found in hymns.
17
18
Cf.
DIETRICH -
MAYER
1994.
MARGALIT
-
SANMARTIN
19
C f . DE M O O R
1987,
159,
20
165, a n d
DE T A R R A G O N
1989,
154,
159.
Cf. L E V I N E
DE T A R R A G O N - R O B E R T S O N 1 9 9 7 , 2 9 9 , 3 0 1 . On the clapping of
hands serving 'to intensify the accompanying words and perhaps even to effectuate
the action' see Fox 1995.
21
Cf., for instance, B E R N H A R D T 1975, 239-40: 'Bittgesang an El und die Versammlung der Gtter'. See on this text A V I S H U R 1994, 308-9, who also lists and discusses
previous research.
22
Cf., for instance, B E R N H A R D T 1975, 239-40: 'Bittgesang an El und die Versammlung der Gtter'.
23
X E L L A 1 9 8 1 , 2 1 3 : 'almeno come ipotesi di lavoro, una sorta di "preghiera"'.
24
D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1 9 8 1 , 6 4 - 7 ; in their translation of this text in 1 9 8 8 they
call it 'Opfer fr El und seine Reprsentanten'; note also the problems with classifying this text in ATI/ 2 , 91: 'scribal exercise?, invocation of II?, prayer?, incantation?'.
25
AVISHUR
1994,
326,
525,
26
D E L OLMO LETE
341-3
and
WATSON -
DEL O L M O L E T E
1997.
27
See on this text X E L L A 1981, 25-34; W A T S O N 1984d, 360-2; DE M O O R 1987,
171-4; M I L L E R 1988; DEL O I . M O L E T E 1989; DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 197-205 =
1999, 292-306; P A R D E E 1993, 213-7; AVISHUR 1994, 253-6; W A T S O N 1996b.
28
O n this phenomenon see especially P A R D E E 1993a.
29
Cf. X E L L A 1 9 8 1 , 2 1 6 - 3 , with references to the older literature.
30
DE MOOR
1 9 7 0 3 1 2 ; RAINEY
1974,
191. CAQUOT
1979,
1404 and
1981,
74-5,
135,
DIETRICH
gives as the
5.3
T h e texts discussed under this heading are the ones that best fit the
narrow definition of an incantation given at the beginning. It concerns
independent texts with words of power used against evil forces from
the realm of gods and demons. T h e interpretation of these texts is
very difficult, not only because of the state of conservation of most
tablets, but also because of the genre of the texts, with unknown
vocabulary and often without a clear structure or line of thought.
T h e best example of an Ugaritic incantation is K T U 1.169 =
R I H 78/20. 3 1 Although there is much difference of opinion a m o n g
the interpreters about many details, it is generally accepted that we
are dealing here with a spell to drive off evil powers causing sickness, with the help of Baal, H o r o n and Ashera. It is not clear which
disease is meant here, 32 nor which power is causing it; according to
some it is indicated by dbbm in lines 1 and 9, although it is translated in different ways: 'flying demons' (de Moor), 'tormenters' (Pardee),
or 'accusers' (Fleming). Others (Dietrich - Loretz, Caquot) relate it
to Akkadian dabbu, 'word', and interpret it as a reference to the
words spoken to expel the (unnamed) demon. This difference of opinion returns in the interpretation of kspm (line 9) as 'sorcerers' indicating the black magic of demons, but according to others the magic
with which one can expel the forces of evil.33
T h e r e is more consensus about the verbs used in connection with
the expelling magic : ydy (line 1), 'to drive off', and gr/(line 9), 'chase
away'. Both are used in the legend of Keret in the repeated question 'who a m o n g the gods is able to cast out {ydy) the disease, to
expel (grs) the illness?' ( K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+ vi 10-28). In line
10, in close connection with ksp and grs, we find the root hbr. This
is reminiscent of the use of hbr in the H e b r e w Bible and Akkadian
abru, 'to bind', in Mesopotamian incantations. Avishur points to
Deut. 18:10-11 and to Isa. 47:9 with the word pair hbrym || kpym,
'enchantments 11 spells', and to a similar pair in the Akkadian Maql-
31
Cf.
A V I S H U R 1981; DE M O O R , 255-7; DE M O O R 1987, 183-6; D I E T R I C H 1988, 333-6; C A Q U O T 1989, 53-60; FLEMING 1991; DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a,
2 5 9 - 6 0 = 1999, 385-6; P A R D E E 1993, 211-3; FLEMING 1997; W Y A T T 1998C, 442~9.
32
D E M O O R 1980b, 257, and 1987, 184, n. 13, assumes that the patient suffered
from a 'cataleptic or epileptic seizure', Pardee thinks of 'male sexual disfunction'.
33
According to J E F F E R S 1 9 9 6 , 6 7 - 8 , one can leave open both possibilities.
LORETZ
1981a, 22-3.
34
AVISHUR
35
DIJKSTRA
36
C f . DEL O L M O L E T E -
1985,
150.
SANMARTIN
1996,
126-7
and
172. DIETRICH -
LORETZ
C f . VAN S O L D T
38
1988 and
FLEMING
1991,
146.
MICHEL
1997.
44
Cf.
VAN
ZIJL
1972,
1974,
1975;
DE
MOOR
SPRONK
1984;
CAQUOT
1988
LORETZ
Serpents (lines 6 and 35), who are the prime object of another Ugaritic incantation ( K T U 1.100 = R S 24.244 and K T U 1.107 = R S
24.251+; see below).
Creatures of H o r o n (line 13). This reading is uncertain, but the
name of Horon, who is the lord of the demons, returns in lines
27 and 41. Horon is mentioned in the legend of Keret as a threatening power in a curse: 'may H o r o n break your head' ( K T U 1.16 =
3.325+ vi 56-7; this phrase can also be restored in the broken
text K T U 1.2 = R S 3.367 i 7-8). In the Ugaritic incantations
H o r o n plays an ambivalent role: on the one hand he is a fearful
threat, on the other h a n d he can be called u p o n to take the
demonic threat away (cf. K T U 1.100 and K T U 1.169).
In the second part of the text the evil forces are indicated more
'poetically' as 'creatures of agitation' (lines 18 and 41), 'creatures
of insanity' (line 18), 'sons of disease (or: terror)' (line 23), '1egions(P)'
(line 26; cf. Mark 5:9), 'flies (or: accusers)' (line 26), 'those of the
flood(?)' (line 27), 'stupor(?)' (line 28), 'the fugitive' (line 38; cf.
K T U 1.5 = R S 2. [022]+ i 1, where it is used as epithet of a seamonster related to Yam).
It is not clear what is precisely the nature of the distress caused by
these evil forces. In the first lines there seems to be reference to
problems of a girl with her menstruation, that is with her fertility.
T h e names of the demons in the second part of the text point in
more general terms to disease and insanity. W h a t is clear is that
these evil forces have to be driven out (grs, lines 12 and 40; see also
K T U 1.169:9) or have to be b o u n d (rky, lines 10 and 38). Both verbs
are c o m m o n terms in this genre.
For the place of this and other incantations within the religion of
Ugarit it is important to note the close relation with the myth of
Baal. T h e batde described there of Baal and Anat, supported by Shapash, against Yam, Mot and their helpers does not appear to be something from a distant past. It has its repercussions on daily h u m a n life.
T h e victory over the forces of evil has to be gained time and again.
As was remarked above, Horon takes a central place in K T U 1.100 =
R S 24.244. 47 Fortunately, this text is well-preserved. It is in itself not
47
PARDEE
1988,
193-226,
1 4 6 - 5 6 ; DIETRICH -
with
LORETZ
world. O n e
demons by
It is also
and ritual.
liturgy.
5.4
T h e demons to be driven out with the help of incantations are associated with death and the netherworld. As we have seen above, some
of them are represented as helpers or satellites of Yam and Mot (cf.
K T U 1.82 = R S 15.134:1, 5, 27, 38). It is very likely that as in
Mesopotamia the people of Ugarit feared the influence of malign
spirits of the dead. 5 9 From Mesopotamia we know many incantations with the object of expelling them. In Ugarit we hear more of
their positive counterpart: invoking the dead to ask their advice and
help. 60 This was also an act of veneration. By offering their sacrifices
and honouring them by calling their names, they hoped to prevent
hostilities from the dead towards the living.
T h e interpretation of the texts concerned is a matter of much dispute. According to some scholars there is not enough evidence to
speak of a cult of the dead. In their view there was probably no
more than a funerary cult intended to offer a good burial for the
deceased, helping them on their way to the netherworld; which is
to be clearly distinguished from any belief in supernatural power of
56
Cf. DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 255-9 = 1999, 379-84, and 1992b; his interpretation is accepted by W A T S O N 1992b, 367, n. 5; W A T S O N 1994b, 237; L E W I S 1996a,
118 and W Y A T T 1998C, 375-7. T h e suffixed -n is usually explained as a deictic element, comparable to Hurrian -ne\ cf. D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1990a, 104.
57
C f . THOMSEN
58
1992.
111.
59
C f . BOTTRO
60
Cf.
SPRONK
1983 and
1993.
LORETZ
1993, 287-30.
DE M O O R
1981-2,
61
LORETZ
1993,
296-300.
63
C f . FINKELSTEIN
64
65
1966.
LEWIS
1996b.
5.5
We have already come across the phenomenon of incantations embedded in other texts. Some of these also deserve our attention.
K T U 1.13 = R S 1.006 is interpreted by Dietrich - Loretz as an
incantation against infertility: 68 a hymn to Anat is followed by a
prayer for fertility, which is answered by a mythological fragment
about Anat and Baal solving a similar problem. In particular, the
urgent call for supernatural assistance (lines 23-29) can be regarded
as an incantation. Note also the special role in this context of 'messengers from heaven' (ml'ak smm, lines 21-22). T h e y belong to the
class of divine beings who, standing in between humans and the
great gods, often play a prominent role in incantations, either as
helpers or as offenders.
A combination of myth and ritual can also be found in K T U 1.23
= RS 2.002. Although there is no consensus about the interpretation of this text, there can be no doubt about the relation to the
question of fertility. 69 T h e text is associated by Dietrich - Loretz
with the incantations because of its beginning: }iqr'a, invoke (the
66
69
C f . SEGERT
1985
and
DE M O O R
1987,
117-8.
1988b, 3 5 0 - 7 .
1988b, 342-5; cf. also P A R D E E 1988b, 13-74;
1997a; and C A T H C A R T 1996; W Y A T T 1998c, 4 0 4 - 1 3 .
72
Cf. W A T S O N 1990a.
70
DIETRICH -
71
DIETRICH
LORETZ
LORETZ
73
C f . CATHCART
74
C f . SPRONK
1996,
1986,
5.
100.
PARDEE
75
KTU\
76
C f . DEL O L M O L E T E -
77
DE
78
106.
MARQUEZ
1987, 186-7.
For other interpretations see
ROWE
1995.
MOOR
CAQUOT 1989, 3 7 - 9
C H A P T E R SEVEN
Paolo
1.1
T h e
M e r l o
Rituals
Paolo
X e l l a
T h e Ugaritic texts which can be classed as ritual texts or have a ritual background did not at first attract the attention of scholars to
the same extent as the mythological texts, on which an enormous
bibliography has emerged. T h e very formal characteristics of these
documents have contributed to discouraging any approach to them.
T h e y are mostly schematic texts, written in a concise and technical
language which proceeds by allusions, using an accurate and precise
liturgical vocabulary which cannot be studied with the help of, for
example, the parallelism characteristic of poetry. In addition, there
is the frequent use of stereotyped formulae, the understanding of
which depends on actually identifying the rites to which they allude.
Lastly, the focus of the syntax is extremely difficult because 'prescriptive' rubrics and 'descriptive' sections alternate with no obvious
criteria and are accompanied by long lists of gods followed (often
asyndetically) by the victims or offerings intended for them.
A good stimulus to the study of ritual texts, which have been neglected
for so m a n y years (apart perhaps from a couple of specific contributions) 1 came from the article by Levine 2 on the possibility of identifying prescriptive and descriptive rituals, even if this distinction now
seems applicable only to a limited extent. This is either because
1 9 5 5 . Cf. also U R I E 1 9 5 9 .
1963. The distinction he proposes between 'prescriptive' rituals and
'descriptive' rituals is only acceptable in broad outline since it is clear that even a
description is significantly prescriptive in nature (libretto for ceremonies; cf. the use
of the imperfect/future). It is, thus, a spurious problem. Cf. also L E V I N E 1965; 1974,
8ff. and 1983.
1
DE
LEVINE
GUGLIELMO
1.2
CAQUOT
D E TARRAGON
XELLA
DEL OLMO
DIETRICH -
DE
PARDEE
1979.
1980.
1981.
MOOR
LETE
1992a
LORETZ
1987.
1988b.
1988b,
1999.
1990a.
10
FRONZAROLI
11
LIVERANI
12
Cf.
XEI.LA
1975.
1964.
(forthcoming).
If, instead, we consider the content of the texts rather than their
outward form, mythology and culdc documentation comprise two
complementary and fairly organic aspects of Ugaritic religion which,
as in all the cultures of the ancient world, is expressed differently at
different levels. Lastly, as regards the matter of the relationships
between myth and ritual, which are inextricably connected, it is
sufficient to r e m e m b e r the existence of texts such as K T U 1.23 =
R S 2.002, correctly defined as 'cultic myth'; 1 3 or, the fact that recitations, prayers, exorcisms and incantations are religious acts which
can all be projected into the mythic dimension (while the recitation
of a myth is itself a rite!).
Besides these considerations, another important fact to keep in
mind in the study of the Ugaritic rituals is the comparative dimension within the religious traditions of Syria-Palestine and Northern
Mesopotamia. With the increase in our knowledge of the religion
and sacrificial system of centres such as Ebla, 14 Emar 1 5 as well as
Mari (with the requisite changes), 16 it is necessary to get away from
the usual and repeated references to the Bible in order to reconstruct the religious tradition peculiar to Syria, the consistency and
essential continuity of which are perceptible.
It should also be r e m e m b e r e d that additional and often direct
information on the cult and on various rites, both sacrificial and
non-sacrificial, can be gained from other types of text, i.e. the economic and administrative texts, 17 the letters and the mythological
texts. T h e most famous example in the last category comprises the
rites carried out by Keret ( K T U 1.14 = R S 2. [003]+ ii 50ff. and
parallels) which, though to some extent awaiting proof, are undeniably connected with cultic practice.
However, it is understandable how, faced with a mass of documents sharing a definite (and more or less direct) connection with
the cult, but without uniform formal characteristics, specialists have
attempted to sort this material, proposing classifications and subclassifications of various kinds.
In a monograph written in 1 9 8 1 ( X e l l a 1 9 8 1 ) one of the authors
set out a subdivision of the texts as follows: 1) monthly liturgies and
13
14
15
16
17
lists of offerings; 2) divination texts and oracles; 3) prayers; 4) incantations; 5) atonement sacrifices; 6) liturgies for kings; 7) votive texts;
8) lists of gods. 18 This proposed classification has largely been followed by G . del O l m o Lete ( d e l O l m o L e t e 1992a = 1999) with
a series of additional subdivisions which refine the original grid still
f u r t h e r , even for example distinguishing prescriptive rituals into
sacrificial or non-sacrificial, pure or mixed, single or multiple, etc. 19
T h e table proposed by the Spanish scholar is undoubtedly a good
theoretical grid for classification, provided that it is not taken rigidly
as a formal reference point. In this Handbook, which has a more general approach, we shall retain the distinction between prescriptive
and recited rituals. Whether the sacrificial action does or does not
involve blood is a further classification which, in some sense, cuts
across the others and can connote a n u m b e r of other ceremonies.
Likewise, whether the ritual actions are more or less complex, the
length of time they take and where they are performed, are factors
which do not alter the basic typology.
Ultimately it has to be said that our as yet imperfect knowledge
of the sacrificial vocabulary of Ugarit and our continuing ignorance
of the deep structures of Syrian religion in the Bronze Age should
put us on guard against claims of elaborate classification which are
too detailed and too systematic.
1.3
typology
cf. terms such as iyn, m'rb (in spite of its apparently clear etymology), sin, trmt and
others as well.
21
FRONZAROLI
1965.
1992a, 2 0 - 1 = 1999, 21-3, although he notes that the synonymy refers only to the basic meaning of 'to offer'.
22
DEL OLMO
23
AISTLEITNER
24
25
26
27
LETE
1974,
722.
2R
DIETRICH -
MAYER
1995,
12-3.
XELLA
1999,
32
37-40
XELLA
and
1981,
n.
82.
1 0 8 ; DEL O L M O L E T E
1992a,
177
81
= 1999, 257-64.
Also part of the other actions of the blood ritual is the act of
'immolation' (nkt) or 'slaughter' (qll) of the victim. Nevertheless, the
ritual texts provide evidence of further types of sacrificial offerings
of which the meaning is not always precise, as in the cases of npt
(related perhaps to Hebrew tenp),33 tzg (which may denote either
the victim or the rite)34 and also t'y, mentioned already, a polysemantic term which also seems to denote an offering connected with
the royal cult. 35
Besides rites involving blood, the Ugaritic texts also mention bloodless ritual actions. A m o n g the ceremonies which do not involve the
sprinkling of blood can be mentioned here the fairly widespread
practice of performing 'libations' (the verb *ntk or the derived noun
mtk), especially of water and wine, documented in several texts (cf.
for example, K T U 1.41 = RS 1.003+:12; K T U 1.107 = RS 24.251:46;
K T U 1.119 = R S 24.266:25), although they provide no information
about the details of the ceremonies. T h e bloodless offerings also
include, of course, offerings of vegetable food, and of various types
of object, metal or cloth, which are amply documented in the ritual texts as well as in the economic and administrative texts. 36
A further category of ritual actions comprises the processions, identifiable by a series of terms (for example, yrd, hlk, Iqh, cly, crb, etc.)
and correcdy included by G. del O l m o Lete among the 'non-sacrificial
liturgies'. 37 T h e processions mentioned in the Ugaritic rituals have
in fact as a central point a series of ceremonial actions in honour
of divine statues, 38 in which, as usual, the role carried out by the
king and his family is completely in the foreground. In this connection, the ritual K T U 1.43 = R S 1.005 can be mentioned which
is focussed completely on the procession of divine statues. 39 It begins
with k t'rb* 'ttrt. hr. gb/bt mlk 'When 'Attart of Hurri 4 0 enters the gb
of the royal palace', and has the important conclusion (lines 24-26):
mlk. ylk. Iqh. ilm || atr. ilm. ylk. penm./mlk. p*c*nm. yl[k]/sbc pamt. Iklhm,
'the king will go to take (the statues o f ) the gods || behind (the stat33
34
MILGROM
1972.
1981, 39-40.
35
D E L O L M O L E T E 1988a; cf. also F R E I L I C H 1992.
36
D E L O I . M O L E T E - SANMARTIN 1998; cf. in general
1999, passim.
37
D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 96 = 1999, 1 4 0 - 1 .
38
D E T A R R A G O N 1 9 8 0 , 9 8 - 1 1 2 ; in general D I E T R I C H
39
D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 189-94 = 1999, 282-91.
40
XELLA
C f . BONNET -
XELLA
1996.
DEL O L M O L E T E
LORETZ
1992.
1992a =
42
XELLA
24.249).
Finally, a m o n g the ritual actions, communal meals can be mentioned (cf. what has been said above concerning dbh and lmrr) which
frequendy acquire religious significance, and include the consumption of drinks (specified by terms such as kly, Ihm, nsl (?), (db, Cr, sty),
either as a convivial occasion which joins together men, the gods
and the spirits of the ancestors, or else as a ritualized and regulated
occasion where food (especially meat) is eaten.
As for the sacrificial material, 45 in rites involving blood, the offerings
of animals were substantially similar to those known in the other
religious traditions of the ancient N e a r East. T h e animals offered
most frequently are bovids (the ox, alp, the bull, tr, the cow, gdlt,
lit. 'female head of cattle'), ovines, denoted genetically as sin (the
ram, i, the sheep, dqt, lit. 'head of small catde' or tat, she-goat, cz),
birds, called generically csr, with the dove, ytnt or the turtle-dove, tr
specified. However other kinds of animals also occur such as donkeys, V and also fish, dg. Besides complete animals, the various parts
of the victim were offered, limbs and entrails (ap, nps, lb, kbd, mtnt
are the easiest to identify) as studied in detail by G. del O l m o Lete. 46
Animal offerings are certainly not the only ones attested in the
Ugaritic rituals and several times gifts were dedicated to the gods
either of vegetables such as wine (yn), oil (mr), e m m e r (ksm), flour
(qmh) honey (nbt), or else of precious metals such as silver (ksp) and
gold (}}rs) or even objects in c o m m o n use including articles of clothing and crockery.
1.4
By now it is well known that the king had a role of particular importance within the Ugaritic cult and was by far the principal officiant. 47
T h e texts of Ugarit, in fact, show not only how the palace has control over the personnel appointed to the cult but how the king himself is often the main celebrant within a liturgy and how frequently
the ceremonies take place in locations and internal buildings actually within the royal palace. Moreover, the importance of the dynas-
45
Cf., for example,
1999, 40-2.
1980, 31-54;
DEL O L M O L E T E
1992a, 32~3 =
L E T E 1989b.
1984; Y O N 1985; D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 115-95 = 1999, 166-291;
L E T E 1993b; A B O U D 1994, 123-92.
4,1
DEL OLMO
47
HEALEY
DEL O L M O
DE T A R R A G O N
tic cult together with the veneration of the divinized royal ancestors
has emerged as one of the most typical aspects which characterize
the religion of Ugarit in a peculiar symbiosis between the living a n d
the d e a d for the c o m m o n good. 4 8
T h e high n u m b e r of rituals f o u n d in Ugarit testify to a series of
liturgies where the ritual actions clearly refer to the king, expressed
frequently by the use of fixed 'ritual formulae' which indicate his
state of (ritual) purity a n d refer to special m o m e n t s in the day. 49
T h e best known and best attested form of ritual action where the
king is seen as the protagonist is the one concerning his ritual purification. This must certainly have been achieved by means of special
ablutions, expressed by the f o r m u l a yrths mlk bn 'the king washes
< a n d is> purified'. This formula often introduces a series of ceremonies in which the king takes part, at the close of which there
occurs, connected with nightfall or sunset (sba/u p, crb p) the further formula whl mlk 'and the king is desacralized'. T h u s the purification
of the king seems to be a prerequisite for him to be able to p e r f o r m ,
assist at or take part in the ritual (cf., for example, K T U 1.119 =
R S 2 4 . 2 6 6 : 4 - 6 ; K T U 1.112 = R S 2 4 . 2 5 6 : 1 0 - 5 , etc.).
A n o t h e r series of 'formulae' which are quite similar to each other
even if not exactly identical, allude to the king's role in oracle practice
(mlk brr rgm y ttb/rgm y ttb mlk bn, ttb rgm whl mlk) probably acting as
mediator for the replies a n d always in conditions of ritual purity. 0 "
T h e r e are m a n y other examples of the sovereign being involved
in the cult. A m o n g the most i m p o r t a n t a r e K T U 1.119 = R S
2 4 . 2 6 6 : 1 3 - 4 in which 'the king sacrifices in the temple of , or
K T U 1.164 = R I H 7 7 / 2 b + ' W h e n the king sacrifices in the hmn
(i.e. the palace chapel)'; the king takes part in processions, as in
K T U 1.43 = R S 1.005:23-5, cited already; a cantor has to sing in
front of the king, w h o has his h a n d s spread out: K T U 1.106 = R S
24.250+: 15-7; the king's throne is p r e p a r e d at night, probably to
allow him to be seated d u r i n g the p e r f o r m a n c e of nocturnal rites:
K T U 1.106 = R S 2 4 . 2 5 0 + : 2 7 - 8 , a n d so on.
48
T h e ceremony described at the end of K T U 1.41 = R S 1.003:505 is particularly interesting; here the cultic role of the king is very
obvious: the rite, which is still difficult to identify exactly, is performed in the month of riyn and takes place on the terrace of the
royal palace (it is less likely that it was a temple); it exhibits remarkable similarities with the H e b r e w ritual of the New Year which
was also celebrated on the day of the full moon in the first month
of the year, at the season of the wine harvest, with the construction
of huts. 52
51
51
Lines 50-55 of this tablet are separated from lines 1-49. Only the latter have
a duplicate in K T U 1.87 = RS 18.056.
52
D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 83-5 = 1999, 122-5.
53
D I E T R I C H - M A Y E R 1996a; cf. the new proposal to read bb*t mlk instead of bit
mlk in line 3.
54
D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 1 4 3 = 1999, 212.
55
D E L O L M O L E T E 1984d; X E L L A 1991, I69ff. and passim.
5,I
X E L L A 1995c.
57
Cf. for example S P R O N K 1986; L E W I S 1989; D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 149-56 =
1999, 219-32. For a more reserved critical attitude cf. VAN DER T O O R N 1991.
PARDEE
DEL O L M O L E T E
1.5
62
Already noted in X E L L A 1 9 8 1 , 1 4 9 .
Cf. for example H E L T Z E R 1982, 131-9; LIPINSKI 1988.
64
According to the colophon of the tablet K T U 1.6 = RS 2.[009]+ vi 55-7,
even the high priest Attanu-prln was a dependent of king Niqmaddu, albeit at the
highest level. T h e title nqd can be related to the cult only hypothetically.
63
65
DEL
66
OLMO
LETE -
SANMARTIN
BORDREUIL
1998,
1998.
176-84.
T h e r e are also the 'consecrated ones', qdm, for w h o m a divinatory function has also been proposed, hypothetically, 67 and then the
'singers', rrn, personnel connected in various ways with music in the
cult and perhaps also outside the cult and lastly the 'water carriers
of the sanctuary', ib mqdt, a function which has parallels in the
Hebrew world, in Hcllenistic-Roman Syria and elsewhere.
1.6
As is almost the general rule in the ancient Near East, the calendar 6 8 of Ugaritic liturgical celebrations is based on the lunar cycle
and therefore the days in which the cult takes on greater importance are evidently at the beginning or middle of the month, corresponding to the new moon (ym hdt, i.e. the first day of the month)
or the full moon (ym mlat, i.e. the fifteenth day of the month). O n
these days great sacrifices are carried out, accompanied by the usual
rite of purification of the king, as shown for example by K T U 1.46 =
RS 1.009, K T U 1.109 = R S 24.253 and K T U 1.41 = R S 1.003+.
However, there are also other liturgies for other days of the month,
often in 'weekly' cycles (i.e. a quarter of a month), but also on several other days of the month. And then some rites took place in
the evening or at night, as can be deduced from the indications I II
and Ipn II.
With regard to the annual cycle of the cult, however, unfortunately we are not yet completely certain of the exact sequence of
the months of the Ugaritic calendar since the local names are considerably different from the standard names of Mesopotamian tradition. And comparison with what we know of the months of various
Eblaite calendars from over a millennium earlier does not help much
either. Some scholars have tried to reconstruct a particular seasonal
liturgical sequence on the basis of the mythological texts, 69 but this
attempt has not been accepted by scholars. As far as the strictly ritual texts is concerncd, we know of liturgical texts related to certain
DEL OLMO
68
DE
LETE -
TARRAGON
1.7
T h e Ugaritic liturgy certainly did not only take place in the temples. In fact the ritual texts mention several sacred places, some of
which have been confirmed from archaeology whereas others still
remain unidentified. 70 For reasons of completeness it is necessary to
note, however, that certain 'cult places', identified on the basis of
archaeological evidence, actually have no equivalents in the specific
terms of the ritual texts. 71
T h e temple of Baal, identified with one of the two great temples
on the acropolis, takes on a foreground role in the ritual texts ( K T U
1.119 = R S 24.266; K T U 1.105 = R S 24.249:19; K T U 1.104 =
R S 24.248:13; K T U 1.109 = RS 24.253:11), a n d also in the mythological texts (especially K T U 1.4 = R S 2. [008]+; but see also K T U
1.17 = R S 2. [004] i 31). It is built on a platform which is approached
by means of a monumental stairway; it comprises a vestibule which
comes before the naos (or inner cella) and, in the southwest corner,
is preceded by a structure which can be explained as the holy of
holies. In front of the entrance, within the court surrounding the
sanctuary to the south, there is a structure measuring 2 x 2 metres,
usually explained as an altar (it is thought that it may be the altar
70
The first of these is the so-called sanctuary of the Hurrian gods close to the
royal palace, the nature and cultic function of which seem to be certain; the second is the so-called sanctuary of the rhyta, located in the residential area of the city;
cf. Y O N 1 9 9 6 .
71
On cult places in Ugarit cf. generally Y O N 1984; D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a,
2 4 - 8 = 1999, 27-34; DE T A R R A G O N 1996; DEL O L M O L E T E - S A N M A R T I N 1998,
184-6.
1994,
and on
K T U
1.104
RS
24.248:13
structures). But there are also other places about which nothing certain is known, such as the 'garden' (gn) already mentioned, cited for
example in K T U 1.106 = R S 24.250+:22~3, or else the gb ('sacrificial
pit'?, 'cistern' ? or 'platform' ?, cf. K T U 1.43 = R S 1.005:1-2), the
urbt, the cgml, the gb and others as well (such as the 'tower' mgdl, the
'staircase' (?) m'lt, etc.).
In spite of the lacunae and the uncertainties, the combined use
of textual, archaeological and comparative data makes the ritual system of Ugarit certainly the best known within west Semitic religions
with the prospects of further knowledge in connection with excavations which continue uninterruptedly.
T h e
Offering
Lists
and
Gregorio
del
O l m o
2.1
the
G o d
Lists
Lete
Introduction
OPPENHEIM
1 9 7 7 , 244FF.; L A M B E R T 1 9 5 7 - 7 1 , 4 7 3 - 9 ; C A V I G N E A U X 1 9 8 0
3,
609-41.
Lete
Sanmartin
1998,
192-4).
OLMO
LETE
1992a = 1999),
2.2
God Lists
We shall begin with the lists of gods, given the importance this literary form acquired in ancient near Eastern religion: from the beginning, the principal entities to be listed were the gods.
These lists could have functioned merely as templates with which
to fill the records of delivery or lists of offerings, but they also
undoubtedly had a meaning transcending their practical use. This is
suggested by the n u m b e r of copies that were made and their translation into Akkadian, as we shall see below in connection with List
A of the gods. This is a process of systematization which combines
profession of faith in the divine person with the invocation of his
name, elements basic to all ancient Near Eastern religions.
Apart from the 'List , which is arranged in the Mesopotamian
style and so is foreign, there were at least two indigenous lists, originating in a different period and a different ideology, both translated
into Akkadian and occurring together in the cult in the lengthy text
K T U 1.148 = RS 24.643 ( P a r d e e 1997b, 67-71). T h e palace shared
in this religious process of systematic theology in respect of the divine
universe providing its own 'pantheon', also for cultic use. Besides
these and other name-lists or exempt lists we shall provide next those
to be found in ritual contexts, sacrificial and non-sacrificial.
2.2.1
2.2.1.1
Hurrian pantheons and their own; however little of the text has been
preserved ( N o u g a y r o l 1968a, 246-9).
2.2.1.2 List A ( K T U 1.118 = RS 24.268+, K T U 1.47 = RS
1.017, K T U 1.148 = RS 24.643:1-9, R S 20.24)
T h e basic text of the principal or canonical list (A) is K T U 1.118 =
R S 24.268+, whereas K T U 1.47 = RS 1.017 which has the addition of il spn at its beginning, is very damaged, and can be reconstructed from the other text. O n the other hand, the good condition
of the Akkadian text RS 20.24, a version of the previous text, is of
inestimable value for determining what the Ugaritic names/epithets
mean and their relation to the Mesopotamian pantheon ( d e l O l m o
L e t e 1986a, 293-9; H e a l e y 1985, 115-23; 1988a, 103-12). In turn,
K T U 1.148 = R S 24.643:1-9 confirms the fixed character of this
canonical sequence in the cultic domain: its first nine lines give us
a simple listing of the gods of List A, followed by the victim allotted them in the festival of Sapunu (cf. below). This first section is
repeated in lines 10-12 as a sort of summary, in accordance with
the two sets of offerings required by the rp wlmm ritual.
RS
20.24
DINGIR a-bi
Hum*"m
ci
da-gan
A
adad be-el hurn ha-zi
A
adad II
A
adad III
A
adad IV
d
adad V
A
adad V I
A
adad V I I
D
IDIM
IDIM
sa-s-ra-tum
A
sin
A
l}uran ha-zi
A
-a
%-bat
A
a-ta-bi
d
huranumr u a-mu-tu[m]
a-ra-tum
A
a-na-tum
A
ama
K T U
1.118
ilib
il
dgn
b'l spn
b'lm
b'lm
b'lm
b'lm
b'lm
b'lm
ars wmm
kt[r]t
\y)rh
[s]pn
kir
pdry
'ttr
grm w\'mqt]
WW
'nt
p
1.47
1.148:1-9
il spn
[il spn]
ilib
[ilib]
i[l]
il
dgn
[dgn]
b'l spn
b'l spn]
b'lm
b'lm
b'lm
[b'lm]
b'lm
b'lm
b'lm
[b]'l[m]
[b]'lm
[b'lm]
[b'l\m
[ars] wmm ars wmm
[ktr]t
klr[t]
yrb
]
spn
[spn]
klr
m
pdry
[pdry]
m
[grm w'mqt] grm w'mqt
atrt
[alrt]
'nt
M
p
[p]
al-la-tum
i-ha-ra
d
is'tar"lm
HlmT* til-la-ad Aadad
d
nergal
d
d-ad-mi-i
d
pu-lfur ilnimes
d
tmtum
d
dDU(
dgis
d
'BUR.ZI.NG.NA
ki-na-rum
MA.LIK.ME
sa-li-mu
arsy
uhry
'ttrt
il t'dr b'l
r[]p
ddm
phr ilm
ym
utht
km
mlkm
lm
[a]rsy
[u]hry
['] ttrt
il t'dr b'l
rp
ddm
phr ilm
ym
knr
mlkm
Ilm
arsy
'ttrt
uhry
il 't'dr b'l
rp
ddm
phr ilm
ym
utht
(k]nr
Leaving out the addition of the reinterpretative title (il spn), the structure of this list provides the following elements:
a) It begins with a 'triad' which to some extent defines the personality of the s u p r e m e god u n d e r three cultically distinct epithets:
ilib, il, dgn (see also K T U 1.123 = R S 24.271:1-3: ab wilm. . . il. . . il
r dgn . . .). Very probably they suppose a development (il as 'father'
of the divine family) of his personality a n d an attempt at combining p a n t h e o n s , as a reflection of myth, portraying Baelu as 'son of
Dagnu' a n d considering Ilu to be his 'father' (DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a,
56 n. 77 [1999, 74 n. 78] with bibliography).
b) A similar process is assumed in the case of Ba'lu a n d (H)ad(a)du, 4
H e is the great C a n a a n i t e god of the second millennium, the protector of Ugarit (b'l ugrt), defined in principle by the attribute of his
residence spn, specified by the Akkadian version as '(H)Adad, lord
of M o u n t H a z . In his sevenfold epithet are concentrated all the
m a n y (local) e p i p h a n i e s (b'l ugrt, hlb . . .)} In K T U 1.118 = R S
24.264+, a line separates this group f r o m the following heading.
c) T h e descriptive series invoking Ba'lu is followed by a g r o u p of
seven deities, h e a d e d by the dual divinity 'Earth a n d H e a v e n ' , a p p a r endy 'chthonian-astral' or cosmic in nature, in chiastic relation (stellar/
4
Akkadian makes a clear distinction between the proper noun Adad (IM) and
the common noun be-el, 'lord', which are combined in Ug. b'l (cf. line 4: ''adad be-el
t}uran fra-zi = b'l spn). The Ug. epithet hd of myth is not used here nor is add of
ritual (cf. K T U 1.65 = RS 4.474:9), in spite of the Akkadian translation. But it is
possible that d IM was not read as AAdad in Ugarit; the Akkadian version is a Ugaritic
interpretation (interpretatio) for 'foreigners' (DIETRICH - LORETZ 1981, 67-8).
5
In this context K T U 4.15 = RS 9.469 must be considered, which is possibly
a list of local or family epithets (stelae?) of Ba'lu.On divine 'heptads' in Mesopotamia
cf. the bibliography given by BORGER, above, n. 2.
terrestrial deities) with this polar pair which heads the group (ktrt,6
yrh, 'ttr || spn, ktr, pdry).
d) T h e next group, again of seven deities, is also headed by the dual
name/divinity 'Mountains and Valleys'. It is combined with six goddesses (1 + 6 ) , apparently arranged hierarchically and related to the
male gods of the previous groups. This separation of the sexes confirms
the absence of 'pairing' in the Ugaritic pantheon.
e) T h e last group is different in each of the various texts. T h e
most complete list is provided by K T U 1.118 = R S 24.264+ and
the Akkadian version, whereas the others omit one or other element.
Here too the series is introduced by a composite divine name, 'the
helper gods of Ba'lu'. T o it corresponds another composite epithet,
'the assembly of the gods', equivalent to 'the family of Ilu'J At all
events, this last group is somewhat of an appendix and possibly contains later additions. In it is developed the process of 'divinizing'
objects (utf}t, km) and persons (mlkm).8
T h e final result is a pantheon of 33 divine invocations, excluding
the title added in K T U 1.118 = R S 24.264:1 (and K T U 1.148 =
R S 24.643:1). T h e hierarchical principle governing the composition
of this 'god list' is not clear; they do not seem to be arranged according to 'personal' importance. Even so, it is possible to say that the
'canonical list' (A) does in fact include the group of principal gods
of Ugarit, exacdy as they appear in myth and the official cult ( K T U
1.148 = RS 24.643:1-9]. It represents a mythologizing expansion
which tends to make organic distinctions between the gods and at
the same time to assimilate other foreign pantheons within its own
religious framework, from the multiple cultural influence which affected
Ugarit: Amorite, Hurrian, Hittite, Sumerian and Akkadian.
6
This is an overall term for a group of 'seven' deities, as we know from K T U
1.24 = RS 5.194:47-50 (DEL O I . M O LETE 1991, 74-5).
7
Cf. K T U 1.123 = RS 24.271:32 which refers to drm ilm, 'the two divine families' (?); K T U 1.40 = RS 1.002:25 and par.; and K T U 1.65 = RS 4.474:2-3, with
its invocation of dr/mpl}rt bn it.
8
In the cult a small reduction of the standard list as it has come down to us
in its final form, is evident: from a pantheon of 33/34 epithets it has become a
group of 28/29, a number which is 'cultically' determined in K T U 1.148 = RS
24.643:1-9, in all likelihood, by the clays of the month, as will be apparent in the
fifth section (lines 23-45). One b'lm as well as 'ttr, uhtt, mlkm and lm are omitted
and the sequence of uf)iy and 'ttrt is inverted.
2.2.1.3
K T U 1.148
23. ilib
ars wmm
25. il
a/ktrt
dgn
b'l hlb
b'l spn
trty
yrh
spn
30. ktr
'ttr
atrt
gr witm
rp idrp
]gr
gl]mt
35
km
] mr
40. il m[
[...] w thmt
[...] xmr
[z7] sk[r]
\il.d\dm
Interpretation
ilib
Earth and Heavens
Ilu
Nin.mah [ ]
Dagnu
Ba'lu of Halba.
Ba'lu of Mount Hazi.
Ba'lu the second (?)
[] (?).
[Moun]t Hazi.
Ea
'Attaru
Atiratu
Sagru and Itmu
Rapu of idrp
?
The Damsel
?
Kinru
Miru
The god of [...]
and Tihmtu
Gods of the bolt
Gods of Dadmena
As yet unpublished texts may perhaps help complete and identify them (BORP A R D E E 1995, 31). P A R D E E (1992, 167) suggests that K T U 1.148 = RS
24.643 is an incomplete tablet which does not reproduce the full god list RS 26.142.
DREUIL -
DINGIR.ME la-ab-a-na
dug bur.zi.ni.naga.t!
d
gi"ZA.MM
20. d U
d
U
d
U
d
d
Ma-[lik. mes]
25. d D[I
il.lb[n]n
[...]
b'lm
45. [....]
Gods of Labana
Incense burner (?)
Lyre
Ba'lu
Ba'lu
Ba'lu
Ba'lu
Mali[kuma]
?
In our view this is yet another pantheon used in the cult. As in the
case of K T U 1.148 = RS 24.643:1-9, it is very probable that this
is also a modification of an earlier pantheon, reduced to 28 deities,
in line with the monthly nature of the ritual. 10 Everything indicates
that K T U 1.148 = RS 24.643:23ff. is to be considered a ritual connected with the 'funerary' cult of the month of Hiyaru, which is older
than the 'festival of Sapunu' (lines 1-9).
2.2.1.4 List C ( K T U 1.102 = R S 24.246; K T U 1.139 =
R S 1.001:13-9)
W e have to consider the list of gods provided by K T U 1.102 = R S
24.246:1-14 along the same lines (exempt list and cultic use). It is
a list (C) used in the cult in K T U 1.139 = R S 1.001:13-9, i.e. this
is a standard list not a casual one. Thus, the group of 14/16 deities
mentioned there presupposes a selection which in n a m e and number largely agrees with the one provided by the group of texts which
we call 'dynastic' (cf. below).
1. il bt
uhry
ym.b'l
yrf}
5. ktr
pdry
dqt
trt
10. r'sp
'nt f}bly
10
p pgr
iltm hnqlm
yrh kty
11
Understood in this way, K T U 1.39 = RS 1.001 is a 'generic' royal ritual
which closes by invoking the ins ilm, specified in K T U 1.102 = RS 24.246:15-28,
and as such could be added to it together with the sacrificial element thus supposed, e.g. in K T U 1.106 = RS 24.250+:2-5 (gdlt).
V1
On K T U 1.102 = R S 24.246 in general cf. V I R O L L E A U D 1968, 594; DE M O O R
1970b, 326-7 (see 1990, 241); H E R D N E R 1978, 3-7; D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z
SANMARTIN
1975b, 545-6; C A Q U O T 1979b, 1404; S T A M M 1979, 753-8; X E L L A 1981, 328-31;
D E L O L M O L E T E 1986a, 282-5; 1987:43-6; 1992a, 117-20 = 1999, 168-75.
13
Cf. P A R D E E 1996b, 273-87; S C H M I D T 1994, 71; 1996, 300; the reply by DEL
O I . M O L E T E 1996b, and the counter-reply by P A R D E E 1998b.
15. y(r)gbhd
yrgbb'l
ydbil
yaril
yrgmil
20. 'mir
ydbil
yrgblim
'mtr
yaril
25. ydbb'l
yrgmb'l
'zb'l
ydbhd
2.2.2.2
14
[
[il
[il
20. [il
[il
[il
[il
[
25. [
[
]
]
]
'mttm]r
nqm\ d
arhi]b[
nq]mpC[
'mt]tmr
nq]md
]
]
]xx[ ]
il 'm]ttmr
il n]qmp'
il Cm<r>pi
il ibm
il/drd
il tiqmp'
il ibm
i]l 'mrpi
il] nqmpC
il ibm
il nqmp'
il ibm
il nqmd
il yqr
Cf. DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 123 = 1999, 179. See also the new combined
reading of both columns and their comparison with the names of K T U 1.102 =
RS 24.246:15-28, proposed by DE M O O R 1990, 2 4 0 - 1 . For a general discussion of
these matters cf. A B O U D 1994, 3-11.
17
Cf. N O U G A Y R O L 1955, X L X L I I I ; L I V E R A N I 1962, 137; C A Q U O T 1978a, 574f.;
X E L I A 1983, 404; R I B I C H I N I - X E L L A 1979, 155-6.; D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 123
= 1999, 179. This in turn would explain why the determinative il is placed before
yqr and not before the personal name of the ruling king, which would imply some
'divinization' in his lifetime. T h e king would undoubtedly be supposed as having
divine 'character' in his lifetime, at least for reasons of protocol and in anticipation as is apparent from K T U 1.16 = RS 3.325+ i 9 1 1 , 20-3, and from his epithets adn (ilm rbm), b'l (?) and trmn (cf. K T U 1.6 = RS 2. [009] vi 58).
2.2.3
1.65
il
bn il
dr bn il
mphrt bn il
tkmn wnm
il watrt
il h il
add
b'l spn
b'l ugrt
il ( 7 )
1.40
ab
bn il
dr bn il
mphrt bn il
tkmn wnm
1.123
il wilm
il
il r
dgn wb'l
tt wkmt
yrh wksa
yrhm kty
tkmn wnm
ktr whss thr wbd
'ttrt 'ttpr
hr wlm
ngh wrr
'd wr
sdq mr
hn bn il dn
kbd wnr
ilqds mlk
kbd dil gd[
mr mnmm
bmn aryn
a^hn tlyn
atdb wtr
qd wamn
ktr hss
il bt
il hst
rp
ins ilm
drm ilm
These texts which are prayers in the form of litanies have a set of
characteristics in c o m m o n which are extremely interesting:
a) First of all, they all have a clear preference for double invocations, either of the 'construct' type (bel spn) or of the 'copulative' type
(il watrt). This predominant use of a particular linguistic construction
possibly has cultic reasons and is perhaps connected with the correct use of the ' n a m e ' of the god and his proper match as an expression of his particular personality and therefore of his invocation. This
match follows criteria which are not 'matrimonial', apart from a few
exceptional cases (il watrt). Criteria of ethnic and functional origin
are more prevalent (bcl-dgn, 'nt-'ttrt, yrh-rp . . .). (DE M O O R 1970a, 227).18
18
On the possible merging of pantheons implicit in such double names cf. DEL
L E T E 1992a, 40 = 1999, 52.
OLMO
Most of the cult texts of Ugarit are provided with rubrics which prescribe or describe the sacrificial ritual to accompany the various festivals or days of the month. T h e literary plan (cf. d e T a r r a g o n
1980, 55ff. who analyses the cult vocabulary; for the syntax of the
texts and their formulae cf. d e l O l m o L e t e 1992a, 19ff. = 1999, l l f f . )
is extremely simple and it invariably specifies, as said above, the victim of the offering or sacrifice and the divinity to whom it is offered,
together with directions for the ritual to be performed on it, but
without spelling out the details. These texts, therefore, comprise the
best evidence of the cultic and official pantheon of Ugarit and of
the catalogue of gods of liturgical practice in its most generic and
popular form: sacrifice. T h e other texts belong to rarer and more
specific events (divination, atonement, royal cult). T h e texts considered here are as follows, omitting a long series of fragments which
are inconclusive in this respect and add nothing new: K T U 1.39 =
19
They occur in other ritual texts, but are unknown in mythology and in the
Canaanite pantheon; cf. P A R D E E 1988b, 195 9.
KTU 1.41/1.87
'nt
il
ilhm
tkmn wnm
rp
rp
ilh
ilhm
il
tkmn wnm
ilt bt
b'l spn
spn
b'l ugrt
ilib
[atrt]
ridn
atrt
ins ilm
b'l
spn
b'l ugrt
'ttrt
KTU 1.39
il
ilhm
tkmn wsnm
rp
KTU 1.39:
b'l spn
spn
b'l ugrt
ilib
b'l ugrt
'nt spn
20
Cf. P A R D E E 1997b, 68: 'les listes divines que l'on peut tirer des rites sacrificiels . . . sont, potentiellement au moins, innombrables', DE M O O R 1970a, 2 0 4 1 6 ,
provides a table arranging the gods in 38 sets; it is hardly relevant.
21
Other scholars consider the term to denote a generic type of 'offering'.
1.106
1.105
b'lt bhtm rsp
b'l 'rkm ins ilm
btbt
ydb il
b'l
yar il
'mtr
spn
rp bbt
rp
ins ilm
ins ilm
rp mlk pdry
b'lt bhtm ilm ars
ktr
arsy
T h e r e is no fixed
group seen above,
ushr, bbt, hlmi, qlh
( K T U 1.43 = R S
( K T U 1.105 = RS
R I H 78/16); rp,
19.015:14-5).
1.43
('ttrt)
il(m)
ktr
(gtrrr)
p
yrh
gtr
'nt
p
yrh
gtr
ilt bt
gtrm
'ntm
'ntm
lm(?)
ufyiy(?)
1.115
uhr hlmz
bbt il bt
hlmz
qlh
il bt
att
il bt
bbt
ushr
hlmi
qlh
1.139
ilib
b'l
il t'tr b'l
'ttrt
glmt
pdry(?)
1.162
ilib
z(!)/
b'l
dgn
yrh
ym
il t'dr b'l
'nt hbly
a$.)rt22
dr il wphr b'l
spn
22
Cf. DEL O L M O L E T E 1 9 9 7 , 164ff. Note that this list agrees both with List A
(beginning: ilib, il, b'l, dgn) and the dynastic List C (where dgn, ym, 'nt f}bly are
specifically mentioned).
ill dgn
b'l/hdd
'nt
rp
5. yrh.
6. ktr
1. 'ttr
8. tkmn wsnm
9.
10.
11.
12.
p
lm
ins ilm
b'lt bhtm
13. 'ttrt
14. uhry
15. alrt
16. pdry
17. arsy
2.2.4.2
a) divination-oracle
KTU
Ipl
rp
1.78
KTU
1.124
adn ilm(?)
dtn
dtn
KTU
1.100
(.pi)
(phlt)
(ps')
il
b'l
dgn
'nt w'ttrt
yrh
rip
'ttrt
ZZ wkmt
mlk
ktr whss
Ihr wslm
hm
KTU
1.107
hm( 3)
IpI(3)
il whm
b'l wdgn
'nt w'ttrt
yrh wrsp
'ttr 'ttpr
ZZ wkmt
mlk b'ttrt
ktr whss
Ihr wslm
In the divination and oracle texts, as noted above, the scant reference to deities and then basically only in descriptive terms (cf. K T U
Appendix:
T h e
Lists
of
Hurrian
Gods
in tin/Eni Salanni
in atn!Eni attanni
il/Ilu
ttb/ Teub/p
kdg/ Kuuh
irw prz/(?)
kmrw/Kumarw/bi
'ttrt
tutk
kzg
in hmn
nnt
kit
nbdg
bbt/Bibita
tutk/ Sawuka
in Ilm
in atn
il
ttb
tutk
kmrb
kzg
iy/E(y)a
attb/Atabi
'nt/'Anatu
tmg/ Simike
attb
in ard
in hmn
in tin
hbt
bdr
dqt
hdn
Ijdlr
hnng
nbdg
in atn
il
ttb
kmrb
kdg
in prz
nkl
yrh
tgn
kid
in sin
il
ttb
Ugaritic
Pantheon
ilib
il
dgn
b'l
yrh
mlk
nkl
yrh
kmrb
kdg
iy iy
attb
in ard
tmg
'ttrt
p
23
Cf. V I E Y R A 1970, 5 3 8 - 6 6 ; V O N S C H U L E R 1965a, 141-215; W I L H E L M 1982,
6 9 - 1 0 5 ('Gtter, Mythen, Kulte und Magie') = 1994, 49-76; D I E T R I C H - M A Y E R
1994, 7 3 - 1 1 2 ; (1995, 7 42); M A Y E R 1996, 2 0 5 - 1 1 ; P A R D E E 1997b, 63-80; D I E T R I C H M A Y E R 1997, 161-81. T h e r e is a great deal of material in the first two volumes
in the series Studies on the Civilization and Culture of Nuzi and the Hurrians, Winona
Lake, IN 1981/1987.
nkl/Nikkalu
in ard/(?)
nbdg/Nub adig
nbdg
'nt
tmg
pddph/Piaaphi
hbt/Heb/pat
dqt/D/ Taqitu
hdn/Hud/ tena
hdlr/Hud/ tellura
ihr/ Ihara
aln/Allani
nkl/Nikkalu
nnt/Ninatta
klt/ Kulitta
adm/Adamma
kbb/Kubaba
T h e first series of the Hurrian pantheon of Ugarit (in tin, in atn, il,
ttb, kmrb, kdg, iwr prz, nkl, tutk) corresponds to the beginning of the
Ugaritic canon and in fact represents the group of the great Hurrian
gods, repeated with remarkable consistency in K T U 1.110 = RS
24.254:1-5; K T U 1.111 = RS 24.255:3-5, 8 - 1 0 ; K T U 1.116 = RS
24.261:11-4, suggesting a certain established sequence in which the
position of certain deities can fluctuate and Sawuka is not always
present. T h e mother goddess Hebat is missing. This series, in which
Teub does not occupy a privileged position, is in fact an adaptation of the classical Hurrian pantheon to the canon of Ugarit.
A second series (cf. K T U 1.110 = R S 24.254:6-10; K T U 1.111 =
R S 24.255:10-2; K T U 1.116 = R S 24.261:14-7) includes the following deities:
iy / Eya
attb / Atabi
'nt / 'Anatu
in ard / (?)
in hmn / (?)
tmg / Simegi
nbdg / Nubadig
Kotaru(?)
'Attar(t)u
'Anatu
(?)
(?)
Sapu
(?)
These two series are completed by the list of gods provided by texts
such as K T U 116 = R S 2 4 . 2 6 1 : 1 8 - 2 3 a n d K T U 1.132 = R S
24.291:4-12, already difficult to square with the Semitic pantheon.
This is, in principle, a cultic pantheon known from the sacrificial
texts. However, the syntax used for listing some of them makes them
equivalent to a 'god list'. W e are unable, however, to decide whether
in atn
il kmrb
ttb lb
iy kdg
5.
6.
7.
8.
ddm
u[k]
]nd
attb
9. hdn f}dlr
10. tgrbn pddph
11. tmg
12. irxxi/hdrp
13. cnt
14. ibnkl pdgl
15. nbdg
16. in k[]l/d in trhn in atthn ttb
17. bbt
These are the same gods just quoted but in a different order.
2.3
Lists of offerings
24
noted the places which are to provide the product mentioned, even
distinguished as to category (jyn: msb/hsp). T h e final section (lines
35-36) gives the sum total of what has been provided.
Although not really a ritual, it provides information about the elements of ritual (time, type, subject, predicate, object/material) and
so forms part of the corpus of cultic literature. From it can be deduced
clearly, unless the contrary is stated, that everyday wine of ordinary
quality, the so-called msb was used even in the cult. As confirmed
by the administrative texts ( d e l O l m o L e t e - S a n m a r t i n 1 9 9 8 ,
1 9 2 - 4 ) , this was a product normally used in the Ugaritic cult and
will again be mentioned in other lists of offerings considered here.
Wine to be consumed . . .
in the king's 'sacrifices':
the 'sacrifice of Sapunu',
Ibnm (shall provide) ten ('gallons') of wine
hlb gngnt "
"
three
" "
of wine
bir ( " " ) ten (kdm) of mz[b (wine) and two] kdm of hsp (wine)
hpty " " two kdm of m^b (wine)
Total (amount of) wine . . .".: sev[enty four kdm],
and of hsp (wine): two, as one lot.
(KTU 1.91 = RS 19.015:1-4, 21-36)
As it is an administrative text, its interest lies in the material and
the provider. Even so, it is not possible to be deceived about the
value of this type of text. Not only do such texts give information
but they also define a fiscal-cultic situation, and as such have prescriptive value, both for what refers to the centres providing material and for its use in the rituals mentioned. As such, the text could
belong either to the archive of the civil or palace warehouse, or to
the cultic or temple archive. In fact, there was only a single economy in these kingdoms. 26
26
32
DEL O L M O L E T E
1992a,
Cf.
DE M O O R
40
Cf.
VIROLLEAUD
1977, 462;
HERDNER
and town, mostly, also in this case, to the great tutelary gods of the
dynasty and with the cult of the 'dead' predominant.
T h e text, with alternating syntax (X + / + D N type of sacrifice
D N + X), is arranged into two sections, separated epigraphically by
a horizontal dividing line and defined by two 'types' of 'generic' cultic action which incorporate c o m m o n and known sacrificial actions.
T h e first, of the 'rt type (line 5), includes two series of sacrifices srp
wlmm (lines 10, 15), identical in one case (kmrr) and different in the
other. This twofold series, most probably carried out in two different
sanctuaries (palace and town), closes with another lmm-sacrifice (line
23), celebrated in a particular installation in an unknown sacred
place (burbt, line 19). Whereas the second section, of the npt-type
(line 24), also includes a repetitive series of srp wslmm-sacrifice (line
28, kmrr), which in turn is followed by what can be considered a
new series of rp wslmm (lines 36-7), with an interlude (lines 29-31)
in a new cultic installation of unspecified location (qgrt tlhn, lines
29-31). This ritual symmetry forces us to take into account the
specific nature of the generic Crt/npt rituals, which should not therefore be placed at the same cultic level as the 'sacrificial' rituals. T h e y
represent 'ceremonies of ceremonies', mixed rituals.
Accounts for the following sets of victims are given: as a holocaust (srp): 'two cows one month old' (yrh) for Ba'lu of Sapunu, along
with 'two ewes' and 'one dove' for Ba'lu; 'two loins' and 'one r a m '
for rml; 'one liver' and 'one r a m ' for lm; 'one liver of one head of
cattle' and again 'one r a m ' for Ba'lu of Sapunu; 'one ewe' for Sapunu.
As a peace offering (lmm), the same again. Again, as a holocaust:
'two livers' and 'one (piece o f ) offal' (for Ba'lu?); 'one cow' for ilib;
for Ilu, Ba'lu and Pidrayu, 'one r a m ' each; for 'Anatu of Sapunu, 'one
head of cattle and one r a m ' (alp w). As a communion sacrifice: for
ilib, Ba'lu of Ugarit, Ba'lu of hlb and Tarhu, one ' r a m ' each; for 'Anatu
of Sapunu, 'one head of cattle and one ram'; for Pidrayu and ddms,
'one r a m ' each. A new series of communion victims includes: 'one
r a m ' for each of the gods ilib, Dagnu, il t'dr b'l, Ba'lu, 'Anatu and
Rapu, as well as 'one head of cattle and one r a m ' for Ba'lu. T h e
first series of the npt ritual includes: 'one r a m ' for Ilu, 'two rams'
for 'Anatu of his; and for the gtrm, 'the left gsb of two head of cattle' plus 'one head of cattie and one ram'. T h e second part, besides
'thirty rams' spiced with 'tamarisk' for Ba'lu in 'the burner of the
table of the Lady/ies of the Mansions', includes by double entry
(kmrri), holocaust and communion: 'two calves [?]' (7m) for Ba'lu of
Sapunu; 'one r a m ' for il bt[(?), Sapunu and Ba'lu of Ugarit, one each;
'one cow' for ilib, and for Ba'lu of Ugarit and 'Anatu of Sapunu, 'one
head of cattle and one r a m ' jointly.
However, the smaller n u m b e r of deities c o m m e m o r a t e d in this
liturgy is evident, with emphasis on the three great deities: Ilu, Ba'lu,
'Anatu, under various invocations. In the first section they are canonical deities (+ rms), whereas in the second section gtrm, il bt and b'lt
bhtm are mentioned, invocations which place us squarely in the context of the dynastic ancestor cult (on the relationship of this series
of gods occurring in these texts, K T U 1.109 = RS 24.253, K T U
1.46 = RS 1.009, K T U 1.130 = RS 24.284, cf. above).
g) O n the other hand, the fact that the full moon ritual included in
K T U 1.109 = RS 24.253:1-14 occurs literally in the sequence of a
menology (K TU 1.46+ = R S 1.009+) shows the solid structure of
each cultic unit, which remains unchanged. K TU 1.46:10-7 is, then,
a word for word repetition of K T U 1.109:1-14, as we have just seen.
Instead, the beginning ( K T U 1.46 = R S 1.009:1-10) belongs to
another cultic unit, indicated by time (new moon) and is, more clearly
than the following, a pure list of offerings. 41 It tells us nothing, however, about the local situation of the rites.
Otherwise, the literary structure and the syntax are like those of
the previous text ( K T U 1.109 = R S 24.253). O n the 1st day we
have, apparently, the classic duo rp wlmm: 'one sltf and 'one (piece
of) offal' (np) for t' and 'two livers' for the 'god of the mansion' (il
bt); equivalently, 'one r a m ' for ilib, Ilu, Ba'lu and Dagnu; 'one cow'
for 'ttr-'ttpl and 'Anatu; 'one ewe' for Sapunu; several other victims are
dedicated to recipients now missing. And also on the 3rd, this time
with absolute clarity, and by double entry (kmm): 'one r a m ' for ilib,
Ilu, Ba'lu, Atiratu and Yammu; 'one cow' for b'l knp and another missing deity, as well as 'one ewe' for Sapunu. O n this day in addition,
a 'supplement' to the standard dual pattern, as was the case in K T U
1.109 = RS 24.253:19ff: '[one ram and] one head of cattle' for b'l
and 'ttrt; 'two birds' to the ins ilm; 'two cows' to the two bbtm.
In the group of deities mentioned in this coda to the 3rd day
there occur the ins ilm, the deified dead of the dynasty, honoured
by their habitual offering of 'two birds' (esrm), corresponding to the
gtrm who occur in K T U 1.109 = RS 24.253:26. Reference to the
bbt-m, which follows immediately, also gives the ritual the significance
41
Cf. GRAY
1989, 164-6;
1 9 6 5 , 9 0 - 2 ; XELLA
DEL O L M O
IJTE
1 9 8 1 , 5 5 - 8 ; DIJKSTRA
1984, 69
7 6 ; DE T A R R A G O N
42
C f . M I L I K 1 9 7 8 , 1 3 5 - 8 ; X E L L A 1 9 8 1 , 1 0 1 - 4 ; DIJKSTRA 1 9 8 4 , 7 4 - 5 ; DE T A R R A G O N
1989,
43
216-8;
DEL O L M O L E T E
C f . FISHER
1970, 4 9 2
TARRAGON 1 9 8 0 , 9 8 - 1 0 7 ,
8 6 - 9 0 ; DE M O O R
O L M O LETE
357-9.
1992a,
1992a,
188-9
1999,
280-2.
SANMARTIN
1975g,
525-8;
LORETZ -
1999, 2 8 2 - 9 1 ;
LORETZ
1988b, 3 2 6 - 7 ; 1 9 9 1 , 8 7 ;
PARDEE
1993, 301
17; W Y A T T
DE
1981,
DEL
1998C,
j) A virtually 'pure' list of offerings with a duplicate (a rare phen o m e n o n in Ugaritic literature) is provided by K T U 1.41 = R S
1.003+ and K T U 1.87 = RS 15.130, with slight indications of time,
place and ceremonial type; 44 they comprise one of the clearest witnesses of a monthly liturgy or menology (a sequence of sacred, especially sacrificial, celebrations, corresponding to particular days of one
month), which has been transmitted to us among the rituals of Ugarit.
It refers to the month of riyn ('of the first/new wine') and of course
has the format of a firstfruits ritual ('bunches/clusters are cut for Ilu')
of 'New Year' (autumn).
However, this aspect is blurred in the sequence of sacrificial rites.
Unlike other texts of the same genre, here there is a surprising confusion and mix of the parameters temporal and local by which it is
usually organized. Thus, for example, the numerical sequence of days
is not followed. T h e reason here could be that attention has been
given to the importance of the rites, which here as elsewhere correspond
above all to ceremonies celebrated on the d a y / n i g h t of the 'full
moon', and these have therefore been placed in first position. Full
moon and new moon appear to be decisive dates for the 'temporal'
parameter, whereas, the computation of the week also retains its
significance, as we shall see, as is evident in other menological texts.
Within this to some extent temporal confusion, the parameters of
time and type of offering acquire special significance for understanding the overall structure of the text. It is divided into 6 sections
and 2 appendices, which differ in each text; the one of K T U 1.41 =
R S 1.003:50-5 is a sacrificial ritual text; the one of K T U 1.87 =
R S 15.130 is, in turn, twofold: lines 5 4 - 5 7 , sacrificial ritual, lines
5 8 - 6 2 , a record (cf. above). T h e list of offerings is the following, distributed over the days of the month (is it one of the hdtm of K T U
1.91 = R S 19.015?): on the 1st day: 'one bunch of grapes (utkl)' for
Ilu and 'two rams' for 'Attartu (cf. line 49; apparently in different ceremonies). T h e 14th day comprises 4 or 5 sacrificial rites of different
type and recipient, accompanied by another group of non-sacrificial
cultic actions, with the king as officiant, although the sacred place
where they occur is not specified. It opens (lines 4 - 6 ) with the
'offering of the firstfruits' (ris argmn), possibly to the gods in general,
44
Cf.
157-65;
DIETRICH
1956, 104-12;
-
LORETZ
LEVINE
SANMARTIN
15
T o these animal victims must be added 'the cruet of oil', so that we would
have 'seven' units of offering, as a group complementing the offering of 'firstfruits'.
Curiously, here dr il and pfrr b'l are grouped together whereas they are separate in the official 'pantheon'; cf. 'List A', above.
4/
Related to the root *'rb, Heb. ma'arb, Akk. irbu, aibtu, the word seems to mean
approximately 'entry', in a commercial sense; however it could also have a 'funerary' connotation in connection with the 'setting' said of the 'sun' which 'enters' (the
underworld).
48
Here dbh denotes the type of offering, intended for a 'festal banquet'. Text
and context are reminiscent of the dbh mlk of K T U 1.91 = RS 19.015:2; cf. DE
M O O R 1987, 161, . 38; DE T A R R A G O N 1989, 155, . 54; DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a,
172 = 1999, 256.
4!)
In the previous line 'leavened loaves' were mentioned, their correlative, just
like wine is the correlative of oil-honey.
the rituals which take place on the 14th day, the day of the full
moon, the sacred climax of the month ris yn, in two cultic locations:
the palace sanctuary and the temple of Ilatu (possibly also located
within the palace).
T h e final section (lines 38-48) records the offerings corresponding to the first week of the month, on its last days, which are 'festive' days: the 5th, 6th and 7th. T h e ritual of the 5th day takes
place (lines 38-45) in the temple of Ilu, so going back to the heading of the text, which presupposed the offering of the firstfruits to
that god. T h e text is broken, but a first series of offerings is discernible: 'one shekel of silver' and various animal victims offered to
Ilu, Atiratu and to the ins ilm, with the known pattern X + / + D N .
T h e series next continues on 'the altar of ^a'/w'-presumably in the
same temple (?)-with a series of sacrifices ('one cow' and 'two ewes')
offered to various invocations of that deity, using the same pattern.
T h e correlation of this series with the one occurring in lines 3 3 - 6
is surprising: both reproduce the two groups of deities, of Ba'lu and
of Ilu, but in reverse order, and in both, the repetition of its last
element a specified n u m b e r of times (30/22) is assumed, with or
without a particular recipient. In this case it seems that the offering
which has to be repeated is specified: 'one ram', 'one cruet of oil'
and 'one cow'; an offering which is taken up again on the 6th day
(lines 45-6): 'two cruets of oil' and 'one cow'. T h e only new element is a reference to the exact culdc installation, the cly, the 'sacrificial
(place)', in which the ceremony is carried out and which has already
occurred before (line 37), in connection with the temple of Ilatu/'hady
of the Mansions', the location of the previous series of ritual actions.
T h e sacred and sacralizing ritual ends on the 7th day (lines 47-48)
with the desacralization of the (feast) day and of the king officiating
at sunset. This refers us back, by literary inclusio and ritual sequence,
to the new purification, which will take place on the 13th and 14th
days (lines 3 and 6-7), and to the following 'proclamation' of the
day (lines 7-8), related to the beginning of our text.
We have already anticipated above how this ritual ends (lines 48-9)
with the return to the ceremonial of the 1st day of the month (new
moon) in order to complete all its elements (lines 1-2), thus closing
the text almost as a literary unit with a final inclusio.
T h e liturgy of the month of ris yn is thus outlined in its first two
weeks between the climactic limits of new moon and full moon. T h e
rites of the first week (1st, 5th, 6th and 7th days) take place, apparendy,
in the temple of Ilu, whereas those of the end of the second week
(13th and 14/15th days) take place in the cultic installations of the
palace and in the temple of Ilatu/'Lady of the Mansions', possibly
part of them.
T h e appendices K T U 1.41 = R S 1.003+:50~5 and K T U 1.87 =
R S 18.056:54-7 include two specific rituals which simply mention
the victims required. T h e first describes with sufficient detail, 'the
Canaanite ritual of huts' in which are offered 'one r a m ' in holocaust
and as a peace offering 'one head of cattle and one r a m ' (alp ws),
seven times, to an unknown deity (prgl.sqrn) (on this cf. d e l O l m o
L e t e 1992a, 84 = 1999, 123-4). T h e second simply notes the offering
of 'one r a m ' on the 14th day of a certain month (for K T U 1.87 =
R S 18.056:58-61; cf. above 7.2.2.1.1 'Record of sacrificial material', c).
As a whole, this text has the structure of a multiple and complex
mixed sacrificial ritual (temporal-local-typological), i.e. an ordo mensualis
or ritual 'menology' of the 'New Year' liturgy in Ugarit.
2.3.1.3 Lists of offerings in context ( K T U 1.112 = R S 24.256,
K T U 1.115 = R S 24.260, K T U 1.43 = R S 1.001, K T U 1.106 =
RS 24.250+)
a) Instead, in the ritual K T U 1.112 = R S 24.256 50 the offerings are
set within more explicit cultic contexts. Only lines 2 2 - 7 are in the
nature of a 'list of offerings' which have been allocated, with a syntactic variant. T h e text is a collection of ceremonies which take place
also 'in the month of Hiyaru(?Y, and within it, ten 'feast days' are
specified. These, calculated from the new moon ( d e V a u x 1961, 468ff.
' T h e Liturgical Calendar. T h e new moon'), are the 1st, 3rd, 7th,
8th, 11th, 13th, 14th, 15th, 16th, 17th days.
In this text, various rituals of a sacrificial nature, of offerings, are
joined with others which are non-sacrificial, such as rituals of purification, procession or oracle, which require special consideration.
T h e first fact that stands out is that each type of offering ritual (hdrgl,
iyn, npt) begins on the first day of the corresponding first three weeks
of the m o n t h (1st, 8th, 15th).
50
1980, 113-36;
1992a, 156-70 =
DE T A R R A G O N
OLMO LETE
L e t e
1992a, 4 4 - 7 = 1999,
54
c) K T U 1.39 = R S 1.001 provides various series of'sacrifices', holocausts and communion sacrifices, probably offered to the dead kings
under their various invocations: t\ ilh, ilh b'l, and of course, ins ilm.
T h e r e is an actual moment, 'the night of Sapu pgr wtrmnm' (of the
' d e a d / f u n e r a r y offering' and of the 'sovereigns'), in which these trmnm
are honoured with a sacrificial ritual which involves all the gods of
the dynastic pantheon, as we saw above (List C; lines 12~9).
It is a text-list of sacrificial liturgy in which a series of offerings/
victims is itemized following the known formulae of sacrificial syntax. 55
T h e r e are very few temporal and local parameters and they are of
no help in determining clearly the structure of the text. At all events,
from line 12 it seems to be divided into two parts each with the same
n u m b e r of lines, which in respect of the cultic ' m o m e n t ' and the list
of gods which the second provides, are structurally and intentionally
different. T h e ritual of the second part (lines 12-22) takes place III,
'at night', and in bt mlk, 'the palace'. These specifications and the
systematic use of the god list of K T U 1.102 = R S 24.246:1-14,
referred to above, indicate that the whole thing is a royal dynastic
ritual of the funerary cult, presented autonomously, independent of
the day of the month in which it is to be celebrated.
Instead, the text has another parameter which is much better for
determining its structure. This is the one connected with the ritual
typology which is specified with unusual precision and in this matter is very like K T U 1.112 = R S 24.256. Its first part, (lines 1 - 9 ,
9 - 1 0 , 10-11) is thus arranged according to four different types of
offering/sacrifice (rp-lmm, urm, npt), each one with its particular
series of gods, some even repeated, as might be expected a prion.
This sequence has a parallel in K T U 1.41 = R S 1.0034:11-17,
17-19, which gives it its 'standard' character (cf. above 'Lists of gods
in sacrificial texts' 2). T h e second part (lines 12-19, [19]-20-22),
instead, with a list which is itself already a unit, as we have seen,
presents one single type of sacrifice, unspecified.
T h e end of the text (lines [19]-20-22, reverse of the tablet) is a
supplementary ritual, which could be understood as the 'thirty times'
repetition, i.e. over a ' m o n t h ' (pgr?), of the offering/sacrifice to 'two'
new deities (b'lt bhtm, ins ilm), and thus as an extension of the standard
55
list of K T U 1.102 = R S 24.246:1-14, as a synthesis of the royaldivine list of the reverse (cf. above 'List of Names of Divine Kings').
T h e distribution of offerings is as follows. As a burnt sacrifice: to
the t\rri) as a whole, 'two ewes', 'one dove', 'two loins and one liver
from a head of catde'; to Ilu, 'one ram'; 'one cow' to the ilhm, 'one
ewe' to tkmn-nm and another to Raspu. As a peace offering: to the
ilhm as a whole, 'two ewes', 'one head of cattle', 'one ram', 'one
cow'; to Ba'lu, Atiratu, tkmn-nm, 'Anatu and Raspu, 'one r a m ' each;
'one cow' to the groups dr il and phr b'l and another to lm.
In a burnt sacrifice (urm): to the ilhm b'lm, 'a burnt heart' and
'fifteen measures of forage and spelt'. 56 In a sacrifice of 'presentation' (half of it?): one ' r a m ' each to b'l spn, b'lt bhtm, ilt mgdl and ilt
asrm. Lastly, as a /)gr(?)-sacrifice: to the pantheon of K T U 1.102 =
R S 24.246:1-14, 'one cow' to ten of its deities, 'one ewe' to another
four, 'one r a m ' to one deity and two unspecified offerings (dbhrr) to
two others, without it being possible to determine the meaning and
significance of this variety of victims. In the final 'coda': 'thirty times
one cow' to the b'lt bhtm and 'two birds' to the ins ilm.
W e can, then, understand this text as a 'sacrificial agenda' which
lists the various types of sacrifice related to the royal funerary liturgy:
rp-lmn, urm, npt, pgr and the 'daily sacrifice', with the time and
place of celebration unspecified.
d) K T U 1.106 = R S 24.250+ is also a royal funerary ritual of a
particular month, the month of gn;57 there victims are offered to all
the 'divine peoples' and to some dead kings (the most recent?) in
particular, under their 'divine' names: yarsil, ydbil, 'mtr (cf. 'Lists of
Names of Divine Kings', above 7.2.2.2). T h e sacred time corresponds
to days 8, 22 and 25 (cf. lines 18, 24, 25-26). This implies that the
ceremonies mentioned in lines 1 - 1 7 (18) took place on the first or
on subsequent days of the first 'week' of the month in question.
As for the sacrificial rite, we have the known type rp, '(as a) holocaust' (cf. lines 2 and 7), repeated twice, apparently corresponding
to the twofold mention of the recipient deities (rp/ ins ilm/group of
three || rp/in ilm/[?]), and of the victim (hgb/np w + 'srm). T h e
56
This sacrificial offering is unique in all the cultic literature of Ugarit. On the
meaning of the types of rituals termed urm and npt and their possible relation to
rp wlmm cf. DEL O L M O L E T E 1 9 9 5 , 4 5 , nn. 4 9 , 5 1 .
57
Cf. H E R D N E R 1978, 26-30; X E L L A 1981, 8 1 - 5 ; D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1988b,
324-5; DE T A R R A G O N 1989, 185-7; DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 149-56 = 1999, 219-32.
remainder or second part of this initial ritual of sacrifice has elements remarkably in parallel with those in K T U 1.112 = RS 24.256:
1) the participation of the royal family, 'sons' and 'daughters', and
then of the king himself (cf. lines 9 - 1 0 , 17);
2) the performance of the cultic action in the cult installations of
the palace: the sacrifice of 'one r a m ' to Pidrayu and 'seven ewes' in
the hmn, 'one r a m ' in the qds/'ly/hmn of Nikkalu, another in the kbm
and 'one cow' 'at the door of the royal mausoleum' ( d e l O l m o L e t e
1992a, 153 = 1999, 227);
3) the sevenfold rhythm of the ceremonial (cf. K T U 1.106 = R S
24.250+: 12-3; K T U 1.112 = R S 24.256:6-7);
4) in both texts the 'cantor' takes part (lines 157), and there is
an 'oracular response' (ttb rgm) in both, at a later stage (cf. lines 23
and 32). Also in both, but at different times, the desacralization/
purification rite of the king is mentioned, although this fact is not
of itself significant.
O n the 8th day the sacrificial rite includes, together with the usual
victims numbering 'seven cows', 'fourteen ewes' and 'one (piece o f )
offal' (cf. K T U 1.112 = RS 24.256:26-7), a new class of offering,
unknown in the other rituals of Ugarit: 'fish stew' (blt dg). Similar
ritual elements recur and close the cultic action of the third week
(cf. lines 32-3).
T h e decisive day of the ritual is the 25th. It comprises a sacrificial-banquet)
at night before the king, seated on his throne, in
honour of and in communion with arsy and 'gods of the underworld'
(ilm ars) with 'provisions' (lhmt) selected and prepared beforehand
(cf. lines 25 and 28: 'nine ewes', 'one head of cattle' a n d 'one
goose'), offered to the gods, and 'two ewes' and 'one cow' offered
to the goddess.
As for place, the cultic action shifts on day 8 from the cult installations of the palace mentioned in lines 13-4, to a new sacred location, known only from this text and giving its name to the month
of the ritual: the 'garden' (gn) ( d e l O l m o L e t e 1996a, 103-4, for
the identification of the gn), which fits in well with the 'infernal'/'funerary' nature of the deities honoured in this ritual.
Apart from the sacrificial moment (lines 1 - 1 5 , 1922, 30-31) in
honour of and communion with deities either specifically mentioned
or assumed, it also includes the desacralization/purification rite of
the king, already known from other texts (lines 24, 26, 34), and two
58
liturgy takes place in the temple of Ba'lu, bt b'l ugrt (lines 3, 9-10),
mgdl b'l ugrt (line 12), and then moves to the temple of Ilu, qds il, bt
il (lines 6, 14) for the second and third rituals. Even the various
areas of the temple of Ba'lu where the offerings are made are specified, which will not be discussed here. Also specified are the various
sacrificial actions of the syntactic pattern ' X + I + D N [+ type of
offering + officiant'] with, exceptionally, more verbal than nominal
syntax. Victims: besides the usual ones (large and small flocks: ram,
cow, bull, lamb), there occur others which are rarer or specific ([piece
o f ] offal, dove, donkey). T h e officiant: when specified, he is the king,
also the subject of other non-sacrificial rites (purification). However
the strangest datum of this text comprises the (divine) recipients of
the offerings, together with their type, an element which is by no
means clear.
In the first section (lines 1-4) 'two rams' are delivered for b'l and
sacrificed in the temples mentioned. In the second section (lines 4-11)
'three cows' are delivered to the sanctuary of Ilu and to the b'lm and
to the 'hero' (glrri), 'two sheep' ('ewes') and 'one cow' to the Damsels
(glmt), plus 'one lamb' and 'one dove' which 'are burned (tmr) It',59
in the testimonial of the temple of Ba'lu of Ugarit'. As in other cases,
the ritual of the 17th day forms a continual unit with the ritual of
the 18th day, section three (lines 11-17), and so the desacralization
of the king is not specified. O n this day the offering of 'one head
of cattle' (alp) is made in the temple of Ba'lu; in the temple of Ilu,
'one (piece of) offal' (np) for Uharayu(?), another for Ba'lu and 'a
donkey' for whom or why we do not know.
T h e fourth section (lines 18-36, reverse) has two clearly differentiated parts: a ritual (lines 18-24 + 25) and a prayer (lines 26-36).
In it are noted the victims which correspond to a 'week' of offerings
(apparently reserved for Ba'lu), of which have been preserved those
of the 'two birds' (twice), 'one liver' and 'one "little chain"(?) of a
liver'. This complex of victims ('srm, kbd, rt) belongs more to divination or summoning rituals. It is possible, then, that although it takes
place in the same sacred place, the ritual on the reverse is completely
59
This lexeme, t'(y), has normally been given the meaning of 'offering' in one
of its types (which is not defined); however closer analysis makes it preferable to
see here and in other texts a divine-cultic title of the dead and divinized kings of
Ugarit, a title which is already attributed in epic to the legendary King Keret ( K T U
1 . 1 6 = R S 3.325+ i 24 and par.); cf. DEL O L M O L E T E 1988a. Cf. Wyatt 1998c,
200 n. 115.
W.G.E.
Watson)
T h e
O m e n
P a o l o
3.1
T e x t s
X e l l a
Mesopotamian tradition
3.2
DIETRICH
LORETZ
SANMARTIN
1975d;
This small group of texts is of the greatest interest because it documents translation into the local language of a type of divination
text which is typically Mesopotamian (the Babylonian series Summa
izbu studied by Leichty). 2 T h e documents in question, which are
approximately contemporaneous with those found in the great Syrian
archive of Mesken-Emar, 3 also allow us to examine further the history of the spread of this genre. In fact they date back to a period
earlier than the corresponding documents in Akkadian and Hittite
found at Bogazky ( R I E M S C H N E I D E R 1 9 7 0 ) and represent the most
direct chronological link with the Old Babylonian tablets which circulated in series before their final 'canonization' in 24 tablets, evidence for which is provided from Ashurbanipal's library at Nineveh.
T h e Geburtsomina of Ugarit are typologically related to those from
Bogazky and, if we follow the classification proposed by Riemschneider, 4 these too can be divided basically into two types: K T U 1 . 1 0 3 +
= R S 2 4 . 2 4 7 + and K T U 1 . 1 4 5 = R S 2 4 . 3 2 8 A + refer to anomalous
animal births (which are to be set alongside Tablet V of the canonical series), whereas K T U 1 . 1 4 0 = R S 2 4 . 3 0 2 concerns h u m a n births
(and seems to derive from Tablets I - I V of the canonical series).
T h e teratological omens from Ras S h a m r a are a fairly faithful
reflection of the 'principles' 5 of what is termed deductive divination,
such as the classic opposition rightleft, where the right refers to
everything concerning the country and its inhabitants, whereas the
left concerns the king and enemy countries. 6 In this perspective, every
defect or anomaly found on the right comprises an unfavourable
omen, but if it is found on the left it is interpreted favourably. Every
'increase'even if strange or monstrousof the right side, therefore, corresponds to events which are positive for the king and his
kingdom. T h e absence of limbs or organs seems instead to portend
bad omens.
XELLA
CAPOMACCHIA
1990a, 87-165;
= 1999, 353-9.
LORETZ
2
LEICHTY
Cf.
RIEMSCHNEIDER
1979;
XELLA
DIETRICH -
1981, 191-206;
LORETZ
PARDEE
1986;
DIETRICH
1970.
3.3
Astrological omens
Detailed bibliography in D I E T R I C H
L O R E T Z 1990a, 165 95.
B O R D R E U I L - C A Q U O T 1980, 352; D I E T R I C H
L O R E T Z 1990a, 165-95 (cf. 168-70);
of the sun and the moon, and is connected with the Mesopotamian
series Enma Anu Enlil ( W e i d n e r 1941-44). As usual, the sentences
comprise a protasis and an apodosis and the presages concern the
well-being of the king, the ruling house and their possessions. T h e
text is too broken to supply information or provide specific parallels
with the omens of Mesopotamian tradition. T h e most detailed analysis available, also at the comparative level, is by D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z
(1990a) and for the time being it is not possible to progress further.
T h e widespread belief in astrology in Ugarit is documented not
only by references to the '(divine) stars' in some ritual texts and from
allusions in texts such as K T U 1.23 = R S 2. [024] and K T U 1.19 =
RS 3.322 + ii 1-3, 9 but also by an unusual document, K T U 1.78 =
R S 12.61. It concerns an eclipse of the sun, the simultaneous appearance of the planet Mars and the presages derived from it.10 This
astral conjunction seemed to take on a fatal and dangerous character, confirmed by the consultation of livers expressly carried out. At
all events, the precise date of the event (probably March 5th, 1223
bce) is still debated by specialists and there is no unanimous opinion." T h e exceptional nature of the document, which lies halfway
between astrology and hepatoscopy, further complicates its translation and interpretation. T h e translation provided here is still provisional and hypothetical:
1
2
3
4
5
6
bit. ym.hdt
hyr 'rbt
p Igrh
rp
kbdm tbqrn
skn
DEL O L M O L E T E
LORETZ
In the si1ence(?)12
(of the month) hyr down went
the Sun: her gatekeeper was
Raap.
(For this) (1/2) liver(s) was/were examined:
danger!
DIETRICH
LORETZ
1988b, 94-5;
DIETRICH
1990C.
11
KUDLEK -
1987-8;
MICLER
1989;
1 9 7 1 ; SAWYER -
STEPHENSON
1 9 7 0 ; DE J O N G -
VAN S O L D T
1990a, 2 8 1 - 5 (contribution by W . C .
S E I T T E R - H . W . D U E R B E C K ) . P A R D E E - S W E R D L O W 1993; W Y A T T 1998C, 366-7.
12
For a discussion of b It see D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1990a, 50ff.; the meaning proposed here is hypothetical.
WALKER
DIETRICH
LORETZ
3.4
Extispicy
13
Essential bibliography:
1990a, 24 Iff.; DEL
LORETZ
14
O n
15
KRAUS
him
liography in
1999, 91-5.
cf. COURTOIS
1985, 185 7;
DIETRICH
XELLA
OLMO
1979,
MEYER
LORETZ
DIETRICH
LETE
1271.
in D I E T R I C H
L O R E T Z 1990a, 255ff. Specific bib1990a, 18; add DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 69 72 =
16
DIETRICH -
LORETZ
Watson)
CHAFFER
EIGHT
T h e
U g a r i t i c
Jesus-Luis
1.1
L e t t e r s
C u n c h i l l o s
Introductory
The texts
MUNN-RANKIN
EBELING
376-81.
2
S e e VALLOGGIA
CUNCHILLOS
1976.
1.1.2
Structure
4
C U N C H I L L O S - V I T A 1993a, 239-306, 8 6 3 - 4 ; the texts, in corrected form are
available in Sapnu, Publicaciones en Internet, at http://wwvv. labherm.filol.csic.es.
5
See M ALB R A N - L A B A T 1995a, 103 n. 2.
1.2
Heading
distant is I pcn mrhqtm qlt 'at the feet of I / w e fall from afar'
K T U 2.11 = RS 8.315:5-7; K T U 2.33 = R S 16.402:3-4; K T U
2.45 = RS 18.140:11-2 (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 249, n. 27). More
solemn is / pen tnid sbcd mrhqtm qlny 'at the feet of twice seven
(times) I / w e fall' K T U 2.64 = R S 19.102 obv. 13-16; K T U 2.70
= R S 29.093:8-10. O r also I p'n bCd wsb'id mrhqtm qlt 'at the feet
of seven and seven (times) from a distance I fall' K T U 2.12 =
RS 9.479a:6-11; K T U 2.24 = RS 16.137[w]+:5-7; K T U 2.40 =
RS 18.040:5-8; K T U 2.42 = R S 18.1 13a:4-5; K T U 2.51 = R S
18.[312]:2-3; K T U 2.68 = R S 20.199:4-7 (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a,
249, n. 29). T h e two last expressions could have the same meaning
although it is not completely certain and they could have different
nuances (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 250). fall' is a translation of qlt
from Vqyl, cognate with Akkadian qlu (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 250).
'From afar' is a translation of mrhqtm or mrhqm, an adverb derived
from Vrhq.
1.2.3 Greetings. T h e sender usually greets the recipient with a jussive: ylm I- 'Peace to N ! (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 251 and n. 3 6 ) ,
which occurs in several letters.' Its variants a r c y l m ly8 and InylmP
T h e nominal use of lm cannot be excluded in some cases. 10
1.2.4 Wishes. T h e greeting can be followed by a wish with a religious content as expressed by the sender in favour of the recipient.
W h e n both elements are present, the action seems to be progressive.
Indeed, with the greeting the sender wishes the recipient to enjoy
good health when receiving the letter, while with the wishes he
expresses the hope that the gods may continue preserving the recipient's good health. T h e same progression is glimpsed in the body of
the letter. T h e greeting, then, can be differentiated from the wishes or
11
1.3
15
In K T U 2.1 = RS 3.427; K T U 2.11 = RS 8.315; K T U 2.13 = RS 11.872;
K T U 2.21 = RS 15.174; K T U 2.24 = RS 16.137[w]+; K T U 2.30 = RS 16.379;
K T U 2.34 = RS 17.139; K T U 2.36+ = RS 17.435+; K T U 2.38 = RS 18.031;
K T U 2.46 = RS 18.147; K T U 2.56 = RS 18.[4001; K T U 2.65 = RS 19.1 58B;
K T U 2.67 = RS 19.181B; K T U 2.68 = RS 20.199; K T U 2.70 = RS 29.093; K T U
2.71 = RS 29.095; K T U 2.72 = RS 34.124; K T U 2.76 = RIH 7 7 / 2 1a; K T U
2.83 = R I H 78/25.
16
K T U 2.11 = RS 8.315:10; K T U 2.38 = RS 18.031:6; K T U 2.46 = RS
18.147:6; K T U 2.56 = RS 18.[400]:4; K T U 2.65 = RS 19.158 b:1; K T U 2.71 =
RS 29.095:5; K T U 2.72 = RS 34.124:4.
17
K T U 2.1 = RS 3.427:3; K T U 2.13 = RS 11.872:9; K T U 2.21 = RS 15.174:7;
K T U 2.24 = R S 16.137 [Aw] + :8; K T U 2.30 = RS 16.379:8; K T U 2.36+ = RS
17.435+:2; K T U 2.47 = RS 19.181 B:4; K T U 2.70 = RS 29.093:11; K T U 2.76
= RIH 77/21a:4; K T U 2.83 = RIH 78/25:2.
18
See C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 258, n. 69.
19
See
CUNCHILLOS
1986,
259
60; 260,
n.
75.
20
25
PARDEE -
26
KRISTENSEN
WHITING
1977,
1987.
145
in respect of
K T U
2.47
RS
18.148.
has to be accepted that on the other h a n d it presents several advantages c o m p a r e d to other literary genres. T h e letter has spatial boundaries which cannot be said of more complex literary texts such as
myths and legends. This factor assures us b e f o r e h a n d that if the
tablet is intact, the m e a n i n g of the letter will be complete.
It has been claimed that the correspondence in Ugaritic is only
a translation f r o m Akkadian texts. T h e arguments for and against
have been set out elsewhere. 2 7 T h e r e is a strong possibility that
Ugaritic correspondence was original.
1.4
Closing formula
1.5
Conclusion
27
28
29
See
See
See
CUNCHILLOS
CUNCHILLOS
CUNCHILLOS
1989a, 264-7.
1989a, 286 n. 6.
1989a, 3 0 2 n. 2 5 .
of Ugarit had to bring a quantity of gold for the House of the king,
but the same a m o u n t also for the House of the queen. N i q m a d d u
sent the required a m o u n t of gold that was due to the king by adopting the ruse of sending it to the House of the queen. Similarly,
Niqmaddu, king of Ugarit, had to send a certain quantity of precious stones which had been worked in his kingdom to the Hittite
court. N i q m a d d u pretended not to have any gem cutters.
In the rest of the letter, he asks the Hittite court for help in assuring that the caravans going to Egypt would pass through Ugarit, no
doubt thinking of the benefits such commercial traffic would entail.
In another letter, ( K T U 2.38 = R S 18.031), the king of Tyre informs the king of Ugarit that the fleet he had sent to Egypt found
itself in the middle of a great storm which forced the fleet to split,
half going to Tyre and the other half to Acre. T h e fleet was carrying wheat. T h e captain m a d e them take the wheat out of the
amphoras and lay it out to dry, but first he delivered it to the king
of Tyre, the one responsible on land. T h e king of Tyre informed
the king of Ugarit that the cargo had again been loaded on the
boats and that the fleet had resumed its journey.
Another letter, ( K T U 2.68 = RS 20.199), by Urfcteub, seems likely
to deal with the old Hittite king who had fallen into disgrace and
had had more than friendly relations with Ugarit.
Each of the letters is a remnant of someone's life and reflects the
society to which he belongs.
1.5
30
Palabras en Alorfologia Desplegada or PAID in Spanish. Here the English abbreviation is used for convenience. See 16.2.2.
31
C U N C H I L L O S - V I T A 1993a, 1-2191.
36
W.G.E.
WATSON)
T h e
Akkadian
John
2.1
Letters
Huehnergard
Introduction
2.2
See
BORDREUIL -
MALBRAN-LABAT
In the next letter, R S 19.070 = PRU 4, 294, the king and queen of
Ugarit write to a man of lesser rank; after the address there follow
a brief expression of well-wishes and an invocation of divine blessing.
Message of the king of the land of
Umma ar mat Ugarit u arrat mat Ugarit]
Ugarit and the queen of the land of
ana Kila'e ab-ni qib-ma:
Ugarit; say to our father Kila'e:
M a y you be well.
M a y the gods keep you in good
health.
2.3
2.4
Grammar
T h e letters found at Ras Shamra, like the other Akkadian texts, are
for the most part written in the western peripheral type of Middle
Babylonian that is termed Hurro-Akkadian or Syro-Anatolian. This
type of Akkadian usually exhibits a certain a m o u n t of confusion in
the writing of stops and sibilants; an enclitic particle, -me, which
tends to replace normative Akkadian -ma on prepositions, conjunctions, adverbs, and pronouns (e.g., in the conjunction km instead
of kma; the adverb anumm instead of anumma\ and the indefinite pronoun mannumm instead of mannumma); the frequent appearance of
the conjunction u to introduce main clauses after protases of conditional sentences, after relative clauses and other subordinate clauses,
and after instances of casus pendens. Peripheral Akkadian texts also
tend to exhibit an admixture of several core Mesopotamian dialects
into the Middle Babylonian matrix, such as Old Babylonian and
Old and Middle Assyrian forms. T h e y also betray substrate influence,
i.e. features of the scribes' native languages, including lexical items,
phonological and morphological patterns, and syntactic structures.
Finally, the peripheral texts also show a certain a m o u n t of grammatical simplification and reduction, the result of creolizing tendencies as the scribes attempted to write their imperfecdy-learned Akkadian.
T h e features just listed are common to all Syro-Anatolian Akkadian
texts, including the Ras S h a m r a Akkadian letters. Texts written
in a particular locale, however, will exhibit each of the various features to a greater or lesser extent than texts written elsewhere. In
UGARIT
CARCHEMISH
T h e following two letters, the first from the king of Carchemish and
the second from the king of Ugarit, illustrate several of these distinctions:
RS 17.423 = PRU 4, 193.
Umma sarrim-ma;
ana Ibrni ar Ugarit qib-ma:
Enma Misra-muwa arnu itti Kuzvarru-ma abi illaka. U atta itu zttu k tbi l tteneppu-u. Appnama
ana sis-u tibna l tattanaddin-ma.
Summa atta ul td-u, ah-u a Upparmuwa t; mr anim-ma t. U itu
Ztt-u k tbi l tteneppu-u.
Now then, Misra-muwa is coming there to stay with Kuzi-Sarruma. You must treat him consistently
well, according to his due. In addition, you must keep his horses supplied with grain (and) straw. In case
you do not know him, he is the
brother of Uppar-muwa; he is the
king's own son. So you must always
treat him consistently well, according to his due.
Also, may my
my lord the king,
two good horses
from Hanigalbat
the charge of my
2.5
individual dialects m a y
a letter whose point of
some instances, to suga given place.
Alalah
Perhaps R S 4.449 ( V i r o l l e a u d
also B u n n e n s 1987.
2.5.2
Alasiya
Amqu
2.5.4
Amurru (see
Izre'el
1991)
Assyria
Atate
Beirut
1992,
192
(3.5));
Bi'rut
Carchemish (see
Huehnergard
R S 8.333 = PRU 3, 7 - 8 ;
R S 15.077 = PRU 3, 6 - 7 ;
1979)
R S 16.003 = PRU 3, 3 - 4 ;
?RS
17.078
PRU
4,
196-7;
17.292
PRU
4,
188;
25.461
(Lackenbacher
1989,
317-9);
R S 34.136 = R S O 7, no. 7;
R S 34.138 = R S O 7, no. 8;
?RS 34.143 = R S O 7, no. 6;
R S 34.145 = R S O 7, no. 9;
R S 88.2013 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t in 1995b, 39);
perhaps also R S 13.007b = PRU 3, 6a: Carchemish or Hatti;
perhaps also R S [Varia 16] ( R S L 1) = Ug 5, no. 23: Alasiya or
Carchemish; see B e r g e r 1969, 219; Y a m a d a 1992.
2.5.10
Egypt
2.5.11
Emar
Hatti (see
Hagenbuchner
1989)
Arnaud
1982a,
Ma'fraz
10.046
2.5.14
(Virolleaud
1941,
1-2;
3,
9-10).
Man
Muki
Parga
Qadesh
Sidon (see
Arnaud
1992)
25.430a
RS
34.149
RS
86.2208
(unpublished; see
=
R S O
7, n o .
Arnaud
1992,
193
(5.7));
Arnaud
1992,
193
(5.11));
38;
(unpublished; see
RS
86.2221
Arnaud
86.2225
1992,
+ 8 6 . 2 2 4 0 (unpublished; see
much of text transliterated and trans-
86.2226
1 7 9 - 9 4 (5.12);
lated in footnotes);
?RS 8 6 . 2 2 3 4 (unpublished; see A r n a u d 1 9 9 2 , 1 9 3 ( 5 . 1 3 ) ) ;
perhaps also R S 1 8 . 0 5 4 A = PRU 4 , 2 2 8 - 9 : Assyria or Sidon; see
M a y e r
2.5.19.1
1971,
2; A r n a u d
1992,
193
(5.4).
Siyannu
Siyannu/Unatu
Tarhudai
Tyre
2.5.22
Ugarit (see
7 (Arnaud
H u e h n e r g a r d
1982b).
1989)
1983);
1992,
192
(3.6));
Ug 5 , n o .
36;
Malbran-Labat
?RS
25.131
(Lackenbacher
1989,
?RS
25.138
(Lackenbacher
1989,
318,
in 1995b, 35);
320);
318-20);
8.2.5.19)
Provenance unknown
77/17
1.056
(Arnaud-Kennedy
(Virolleaud
1929,
1979,
pl.
318);
76/1);
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
21.063f
1974]);
R S 21.064
R S 21.072
R S 21.201
R S 22.006
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
=
=
=
=
RS
RS
21.063f?
[Khne
20.244?
[Khne
Ug 5, no. 64;
Ug 5, no. 69;
PRU 6, no. 20;
PRU 6, no. 16;
in
in
in
in
1995b, 37);
1995b, 35);
1995b, 3 7 ) ;
1995b, 35);
in 1995b, 39);
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
C H A P T E R NINE
T H E
L E G A L
T E X T S
Ignacio
1.1
F R O M
M a r q u e z
U G A R I T
Rowe*
Introduction
* I wish to express my most sincere thanks to Pierre Bordreuil and Dennis Pardee,
epigraphists of the Mission de Ras Shamra, who kindly made available to me their
transliterations and copies of the unpublished Ugaritic texts discussed in this paper.
I am also grateful to Mme Florence Malbran-Labat, also epigraphist of the Mission
de Ras Shamra, who kindly provided me with the contents of the newly excavated
Akkadian legal documents as well as with her transliterations and copies of other
unpublished texts. My especial thanks go to Dennis Pardee, who read critically an
earlier draft of this paper, making several corrections and annotations. It goes without saying that any mistakes remain my own responsibility.
1.2
The find-spot
NOUGAYROL
1952,
182 n.
2.
This same scope was also applied in the last survey of the legal texts published
by D . Pardee and P . Bordreuil in the ABD article on Ugarit ( P A R D E E - B O R D R E U I L
1 9 9 2 , 718FF.). In contrast, in the corresponding contribution to SDB, Sznycer dealt
only with the legal texts written in the Ugaritic language (SZNYCER 1 9 7 9 , 1417FF.).
1.3 Chronology
Dating texts was not practised at all by Ugarit scribes. Strictly speaking, not even legal records were dated, in contrast to the c o m m o n
legal tradition. This is also true of the international documents drawn
up by scribes of the courts of Hatti, Carchemish, Amurru or Siyannu.
T h e only chronological reference is the n a m e of the king (obviously
normally attested in royal documents) or a possible prosopographical connexion, such as for example the name of the scribe. In any
case, the most accurate date we can give for any document stands
grosso modo for the span of one particular reign.
T h e chronological frame of our material covers the reigns of seven
successive kings, from N i q m a d d u II down to c Ammurapi', in all like3
Cf.
MALBRAN-LABAT
VAN S O L D T
1991a, 50.
1995b, 1 1 0 - 1 1 .
1.4
5
6
7
1935,
27.
1-46).
T h e
Akkadian
Legal
Texts
W e have mentioned above that Akkadian was the language par excellence of legal documents. W e also stated that this Akkadian corpus
consists of two main different genres or sub-genres, namely records
dealing with domestic affairs and records that concern foreign affairs.
Accordingly, we propose here to deal with them separately. It should
be noted that scribes at the royal court of Ugarit were probably
familiar with this distinction; not only because of the content of the
documents they could read or the characteristic physical aspect of
the tablets (such as their shape or seal impressions) but also because
they deliberately filed them separately within the royal archives, as
pointed out above.
2.1
See
NOUGAYROL
1952,
182T. a n d
1955,
23.
of both the shape of the tablet and the sealing practice. T h e prototype is the c o m m o n tablet (about 90 x 70 m m , the thickness
exhibits more variation, reaching sometimes about 40 mm) with one
single seal impression placed on top of the obverse, hence at the
head of the text (sometimes divided by a ruling). A close look at the
tablets shows that the seal was rolled (very seldom stamped) before
the text was written. T h e text, on the other hand, also presents several characteristic features of this local legal practice. N o doubt the
most typical example is the invariable opening adverbial phrase 'From
today' (itu mi annm).
2.2
2.2.1
This group consists of those legal texts in which the king of Ugarit
presides, explicidy or not, over the transactions involved. These 'actes
royaux', as Nougayrol called them, are as a rule characterized by
one main feature: they consistently bear the same seal impression,
that of the so-called 'dynastic seal' of the kings of Ugarit. This feature is of course essential to define a legal text, for the presence of
this impression implies that the owner of the seal, i.e. the king, was
present at the transaction. Therefore, the preservation of the royal
seal impression, or the corresponding seal identification formula,
quickly characterizes a royal document. O f course, the form and
content which describe the nature of the transaction are also good
indicators for identifying these texts. I have counted altogether about
170 texts and fragments in Akkadian that describe domestic transactions presided over by the king.
2.2.2
Find-spot
All but three of the documents were found within the walls of the
royal palace. This should not be surprising when dealing with royal
documents. Most significant, however, is the distribution of these
texts within the palace proper. O f the approximately 170 texts and
fragments, at least 147 come from the same royal archive, n a m e d
by Schaeffer 'les Archives Centrales'. A closer look at the archaeological context has shown that these records were in all likelihood
stored on file in a room located on the upper floor of the northern
wing of this area. 9 Also of interest is the fact that almost all the legal
texts discovered in this archive are royal documents. Therefore it is
reasonable to assume that this archive was probably meant to keep
royal domestic legal documents.
2.2.3
Form
See
VAN S O L D T
1991a, 88-93.
no-one will take the estate granted or purchased from the grantee's
or buyer's hands; the grantee will or will not have to perform the
ilku/pilku-servce.
Finally, the document closes with the formula that identifies the
dynastic seal, either as '(great) seal of the king' or as 'seal of R N ' ,
often followed by the name of the scribe who is sometimes qualified
as witness.
Schematically, then, the structure of royal d o c u m e n t s can be
described as follows: 10
a)
b)
c)
d)
Content
Almost all the royal documents that preserve a more or less complete and intelligible text are deeds of conveyance. Gifts (e.g. RS
15.88, RS 15.145, RS 16.142, RS 16.150), sales (e.g. RS 15.136,
10
196
KIENAST
1979,
433.
An example
Obv
nq-ma- ikur
dumu
['Ammittamru]
aru
lugal
u-ga-n-i[t]
it-ta-i -/[tt]
Rcv
sa lpa-be-y[i]
i-na uru lul] -l[a-mi]
id-d[in-u]
a-na ^nu-r[i-ia-na]
a-na dumu.me[-r]
10
a-na da-n-tim[-ma]
ma-am-ma-an la-a i-l[eq-q(-u)]
is-tu u-ti lnu-n-ia-[na]
i-tu u-ft dumu[.me-iu]
a-na da-n-tim-rn[a ]
15
na4
2.3
2.3.1
From today
Niqmaddu, son of
'Ammittamru,
king of Ugarit,
has taken the house
of P N
(which is located) in T N
and has given it
to Nuriynu
and to his sons
for ever.
No-one will take it
from the hands of Nuriynu
or from the hands of his sons
ever.
Seal of the king.
Find-spot
Form
a)
b)
c)
d)
2.3.4
Content
dealt with the legal texts of Ugarit, chiefly those written in Akkadian:
M i l l e r 1 9 8 0 and L i b o l t 1 9 8 5 . T h e former basically consists of an
English translation with a brief commentary of all the domestic legal
documents (including also some administrative records); and the latter
exclusively deals with the royal land grants, presented in transliteration and translation in chronological order, and aims at determining the evoludon of Ugaridan society through a thorough examination
of the changes in language, namely the clauses on heritability in
these texts. A study by the present author of both the language and
the content of the royal deeds of conveyance is forthcoming.
2.4
2.4.1
Find-spot
on file on the upper storey, 12 and they seem to have been kept there
separately. Moreover, some of them were identified by means of
labels or tags attached either to the tablets themselves or the baskets in which they were placed. 13
Although some of the few finds outside the royal palace could
have been misplaced, it is nonetheless probable that several private
archives belonging to high state officials would also have contained
some of the international legal documents (as is certainly true of the
epistolary material). This seems indeed to be the case of the archive
of Urtenu which, according to the last epigraphic report already
mentioned above, has yielded three documents of Hittite origin.
2.5
2.5.1
It goes without saying that the nature of the foreign records found
at Ugarit is intimately connected with the political and diplomatic
relations existing between the states involved. Indeed, the fact that
Ugarit was annexed to the Hittite empire as a vassal state during
the reign of Niqmaddu II explains why the approximately thirty legal
documents stemming from the Hittite court discovered at Ras Shamra
basically consist of vassal treaties, edicts and verdicts establishing
Ugarit's foreign relations. Dated texts range from the days of the
annexation of Ugarit by Suppiluliuma I down to the reign of T u d haliya IV.
In opening the section on legal texts we referred to the general
problem of drawing the line that divides legal texts from administrative records. With Hittite documents the controversy is further
raised mainly due to the form of the texts. As is well known, Hittite
scribal practice often opens the text with the epistolary Akkadian
formula umma P N / R N 'Thus (says) P N / R N ' , regardless of the basic
nature of the document (e.g. in treaties or annals). Furthermore, the
use of subjective or objective style in the body of the text is not conclusive either since both are attested in letters and legal documents,
and they may also occur side by side in the same text. As a matter of fact, one may wonder whether the Hittite Great King made
12
13
SOLDT
1989b.
Form
his titles and filiation), one should mention the usual recourse to
divine action to secure and guarantee the undertaken agreements.
2.5.3
Content
O f course the basic 'binding' text (Akk. tuppu a nksi/kilti) for the
above-mentioned international state of affairs is the vassal treaty.
T w o such texts have been found at Ugarit. O n e is the treaty between
uppiluliuma I and N i q m a d d u II (RS 17.340, RS 17.369), and the
other is the one already mentioned between Muri1i II and Niqmepa'.
Like other Hittite vassal treaties, the stipulations contained in these
texts concern the extradition of fugitives, the frontiers of the kingdom of Ugarit, military assistance and the vassal's loyalty. O t h e r
documents complete this main agreement, for example the edict
establishing the detailed inventory of the tribute due to the Hittite
overlord (RS 17.227 and dupl., cf. also R S 17.380+) or the decree
regarding extradition of fugitives concluded by Hattusili III (RS
17.238). Complaints of, or disputes between vassal states concerning
one of these basic stipulations were arbitrated by the Hittite Great
King himself; so the decision given by Muri1i II on the dispute of
border territory between Ugarit and Muki (RS 17.62+ and par.)
and between Ugarit and Siyannu (RS 17.235+ and par.), or also
the above mentioned verdict promulgated by Hattusili III regulating
the business activities of the merchants of U r a in Ugaritian territory.
Problems concerning the dynastic succession of the kings of Ugarit
also belonged to the jurisdiction of the Hittite overlord; so, for example, the case of divorce of 'Ammittamru II and the daughter of the
king of Amurru, who was also niece of the Hittite king (RS 17.159,
RS 17.365+), or the case of conspiracy against this same king apparently plotted by the sons of the queen of Ugarit (RS 17.35+-), both
adjudicated by Tudhaliya IV.
2.6
2.6.1
fragments, but also their significant nature: most deal with inter-state
arbitrations. Although a few are dated to Ta1mi-Teub most of the
material belongs to the reign of his father Ini-Teub.
Here also special reference should be made to one text that may
defy classification. Like R S 17.132, R S 17.334 opens with the expression umma arrima 'thus [says] the king' and contains the proposal
from arru-kuuh to N i q m a d d u II for a military alliance against the
king of Nuhai and includes the resulting stipulations of the agreement. O f particular interest is the fact that this text is preserved in
a copy sealed by Ini-Teub of the original, broken document.
2.6.2
Form
Content
2.7
2.7.1
2.7.2
Form
Content
In spite of its fragmentary state, R S 16.170 describes in all likelihood a verdict of king N i q m e p a ' concerning the long-standing conflict
of border territory between the kingdom of Ugarit and Siyannu, then
its vassal state, thus previous to its defecdon to the king of Carchemish.
O n e tablet that belongs to the large dossier of the divorce of king
'Ammittamru II and the daughter of the king of Amurru (RS 16.270)
bears the impression of two seals of 'Ammittamru, the dynastic seal
and his personal one, and seems to have been written by a scribe
of Ugarit.
As for the arbitrations of foreign commissioners at Ugarit, RS
17.371+, which is somewhat damaged, probably refers to a litigation involving the merchants of Ura, and R S 18.02, as already stated,
is a deed of redemption. O t h e r deeds written at Ugarit record private international transactions. For example, R S 16.180 and R S
17.251 are deeds of sale; the former records the sale of a horse from
the huburtanru of the king of Carchemish to the king of Ugarit (note
the possible badly preserved Ugaritic summary at the end of the
text), 14 and the latter, written by Burqnu, describes the sale of an
individual by two Hittite brothers to the skinu of Ugarit.
14
See
MARQUEZ
ROWE
1996a, 457f.
2.8
2.8.1
Form
Some formal features of the treaty R S 19.68 have led to the origin
of the tablet being called into question. Indeed, the mention throughout this parity agreement of the royal n a m e N i q m a d d u in first position as well as the interference of subjective style within the text
phrased from the viewpoint of the Ugaritic king could suggest that
the text was composed by a scribc of the royal court of Ugarit. O n
linguistic and epigraphic grounds, however, it seems more likely that
A m u r r u was the original provenance of the scribe; 15 on the other
h a n d , the seal impression at the head of the text corresponds to the
cylinder seal of Aziru. T h e later documents of his descendant augam u w a show the strong Hittite influence that developed through the
years. Indeed, not only are the tablets in the 'cushion' shape but,
more significandy, the cylinder seal of Aziru gives way to Sausgamuwa's
stamp seals inscribed with Hittite hieroglyphs, of which the impression can be found in the middle of the raised surface of the obverse
of the tablets (so in 'tablette G. Badr',' 6 R S 17.228, R S 17.318+,
and R S 17.360a+, which also bears the cylinder seal impression of
Aziru on top of the obverse).
As for the text, the scribes of the chancellery of A m u r r u , like the
ones of Ugarit, used the formula 'from to-day' to open the d o c u m e n t
15
See
16
Edited by
NOUGAYROL
1956,
ARNAUD
281,
- SALVINI
and
IZRE'EL
1991-2.
1991,
21.
Content
2.9
2.9.1
Form
Ninurta, in turn, rolled another, anepigraphic one. Also like the documents composed at Ugarit, they are introduced by the opening
phrase 'from to-day' and they are couched in objective style.
2.9.3
Content
Both deeds concern real estate property. More precisely, they describe
the final result and state of affairs after litigation concerning the ownership or jurisdiction of land that belonged to frontier districts between
Ugarit and Siyannu. This is explicitly mentioned in R S 17.123 in
which the arbitrator was the Hittite overlord. T h e districts involved
in this case are uki and H a r m a n a . Vineyards of the former frontier district are also the object of partition in R S 18.02, this time
between the religious associations (marzihu) of Ugarit a n d Siyannu.
2.9.4
( B o r d r e u i l et al.
1991, no.
1) a n d A r n a u d
Salvini
T h e
Ugaritic
Legal
Texts
with the digit ' K T U 3.') runs to barely six pages. 1 ' Indeed, we should
regard these few legal documents written in alphabetic cuneiform as
exceptions. Probably on this account and also because the phraseology of some of the d o c u m e n t s was obviously inspired by the
Akkadian pattern, it has been suggested that these texts could be
translations of Akkadian originals. 18 This seems to be true of the one
international document, namely the edict that establishes the inventory of the tribute due to the Hittite overlord. However, this is not
so obvious for the rest of the material, not even for royal documents
that clearly show a parallel phraseology. 19 Indeed, concerning the
latter, how could one explain that the so-called 'translated copies'
were found a m o n g other original Akkadian documents in the palace
central archive? And where, then, were the Akkadian 'originals'
accordingly kept which, on the other hand, have so far not been
found? In fact, it seems reasonable to ask why scribes who were
admittedly biscriptal would not have written, if only exceptionally,
legal texts in Ugaritic (note that Burqnu, for example, drew up at
least three documents in Akkadian [RS 8.145, R S 25.137 and R S
17.251] and one in his own tongue [ K T U 3.8 = R S 19.066]). 20
T h e fact that these texts are written in Ugaritic implies that they
were most likely drawn u p at Ugarit. In this chapter we shall follow the plan proposed for the Akkadian corpus. Accordingly we shall
divide Ugaritic legal documents into two sub-genres: on the one
hand, the domestic texts and, on the other, the one international
document.
3.1
All Ugaritic legal texts but one deal with domestic transactions.
According to the nature of the witnessing party these documents can
be classified into two categories, the same ones by which we classified
the Akkadian domestic texts, namely the royal and the non-royal
documents.
17
One should note that in spite of the corrections and additions to this edition
LORETZ
SANMARTN 1 9 9 5 ) that will be pointed out throughout this
paper this preliminary appreciation is not significantly changed.
(DIETRICH
1R
19
See
KIENAST
1979, 433,
444,
or
LIBOLT
1985,
359.
For the parallel phraseology see e.g. N O U G A Y R O I . 1962, 29, R A I N E Y 1969, 132ff.,
K I E N A S T 1979, M I L A N O 1980, 182ff.
20
Of course one may still question with VAN S O I . D T (1991a, 2 7 n. 213) whether
this text is not a Ugaritic copy of an Akkadian original.
3.2
3.2.1
Find-spot
21
V I R O L L E A U D ( 1 9 5 7 , 15FF.) used the designation 'actes royaux' differently, for he
also included royal letters.
22
Although still included under the epistolary category with the resulting digit
in D I E T R I C H
LORETZ
S A N M A R T I N 1 9 9 5 , 1 6 8 , it is now generally agreed that this
fragment is of legal content (see already K I E N A S T 1 9 7 9 , 4 3 3 , 444ff).
23
Note that VAN S O L D T (1991a, 5 6 4 ) suggests cataloguing the text as epistolary
or legal.
3.2.3
Form
We have referred to the fact that royal legal texts drawn up in Ugaritic reflect, and presumably imitated the Akkadian pattern. Actually
it is reasonable to assume that the same scribes shaped and wrote
both the Akkadian and Ugaritic tablets. For example, as regards the
shape of tablets, it is interesting to observe that although written in
the shorter alphabetic script Ugaritic royal documents have the same
average measurements attested for their Akkadian counterparts (e.g.
K T U 3.5 = R S 16.382 measures 90 x 70 x 35 mm). T h e sealing
practice is also identical: the royal seal impression is placed on top
of the obverse and could be divided from the text by a ruling. Note
that the dynastic seal of the kings of Ugarit was rolled on K T U 3.2
a n d K T U 3.5, whereas the ring-seal of N i q m a d d u (presumably
N i q m a d d u II) was stamped twice in order to fill the sealing space
in K T U 3.4 (although not preserved, K T U 2.19 was certainly sealed
by the king as stated in 11. 6ff.).24
As for the text, the phraseology clearly reproduces the Akkadian
formulae. Thus, the text begins with the temporal expression 'From
to-day' (I ym hnd), which could also be combined with the closing
expression '(and) for ever' ('d 'Irri). T h e first section of the text describes
the completed part of the transaction, obviously phrased in the past
(perfective) and in objective style. T h e king appears in first position
either as active party (so in K T U 3.2 and K T U 3.5) or as having
presided over the transaction (so in R S 94.2168, omitted in K T U
3.4), introduced by the preposition 'before' (/ pnperhaps
to be
restored before the royal n a m e in K T U 7.63:1). Next follow the final
clauses that deal with the obligations of the transaction, phrased this
time in the future (imperfective) and also in objective style.
Although the seal identification clause is only preserved in K T U 2.19,
its restoration at the end of texts K T U 3.2 and K T U 3.5 seems very
plausible. Perhaps the same holds true for the name of the scribe
which is not attested in these texts. T h e scheme of the Ugaritic royal
documents is thus not very different from their Akkadian counterparts.
3.2.4
Content
As shown after collation, the upper part of the fragment K TU 7.63 is lost.
An example
I ym . hnd
'mttmr . bn
nqmpc . mlk
ugrt . ytn
d . kdgdl
From today
'Ammittamru, son of
Niqmepa', king of
Ugarit, has given
the field of P N h
uskny . d . b d[y]
Lo.E.
10
Rev.
15
20
x m . [y\d gth
yd . zth . yd .
[A] rmh . yd
[k]lklh
w ytn.nn
I . b'ln . bn
kltn . w . 1
bnh . 'd [.] 7m
Ihr . elmt
bn bnm
I . yqhnn . bd
bcln . bn . kltn
w . bd . bnh . ed
'lm . w . unt
in . bh
3.3
3.3.1
25
Find-spot
28
See B O R D R E U I I , 1987, 29 . Note that some of the debt-notes in this text do
not mention the witness.
29
30
See
B O R D R E U I L et at.
1984,
430.
tablets unearthed in this area 'could have come from different parts
of the surrounding buildings', 33 which means either from the palace
or from a private house. As for the latter, it is almost certainly from
illegal excavation at Ras Shamra. 3 4
It is not without interest that all witnessed debt-notes come from
the palace archives and that two of them (the two duplicates) were
found in the palace at Ras Ibn Hani.
3.3.3
Form
Content
34
3.4
3.4.1
Find-spot
36
See e.g.
1990a, 354ff.
37
38
39
NOUGAYROL
1956, 37ff.,
DIETRICH
LORETZ
1966a, or
VAN
SOLDT
3.4.3
Form
Content
T h e historical introduction so typical of Hittite edicts and agreements relates how N i q m a d d u II refused to take part in the antiHittite coalition and thus stresses his loyalty towards his overlord
Suppiluliuma I. T h e text then describes in detail the inventory of
the tribute that as a result the king of Ugarit owed to the Great
King, the queen his wife, as well as his high officials.
The
Hittite
Legal
T e x t
See
VAN S O L D T
1990a, 341.
the Hittite empire but also the only source which could shed light
on the form of Hittite private legal practice.
4.1
Definition
4.2
Find-spot
4.3
Form
After a ruling, the mention of the two witnesses (of whom one
probably acted as judicial officer) close the text.
4.4
Content
4.5
T H E
E C O N O M Y
Michael
O F
U G A R I T
H e l t z e r
T h e
Administrative
1.1
Texts
General
T h e administrative texts written in both Ugaritic and Akkadian belong to the time span from the middle of the 13th century bce to
the destruction of the kingdom in about 1180 bce or a few years
later. It is impossible to separate the Ugaritic and Akkadian texts,
for they deal with the same issues, and often the same persons are
mentioned in the texts in both languages. It is also impossible to
determine the exact n u m b e r of the texts, for (a) there are hundreds
of tablet-fragments, which rarely can be used to explain anything;
(b) many texts and text fragments in the administrative economic
field are still unpublished. 1
T h e r e is also the problem of dividing the texts according to content. Some of the administrative texts are economic, others are agrarian, etc. In all, we possess approximately 550 clearly and fairly legible
texts of this kind in Ugaritic and 160 in Akkadian, a ratio of 7:2.
We can divide these texts, albeit not absolutely, into primary tablets
made on the spot or at the time of the administrative (economic or
fiscal) act, and tablets which are monthly or even annual summaries.
' For the overall number of the texts and their editions, cf. TEO. The Akkadian
texts are generally cited according to their publication in PRU 3, 4, 6 and Ug 5.
Other occasional publications are quoted separately. On unpublished texts cf.
KTU2, 9.
1.2
Lists of villages
We shall begin with the lists of villages (Ug. qrt, Akk. lu). This category contains the texts which merely provide the names of villages
(since the numbers which follow them are sometimes broken, as are
the first and last lines, where the purpose of a text was given). 3 T h e y
can be further classified as:
a) Lists of mobilization of villagers for military purposes (or sometimes for the corve); sometimes arms were delivered to them: 'bows'
(qstm), 'shields' (Akk. gabbME), 'slings' (qlcm) and 'spears' (mrhm).4
b) A list of payments of tribute in silver to the Hittite king (professional groups of bn mlk also appear in this text, K T U 4.610 =
R S 19.017).
c) Payments by the villagersnot individually but as a unitof
silver, wool, cereals, olive oil, wine and cattle to the royal treasury. 3
d) Tablets recording the distribution of 'food' (akl) or 'rations' (hpr)
to the villages in corpore at the time of performing their corve and
other texts where the villages are listed ( K T U 4.41 = RS 8.280).
1.2.2
The gt
W e learn from the administrative texts that there was a well developed royal economy in the kingdom ( H e l t z e r 1979a). It was divided
into units (Ug. gt, Akk. dimtuf which were dispersed over all the
kingdom. 7 Here too certain groups of texts shed light on the economic activities on the gt's. Texts include:
a) T h e tablets concerning villagers, villages and royal service people whose service fields were in the area of a certain gt and connected with it, who had to deliver their share of their own produce
to the gt,a where it was processed.
b) Texts concerning stocks of agricultural tools on various gts.9
c) Lists of the state of cattle on the gts. These include beasts of
burden (oxen and donkeys), cattle for fattening (mr) and poultry, 10
listed together with the working teams.
d) Texts concerning agricultural products (cereals, wine, oil, etc.)
which are at the gt, including fodder and products delivered by the
villagers and (non-agricultural) craftsmen to the gt stores. Sometimes
the name of the month is given, in which case these are monthly
reports."
e) Tablets concerning 'royal servicemen' (bn mlk), who had agricultural professions: 'ploughmen' (hrtm),12 'vine dressers' (gpnym), '(sheep-)
shearers' [gzzm), 'shepherds' (nqdm and r'ym), and other personnel
who were partly referred to as ' m a n of the gf (bn gt) and 'belonging to the gf (bdl gt).n
4.365 = RS 18.073; K T U 4.380 = RS 18.099; K T U 4.382 = RS 18.106+; K T U
4.386 = RS 18.111; K T U 4.397 = RS 18.136; K T U 4.400 = RS 18.139; K T U
4.405 = RS 18.143[c]; K T U 4.409 = RS 18.146 bis; K T U 4.424 = RS 18.296;
K T U 4.618 = RS 19.045; K T U 4.625 = RS 19.052; K T U 4.636 = RS 19.097;
K T U 4.638 = R S 19.100B; K T U 4.750 = RS 29.094; PRU 6, 122 = RS 21.203;
Ug 5, 95 = RS 20.01; Ug 5, 96 = RS 20.12, etc.
8
K T U 4.110 = RS 12.006; K T U 4.244 = RS 16.396; K T U 4.643 = RS 19.105,
etc.; cf. also L I V E R A N I 1979c.
9
K T U 4.625 = RS 19.052; K T U 4.632 = RS 19.073, etc.; cf. also PRU 6,
141 = RS 19.112 (?).
10
K T U 4.89 = RS 11.796; K T U 4.128 = RS 14.176; K T U 4.175 = RS 15.096;
K T U 4.275 = RS 17.125; K T U 4.296 = RS 17.140; K T U 4.358 = RS 18.048;
K T U 4.367 = RS 18.076; K T U 4.618 = RS 19.045; K T U 4.636 = RS 19.097;
Ug 5, 95 = RS 20.01.
11
K T U 4.143 = RS 15.031; K T U 4.213 = RS 16.127; K T U 4.243 = RS 16.395;
K T U 4.269 = RS 17.106; K T U 4.271 = RS 17.115; K T U 4.345 = RS 18.033;
K T U 4.397 = RS 18.136; K T U 4.400 = RS 18.139; K T U 4.636 = RS 19.097.
12
K T U 4.65 = RS 11.602:1.
13
K T U 4.35 = RS 8.183+; K T U 4.65 = RS 11.602; K T U 4.71 = RS 11.721;
K T U 4.87 = RS 11.789; K T U 4.96 = RS 11.840; K T U 4.99 = RS 11.845; K T U
4.106 = RS 12.001; K T U 4.122 = RS 13.012; K T U 4.125 = RS 14.001; K T U
4.126 = RS 14.084; K T U 4.129 = RS 15.001; K T U 4.141 = RS 15.022+; K T U
4.153 = RS 15.046; K T U 4.175 = RS 15.096; K T U 4.183 = RS 15.116; K T U
4.213 = RS 16.127; K T U 4.243 = RS 16.395; K T U 4.269 = RS 17.106; K T U
4.296 = RS 17.031; K T U 4.307 = R S 17.384; K T U 4.320 = RS 17.444; K T U
4.332 = RS 18.010+; K T U 4.355 = RS 18.045; K T U 4.358 = RS 18.048; K T U
4.374 = RS 18.082; K T U 4.378 = RS 18.087; K T U 4.382 = RS 18.106+; K T U
4.440 = RS 18.[317]; K T U 4.491 = RS 18.[389]; K T U 4.493 = RS 18.[391];
f ) M a n y texts also deal with the deliveries from the gts for certain persons. T h e goods are wheat, emmer, wine, oil, wood, cattle,
textiles, metal artifacts, etc. 14 At times it is difficult to differentiate
between storage stocks and deliveries.
It should be noted that these texts may overlap with commercial
ones and we cannot draw a clear dividing line. Furthermore, many
of the texts are of mixed content and it is sometimes impossible to
classify them precisely.
1.2.3
These are texts dealing with the 'royal servicemen' (Ug. bn mlh, Akk.
ard ani) according to their professional groups. Again the divisions
are not definitive.
a) Texts where the professional group is mentioned as a unit, the
personal names of its members not being given, and where the whole
group receives deliveries of some kind. 1 '
b) Lists of royal servicemen of different professions (hrs anyt, 'shipwrights', hrs bhtm 'house-builders', nskm '(metal) casters', etc.) where
each professional is listed and identified only by his name plus his
father's name, or by his father's n a m e alone (bn X 'son of (PN) X').
Sometimes they also receive certain deliveries in silver, or in kind
and sometimes in these texts give a total of the amount of the delivery. These texts also tell us in which village of the kingdom of Ugarit
they resided. 16
K T U 4.608 = RS 19.014; K T U 4.609 = RS 19.016; K T U 4.618 = RS 19.045;
K T U 4.630 = RS 19.062; K T U 4.636 = RS 19.097; K T U 4.729 = RS 24.301;
K T U 4.740 = RS 24.660e; PRU 6, 118 = RS 18.116; Ug 5, 96 = RS 20.012.
14
K T U 4.36 = RS 8.208; K T U 4.38 = RS 8.272; K T U 4.128 = RS 14.176;
K T U 4.131 = RS 15.003; K T U 4.144 = RS 15.032; K T U 4.149 = RS 15.039;
K T U 4.153 = RS 15.046; K T U 4.175 = RS 15.096; K T U 4.213 = RS 16.127;
K T U 4.216 = RS 16.165; K T U 4.230 = RS 16.341; K T U 4.243 = RS 16.395;
K T U 4.263 = RS 17.049; K T U 4.269 = RS 17.106; K T U 4.352 = RS 18.042;
K T U 4.377 = RS 18.086; K T U 4.378 = RS 18.087; K T U 4.387 = RS 18.112;
K T U 4.495 = RS 18.[394]; K T U 4.609 = RS 19.016; K T U 4.630 = RS 19.062;
K T U 4.636 = RS 19.097; K T U 4.705 = RS 21.056, etc.
15
K T U 4.105 = RS 13.014[Aw]; K T U 4.126 = RS 14.084; K T U 4.139 = RS
15.017; deliveries: K T U 4.29 = RS 3.320; K T U 4.36 = RS 8.208; K T U 4.38 =
RS 8.272; K T U 4.47 = RS 10.043; K T U 4.99 = RS 11.845; K T U 4.217 = RS
16.176; K T U 4.312 = RS 17.397[A]; K T U 4.416 = RS 18.252; K T U 4.485 =
RS I8.[381]; K T U 4.745 = RS 25.417 and K T U 4.125 = RS 14.001 (cereals);
K T U 4.216 = RS 16.165 (wine); K T U 4.609 = RS 19.016 (hpr monthly 'ration's);
K T U 4.610 = RS 19.017 (argmn p 'tribute to the Sun', i.e. the Hittite king).
16
K T U 4.35 = RS 8.183+;' K T U 4.43 = RS 9.011; K T U 4.44 = RS 9.453; K T U
e) T h e 'elder' (rb), it seems, is also connected with the distribution of raw materials to the royal artisans. It was his responsibility
to deliver their produce to the treasury (and possibly to the gt).
Another type of these texts shows us the delivery of materials for
repairing military equipment (chariots). 23
f ) Like the villages mentioned above, the professional groups
both military and non-militaryparticipated in the formation of the
army and were subject to conscription. Naturally, the military professionals were obliged to fulfil their periodic guard service as hrdm
(Akk. hurdu) 'watchmen' or 'mobilized men'. They received everything from the royal storesarms, chariots, horses, even caparisons
(horse-cloths) and other items of their equipment. These military professional groups appear in the texts as mrynm (Akk. maryannu) 'charioteers'; mdrglm (Akk. u n . t u ) 'watchmen, guards', tnnm (Akk. anann)
'warriors' and others. 24 Soldiers of foreign origin (Ug. trtnm Akk.
erdana) as is evident from the texts, had to serve under the same
conditions, and, received the same kind of deliveries and lands in
conditional holding. 25 Naturally, our knowledge here is also limited
by the fragmentary state of the administrative tablets.
g) As noted, there are texts on tribute delivered to the Hittite king
to which the professional groups of all specializations contributed
together with the villages. T h e same applies to the small n u m b e r of
24
K T U
archers, w h o m the villages and the professional groups had to contribute to the guard, according to K T U 4.68 = RS 11.716.
h) A very important part of the administrative texts are the agrarian
tablets, mostly in alphabetic cuneiform or Ugaritic. In contrast to
the legal agrarian texts, written in Akkadian, which list individual
cases in which the serviceman (military or civilian) receives land
grants in conditional holding from the king for his service, these are
administrative documents simply recording the delivery of a field to
a person or its transfer from one person to another. Sometimes the
texts record the service fields (or vineyards) in certain villages. In the
Ugaritic texts these fields are called ubdy, updt or ubdit. T h e word is
of Hittite origin, meaning 'carrying out, performing obligations' ( I m p a r a t i 1974, 107) and has the same meaning as the Akkadian word
pilku, known only from Ugarit ( H e l t z e r 1981; W a t s o n 1995c, 542).
T h e texts are composed in general according to the following formulae: sd ubdy (name of profession) dt b (name of gt x), ' T h e service
field of the professionals X, who are at the gt. . .' O r : d/krrn ubdy
P N b (name of village), 'field/vineyard ubdy of PN in (name of the
village)'. T h e r e are also other formulae with slight variations. In some
cases we read simply sd bd PN, 'a field in the hands of PN'. A number of texts list several fields as at the disposal of one person. Often
the title of the passage of the text where several persons are mentioned with their fields denotes the profession of the servicemen who
had the fields (or vineyards) at their disposal.
T h e r e is also an example of the redistribution of fields. In this
case the formula is as follows: sd X bd ' T h e field of (PN) X to
the hands (i.e. at the disposal) of (PN) Y'. Possibly it designates the
fields of the nayylu, persons who did not fulfil their obligations, which
were given to other servicemen ( H e l t z e r 1 9 8 2 , 1 9 - 2 2 ) .
Last, but not least, a very interesting feature here is the distribution
or transfer to certain persons of fields designated as sbr (possibly an
abbreviation for (sd) sbr, Akk. eqel sibbiru, 'communal (or public) field');
this has a possible parallel in the early R o m a n republican ager publicus.26
26
T h e ^ - f i e l d s are said to belong to the following classes: trrm 'the trrmprofessionals' (KTU 4.7 = RS [Varia 18]T); mdm 'friends (of the king)' (KTU 4.103 =
RS 11.858:1) miynm 'marjwmu-warriors' (line 8); 'liaison men' (line 20); 'rm
'overseers of ten men' (line 30); mri ibm 'liaison men of (prince) Ibirnu' (line 37);
tgrm 'gatekeepers' (line 39); rm 'singers' (line 41), nqdm 'shepherds' (line 44); mdrglm
'watchmen' (line 54), etc.; sd ubdy Iltm' dt bd skn 'Ubdy 'fields in the (village) llistam'i,
which are at the disposal of the skinu' (KTU 4.110 = RS 12.006:1-2); zt ubdym
Cadastral texts
4.129=
K T U
4.243
RS
K T U
4.391
RS
K T U
4.618
RS
RS
15.001;
K T U
16.395;
4.153
K T U
18.129; K T U
19.045;
4.374
4.440 =
K T U
4.729
RS
RS
RS
=
15.046;
K T U
4.175
RS
18.082;
K T U
4.378
RS
18.[317]; K T U
RS
24.301;
K T U
15.096;
18.087;
4.493 =
RS
18.[391];
4.740
RS
24.660E;
these mention /ym ('shepherds') and their sgr(m) and Imdm. In PRU 6, 118 = RS
18.116 the /ym receive cattle for pasturage from various persons; the delivery of
cattle into the charge of certain persons is recorded in PRU 3 , 1 8 8 = R S 1 6 . 2 9 0 ;
PRU
3, 2 0 5
RS
16.155;
PRU
6,
RS
19.69;
28
119
PRU
PRU
6,
6,
115
120 =
RS
RS
17.37;
19.116;
PRU
PRU
6,
6,
117
121
=
=
RS
RS
17.136;
19.141.
1.2.5
The navy
Deserters
The bdlm
30
Ship's crews from various villages K T U 4.40 = RS 8.279 and PRU 4, 138 =
RS 19.46 with an indication that the ships belong to the king (anyt mlk) appears on
tablet K T U 4.421 = RS 18.291; various types of ships belonging to (or used by)
coastal villagers of the kingdom. K T U 4.81 = RS 11.779; K T U 4.366 = RS 18.074;
K T U 4.371 = RS 18.080A; PRU 6, 73 = RS 19.1 07A, equipment for ships PRU
6, 141 = RS 19.112 together with food {PRU 6, 150 = RS 18.101A and possibly
PRU 6, 164 = RS 19.90). Ships of the king of Carchemish in Ugarit. R S O 7 5,
23-5, RS 34.147; cf. also H E L T Z E R 1976: 2 1 - 4 ; H E L T Z F . R 1982: 1 8 8 - 9 1 and V I T A
1995a, 159-76.
31
PRU 6, 77 = RS 19.032; cf. also Ug 5, 96 = RS 20.012, where besides mentioning 'servants' (arrff M ) who performed (Mima), also mentions 16 persons la sal-lima 'who did not perform their duties'.
The clergy
K T U
K T U
4.85
4.116 =
=
RS
RS
11.786;
K T U
12.048:20; K T U
4.86
4.134 =
RS
RS
11.788;
K T U
15.006; K T U
RS
11.840;
4.214 =
4.96
RS
16.128.
Mobilization
W e mentioned above the lists concerning about mobilization of villagers and royal servicemen into the army, and also deliveries to
various people in military professions, who according to the administrative texts did not differ formally from other professional groups.
T h e villagers and servicemen, as noted, also received arms for their
military or guard duty. 37 T h e r e are also texts listing various groups
of royal servicemen, always stating that they performed their service
'at the royal house (palace)'. 38
1.2.10
Administrators
35
light on the difference between the skn/skinu of the country and the
local skns who were the royal nominees as governors of certain vil-
nu was the heir to the throne). Similar is the mr'u utryn (Akk. mur'u
uriyanni) 'the mr'u of the heir.' All the texts listing deliveries to them,
together with their appearance in non-administrative texts, show them
to be some kind of liaison-officers 43 of the king, the heir to the throne
and the skinu. T h e administrative texts hardly mention scribes, unlike
the other texts from Ugarit. 44 However, the 'friends of the king', Ug.
md(m) (Akk. mdu), are often also mentioned in administrative texts. 45
41
K T U 4.63 = RS 10.052; K T U 4.288 = RS 17.293; K T U 4.609 = RS
19.016:11.
42
PRU 3, 199 = RS 16.126B +16.257 + iii B; cf. also K T U 4.68 = RS 11.716;
K T U 4.99 = RS 11.845; K T U 4.103 = RS 11.858; K T U 4.125 = RS 14.001;
K T U 4.392 = RS 18.130; K T U 4.415 = RS 18.251 []; K T U 4.609 = RS 19.016;
PRU 3, 134 = RS 15.137; PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131; PRU 6, 116 = RS 17.064;
PRU 6, 131 = R S 19.035A:3; PRU 6, 72 = R S 19.065 and other texts; cf. V I T A
1995a, 145-7. Note also the rb 'rt 'chief of ten' ( K T U 4.714 = RS 22.231).
43
HELTZER 1982: 154-6; K T U 4.36 = RS 8.208; K T U 4.47 = RS 10.043; K T U
4.48 = RS 10.045; K T U 4.69 = RS 11.715+; K T U 4.92 = RS 11.799; K T U 4.99
= RS 11.845; K T U 4.103 = RS 11.858; K T U 4.105 = RS 13.014 [bis]; K T U
4.126 = RS 14.084; K T U 4.137 = RS 15.015+; K T U 4.163 = RS 15.073; K T U
4.173 = RS 15.094; K T U 4.174 = RS 15.095; K T U 4.179 = RS 15.103; K T U
4.207 = RS 16.006; K T U 4.212 = RS 16.107; K T U 4.332 = RS 18.010+; K T U
4.410 = RS 18.250BA; K T U 4.416 = RS 18.252; K T U 4.745 = RS 25.417;
PRU 3, 162 = RS 16.348; PRU 3, 194 = RS 11.839; PRU 3, 199 = RS 16.126B
+ 16.257 + iv; PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131; PRU 6, 116 = RS 17.64; PRU 6, 131 =
RS 19.35A; PRU 6, 136 = RS 17.240.
44
K T U 4.89 = RS 1 1.796.
45
H E L T Z E R 1982, 161-3; K T U 4.38 = RS 8.272; K T U 4.47 = RS 10.043; K T U
4.54 = RS 10.103; K T U 4.99 = RS 11.845; K T U 4.103 = RS 11.858; K T U
of the palace belonged there. Thus, the texts even mention the 'gatekeeper of the king' (,tgr mlk) and 'the gatekeeper of the palace' (tgr
M/). 46 Some texts refer to the palace 'fowlers' (yqm, syllabic ya-qiu-m),47 Also mentioned are 'tailors' (IX,TUG.LA),48 an 'acrobat' ( ]V huppu)
for performing, a 'jester' (aluzinnu)49 and a 'seal-cutter' ( u parkullu).M
A 'singer' (Lnru), a 'cook' (l u nuhatimmuf 1 and a 'cymbalist' ( L l masi-lii) appear in the same text. 52 It is also interesting that a m o n g the
'royal servicemen' (bn mlk) a 'barber' (gallbu) figures once also.
1.2.12
57
K T U
15.045;
RS
=
4.4
K T U
1 8 . 0 5 5 ; PRU
RS
58
2.[032]:4;
=
6,
RS
128
K T U
16.004:7;
RS
4.117 = R S
4.721
19.104:3;
RS
12.060; K T U
23.028:1,
K T U 4.166 = RS 15.078:1;
60
K T U
23.028;
4.166
RIBICHINI -
K T U
4.270
RS
XELLA
4.205 = R S
RS
15.078:3;
1985,
RS
PRU
15.035:7;
6,
RS
127
K T U
17.115:8;
RS
4.152
K T U
19.57:3;
RS
4.363
PRU
6,
=
129
4.192 = R S
RIBICHINI K T U
15.176; K T U
4.630 =
XELLA
1985,
XELLA
1985, 54.
4.205
RS
RS
19.062;
38).
16.004;
K T U
4.721
RS
44-6.
1 6 . 0 0 4 : 6 ; RIBICHINI - X E L L A 1 9 8 5 , 5 0 - 1 ;
K T U
17.111:11.
62
K T U
4.205
RS
16.004:19;
6:I
K T U
4.203
RS
16.001:8;
64
K T U
4.206
18.055:1; K T U
1985,
4.270
e t c . (RIBICHINI -
59
61
4.146
K T U
19.133A:5.
K T U
K T U
RS
4.205
RS
4.402 =
16.005:1;
RS
RIBICHINI K T U
4.206
K T U
XELLA
=
4.337
18.142; K T U
RS
=
RS
4.721 =
1985,
40-1.
16.005.
18.024;
K T U
4.363
R S 2 3 . 0 2 8 : 1 ; RIBICHINI -
RS
XELLA
43-4.
65
1985,
K T U
RS
55.
4.270
34.180,10:4,
RS
17.111:7;
etc. Cf.
K T U
RIBICHINI -
4.363
XELLA
RS
1985,
18.066:3-4,
6-7;
K T U
4.765
39.
69
So far, the best example of the organization of the textile industry remains the
large tablet on distribution of raw material to weavers: T H U R E A U - D A N G I N 1 9 3 4 .
70
K T U
18.[402];
71
72
K T U
4.167
K T U
4.195
RS
4.602
=
RS
15.079;
RS
K T U
4.447
RS
18.[325]+;
K T U
4.500
RS
18.[551].
15.184.
sp(m) 'cup(s)' (KTU 4.34 = RS 6.216) spl 'cup' (KTU 4.385 = RS 18.110:3;
K T U 4.123 = RS 13.014:17); K T U 4.123 = RS 13.0141 also lists irpm 'vases' (20)
trqm (meaning unknown) (20) and mqhm 'pincers' (possibly for perfume) or 'tongs' (21).
73
K T U 1.148 = RS 24.643:22 kL ; K T U 4.402 = RS 18.142:10-11 'r kat
(read ktt) 'ten flasks of balsam'.
such as 'myrrh oil' (mn mr),u 'spiced oil' (smn rqh)75 and even 'lamp
oil' (mn nr),16 possibly a kind of olive oil treated in a special way. 77
T h e r e are also texts listing various metal implements, though it is
not completely clear whether they were used for agriculture, for shipbuilding or for military purposes.
1.2.13
Descendants
Labels
1.3
Conclusion
RS
75
KTU
4.14 = R S
11.797:14; K T U
1 . 0 1 2 : 2 , 7 , 1 5 ( h o w e v e r , c f . SANMARTIN 1 9 9 0 ) ; K T U
4.786 =
RS
[Varia
4.91
22]:14.
2.1
C o m m e r c e
01
K T U category 9, unpublished texts (CA 569-603) listing 529 tablets and fragments of tablets. Note that only alphabetic texts are mentioned.
K
T h e text ARA IT 23 No. 556, edited with comments by V I L L A R D 1986. On the
general problems of Mari trade with the Aegean via Ugarit, see H E L T Z E R 1989a.
2.2
The tamkari
In practice, trade was in the hands of the tamkrs (Ug. mkrm, Akk.
tamkruMh&, Sum. d a m . g a r ) , who were the royal commercial agents
of Ugarit and its neighbouring countries, although they sometimes
managed their own commercial operations, too.
T h e tamkrs (mkrm), like the other professional groups of royal
dependents (bns mlk), received land allotments as conditional holdings for their tamkrtu-service.83 T h e tamkrs (mkrm) as a professional
group are known from a n u m b e r of Ugaritic (alphabetic) and syllabic Akkadian texts. 84 Together with members of other professional
groups the tamkrs also had to participate in guard service as archers
and, together with these other professional groups, received deliveries in kind. 85
2.3
International treaties
83
Trading partners
T h e commercial texts may be classified into several categories depending with which country or countries Ugarit was trading.
88
2.3.1.1
T r a d e with C a n a a n
Certain texts pertain to the relations between Ugarit and the cities
of the Canaanite coast which concerned maritime trade. Thus, according to PRU 6, 126 = RS 19.029, a n u m b e r of pieces, 95 25 in all,
are handed over to a certain Abihili 'to Byblos' (a-na gu-ub-li). Another
text ( K T U 4.338 = R S 18.025) mentions a sum of "540 "shekels
of silver; this is the silver of the ships l2 that was pledged a m o n g the
ships l3 for the king of Byblos, l 4 and 15the king of Byblos took 50
(shekels) of silver l6 as the property (cargo) of his ship'. 96
Possibly, too, there were maritime commercial relations with Sidon. 97
Information is available about maritime connections with Tyre (sr).98
It also seems that in addition maritime relations were maintained
with Ashdod and Ashkelon on the south coast of Canaan. 9 9
2.3.1.2
T r a d e with Egypt
Naturally, the commercial texts have a great deal to say about Egypt.
A letter concerning a ship b o u n d for Egypt has been mentioned
above. PRU 6, 14 = RS 19.050 is devoted to commercial trips to
Egypt and Hatti.
An interesting text from many aspects is Ug 5, 42 = R S 20.21.
T h e king of neighbouring Unatu, connected with Ugarit, writes to
the king of Ugarit that he had a treaty with him. H e relates that
he sent a certain Ba'aliya with other persons and property. Also,
that this person, possibly Ba'aliya, 'gave over this person, his companion, to the sons of Egypt, and left him there', 100 but took his
property. This is not the only such text.
Another text is R S O 7, No. 16 = RS 34.158. Again, the king of
Unatu writes to Uzzinu, who was the skinu (of the land of Ugarit).
H e says that one of his servants, (i.e. a Ugaritian) 'handed over the
95
subti^
elipptiMfcS ma-as-fra-tu-ma '7 garments of ships' (possibly sai1s(?)).
hm m't arb'm 11 kbd ksp anyt nd 'rb.banyt l3/ mlk gbl Hw. bmm ksp i5lqh mlk gbl
16
lbs anytk. See also H E L T Z E R 1978a, 143; M A R Q U E Z R O W E 1993a.
97
Cf. PRU 6, 81 = RS 19.182. Byblos is also mentioned in this text.
98
K T U 2.38 = RS 18.031 and K T U 2.40 = RS 18.040. In a letter, the Tyrian
king reports that a ship bound for Egypt is still in Tyre. Akko is also mentioned
there.
99
K T U 4.635 = RS 19.096; PRU 6, 79 = RS 19.042:4. Arwad is also mentioned in this text; PRU 6, 96 = RS 19.91:4; PRU 6, 156 = RS 19.020.
100 15
e-nu-ma amla a-a-i 16LU tap-pi-u "ip-u-ru-un-mi ,Ha-na mr N " S mi-is-r[i-i]
9
iz-za-ab-u.
96 W
slave (or servant) to the sons of the land of Egypt'. 101 Later in the
text, he makes the accusation that the culprit is Ba'aliya, who was
mentioned in the previous text. T h u s we even learn about criminal
activities in commercial relations with Egypt.
T h e r e are also other texts about more regular trade relations with
Egypt, including the fact that some tamkrs were combining their
efforts. T h e tablet K T U 3.8 = R S 19.066 is an account of this.
According to this tablet, a few persons combined their capital and
efforts and go together on a tamkr-trip to Egypt. 102 R S O 7, 71-2
No. 33 = RS 34.173 possibly shows us other existing commercial
relations with Egypt.
2.3.1.3
T r a d e with Cyprus
T r a d e with Anatolia
107
PRU 3, 107 = RS 16.238. Crete occurs in line 10. O n the commercial activities and buying of lands by Sinarnu, Son of Siginu, the tamkr ^tamkru)
PRU
3, 106 = RS 16.206 see H E L T Z E R 1988a.
108
H E L T Z E R 1978a, 132-3.
109
PRU 4, 215 = RS 17.288; PRU 4, 196 = RS 17.078; PRU 6, 7 = RS 17.148,
etc.
110
PRU 3, 15 = RS 15.033; PRU 4, 196 = RS 17.078; PRU 4, 235 = RS 17.135
+ 17.360B + 1 7.360[d]; PRU 4, 202 = RS 17.371 + 18.020; PRU 4, 239 = RS
17.232, etc.
111
PRU
182 = RS 17.424; Ug 5, 13 = RS 17.469.
112 5
. . . ma-a ar KllRU-ga-ri-it f}annm* sa LL M tamkreME& [il]-ta-na-ri-iq-mi.
113 12
i-tu 10 (fa-ar-ra-ni.
114
PRU 6, 14 = RS 10.050.
115
Possibly, commercial caravans are mentioned in Ug 5, 38 = RS 20.016; Ug
5, 53 = RS 20.15; PRU 6, 137 = RS 19.27; PRU 4, 138 = RS 19.46.
116
R S O 7, No. 30 = RS [Varia 26]; No. 31 = RS 34.134; No. 32 = RS 34.141;
No. 33 = RS 34.173, etc.
2.3.2
Exchanging gifts
Slaves
We can begin with the slave trade. T h e amounts involved were not
large, even if we consider the price of redeeming a slave. From some
of the texts" 9 it is clear that the price of a slave (male or female)
was between 14.3 and 120 shekels of silver,120 and the average price
of a slave was about 33 shekels (see 11.1.6.6).
117
2.3.2.2
' W h e a t ' (ht), sold according to the pansu measure (ca 90 litres), cost
1 shekel for 1 pansu, a n d 1 pansu bought 0.2 jars of (olive) oil = 4.5
litres. 121 'Barley' (/V) was measured by the ^/-measure, as was ' e m m e r '
(ks/sm or kfrm)m a n d 'oil' (zt [mn]). In Ugarit, olive oil was sold at
a price of 1.5 shekels per j a r (22.5 litres). 123 M a n y texts mention the
sale of oil, but the state of the texts does not permit exact calculations. 124 T h e price of 'wine' (jyn) cannot be calculated. 1 2 5 ' H o n e y '
(nbt), 'dried figs' (dblt), a n d 'raisins' (smqrri) were also commercial goods,
as were 'cheese' (ga m e S ), 'black c u m i n ' (sbbyr) a n d other products. 1 2 6
As for catde, we know that the price of an ox was between 10
a n d 17 shekels. 127 Sheep were priced at of 1 - 1 . 5 shekels each 128 and
horses were sold for 2 0 - 3 0 0 shekels each. 129 Donkeys and mules were
also objects of commercial transactions. 1 3 0
2.3.2.3
Textiles a n d dyes
121
The 'jar' (kd) was a standard measure of ca 22.5 litres. ( H E L T Z E R 1989b); the
texts are KTU 4.710 = RS 22.003:11-12; K T U 4.60 = RS 11.[913] and KTU
4.402 = RS 18.142:7-8.
122
KTU 4.710 = RS 22.003:11 (although KTU2 read kst).
123
K T U 4.31 = RS 5.197+:11.
124
PRU 3, 197 = RS 16.181; PRU 6, 155 = RS 19.07; K T U 4.91 = RS
11.795:2-3; K T U 4.150 = RS 15.040; K T U 4.123 = RS 13.014; K T U 4.158 =
RS 15.062:3; K T U 4.341 = RS 18.028:20-21; K T U 4.402 = RS 18.142:9.
125
K T U 4.123 = RS 13.014:22-23.
126
Not all the words denoting the products can be translated exactly ( H E L T Z E R
1978a, 19-21).
127
PRU 4, 38 = RS 17.356:6; K T U 4.337 = RS 18.024:21; cf. also K T U 4.402
= RS 18.142:5: '5 pairs of oxen'.
128
KTU 4.337 = RS 18.024:22; K T U 4.709 = RS [Varia 13]: 5; also K T U
4.34 = RS 6.216:4, 9.
129
K T U 4.158 = RS 15.062:6; PRU 3, 41 = RS 16.180; PRU 6, 7 = RS 17.148;
Cf. also Ug 5, 28 = RS 20.184; PRU 6, 6 = RS 17.148 and RSO 7, No. 21 =
RS 34.155 where the price of the purchase is not given.
130
PRU A, 176 = RS 17.346; PRU 6, 6 = RS 17.144; PRU 6, 8 = RS 17.239;
PRU 6, 14 = RS 19.030; Ug 5, 36 = RS 20.016; Ug 5, 53 = RS 20.015.
131
KTU 4.182 = RS 15.115:8; K T U 4.168 = RS 15.082:11; K T U 4.206 = RS
16.005:4.
132
KTU 4.158 = RS 15.062:17-8; KTU 4.341 = RS 18.028:4-5, 14-15; KTU
(Akk. uqnutakiltu) and 'red purple wool' (Akk. pat uqnu husmnu,
Ug. phm). Large quanddes of these types of wool are mentioned but
no prices are given.' 33 A large n u m b e r of tablets concern dyes, perfumes, and vessels for them. 134 A great variety of garments and other
textile artifacts existed. 135
2.3.2.4
C r a f t s
and
Industries
PRU
Ug
6,
5,
143
RS
RS
K T U
4.247
5,
133 =
12 =
1 8 . 0 5 7 : 3 ; PRU
17.150
4.91
RS
11.795:7,
RS
16.399:29,
12 =
RS
17.150+:8-32.
144
K T U
4.123 =
4.385
RS
6,
19.64;
145
PARISE
K T U
RIH
RS
PRU
1981,
4.778 =
78/2:5-8;
K T U
RS
15.062:7; K T U
8;
4.402
RS
=
HELTZER
RS
K T U
=
RS
19.36:5;
19.020:3;
Ug 5 , 4 8 =
RS
20.019:11;
etc.
4.158
RS
4.127
Ug
RS
15.062:12,
1 8 . 1 4 2 : 3 ; PRU
1 8 . 1 1 0 : 1 0 ; PRU
6,
5, 2 8
RS
158 =
=
RS
6,
158 =
14.129:2; K T U
RS
20-22;
RS
K T U
19.24;
4.158
1 9 . 2 4 : 9 ; PRU
3,
=
163
Ug
RS
=
20.187:10.
156.
RIH
K T U
83/12:5; K T U
4.150
RS
20.425:10.
147
156 =
13.014:21; K T U
162
6,
17.034:5-50,
1 9 9 4 ; CASTLE
1992.
4.782 =
15.040:5;
RIH
84/8:7-8 and K T U
4.771
5, 9 5
3.1
Royal service
3.2
Unfortunately, we know almost nothing about the existence of private artisans, or of private crafts which must have been practised
within families. This includes weaving textiles at home, home-made
pottery and other activities. Crafts and industries can be classified
as follows:
3.2.1
Collective work
Agriculture
151
H E L T Z E R 1982, 87-8; S A N M A R T I N 1995a, 178; K T U 4.46 = R S 10.035:13-4;
K T U 4.47 = R S 10.043:8; K T U 4.98 = R S 11.844:6, 8; K T U 4.141 = RS 15.022+
iii 20; K T U 4.145 = RS 15.034; K T U 4.183 = RS 15.116 ii 12; K T U 4.243 =
RS 16.395:2; K T U 4.339 = RS 18.026:16; K T U 4.609 = RS 19.016; K T U 4.743 =
R S 25.140; PRU 6, 93 = R S 17.131:13. Cf. V I T A 1995a, 35-72.
152
O n e kd/karpatu = 2 0 - 2 5 litres.
153
K T U 4.102 = R S 11.857:25; K T U 4.337 = R S 18.024:11; PRU 6, 70 = R S
17.050:11, although these are P N N ; cf. H E L T Z E R 1982, 80; S A N M A R T I N 1995a, 175-6.
154
K T U 4.99 = R S 11.845:16; K T U 4.125 = RS 14.001:8; K T U 4.126 = R S
14.084:16; K T U 4.186 = R S 15.156:1, 9; K T U 4.332 = RS 18.010+: 18.
Metal-working
T h e role of metal-working, in both copper and tin, was very important. T o begin with there are the nskm, '(metal-)casters' 1 5 6 (Akk.
nsikma).]37 We do not know why there is no term for their specialization in these texts (but see next paragraph). O n e reason is supplied, perhaps, by K T U 4.261 = R S 17.023, which has the heading:
spr argmn nskm 'list of the tribute of (metal) casters', where every person mentioned in the text had to deliver 2 0 0 - 5 0 0 (shekels?) as tribute (argmn) which the king of Ugarit had to pay the Hittite king, his
overlord. Here belongs the large group of nsk tit 'copper (or bronze)
casters" 5 8 (Akk. nsiku u r u d u ; PRU 3, 195 = R S 15.009 : 1 and
l(ME)SIMUG
U R U D U )
PRU
3, 2 0 4 = R S
1 5 . 1 7 2 a : 1 0 ; PRU
6, 9 3 =
RS
155
156
RS
11.844:17; K T U
= RS
4.133 =
RS
15.005:3; K T U
RS
4.43
14.084:27.
= RS 9 . 0 1 1 : 4 ; K T U
4.261 =
RS
17.023:1; K T U
4.98
4.310
DOHMEN (1983)
sickle-bladed swords. 160 T h e r e is a problem in connection with copper artifacts and the production of bronze at Ugarit since there were
no local sources of metal ( Z a c c a g n i n i 1970). It seems that metalworking had a long tradition in Ugarit since we know that when
Zimrilim, king of Mari, visited Ugarit, all along his route he distributed large quantities of tin to rulers and in particular to Cretans
living in Ugarit ( V i l l a r d 1986).
3.2.4
Raw materials in the form of 'flax' (ptt) and 'wool' (scrt) were available
locally in sufficient quantities, for treatment. It is possible that spinning was a home industry, but at least four 'spinners' (gzlm) are listed
a m o n g the bn mlk.161 'Weavers' (Ug. mhs, Akk. mhisu and usparuf62
are also mentioned in many texts. 163 Although there were many terms
for textiles and garments, it is not always possible to determine what
they mean ( R i b i c h i n i - X e l l a 1 9 8 5 ) In one text purple-dyed wool
is distributed to weavers for f u r t h e r treatment ( T h u r e a u - D a n g i n
1934). A wide spectrum of minerals and herbal dyes was used which
involved complex treatment ( v a n S o l d t 1990a). A m o n g those who
treated textiles were the 'fullers' or 'dyers' (kbsm/kbsm).
160
H E L T Z E R 1997; S A N M A R T I N 1995a, 182; K T U 4.47 = R S 10.043; K T U 4.98
= R S 11.844:9; K T U 4.183 = R S 15.116 iii 16; K T U 4.609 = R S 19.016:23;
K T U 4.630 = R S 19.062:12; K T U 4.370 = RS 18.079:35; K T U 4.742 = RS
25.139:12; K T U 4.745 = R S 25.417:18. Note that the yshm ( K T U 4.47 = R S
10.043:7; K T U 4.68 = R S 11.716:67; K T U 4.99 = R S 11.845:19; K T U 4.105 =
R S 13.014[iw]:2; K T U 4.126 = R S 14.084:10; K T U 4.147 = R S 15.036:5; K T U
4.151 = R S 15.044 ii 1; K T U 4.207 = R S 16.006:5; K T U 4.609 = R S 19.016:9;
K T U 4.626 = RS 19.056:1; K T U 4.692 = R S 20.145:1, 8) were 'workers in bronze'
( S A N M A R T I N 1987; 1995a, 185).
161
H E L T Z E R 1982, 9 6 - 8 and 123-4, where the mf}sm were mistakenly considered
to be military personnel; cf. S A N M A R T I N 1995a, 1 8 1 : R I B I C H I N I - X E L L A 1985, 2 0 - 1 .
Texts: K T U 4.99 = RS 11.845; K T U 4.102 = RS 11.115; K T U 4.107 = R S
12.002; K T U 4.123 = RS 13.014; K T U 4.124 = R S 13.020; K T U 4.128 = RS
14.176; K T U 4.158 = R S 15.062; K T U 4.182 = RS 15.115; K T U 4.183 = RS
15.116; K T U 4.266 = R S 17.074; K T U 4.332 = R S 18.010+; K T U 4.338 = R S
18.026; K T U 6.48 = R S 20.401 AB; PRU 3, 204 = R S 15.172; PRU 6, 10 = R S
17.390; Ug 5, 99 = RS 20.425.
162
AHw, 581; CAD M / l , 102; AHw, 397; CAD I/J, 255-6. Texts: PRU 3, 205 =
R S 15.172 A:7; PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131:23; Ug 5, 99 = R S 20.425:5.
163
K T U 4.99 = RS 11.845:15; K T U 4.103 = R S 11.858:57; K T U 4.121 = RS
13.009:1; K T U 4.125 = R S 14.001:9; K T U 4.128 = R S 14.176:5; K T U 4.182 =
R S 15.115:56; K T U 4.187 = R S 15.157+:1; K T U 4.269 = R S 17.106:8; K T U
4.332 = RS 18.010+-: 14 7; K T U 4.635 = RS 19.096:7; PRU 6, 166 = R S 19.099;
cf. S A N M A R T I N 1995a, 181.
Weapon production
164
H E L T Z E R 1982, 82-3; S A N M A R T I N 1995a, 176-7; texts: PRU 3, 15 = R S 15.033;
PRU 3, 77 = RS 16.142; PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131:14, PRU 6, 109A = RS 19.131:5;
PRU 6, 131 = RS 19.035A:8; Ug 5, 83 = RS 20.146:20.
165
Akk. tudittu, 'pectoral'; H E L T Z E R 1982, 8 3 - 4 ; S A N M A R T I N 1995a, 177; K T U
4.608 = RS 19.016:35-39.
IG6
H E L T Z E R 1982, 92; S A N M A R T I N 1995a, 179.; K T U 4.609 = R S
19.016:25;
K T U 4.630 = RS 19.062:14.
L(J
167
H E L T Z E R 1982, 84; S A N M A R T I N 1995a, 183, possibly Akk.
sa-si-nu ( K T U
4.141 = RS 15.022+ iii 19; K T U 4.134 = RS 15.006:2; K T U 4.150 = RS 15.040;
K T U 4.188 = RS 15.169+; K T U 4.609 = RS 19.016:16).
3.3
Other crafts
168
H E L T Z E R 1982, 89-90; S A N M A R T I N 1995a, 185. Texts: K T U 4.46 = R S
10.035:11-2; K T U 4.87 = RS 11.789:3; K T U 4.93 = RS 11.776+:11; K T U
4.126 = RS 14.084:28; K T U 4.367 = RS 18.076:18; K T U 4.339 = RS 18.026:2-4;
K T U 4.338 = RS 18.025:10; PRU 3, 204 = RS 15.172; PRU 6, 136 = RS 17.240:11.
169
H E L T Z E R 1982, 92-3; SANMARTIN 1995a, 183; Texts: K T U 4.47 = R S 10.043:5;
K T U 4.68 = RS 11.716:74; K T U 4.99 = RS 11.845:18; K T U 4.183 = RS 15.116
ii 22; K T U 4.609 = RS 19.016:32; K T U 4.745 = RS 25.417:7; K T U 5.20 = RS
24.281:1; PRU 6, 70 = RS 17.050:4; PRU 6, 131 = RS 19.035a:29.
170
H E L T Z E R 1982, 96; S A N M A R T I N 1988, 183; texts: K T U 4.68 = R S 11.716:63;
K T U 4.99 = RS 11.845:18; K T U 4.103 = RS 11.858:36; K T U 4.126 = RS
14.084:8; K T U 4.207 = RS 16.006:7; K T U 4.370 = RS 18.079:45; K T U 4.412
11
= R S 18.251 iii 9; a possible Akk. parallel is
iadimmu\ cf. S A N M A R T I N 1995b, 455,
n. 2.
171
On seal cutting see S A N M A R T I N 1995b.
172
S A N M A R T I N 1988, 183-4; texts: K T U 1.41 = R S 1.003+:21; K T U 1.87 = R S
18.056:22; K T U 1.148 = RS 24.643:21; K T U 4.31 = RS 5.197+:2, etc.
C H A P T E R ELEVEN
Peoples,
1.1
Cultures
and
Vita
Social
Movements
' The final version of this chapter was prepared while staying at the Altorientalisches
Seminar of the Freie Universitt, Berlin, thanks to a research grant provided by
the Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung. I would like to thank Prof. Dr J . Renger
for the friendly welcome he extended to me and for the facilities he made available for my research at the above institute.
2
For example, PRU 4, 107-8 = RS 17.238; PRU 4, 161 = RS 17.341.
1.2
1.3
3
O n the relationships among the various alphabets of the South Arabic type
and the alphabetic sequence attested in Egypt see T R O P P E R 1 9 9 6 . See 4.2.
1.4
Foreigners in Ugarit
With the exception of the few examples of texts in Akkadian written using the
alphabetic system (SEGERT 1 9 8 8 ) .
5
In this context, note the coexistence of Semitic and Hurrian personal names
within the Ugaritic royal family (LIVERANI 1979a, 1322).
6
Elements of Hurrian influence are also evident in the Akkadian of Ugarit
(HUEHNERGARD 1989, 281 2; VAN SOLDT 1991a, 521-2). As for Ugaritic, it contains
a significant contribution of words with a Hurrian origin (WATSON 1995c, 533-41;
1996a, 701-4).
7
A king mentioned in K T U 1.40 = RS 1.002:28; K T U 1.84 = RS 17.100 [A]+:40;
K T U 1.121 = RS 24.270A:9; the Hurrians are mentioned in K T U 1.40:29, 37 (restored in lines 12 and 20); K T U 1.84:4 (restored in lines 15 and 20). O n the historical
moment in which the text can be set see DEL OLMO LETE 1992a, 108 = 1999, 157.
8
An interchange which, at the lexical level, is expressed in the presence of a
RS
2.42 =
RS
1 8 . 1 1 3 A (KNAPP
1983);
Ug 5 , 2 1
RS
20.168;
RSO
7,
35
34.153.
19
K T U 4.390 = RS 18.119:1 (restored). See also K T U 1.141 = RS 24.312, an
inscribed model of a liver, concerning someone buying a person from a Cypriot
(DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 232 = 1999, 347).
20
K T U 4.149 = R S 15.039 (on the possible cultic nature of the text see SANMARTIN
1989, 341; K T U 4.352 = RS 18.042; K T U 4.705 = RS 21.056.
21
K T U 4.155 = RS 15.051; cf. also K T U 4.343 = RS 18.029.
22
Personal communication of F . M A L B R A N - L A B A T .
23
List of sources in A R N A U D 1992, 192-4, completed by X E L L A 1995, 257-60.
Add the letters CK 7 (ARNAUD 1991a, 219) from Beirut, and PRU 4, 219 = RS
17.424c+ from Tyre (cf. A R N A U D 1996, 63 . 94).
24
See, for example, PRU 6, 126 = RS 19.28; PRU 6, 156 = RS 19.20; K T U
4.338 = RS 18.025 ( M A R Q U E Z R O W E 1993a). On the content of documents which
are still unpublished see M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995a, 445; 1995b, 104.
25
On Ugaritic kblbn (KTU 4.149 = RS 15.039:6) as possibly meaning 'Byblian',
s e e SANMARTIN
2I
1989,
341.
' On the possibility that in the Ugaritic texts the toponym 'Beirut' denotes the
present locality of Ras Ibn Hani, see A R N A U D 1 9 8 4 , but also VAN S O L D T 1 9 9 4 , 3 6 8
with n. 20 (Ras Ibn Hani = Ra'su).
27
PRU 6, 79 = RS 19.042 (Tyre, Acre, Arwad, Ashkelon); PRU 6, 81 = RS
19.182 (Bvblos, Sidon, Acre); K T U 4.96 = RS 11.840 (Ashdod, gent. aiddy)\ K T U
4.352 = RS 18.042 (Ashdod, gent. adddy)\ KTU 4.635 = RS 19.096 (Ashdod, gent.
adddy)\ K T U 4.778 = RIH 83/12 (Tyre, gent. siy)\ K T U 4 7 8 2 = RIH 84/08
(Tyre, gent, sry), K T U 4.321 = RS 18.005 (Byblos, gent, gblji); KTU 3.4 = RS
16.191+ (Beirut, gent. pi. birtym).
28
For example, the reference to shipowners from Sidon and Acre in ships from
Carchemish anchored in Ugarit (RSO 7, 5 = RS 34.147). Both references could
also be understood as personal names (cf. also the case of adddy in K T U 4.352 =
RS 18.042:9).
29
K T U 4.96 = RS 11.840:3.
30
PRU 6, 79 = RS 19.42:9.
31
On relations between Egypt and Ugarit see, recendy, H E L C K 1 9 9 5 .
32
K T U 4.96 = RS 11.840:6 (gent. msiy).
33
K T U 4.352 = RS 18.042:2 (msrm 'Egypt').
34
See the case given in PRU 3, 142 = RS 16.136.
1.4.6 Life in Ugarit was not exempt from dangers for foreigners.
Several international juridical documents deal with the murder of
traders. 35 T h e y are bilateral agreements (with Carchemish) on monetary compensation for the m u r d e r of traders on each other's soil
as well as resolutions concerning the robbery and murder of foreign
merchants in the kingdom of Ugarit ( K l e n g e l 1 9 8 0 ) . T h e defence
of crown interests and the protection of international trade were
sought in equal measure. Actual cases were resolved between the
king of Ugarit and the community to which the murderer belonged
( 1 1 . 3 . 8 ) . T h e resolution of the conflict was brought a b o u t by
payment of a customary a m o u n t of money and not by the death of
the guilty party. 36 T h e non-application of the death penalty is observed also in cases of serious crime in which actual persons (not
communities) are implicated, 37 although some instances of execution
are also known. 5K
1.4.7 T h e kingdom of Ugarit also accommodated groups of people who were basically not sedentary and were identified by their
own names. O n e of these groups was the hapir,39 also attested in
Mesopotamia and Palestine. Broadly speaking, the term denotes individuals of foreign extraction, ethnically and socially displaced, who
frequently formed roving and dangerous bands, but who could end
up being integrated to some extent within society ( B o t t r o 1 9 7 2 - 7 5 ) .
T h e latter is the situation that seems to apply to Ugarit. T h e references to various categories of personnel under the c o m m a n d of
the 'chief of the hapir' (rb cprm)w and to a hapiru in connection with
35
The unsafe nature of routes and roads could affect those of the highest rank,
as shown by the abduction of a Hittite princess on Ugaritian soil (Ug 5, 108 = RS
20.216). Other cases of murder in Ugarit in PRU 4, 173= RS 17.234 and Ug 5,
94 = RS 20.022. See 10.
36
As is clearly shown by lines 14-23 of the letter KBo I 10+ ( K L E N G E L 1980;
H A G E N B U C H N E R 1989, 285, 291-2) from the Hittite king Hattusili to KadamanEnlil II of Babylonia, which deal with the death of Babylonian merchants in Ugarit
and Amurru.
37
Cf. PRU 3 , 9 6 = RS 1 6 . 2 4 9 : counterfeiting the royal seal and documents; the
penalty imposed is not death (envisaged in line 22) but exile. See also the episode
of intrigue led by two Ugaritic princes, dealt with in PRU 4 , 1 2 1 - 4 = RS 1 7 . 3 5 2 ,
1 7 . 0 3 5 + , 1 7 . 3 6 2 and 1 7 . 3 6 7 , which also seems to be settled by the exile of those
guilty ( N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 5 6 , 1 2 0 ) .
3
" Cf. PRU 3, 68 = RS 16.269; cf. 11.3.2.2.
39
Mentioned in Ugaritic and Akkadian texts; Ug. 'prm (plural; C U N C H I L L O S
V I T A 1995a, no. 4506); Akk. fra-pi-ri (PRU 6, No. 112 = RS 17.99:5); Sum. SAG.GAZ
(and variants; B O T T R O 1972-75, 20); DIU 85.
40
Cf. K T U 4.752 = RS 29.097:1.
oil rations 41 show that there was some degree of organization within
the group alongside its integration within the administration of the
kingdom, without losing its identity. 42 T h e mention of a place called
'Hill of the hapirm in administrative d o c u m e n t s seems to indicate
that, as in n e a r b y Hatti, 4 4 the g r o u p h a d a geographical location. At
times the hapir were the direct cause of friction with foreign countries either over legal matters 4 5 or d u e to b o r d e r conflicts. 46
1.4.8 Besides the hapir, the Ugaritian sources m e n d o n other groups.
A label with the inscription 'for the chief of the ktkymH1 a n d an
administrative text with personal n a m e s belonging to this category 4 8
suggest the (controversial) possibility t h a t t h e r e was a g r o u p of
Kaskaeans in Ugarit, a n o r t h Anatolian people d o c u m e n t e d chiefly
in Hittite sources (.DLU, 231). T h e p r o b a b l e presence in Ugaritic
society of groups belonging to the so-called 'Sea Peoples', in particular the erdan, is also controversial ( L o r e t z 1 9 9 5 ) . T h e various
kings of Ugarit also h a d to deal with n o m a d i c peoples such as the
ummn-manda, in conflicts which in the last resort h a d to be resolved
by diplomacy. 4 9 T h e inclusion of the various groups m e n t i o n e d as
mercenaries in the a r m y of Ugarit cannot be discounted.
1.4.9 In wartime, the contribution of foreigners to Ugarit could be
d u e to the taking of prisoners or the arrival of fugitives. Both circumstances were foreseen at an international level. T h e treaties signed
by Ugarit with Hatti 5 0 or Carchemish 5 1 usually envisaged the possi-
41
42
43
LUMES
44
85,
ffalbi
191.
1.5
Ugandans abroad
52
The military history of Ugarit ( V I T A 1995a, 1 1 3 1 ) suggests that there was no
lack of occasions on which the clauses concerning prisoners and fugitives could be
put into practice.
53
Cf. PRU 4, 107 = RS 17.238. In this respect see also, for example, the treaties
A T 2 ( D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1997) and A T 3 signed by Alalah.
54
In connection with Hatti see the Ugaritic letter K T U 2.16 = RS 15.008
(CUNCHILLOS 1989b, 297-302).
55
PRU 4, 294 = RS 19.070, Ug 5, No. 28 = RS 20.184, both in connection
with Carchemish. See also R S O 7, No. 38 = RS 34.149, in connection with Sidon.
56
Ug 5, No. 44 = RS 20.219; R S O 7, No. 10 = RS 34.150.
57
FT-TA GAL; c f . A R N A U D
1992,
190, .
54.
1.6
Social mobility
61
20.013.
74
80
Cf.
103-5
K T U
RS
3.8
17.130.
RS
19.066
(HOFTIJZER -
VAN S O L D T
1991,
191-2);
PRU
4,
The
Royal
Family,
2.1
Administration
and
Commerce
49
RS
17.378A;
RS
8.145
(THUREAU-DANGIN
1937,
1955, 3 1 - 2 ;
RS
21.230;
for the
PRU
6,
249).
82
Ug 5, No. 56 = RS 20.150; PRU 6, No. 45 = RS 18.021; R S O 7, No. 56 =
RS 34.170.
8:1
K T U 4.636 = RS 19.097; Ug 5, No. 96 = RS 20.012. Cf. also H E L T Z E R 1982,
64-5;
84
LIVERANI
PRU
DANGIN
3,
1937,
1982,
85
253;
RS
257.
16.250;
PRU
partially in PRU
3,
3,
110
110)
RS
16.267;
RS
8.208
(THUREAU-
amount of money.
85
R S O 7, No. 23 = RS 34.170.
86
See p. 485 n. 194. Cf. also abyn 'bankrupt' in K T U 4.70 = RS 11.720:6
(.DLU, 7; KTU1, 237; tflq 'missing' [DLU, 192]).
87
The generic term for 'fugitive', also attested in Ugarit, is munnabtu. The label
PRU 6, No. 76 = RS 17.361A, which deals with fugitives, was probably attached
to the agreement between Suppiluliuma and Niqmaddu, PRU 4, 52 = RS 17.369A,
from father to son. T h e only exception was N i q m e p a ' , son of Niqm a d d u II, who succeeded his brother Arhalba. 8 8 T h e king was free
to choose the crown prince, although the king of Hatti reserved for
himself the right to intervene in the royal succession. 89 In the event
of the m o n a r c h being a minor, the queen-mother ( L i v e r a n i 1974,
336; L a c k e n b a c h e r 1995a, 75) or the prefect could act as regents.
2.2
The king
2.3
The prefect
2.4
The queen
2.4.1 T h e queen ( v a n S o l d t 1985-6; A b o u d 1994) occupied a separate administrative and political position. In the context of the role
played by princesses in the international politics of the period (Pint o r e 1978; S i n g e r 1991b, 335), the foreign origin of some queens
of Ugarit 94 pardy explains this position. Another cause was her secure
financial position. Queens brought a substantial dowry to a marriage, 95 control of which they retained in the event of divorce. T h e y
could increase their possessions by direct intervention of the king, 96
by the acquisition of new properties 97 and by the activities of her
own merchants. 9 8 T h e y managed her patrimony with complete freedom, 9 9 and its business activities are reflected in various genres. 100
90
Financial independence went h a n d in h a n d with her own administrative structure which was called ' T h e House of the Queen'. 1 0 1 In
matters of religion, rituals and administrative texts reflect the queen's
cultic activity. 102
2.4.2 O n the basis of the economic and administrative infrastructure described, the queen extended her activity to every sphere of
the realm, retaining up to her death both her title and most of her
influence. Like other queens and princesses of the period, 103 the queen
of Ugarit took an active part in the foreign policy of the kingdom.
By means of her scribes and messengers, 104 she maintained direct
connections with the principal courts of the period. 105 T h e letter R S O
7, No. 9 = RS 34.145 shows the range of aspects covered by the
queen's activity abroad. An indication of the position she held in
the diplomacy of the kingdom is the letter PRU 4, 294 = R S 19.070,
the presentation of a Ugaritian ambassador to a personage from the
Hittite court, signed jointly by the king and queen. T h e king, in
turn, kept the queen informed of his activity during his journeys outside the court. 106
3, 5 3
RS
15.089,
Ug 5 , 2 6 4
RS
17.325,
K T U
2.21
RS
15.174.
2.5
Administrative centres
2.6
2.6.1 T h e various administrative centres show the close relationship that existed between power and economy. T h e Ugaritic royal
family played an active part in the economics of the kingdom. T h e
kings obtained important financial benefits from their relations with
traders. 107 O n e of these, ipti-BaCalu ( A r n a u d 1982b; 1991b, 6 5 - 6 ;
Vita - Galn
1997), the director of an international network of
traders who operated from Emar to Egypt, passing through Cyprus
and the Levantine ports, belonged to the royal family as the king's
son-in-law 108 and supervised the running of the queen's estates. A
107
considerable number of juridical documents show the king's intervention in the exchange and the buying and selling of lands, either
intervening directly in the operation 1 0 9 or sanctioning operations
between individuals. 110 T h e politics of collecting taxes on the merchandise which circulated in the kingdom also depended in the final
instance on the king ( A r n a u d 1 9 9 6 , 6 1 - 2 ) .
2.6.2 The same relationship between power and economy can be seen
in the residences outside the palace ( 11.2.5). Yabninu, for example, who was at the head of a vast administration in the period of
Ammittamru II, also organized commercial trips to Egypt ( C o u r t o i s
1990). Various business networks gravitated around the 'house of
Urtenu' ( M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995a, 446; 1995b, 105), the best known
of which was directed by Sipti-Ba'alu ( 11.2.6.1).
2.6.3 T h u s the palace administration, understood in its widest sense,
controlled a large p a r t of the commercial activity of the kingdom, as is also shown by the frequent reference to traders in the
administrative documents'" and the existence of a ' m e r c h a n t / t r a d e r obligation'. 112 T h e palace supplied the merchants with a quantity of
merchandise 1 1 3 or money to carry out their operations, and once
concluded, it then proceeded to calculate the balance of the results
gained ( L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1330; 1979b)." 4
2.7
The scbes
109
functioning of the
type of formation
professionals who
(in Ugaritic and
See, for example, the case of the family of Abdu (PRU 3, 78-86 = RS [Varia 7],
16.239, 16.254D, 16.143, 16.157, 16.250).'
110
For example, PRU 3, 54 = RS 15.090, PRU 3, 87 = RS 15.119, PRU 3,
71 = RS 16.356.
111
For the alphabetic texts cf. C U N C H I L L O S - V I T A 1995a, Nos. 3 4 8 2 - 3 4 8 3 .
112
PRU 6, No. 30 = RS 18. [500].
113
PRU 6, No. 156 = RS 19.020; cf. also, for example, PRU 4, 154 = RS
17.146:6-7.
114
On the dangers incurred by traders in the exercise of their profession see
11.1.4.6. O n traders in general and their various classes, see also H E L T Z E R 1978a;
ARNAUD
1996,
62-3.
2.8
115
116
117
118
390).
119
120
121
122
123
124
KTU
PRU
KTU
PRU
KTU
KTU
4.145 = RS 15.034:9.
3, 79 = RS 16.239; PRU 3, 83 = RS 16.157.
4.160 = RS 15.065:12.
3, 134 = RS 15.137.
4.609 = RS 19.016:2, 5, 7, 8; K T U 4.714 = RS 22.231:1.
2.42 = RS 18.1 13A:3.
(rab lim),125 as well as the existence o f ' j u d g e s ' (dayynu),126 give a good
idea of the ramifications and complexity of Ugaritic administration.
2.8.2 T h e lists of toponyms show that, for administrative purposes,
Ugaritic places formed units which correspond approximately to the
natural geographical divisions of the kingdom ( A s t o u r 1995, 62-3).
Acting in coordination with the principal prefect were the provincial prefects, 127 and several places had a 'mayor' (hazannw, 11.3.8.2)
or local representative of the central administration ( H e l t z e r 1976,
8 0 - 1 ; L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1337, 1342).' 28 T h e functionaries entrusted
with control over the commerical frontiers of the kingdom, on land
and at sea, were the 'tax collector' (mkisu)129 and the 'harbourmaster' (rab kr)m ( A r n a u d 1996, 61-2). T h e central administration also
managed directly part of the financial resources of the kingdom by
means of a system of farms ( 11.4.1.2).
2.9
The priests
125
PRU 6, 52 = RS 19.078.
PRU 3, 61 = RS 16.156:20; see also PRU 3, 141 = RS 16.132:26. On Ug.
trtn as possibly meaning 'supreme judge' cf. SANMARTIN 1989, 345-8.
127
N O U G A Y R O L 1968, 139 n. 4; Ug 5, No. 51 = RS 20.158; K T U 4.160 = RS
15.065:6; K T U 4.288 = RS 17.293:2-5; K T U 4.609 = RS 19.016:10-11.
128
PRU 3, 134 = R S 15.137; Ug 5, No. 26 = R S 20.003; R S 25.134 ( L A C K E N BACHER 1991b).
129
PRU 3, 15 = RS 15.033; PRU 4, 235 = RS 17.135+; PRU 4, 237 = RS
17.066; PRU 4, 239 = RS 17.232.
130
PRU 4, 219 = RS 17.424c+; Ug 5, No. 13 = RS 17.465; A R N A U D 1982b,
126
1 0 2 . C f . NOUGAYROL
131
CUNCHILLOS
1968, 2 0 .
VITA
2.
17.131:26-7.
132
K T U 4.357 = RS 18.047:24.
The
Family
3.1
and
the
Collective
Marriage
PRU
3, 5 4 =
RS
1 5 . 0 9 2 ; PRU
3, 6 0 =
RS
1 6 . 1 4 1 ; PRU
3, 6 2 =
RS
16.158
could show that the ter/jatu also consists of landed property (BOYER 1 9 5 5 , 3 0 1 ) , but
the passage dealing with the matter is uncertain (MARRASSINI 1 9 8 4 , 6 7 ) .
136 p u i j 3 t [32 = RS 16.146+ shows how rich a queen's dowry could be
(Ahatmilku; N O U G A Y R O L 1955, 178; B O Y E R 1955, 301). Similarly, Ugaritic epic
('Keret') and myth ('The Wedding of Yarhu and Nikkal') have preserved the verb
trfy 'to marry, pay the bride-price' (DEL O L M O L E T E 1981, 639; cf. MARRASSINI
1984, 68), as well as the noun mtrf(t 'spouse, wife' (DEL O L M O L E T E 1981a, 586);
see C U N C H I L L O S - V I T A 1995a, Nos. 6139 and 3803 respectively.
137
T h e meaning 'dowry' of Ug. mtg (mtghy, K T U 1.24 = RS 5.194:47) is uncertain, cf. DEL O L M O L E T E 1981a, 578; see similarly mhr 'dowry, bride-price' in the
'The Wedding of Yarhu and Nikkal' (DEL O L M O L E T E 1981a, 639; cf. MARRASSINI
1984, 72). See also W Y A T T 1998C, 338 n. 15, 341 n. 30.
138
AT
AT
9 2 (WESTBROOK
1 7 (SPEISER
1954, 23)
1 9 9 4 , 2 7 9 ; b u t s e e ZACCAGNINI
1985, 598-9); A T
93.
In
the bride's father presented the new couple with the terhatu together
with his daughter's dowry. T h u s returned, the terhatu became the
indirect contribution of the husband to the marriage. Since relations
between both societies are so well documented, a procedure much
as in Alalah can be presupposed in Ugarit.
3.1.3 W h e n the groom (or his family) presented the terhatu to the
bride's family, she was not yet fully a wife (Ug. att, Akk. aatu) but
instead had gained the status of kallatum (Ug. kit) and as such starts
to become part of the political family. 140 In the event of the engagement being broken off 141 or of widowhood and the need to leave
the conjugal hearth, 142 the woman retained control of this money.
T h e letter K T U 2 . 7 2 = RS 3 4 . 1 2 4 ' 4 3 and the juridical document R S 8 . 2 0 8 1 4 4 mention the anointing of a woman with oil. It
is a ritual gesture attested in the context of marriage, especially in
the El-Amarna letters ( M a l u l 1 9 8 8 , 1 6 1 - 7 9 ) . T h e first case seems
to be a marriage between the king of Ugarit and a princess from
Amurru. In the second, a high official of the queen anoints a female
slave as a preliminary step to her emancipation and the later marriage of both ( 11.1.6.6).
3.1.4
3.2
Divorce
139
PRU 3, 60 = RS 16.141.
As the administrative text in Ugaritic, K T U 4.80 = RS 11.778 shows. On a
similar situation in Emar, cf. RE 6 (BECKMAN 1996b, 9).
141
PRU 3, 60 = RS 16.141.
142
PRU 3, 54 = RS 15.092.
143
R S O 7, No. 88.
144
THUREAU-DANGIN 1 9 3 7 , 2 5 3 (partially in PRU 3 , 1 1 0 ) .
145
The formula for divorce used in Ugarit must have been the same as in Emar,
'you are not my wife/husband'; cf. ARNAUD 1 9 8 6 , No. 1 2 4 . It is the same formula
as used in the Old Babylonian laws, perhaps pronounced in front of witnesses
(WESTBROOK 1 9 8 8 , 6 9 ) , as was the case in Nuzi (BRENEMAN 1 9 7 1 , 2 4 5 ) .
146
PRU 3, 81 = RS 16.143.
140
woman's infertility as a cause. 147 In fact, the husband does not resort
to polygamy as is foreseen in cases of barrenness ( 11.3.3.2) and
another document shows him as having a new wife.148 Generally
speaking, the woman reclaimed her dowry in the event of the marriage being dissolved. 149
3.2.2 Within the royal family, the best documented case of divorce
is that of king Ammittamru II from a daughter of Benteina, king of
Amurru ( S i n g e r 1991a, 174-5; A r n a u d - S a l v i n i 1991-92).' 50 T h e
woman appears to be the guilty party and so the husband takes the
initiative in the lawsuit. At first the reason for the divorce is said to
be that the woman was trying to prejudice the king in some way.151
T h e woman leaves the hearth and takes away her belongings,' 32 but
only what she brought as a dowry, since she is obliged to forego
the goods acquired during the period of marriage in her husband's
favour. 153 Although the lawsuit is international in character, the result
reflects the characteristics of a private divorce ( N o u g a y r o l 1956,
125 n. 1). Later on, the woman is accused of having committed a
'great sin' (htu rabtu), a vague term which included various types of
offence, 154 and finally she is executed.
3.2.3 In the separation of goods which follows the divorce of the
king Ammurapi from a Hittite princess, which is not so well documented ( A s t o u r 1980), 1 5 5 the king takes back a property which he
147
T h e fact that the woman could take away the money of the terhatu and the
rest of the goods could indicate, judging from A T 92, that the husband caused the
separation for no justifiable reason. In the case envisaged in PRU 3, 60 = RS
16.141, the woman certainly reclaims the terhatu because the matrimonial contract
was not completed.
148
PRU 3, 85 = RS 16.250.
149
PRU
3, 81 = R S
1 6 . 1 4 3 ; PRU
4, 126 = R S
1 7 . 1 5 9 ; PRU
4, 2 0 9 = R S
17.355;
153
PRU
4,
126 =
RS
17.159.
had given his wife and the princess retains the goods she brought
with her at the time of marriage. 156
3.3
3.3.1 T h e union of a man and a woman manifested by a matrimonial contract allowed legitimate children to be born. In general,
the documents seem to show a very low birth rate ( L i v e r a n i 1979a,
1321), rarely more than three children to a single couple. 157 It is
possible, even so, that the administrative texts only record persons
able to work in some way, and exclude, for example, old people
and small children ( H e l t z e r 1976, 88) and that the juridical documents only mention legitimate children with inheritance rights.
3.3.2 Although the data are not conclusive, polygamy must have
been well established in Ugaritian society ( L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1320),
especially in the upper classes ( B o r d r e u i l 1995, 4 4 8 ) . 1 5 8 T h e situation cannot have been different from the one known in Alalah IV 159
and Emar, 160 where polygamy was accepted, especially when the wife
was barren. 161
3.3.3 O n the other hand, the Ugaritian concept of family seems not
to have been restricted to parents and children but could include
other relatives. 162 T h e average number of members per family, there-
156
BROOK
1994,
N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 5 6 , 2 0 6 - 7 ; PINTORE 1 9 7 8 , 7 5 - 8 ; W E S T -
279.
157
ARNAUD
161
As in Babylonia
2 9 0 ; NEGRI
162
1986, Nos.
1984,
31,
216.
(WESTBROOK
1988,
107-9)
and Nuzi
(BRENEMAN 1 9 7 1 ,
23-4,
60).
fore, could have been between five and six persons ( G a r r 1987, 34),
a number which in some cases could be higher due to the presence
of servants ( L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1319). Archaeological studies on houses
and residential areas of Ras Shamra support the possibility of polygamy or a high number of dwellers in certain houses, but they also
counsel prudence when figures on this topic are proposed ( 11.1.1.1).
3.4
3.5
3.5.1
175
PRU 3 , 7 5 = RS 1 6 . 3 4 4 (adoption as a brother); PRU 3 , 5 4 = RS 1 5 . 0 9 2
(adoption of a son), where, in addition, on the death of the father it was the adoptive son, not the widow, who disposed of the family property; the woman does not
seem have become an adoptive mother and the transaction, as in PRU 3, 64 = RS
16.200 seems to have been more a type of property transaction in favour of the
adoptee (BOYER 1 9 5 5 , 3 0 3 ) .
,7(
' The Ugaritic term used for 'firstborn' in the literary texts is bkr, cf. CUNCHILLOS - V I T A 1995a, Nos. 1 1 4 0 - 1 ; DLU, 107.
177
R S 14.016:6 ( V I R O L L E A U D 1951, 174); R S 8.145:15 ( T H U R E A U - D A N G I N 1937,
249); PRU 6, No. 85 = RS 19.079: obv. 15'; Ug 5, No. 7 = RS 17.036:4-5;
Ug 5, No. 8 = RS 17.038:6'. T h e meaning of Ugaritic nhl, usually translated
'heir', must be different (LIVERANI 1979a, 1339). Attested only in administrative texts
(CUNCHILLOS - V I T A 1995a, Nos. 3918-9) it must be a technical term in administration, with the result that a single person could have various 'heirs' all at once
(cf. W A T S O N 1992C, 238; 11.4.3).
178
On the nature of the firstborn at Emar see also VAN DER T O O R N 1994, 42-52.
179
As shown particularly by Ug 5, No. 7 = RS 17.036. Furthermore, in a more
broken context, Ug 5, No. 8 = RS 17.038. PRU 3, 56 = RS 15.120 also seems to
include a division of property among sons, but due to the condition of the text,
the details concerning the primogeniture are unknown. In Ug 5, No. 81 = RS
21.230, a contract of adoption into brotherhood (cf. 11.3.4.1), the parties expressly
stipulate that 'there is no firstborn or youngest among them' (a similar expression
in Emar, cf. A R N A U D 1996, No. 93:8), confirming the situation as unusual. O n the
youngest son as the firstborn in the 'Epic of Keret' ( K T U 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii
7-16) see DEL O L M O L E T E 1981a, 260; DAVIES 1993, 188-9.
180
THUREAU-DANGIN
1937,
249.
3.6
3.6.1 As has been seen, the queen of Ugarit held an eminent social,
political and administrative position ( 11.2.4). Her financial position
was sound. She approached marriage supported by a substantial
dowry, the control of which she kept in the event of divorce, and
she disposed of various means to increase her possessions. She had
her own administrative organization and played an active part in the
foreign policy of the kingdom. T h e queen's position can be understood as an extended form of a woman's status in Ugaritian society.
3.6.2 In a patriarchal and patrilinear society such as in Ugarit, the
woman moved from the guardianship of her family, with the father
181
For Emar see, for example A R N A U D 1 9 9 6 No. 9 3 . The opposite case could
also be provided for, with the husband as heir to the wife's goods in the event of
her death, cf. PRU 3 , 1 1 0 = RS 1 6 . 2 6 7 .
182
KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] i 26-33 and parallels (DEL O L M O L E T E 1981a, 334 5;
B O D A 1993; O T T O 1996, 269-71). Cf. 6.3.
183
PRU 3 , 3 2 = R S 1 6 . 1 2 9 ( B O Y E R 1 9 5 5 , 3 0 5 ; M I L L E R 1 9 8 0 2 7 5 ; contra D A V I E S
1993,
86
1 8 8 ) ; PRU
RS
184
Cf.
6, N o . 4 3 =
RS
1 7 . 0 7 7 ; PRU
6, N o . 5 3 =
RS
27.053;
Ug 5 ,
No.
20.176.
KMMERER
Family piety
185
PRU
3, 5 4
RS
15.092.
18,1
PRU
3, 9 4
RS
16.245.
187
RS
188
8.145
(THUREAU-DANGIN
1937,
249).
KLMA
1957b.
family. Archaeological and textual data are of uncertain interpretation and refer only to the urban population of the city of Ugarit
( S a l l e s 1 9 9 5 ) . T h e approach to the question, therefore, has to be
indirect. T h e construction of tombs underneath a great number of
the houses ( C a l l o t 1 9 9 4 , 1 6 8 - 7 6 ) could be an indication of a cult
focusing on family ancestors. 189 Epic and some of the rituals could
have preserved reflexes of this type of cult in which the dead person is conceived as belonging to the divine world and as receiving
cult regularly. From the same genres it can be deduced that alongside the ancestor cult there was a cult of family deities (van d e r
T o o r n 1 9 9 6 , 1 5 3 - 7 5 ) . Family piety in Ugarit, therefore, would be
similar to what is documented in Emar ( v a n d e r T o o r n 1 9 9 4 ) .
3.8
The community
189
For VAN DER T O O R N 1996, 194, the ancestor cult would not be domestic but
celebrated in the sanctuary.
190
Cf. Ug 5, No. 52 = RS 20.239.
4.1
Crafts
and
Professions
4.2
191
with the 'free' sector of the population organized into village communities, the 'men of the king' would shape the social sector of persons
dependent on the palace. They would carry out tasks which demanded
a certain level of specialization and specific formation, receiving from
the palace both the means of production and subsistence. This model
of Ugaritian society, based on documentation within the kingdom,
would seem to have outside confirmation thanks to the so-called
'Edict of Hattusili III' concerning the bapr (PRU 4, 107-8 = RS
17.238; L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1333; H e l t z e r 1982). However, the theory of a bipartite society as well as the interpretation of RS 17.238
should not be considered as proven facts since other kinds of interpretation are possible ( V a r g y a s 1988; Z a m o r a 1997).
4.3
Internal organization
4.4
201
202
203
204
205
206
K T U 4.145 = RS 15.034:9.
V I T A 1995a, Nos. 3265-9.
R S O 7, No. 25 = RS 34.167+:20.
H U E H N E R G A R D 1987b, 165.
Cf., for example, K T U 4.125 = RS 14.001:8-9.
As was the case with scribes, cf. 11.2.7.2.
CUNCHILLOS -
4.5
4.5.1 Various terms denote the professions connected with the cutting of stone or hard materials. T h e administrative documents mentioning them provide no additional information about the circumstances
of their activity, although the objects which are the result of that
activity have come down to us. T h e y are the professions of 'seal cutter' (parkullu; S a n m a r t i n 1995b) 2 ' 3 and 'sculptor', 'carver' (psl, zadimmu)
214
( S a n m a r t i n 1995a, 183).
This last category, which is generic, can
be subdivided into more specialized activities such as 'carver of arrowheads (from stone)' (psl hzm) and the 'notcher of bows' ( psl qt/sannu;
cf. 11.4.7.2).
4.5.2 O t h e r professions refer to the carving of precious and semiprecious stones. These were for use within the kingdom of Ugarit
207
208 K T U
209
4 358 = R S
13 048:9.
but were also sent to Hatti, as described in several letters 215 and lists
of tribute. 216 T h e fourth section of the letter K T U 2.36+ = RS
17.435+, from Queen Puduhepa of Hatti to King Niqmaddu III of
Ugarit, mentions three types of specialists: the 'engraver' or 'polisher'
(mly), the 'borer' (shl) and the 'worker in lapis lazuli' (qnuym). Archaeology illustrates some facets of their activities: in Ras Ibn Hani a
workshop has been found with a large quantity of corundum used
as an abrasive in the polishing of precious stones and what may be
another workshop where chalcedony was worked to make perforated
beads ( C u n c h i l l o s 1989b, 417-20).
4.5.3 T h e texts from Ugarit mention a considerable number of
metals, such as gold, silver, copper, bronze, tin or iron. T h e handling
and transmutation of metals was the competence of the 'smith' or
'metal caster' (nsk/nsiku; S a n m a r t i n 1995a, 1 8 2 - 3 ) . Depending on
the metal involved, the 'smiths' were subdivided into categories such
as 'caster of precious metals' (nsk ksp, kutimmu) and 'copper-smith',
'boilermaker' (nsk tlt/nsiku er\ napph. ere). Depending on the final
product, there were a 'caster of (metal) arrow-heads' (nsk him/hdm)
and a 'jewe11er(?)' (risk qtn).2U
4.6
4.6.1 T h e generic term for 'craftsman' is harru (Ar/).218 In practice, it denotes a person who constructs objects by assembling various
components ( S a n m a r t i n 1995a, 177). Although the archaeological
evidence is weak ( C a l l o t 1994, 189-90) the documents show a wide
range of craftsmen, whether mentioned in the plural as a generic
name (hrm 'craftsmen') or distinguished according to the specific
product made. It can be noted that wood, cut by 'woodcutters'
(ihtbm),219 was a basic raw material for this type of worker.
215
K T U 2.36+ = RS 17.435+ ( C U N C H I L L O S 1989b), PRU 4, 221 = RS 17.383,
PRU 4, 223 = RS 17.422, Ug 5, No. 30 = RS 20.255A.
216
K T U 3.1 = RS 1 1.772+ and its Akkadian versions ( K N O P P E R S 1993).
217
O n the possible metal-working in the capital of the kingdom and its surrounding see C A L L O T 1 9 9 4 , 1 8 6 - 8 . O n qtn see also n. 222a.
218
C U N C H I L L O S - V I T A 1995a, Nos. 1950-1.
219
C U N C H I L L O S - V I T A 1995a, Nos. 1844-5.
220
4.7
Weapon production
223
4.7.5 T h e 'tanners' (akp) performed their task not only with textiles but also in connection with weapons. Leather was a material
needed for the manufacture of cuirasses for horses and quivers for
soldiers and chariots. It was also used for other components of the
war chariot such as the parapet, the base of the body and straps for
lashing the steering-pole to the parapet and the yoke to the steeringpole ( V i t a 1995a, 7 8 ) .
4.8
Pottery
4.9
Food
1996,
698).
CUNCHILLOS -
5.1
T h e
A r m y
5.1.1 Ugarit, a thriving Syrian state both economically and commercially, was a kingdom involved in the politics of Syria of its time.
Politically, it had to adapt its behaviour to the circumstances which
in Syria favoured the great powers of the period, Egypt, Mittanni
and Hatti, throughout the second half of the second millennium bce.
However, as a rich kingdom, of m e d i u m size and on which lesser
kingdoms depended, the political weight of Ugarit at regional level
was considerable, especially after Hittite intervention in the area.
Although acting as an important element for the stability of the
Hittite political and military system in Syria, it did not forego acting on behalf of its own interests within the margins it was permitted
as a vassal of a great power. Various historical events show that
Ugarit had available an efficient army of considerable military impor-
V I T A 1995a, No. 1 4 9 8 .
Besides the priests ( 1 1 . 4 . 2 . 9 ) , other personnel connected with the cult were
undoubtedly singers (r, nru\ PRU 6 , No. 9 3 = R S 1 7 . 1 3 1 : 2 4 ) and cymbalists (mslm,
masillu; K T U 4 . 1 2 6 = R S 1 4 . 0 8 4 : 3 0 ; PRU 6 , No. 9 3 = R S 1 7 . 1 3 1 : 2 5 ) ; cf. DEL
229
CUNCHILLOS -
2,0
OLMO
LETE -
SANMARTIN
1998,
176-84.
232
CUNCHILLOS 4583 =
VITA
R S
233
As is shown by the use of the verb la'ika 'to commission' in K T U 4.777 =
RIH 8 3 / 0 7 + (on the exact meaning of the verb see C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 177 85).
234
238
PRU
3 , 7 8 = R S 1 5 . ; HUEHNERC-ARD 1 9 8 9 , 6 7 .
K T U 4.670 = R S 19.174B; the term is well documented,
VTA
1992,
125).
2+4
5.3
255
msg
d tbk,
c f . SANMARTIN
1989,
342.
5.4
5.4.1 It is certain that the kingdom of Ugarit never had a real war
navy, but documents from Ugarit and Hatti show that at least some
of the Ugaritic boats could have had a military function. It is probable that the boats were used for commerce and, when occasion
arose, for the transportation of troops and for armed engagements
on the high seas.264 Evidence of military use of Ugaritic boats comes
from the final period of the kingdom and show the boats of Ugarit
operating under the control of Hatti. However, the documents supply
{PRU 6, No. 131 = RS 19.035A). K T U 4.204 = RS 16.002 mentions two types,
'arrow quiver' (utpt him) and probably, 'javelin quiver' (utpt srdnnm).
259 K T U 1 1 4 - R s 2. [003]+ ii 2 - 3 and parallels.
260
265
C H AFTER T W E L V E
T H E
O N O M A S T I C S
O F
Richard
Hess
Personal
Names
S.
and
U G A R I T
Prosopography
1.1
1
I thank Dr. Josef Tropper and Dr. W.G.E. Watson for reading and commenting
on this section of the chapter.
2
K T U 1.4 = RS 2.[008] + 3.341 + 3.347; K T U 1.6 = RS 2. [009] + 5.155,
K T U 1.16 = RS 3.325 + 3.342 + 3.408, K T U 1.17 = RS 2.[004].
Texts from the cosmopolitan centre of Ugarit are written in a variety of scripts and languages, including Sumerian, the syllabic cuneiform of Akkadian, Hurrian and Hittite, the alphabetic cuneiform
of Ugaritic and Hurrian, the hieroglyphic writing of Egyptian and
Hittite and the distinctive Cypro-Minoan script. With the exception
of Sumerian, texts from each of these languages include personal
names.
With so many potential sources for personal names at Ugarit it
is perhaps surprising that no comprehensive list of all personal names
found in the published texts from Ugarit has ever been produced.
Although highly desirable for purposes of onomastic research, the
absence of such a publication forms a significant gap in the study
of Ugaritian personal names. Collections of personal names and
related studies have focused on the texts written in the alphabetic
and syllabic scripts, above all on the Ugaritic and Akkadian texts
which constitute the majority of published texts from Ugarit.
T h e identification of personal names in Akkadian and other syllabic cuneiform texts is assisted by specific markers, the familiar dis
sign preceding masculine names and the M sign preceding feminine
names. In addition, the d u m u logogram, meaning, 'son of', can indicate that a personal name will follow. This logogram itself can sometimes form the first part of a personal name. However, it can also
precede a place name or gentilic and indicate the origin of the person so designated. In such cases and others where there is no textual marker to signify a personal name, it must be identified by its
context. In letters, personal names often appear at the beginning and
identify the sender and the recipient. In contracts, those making the
agreement are identified. T h e list of witnesses at the end of the document also contains personal names, each one often preceded by
the igi logogram, which is the Akkadian bu 'witness'. In order to
specify the witnesses they often are given their patronyms, indicated
by d u m u . Personal names also appear in census and inventory lists
of all types. T h e simplest are those that merely list the persons.
Others indicate places of origin, food rations or other items associated with each person. Some lists introduce or conclude by designating all those named as members of a particular social group or
as citizens of a single town.
Personal names are identified in similar ways in the alphabetic
Ugaritic texts. However, these normally contain no markers similar
A possible exception to this rule may sometimes occur. See, for example, the
vertical stroke preceding the high priest's name in the alphabetic axehead inscription, K T U 6 . 1 0 = RS "l. [ 0 5 2 ] . S e e G I N S B E R G 1 9 5 0 , 1 6 0 .
1.2
other texts. T h e divine, semi-divine and heroic figures of the mythological texts have not been systematically classified and studied, neither as a group of names on their own nor as part of the larger
onomastic corpus from Ugarit. T h e personal names found outside
of this literature, which is largely distinct from it, have received the
focus of attention.
Although most publications of individual texts or groups of texts,
include the grammatical analysis of personal names at the point in
the commentary that corresponds to where they occur in the text,
the systematic study of larger groups of personal names has been limited to a few publications. T h e first one was U y e c h i ' s 1961 Brandeis
University Ph.D. dissertation, Study of Ugaridc Alphabetic Personal
Names'. This work is available only in dissertation form. It appeared
at a time when only PRU 2 and the 1955 edition of Gordon's Ugaritic Manual provided substantial collections of non-mythological alphabetic texts. Nevertheless, in his 1967 dissertation, Study of the
Personal Names in the Akkadian Texts from Ugarit', Kinlaw saw
his work as a supplement to the earlier study of Uyechi. In fact,
both works were written at Brandeis University under the supervision of Cyrus Gordon. Kinlaw's work took into consideration the
published texts of PRU 3, 4 and 5 as well as those from Ug 5. In
addition, published texts not contained in these collections were
included. 4
O f course, the same personal names were rendered into both
alphabetic and syllabic cuneiform by scribes at Ugarit. A study of
both could combine the advantages of each system of orthography,
allowing vocalization with the syllabary and greater phonemic precision with the alphabetic script. This was realised with the 1967
a p p e a r a n c e of G r o n d a h l . ' s Die Personennamen der Texte aus Ugarit.
Written under the supervision of J o h a n n e s Friedrich and Einar von
Schler, this remains the most complete study of the personal names
from Ugarit. Its listing of names incorporated PRU 2, 3, 4 and 5 as
well as Ug 5. This provided the most complete listing available.
However, even Grondahl's work did not include all the published
names. In part, this was no doubt due to the absence of a listing
of the names occurring in the texts published in CTA. Personal names
appearing in a few of the published alphabetic cuneiform texts were
KINLAW
Semitic names should not be separated from their masculine counterparts and analysed separately ( D o n n e r 1 9 6 8 / 9 ) ; (5) the combination of Hurrian and Semitic suffix elements and the presence of
'double suffixes' on some names ( R i c h t e r 1 9 7 0 ) ; ( 6 ) the need to distinguish Akkadian from West Semitic in the study of the Semitic
names ( R i c h t e r 1 9 7 0 ) and the subsequent problem of using this
combined data to describe the Ugaritic language ( H i l l e r s 1 9 7 0 ) ; (7)
the failure of the glossaries to distinguish probable lexical derivations
from those that are hypothetical ( H i l l e r s 1 9 7 0 ) ; ( 8 ) the absence of
relevant comparative information from the Ugarit lexical texts (de
M o o r 1 9 6 9 ) ; ( 9 ) some of the theophoric elements should be otherwise identified ( C a q u o t 1 9 6 9 ) , and ( 1 0 ) the absence of many names
from published texts as well as the tendency to list separately the
same n a m e spelled when spelled slightly differently (e.g., different
values of the same phonetic sign or the use of logograms in place
of syllabic spelling; B e r g e r 1 9 6 9 - 7 0 ) .
Later publicadons have emphasized the lexical and semantic aspects
in their linguistic analysis of the personal names from Ugarit. Special
note should be m a d e of J i r k u ' s 1969 study which introduced new
names of animals and occupations that occur in personal names from
Ugarit but not in other textual sources from the city. 8 In the same
year D i e t r i c h and L o r e t z 1969 published a study of a Hurrian element, fant/fent- and its occurrence in personal names. However, the
most important studies of collected personal names from Ugarit, after
Grondahl, are those of S i v a n 1984, P a r d e e 1987, 1988, 1 9 8 9 / 9 0
and W a t s o n 1990c, 1990d, 1993b, 1995b, 1996c.
S i v a n 1984 included analysis of the personal names from Ugarit
in his study of Late Bronze Age West Semitic as revealed by the syllabic cunciform texts. By incorporating proper nouns from Alalakh,
T a a n a c h and A m a r n a , as well as Ugarit, Sivan was able to provide
a more complete comparative analysis of the names than had been
previously available. In addition, his use of c o m m o n nouns as well
as verbs, prepositions, adverbs and other particles provided a thorough study of Late Bronze Age West Semitic. T h e same was true
of the glossary which brought together and systematically studied
A. J IRK 1969 adds examples of new uses of verbal and noun forms in personal names. P . D . M I L L E R , J R . 1 9 7 0 , 1 7 1 8 6 adds examples of animal names used
in titles and the names of social groups.
163).
Xella
1991.
1.3
Linguistic O r i g i n
Syllabic PNs
Alphabetic PNs
All Names
Semitic
Hurrian
43%
26%
Anatolian
Indo-Aryan
16%
1/2%
1/5%
2%
12%
1000
55%
21%
7%
50%
23%
10%
1/3%
1/6%
2%
15%
2400
Egyptian
Place Names
Uncertain
T o t a l (Approx.)
1/5%
1/10%
2%
16%
1400
12
This could also include Indo-Aryan names although at Ugarit the number of
these is insignificant.
13
3, P.
RS
1 6 . 2 5 0 (PRU
3, p . 85) 4 - 5 , K T U
1 4 2 ) 5 . S e e RAINEY
4.103 = R S
1 9 6 5 C , 2 2 ; PARDEE 1 9 9 2 ,
713.
11.858.5, R S
16.136
(PRU
14
On pp. 1 9 7 - 2 0 1 , D I E T R I C H
L O R E T Z discuss Ugaritic professions which they
classify together according to their suffix element: hdgl, kttgl, mdrgl, tdgl.
15
VAN S O L D T 1991a, 33, list eight such texts where the same names of mdrglm
occur (KTU 4.33 = RS 5.248, K T U 4.50-53 = RS 10.087-090, K T U 4.54 = RS
10.103, K T U 4.55 = RS 10.109, K T U 4.69 = RS 11.715+).
Study of professions a n d social groupings considers the countryside of Ugarit's kingdom as well as the palace ( L i v e r a n i 1988, 938).
H e l t z e r 1976 devoted a special study to the economic structure of
the rural regions. D u e to the limited nature of the evidence, however, definite conclusions are difficult to achieve. 16 T h e villages of
Ugarit were taxed both in silver and commodities and in labour and
military service ( H e l t z e r 1987). Lists that b e a r witness to labour
indicate the villages and the a m o u n t of service d u e for the people
n a m e d ( K T U 4.40 = R S 8.279). People e n g a g e d in the corve
received food rations ( K T U 4.41 = R S 8.280).
At the top of the social structure was the royal family. T h e palace
archives preserve c o n t e m p o r a r y records of seven kings, six queens
and other m e m b e r s of the royal family ( v a n S o l d t 1991a, 2-19).
As leaders of Ugarit these figures initiate and are n a m e d in legal
and contractual documents as well as in local a n d international correspondence. A famous case, consisting of m o r e than a dozen documents, records the divorce of A m m i t t a m r u II and the daughter of
Benteshina, king of A m u r r u ( A r n a u d - S a l v i n i 1991-2). Within the
royal family sons and daughters of the king were n a m e d . A brother
of N i q m a d d u II, Nuriyanu, is attested in several texts as exercising
unusual influence in the royal court. Special royal associates are
n a m e d a n d designated as md ani (RS 16.239). Four of the five
people n a m e d as belonging to the latter group, 'friends of the king,'
were f r o m a single family ( R a i n e y 1962, 82~8). G r o u p s of personnel could be assigned to the service of a m e m b e r of the royal family or one of the palace officials. 17
Key figures in the royal court, as well as m u c h of society, were
the scribes (tuparru, spr). In the midst of a sophisticated society, these
scholars read a n d wrote the texts that were essential to its function
( R a i n e y 1969). Forty-eight n a m e s of different scribes have been preserved, including fathers a n d sons w h o were scribes as well as teachers a n d their pupils ( v a n S o l d t 1991a, 19-32). S o m e scribes are
known for specialist areas of work: Ili-milku for mythological texts
a n d Y a n h a m u for lexical texts. A n o t h e r scribe, Y a t a r m u , was executed for his part in a rebellion against N i q m a d d u ( R a i n e y 1969,
145-6; L i p i n s k i 1986b).
16
In addition to
17
PARDEE
1992, 714
PARDEE 1992, 714-5 notes examples of (a) K T U 9.458 = RIH 83/02, (b)
K T U 4.134 = RS 15.006, K T U 4.129 = RS 15.001, K T U 4.374 = RS 18.082,
and (c) K T U 4.367 = RS 18.076 and K T U 4.355 = RS 18.045 for place of assignment and K T U 4.635 = RS 19.096 for ethnic origin.
19
K T U 6.10 = RS 1.[052]. See now BORDREUIL. 1998.
20
RS 15.109 + 16.296 and RS 15.155.
numerous Hurrian texts, lexical texts and many of the most famous
mythological texts. Atn.prln is designated both as the high priest and
as the 'chief of shepherds' (rb.nqdm). This may reflect both the business interests of the priestly class and also a source for the animal
sacrifices in the temples. V a n Soldt notes that the names of a dozen
priests (Akkadian l u . m e s sanga, Ugaritic khnm) recur in one syllabic
text and as many as three alphabetic cuneiform texts. 21
T h e military structure of Ugarit included named leaders (mru) as
well as special classes of warriors ( R a i n e y 1962, 130-46). A special
and well-known class of chariot warriors were called maiyannu, an
Indo-Aryan term. 'First-class, experienced fighting men' (rrm) appear
( R a i n e y 1962, 138). Classes of warriors such as the sanannu also occur
at Alalakh. T h e mdrglm have already been mentioned. Although trade
took place inland with other cities, Ugarit's speciality was maritime
trade as attested by its port of M a ' h a d u and the numerous texts
describing royal, private and foreign trade. 22 Ships with their owners and crews are named in several texts. 23
1.4
Future prospects
21
VAN S O L D T 1991a, 34, texts R S 16.126B+ i: 37-8, R S 11.715+ ( K T U 4.69),
RS 19.86a ( K T U 4.633), RS 34.123 ( K T U 4.761).
22
In addition to the general studies of H E L T Z E R and R A I N E Y (already mentioned),
see L I N D E R 1970; 1981; A S T O U R 1970a; 1972b.
23
For example, RS 8.279 ( K T U 4.40) and RS 11.779 ( K T U 4.81).
mation would also allow for more accurate investigation into the
society of the n a m e bearers. A step in this direction has been m a d e
by D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z 1996b, which now provides a list of all personal a n d place names occurring in CAT.'H
A m o n g important questions of linguistic analysis that remain to
be answered, the following might be included: (1) a closer analysis
of the non-Semitic, n o n - H u r r i a n a n d non-Egyptian names with a
view to their origins, (2) when do case vowels operate and on what
sorts of names, (3) what divine names are present, a n d (4) what sort
of patterns do the variations in the spellings of identical names suggest about the phonology.
A m o n g unsolved questions regarding prosopography, the following issues should be noted: (1) is there any relationship between the
linguistic affiliation of the personal n a m e s and the social status or
other social groupings a m o n g the n a m e bearers in Ugarit's population, a n d (2) how do the names, their language affiliations and their
divine elements c o m p a r e with the onomastica of nearby archives
such as Alalakh and E m a r ?
These a n d other questions await further investigation of the personal names from Ugarit.
Ugaritic
Place
Names
24
See also
CUNCHILLOS
VITA
1995a.
2.1
Site identification
2.2
2.2.1
Linguistic analysis
T h e linguistic analysis of the place names from Ugarit has been studied by S i v a n 1984. His work examines the West Semitic elements
found in those names. This study will use Sivan's analysis as a start25
In addition to
1966 a n d
2(
ASTOUR
VAN S O L D T
1994,
BORDREUIL
1988,
LEWIS
1998.
1992,
715:
Vocables
'abu
uru
'adnu
uru
i g i - a - ^ [ a ] -na-a
(PRU 6, 80,7)
'admu
'adddu
'aggnu
'ag[i)mu
uru a-gi-mu
(PRU
(PRU
6, 102,10 etc.)
3, 11.841,13' etc.)
21
All Alalakh texts are identified according to their catalogue number as located
in W I S E M A N 1953. For 60 see D I E T R I C H
LORF.TZ 1970. RS numbers given
after PRU 3 and 4.
Vocables
'ahnpu
URU af}-nap-p
{PRU 3, 15.122, 18 etc.)
uru a-ha-tu
(PR 6, 105,6' etc.)
kr a-mur-
{PRU A, 17.82,9 etc.)
uru ap-s-na
{Ug 5, 12,20 etc.)
uru a-ra-ni-ya
{PRU 3, 10.044,3' etc.)
uru ar-d-at
(Ug 5, 20 v.5')
uru ar-mi-li (PRU 6, 78,16)
u r u -ri (Ug 5, 99,3 etc.)
uru a-ru-tu (PRU 6, 95,3 etc.)
uru a-ru-a-di-ya
(PRU 6, 79,7,8)
uru ar-zi-ga-na
(Ug 5, 27 etc.)
'ahtu
'amurru
'apsu
'arnu
'ardat(u/a)
'armlu
'ru
'arwdu
'arzu
uru -qu-lu-nu
(PRU 6, 79,9 etc.)
HUR.SAG.ME -a-l
(PRU 4, 17.62+,20')
k r . u r u e-mar
(PRU 4, 17.143,13 etc.)
'bz
'ilu
uru
e-mar
( 1 6 1 , 1 4
etc.)
'
'ubur'u
'ubsu
'ugartu
'uhryu
J
ummu
uru um-mu
(179,13 etc.)
Vocables
usnu
u r u u-na-ti
(PRU
akk
'ammu
4, 17.382,16 etc.)
uru
6, 78,15)
[i]a-ku-na-mi
(PRU
4, 17.62,13' etc.)
amqu
u r u am(?)-q
'anu
{PRU 4, 17.424,2)
u r u ha-zu-ta (191,2)
'azztu
C
u r u he-en-s-ri-ya
nu
'nuqap' at(u)
'imqu/'amqu
c
c
ny
(PRU
17.62,13')
u r u igi-qp-at
(PRU 3, 10.044,6' etc.)
uru
mu--
(PRU
3, 11.790,32' etc.)
baq'at(u)
u r u ba-aq-at
basru
btu
(PRU
bi'ru
(PRU
3, 11.790,12' etc.)
4, 17.341,14' etc.)
d-lu-ya (408,4)
dallu
dmatu
u r u du-ma-tu
damru
u r u du-ma-tTqi-[id-i]
(PRU 6, 78,6 etc.)
u r u za-mi-ir-ti
(PRU
(PRU
dimmru
uru
6, 105,5' etc.)
4, 17.340,7' etc.)
zi-ini-ma-
(PRU
4, 17.366,13' etc.)
gabru
k u r gab(?)--n[i(?)]
galbu
u r u gal-ba
(PRU
(PRU
6, 96,2')
3, 16.170,10' etc.)
Vocables
gallu
uru ga-li-li-tu-ki-ia
(.PRU 6, 78,9)
[uru] ga-mil-ti
(.PRU 6, 53,v.9')
uru ga-ni-a
{PRU 6, 70,17 etc.)
uru ar-zi-ga-na
(Ug 5, 27 etc.)
uru gi^-b&la
(PRU 4, 17.335+, 19)
uru gu-ub-li (PRU 6, 126,10)
uru gul-ba-ta
(PRU 4, 17.340,v.6' etc.)
uru ul-la-mi
(PRU 3, 16.665,5 etc.)
uru ul-mu-ya
(PRU 4, 17.62+, 12')
uru ha-la-n[i] (PRU 6, 96,3')
uru bar-k-na-a
(PRU 6, 77,5)
uru ha-ar-ma-na
(PRU 3, 16.170,4' etc.)
gamiltu
gan(n)i(a)'u
gannu
gib a'lu
gubla
gulbatu
him
ha lu
harku
harmnu
haslu
himullu
haball
halbu
uru ha-si-lu-uh-e
(161,14 etc.)
uru hi-mu-li
(PRU 4, 17.340 rev.7' etc.)
ur[u] ha(?)-ba-a[l(?)-l]a(?)
(Ug 5, 45,1')
uru hal-bi
(PRU 6, 118,4' etc.)
uru hal-bi-ni
(RS 1929.1,13 etc.)
htamu
huldu
hurru
kappu
kibru
uru hu-tam-me-(na)
(152,1 etc.)
uru Ifu-ul-da
(PRU 3, 15.132,7 etc.)
uru hu-ur-su-<bu>-i
(Ug 5,102,14')
uru hu-n-ka
(PRU 3, 11.790,25' etc.)
[uru] kap-pa (133,35)
HUR.SAG ki-bu-
(PRU 4, 17.62+,8' etc.)
Vocables
kitia'nu
kumru
lab(a)nu
liblnu
ma'hadu
ma'qabu
ma'rabu
magdalu
martu
marru
massibat(u)
makanu
matqab(u)
mirru
mitru
mr[a)tu
mulukk
na'mu
nah(a)ru
URU mu-tu-e
mutu
mwk
URU ICI-ma-ka
60 185,13)
(table cont.)
Vocables
napku
napu
Vocables
Ugarit Place N a m e s
Alalakh Place N a m e s
URU u-qa-lu
uqalu
(PRU 3, 11.800,29' etc.)
URU u-ra-u
URU su-ra-se
ur(a)u
(PRU 3, 11.830,5 etc.)
(ZA 60 185,2 etc.
tku see gallu
URU tu-na-a-na
tunnnu
(Ug 5, 95,20)
URU t-ba-ya (342,3)
tbu
tallu
URU t-lu-ya (408,4)
URU ti-ba-qu
tibqu
(PRU 3, 11.800,12' etc.)
URU
t-hi-ya (Ug 5, 102,11')
thya
URU
-am-ra-a
tamryu
(PRU 6, 77,7 etc.)
tf see panma
URU am-m--bi\
twb
(PRU 6, 78,15)
URU
ya ru
yaldu
yammu
yarqnu
ynu
yld
ypr
ytr
/-^a-'-DINGIR
(PRU 6, 78,12)
URU ia-ar-t
(PRU 3, 11.841,12' etc.)
URU ia-al-da
(PRU 4, 17.62+, 11')
URU
DINGIR^(2-mz'
2.2.2
28
Loretz
GORDON
1965.
midh
ayly
kmkty
sallurba
sulhana
salhe
arutu
ma'adhi
baq'at-ala, aa-ma'ad
kamkatiya
anurhe
sulhana!
salhe
arutui
Since none of these overlaps with the already identified place name
parallels, it suggests that the parallels already noted are authentic
citations of different places within the two kingdoms rather than citations of the same place along or near the border.
An examination of all place names found on the border descriptions
of the two kingdom also reveals little in the way of overlap. Indeed,
only one additional name, halpi/halbi/halba, is found in both archives.
However, even if the Alalakh texts refer to the site on the border
of the two kingdoms, not all of the occurrences in the texts from
Ugarit refer to this border site. T h e r e are four halba's that occur
and some of them are found in the southern parts of the kingdom. 29
A further source may be found in A T 457, a text from Alalakh
Level IV that did not appear in Wiseman's catalogue and could not
be considered by Sivan. This is because, unlike some of the texts
originally published by Wiseman and later by Dietrich and Loretz,
it was published only recently ( W i s e m a n - H e s s 1 9 9 4 ) . A T 4 5 7 is a
lengthy text of at least 68 lines of which 54 are legible. It is a census list of personal names followed by their place of origin. Four
place names occur and are new to Level IV at Alalakh.
O f four place names attested for the first time from Alalakh Level
IV, only one, i\s-i-QT-k(i-\ni~\, corresponds to a place name from texts
at Ugarit. It occurs on line 48. At Ugarit documents that define the
border between Ugarit and Alalakh list u r u i-ia-ar-qa-ni as lying on
that border. 3 0 In this case it is probably the same place, lying at the
border of the two kingdoms. T h u s no new place names found at
Alalakh are also attested at Ugarit for a separate site within that
kingdom.
2.3
Conclusions
1984, 206,
210).
CHAPTER
T H E
R E L I G I O N
O F
U G A R I T :
Nicolas
THIRTEEN
A N
O V E R V I E W
W y a t t
Introduction
' The term 'Canaanite' is best avoided here, despite common usage. For recent
treatment of the issue on the cultural and linguistic levels, with references to earlier discussion, see RAINEY 1965b, GRABBF. 1994, TROPPER 1994a and see references
in DE MOOR 1997, 42 n. 5 (Aw!). See also 15.5.9 below.
2
This is a largely artificial construct, having only a tenuous link with the historical religion of Palestine, as a compendium of late critiques and revisionism, subsequently further removed from its historical roots by its interpretation at the hands
of theologians and interpreters of the present common era.
2.1
C o s m o l o g y
In Mesopotamian tradition we have the apsu (AB.ZU) above and the ti'amat (temtum, tmtii) below. The former becomes in Greek. In Gen 1:6~9 the waters
above are separated from those below the firmament as dry land appears from the
lower waters. In Egypt the goddess Nut (nwt. 'waters'), an allomorph of the primordial Nu(n) (nw[n]), forms both the sky and a subterranean current, sometimes
shown engraved or painted in both the lid and the base of sarcophagi. This body
of water is amorphous. Land, in the form of the in-stone (symbolized in all temple constructions) emerges from the latter, in an analogue of the biblical account.
On the other hand, Ra crosses a river by day (above) and by night (below) in his
solar bark. This similarity of mental structuring of the world between ancient cultures should not allow local differences such as those mentioned to be glossed over,
but should also not be underestimated. For further discussions see WENSINCK 1918,
K A I S E R 1959, N E I M A N 1977, W Y A T T 1996a, 1996b.
B
Contrast D A Y 1985, 14-5 with W Y A T T 1985a. A Greek reflex of this figure is
found in Ladon, the serpent who guards the golden apples of the Hesperides ( G R A V E S
1960, ii 145-52 133: various classical sources cited; cf. FONTENROSE 1959, 236, 370).
9
See W Y A T T 1 9 9 5 for discussion and references. See also K O C H 1 9 9 3 .
10
W Y A T T 1996a, 36-43, 1996b.
in the idiom of the Baal cycle of myths, while the divine conflicts
whose outworkings form the narrative of the myth took place all
about, with constant reference back to him for purposes of validating the successive achievements of the plot. T h e kingship of each of
the successive gods was achieved by enthronement on El's throne,
a cipher also of the role of the throne in royal ideology. El's dwelling
at the heart of reality is expressed in the allusion to his 'sevenfold
palace' ( K T U 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ 10-2, 26-7):
El replied from within the seven chambers,
through the eight faades of the closed rooms.
This idiom of seven concentric boundaries surrounding a god's shrine
appears to establish its central location; it corresponds to the notion
of seven barriers in the underworld of both Egyptian" and Mesopotamian tradition, 12 though this idiom is not independently attested
at Ugarit. It may also be compared with the seven boundaries represented architecturally in Egyptian temples, most clearly at Edfu.
T h e image of the god here resided in the innermost chamber (the
shrine-box) of the building. A similar symbolism, though perhaps not
so explicitly developed, probably lies behind the construction of the
temples at Ugarit.
Another recurrent description of El's dwelling, where his tent is
pitched, reads as follows ( K T U 1.2 = RS 3.346 iii 4, 1.3 = RS
2.[014]+ 6 - 7 , 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ iv 21-2, 1.6 = RS 2.[009]+ i
33, 1.17 = R S 2. [004] vi 47-8): 13 deities travel
towards El at the source of the rivers,
amidst the springs of the two deeps.
This has been interpreted 1 4 as an underworld location, evidence of
El's deposition by the younger, more vigorous storm-god Baal. But
this interpretation depends for its cogency on the restoration of K T U
1.2 = RS 3.346 iii 3, as read by KTU2, which is gratuitous. 15 It also
11
See the gates (seven 'iytw) in the scenes and texts of the Book of the Dead.
See the myths of the descent of Inanna (ANET 5 0 - 7 ) and Ishtar {ANET 1 0 6 - 9 ,
CS i 3 8 1 - 4 ) . The image of the centre of a sevenfold structure is perpetuated in the
seven moradas of Teresa of Avila.
13
Cf. K T U 1.100 = RS 24.244.2-4.
12
14
See
10
POPE
1955,
1987,
KAISER
1959 and
OLDENBURG
1969.
This text occurs at K T U 1.1 = RS 3.361 iii 20 (partially restored) and at 1.3 =
RS 2. [014]+ iv 35. In the former passage it clearly denotes the subterranean workshop of Kothar (his western analogues forge their artefacts in volcanoes: was Kothar's
'Cretan' connection the volcanic island of Santorini?), while in the latter it appears
to denote Anat's own dwelling underneath Mount Saphon. In neither instance does
it have any bearing on the location of El's abode.
16
See
17
Three, according to
PARKER
1977.
PETERSEN
WOODWARD
1977;
four according to
HANDY
1994.
18
I am concerned not to evaluate one tradition in terms of another. But the
cautious use of analogies and comparisons between neighbouring cultures (and particularly between evidently cognate ones such as the Ugaritian and Palestinian) in the
area of tentative reconstruction of fragmented cosmologies is surely a valid procedure. I am happy to work in principle within the constraints outlined by M. S M I T H
(1952) 135-6, though he considerably overstates the lack of connections between
Ugaritic and Hebrew literature. Many of the more cautious studies of recent years
have established extensive continuities between the two cultures.
I!)
See W Y A T F 1987 for Ugaritic and biblical passages illustrating this feature. The
shrine in question cannot be identified with precision, but may plausibly be identified
with a royal chapel at Ugarit, or some such installation at Ras ibn Hani (where
the palace extends to within a few metres of the seashore).
2.2
20 YVYATT
1996C.
DIRECTION
LANGUAGE
TERM
MEANINGS
East
Ugaritic
Hebrew
Akkadian
Arabic
qdm
qedem
qudmu
qadam qidm qidam
West
Ugaritic
Hebrew
Akkadian
Arabic
ahr
'ahar
ahru
dabr
North
Ugaritic
Hebrew
Akkadian
Arabic
mal
seml
umlu
aml, mal
'left';
'left'; (spn = 'north');
'left';
'north (wind)', 'left'.
South
Ugaritic
Hebrew
Akkadian
Arabic
ymn
ymn
aplitum
yaman, yamin
'right';
'right', 'south';
'lower';
'south', 'right hand'.
21
22
WYATT
1996C.
It is no accident that the etymological meaning of the Greek term for 'truth'
() means 'not-forgetting'. Tradition is 'true', and theology is 'true' because
it is traditional.
Theology, mythology and ritual are the means whereby this memory is reinforced by constant repetition, and the unknown future can
therefore be engaged with confidence.
While orientation is an ultimately subjective experience, its psychological foundations are universal, and consequently, through a shared
vocabulary, a measure of objectivity is obtained. Language being
experienced as a given, even as 'god-given' in ancient psychology,
the very articulation of the experience in traditional forms serves to
reify it as theological 'fact'.
3.1
T h e o l o g y
23
DEL O L M O L E T E
27
WYATT
3.2
3.2.1
Individual deities
every generation will practise some degree of rationalization, however unconsciously, intuiting meaning, imposing structure and so on. The organization of various
pantheon-list traditions represents such processes. They are never static, of course,
and every text revealing a structure speaks only to its own generation, constituting
a historical document of conditions at such and such a time.
31
See for instance the following short selection of studies (which at times give
contrary assessments, and often include discussion of biblical avatars):
on Anat see K A P E I . R U D 1 9 6 9 , P . L . D A Y 1 9 9 1 , 1 9 9 2 , 1 9 9 5 , W A L L S 1 9 9 2 , L L O Y D
1994, C O R N E L I U S forthcoming;
on Athirat see M A I E R 1986, L Y A N 1988, W I G G I N S 1993, W Y A T T 1995a, B I N G E R
1997, C O R N E L I U S forthcoming;
on Athtar see M A R G A L I T 1996, X E L L A 1996a;
on Athtart see W Y A T T 1995b, C O R N E L I U S forthcoming;
on Baal see K A P E I . R U D 1952, V A N E L 1965, VAN Z I J L 1972, W Y A T T 1992a, H E R R M A N N
1995a, N I E H R 1995;
on Dagan see W Y A T T 1980, H E A L E Y 1977, 1995a;
on El, see P O P E 1955, 1987, H E R R M A N N 1995b;
on Horon see C A R J O T 1982, R T E R S W R D E N 1995;
on Kothar see S M I T H 1985, P A R D E E 1995;
on Rapiu and the Rpum (Rephaim) see C A Q U O T 1 9 6 0 , P A R K E R 1 9 7 0 , 1 9 7 2 , DE M O O R
1976, P O P E 1977, C O O P E R 1987, R O U I L L A R D 1995, P I T ARD 6.4 above;
on Reshef see A S T O U R 1967, 310-4, F U L C O 1976, X E L L A 1995a;
on
Yam
s e e FANTAR
1 9 7 7 , AL N O O R I
1994,
STOLZ
1995.
This list, the disparity in the coverage of some deities over against others, and omissions from it, indicate fruitful areas of research still to be undertaken.
are also of use. 32 I shall instead restrict discussion to general theological principles as exemplified in a number of representative deities.
Perhaps the best place to start is with the problem of theological
scope. Ugaritian religion is commonly described as a 'fertility cult'.
This perception is far too narrowI am not even entirely clear as
to what it meansand is perhaps at least on occasion unconsciously
designed as a reductionistic put-down for ideological purposes. We
should see in Ugaritian religion neither bad faith, nor moral obloquy, 33 nor 'crisis of polytheism'. 34 These are essentially contradictions
in terms in a theological context. O n the contrary, we have a vigorous series of interlocking theologies, an active cult, a powerful royal
ideology and a network of ritual forms which link living and dead,
sick and well, good and evil, rich and poor in a homogeneous community. It is in short a typical religious system of its day, not recognizably different in kind, in my view, from Iron Age religion in
Palestine. 35 Deities are essentially symbolic figures, who will accrete
in their personae the accumulated experience of the worshipping
community.
Individual deities are frequently readily identifiable with various
natural p h e n o m e n a or existential realities (e.g. Shapsh the sun, Yarih
the moon, Yam the sea, Baal the storm, Kothar the apotheosis of
technology, or Kinnar of the lyre, and so on). It is however a mistake to conclude a one-for-one funcdonal relationship between deity
and phenomenon. This is to reduce theology at best to allegory, at
worst to triviality. T h e identification, often based on the name, 3 6 is
merely the cipher by which an entire range of symbolic potential is
tapped. T h e richer the personality of the deity in myth, the richer,
we may infer, is the symbolic base. And because personality, with
32
See in particular the relevant articles in ABD ( F R E E D M A N ed.) and DDD (VAN
et al. [eds.]). Some are listed in the previous note. Note also W A T S O N
1993.
33
Thus O L D E N B U R G 1969, xi.
34
Thus DE M O O R 1986b, 1990, 69-100 = 1997, 71-102.
35
That is, a religion (or religions) as reconstructed through archaeological research
and a critical and historical reading of textual evidence, biblical and non-biblical.
The Hebrew Bible itself is of course a critique on earlier forms of religion, its own
roots included. Cf. . 2 above.
3t
The enormous difficulty sometimes faced in trying to identify the 'original'
meaning of a divine name (cf. the range of proposals for Anat and Athirat) should
give us pause about immediate settlement for what seem like all the easier instances.
DER T O O R N
all its individual quirks and contradictions, is the means of expressing the theological content of the individual deity, the dramatic
conflicts between deities are often represented in the most confrontational terms. It is a serious mistake to take this at face value,
seeing in this apparent theological confusion evidence of either primitiveness, or worse still, theological poverty or incoherence.
T h e richness and versatility of polytheism lies in its capacity for
resolution of tensions in dramatic terms, in which deities compete
in a mythic narrative as a means of expressing the anomies and
antinomies of experience. People die of disease: the powerful god
Reshef, the personification of pestilence, the very source of the disorder, is the one to whom the religious person turns in distress. W a r
comes to Ugarit: Anat is the very embodiment of all its horrors, but
because of her ubiquity, is at the same time represented as a nubile
maiden, for whom warriors will perhaps give their all. Her ambiguity, at once attractive and repellant, is a measure of the ambiguity of the warrior's calling. She symbolizes the utter devotion, the
single-mindedness required of the king's soldiers (and not perhaps
without an erotic frisson). As goddess of the hunt (itself an important symbol of royal power) she also embodies the paradox of the
love of animals with their wanton destruction. At the other end of
the spectrum, there are deities of conception and childbirth, invoked
for fruitful marriages and safe parturitions. These are the real 'fertility deities'.
This may be folk-religion, 37 but it is vital and powerful, effective
in the life of a people. As is characteristic of a pantheon, it appears
in its broadest sense to have embodied in divine personae every
significant reality of community and personal life, from the very substance of the world (earth, air, sky, mountains and rivers)3" to the
37
The distinguishing of different types of religion along class lines may have its
uses for analytical purposes, but in my view threatens to introduce artificial boundaries where none would have been perceived. The emphasis may have been different,
as also the elaboration of ritual, between the cult of the great temples and people's
(or groups') private devotions which have left no trace. The broad nature of the
religious experience, and the theological presuppositions, would have been part of
a continuum, however, and not disparate units. It remains extremely difficult to
estimate the nature of the experience. Texts like K T U 1.119 = RS 24.266 perhaps
provide our best clue.
38
These constitute the iUrgtter\ the primordial powers who personify the substance of the universe. They are invoked in the messages of the gods (KTU 1.1 iii
13-4 etc.). Are they perhaps also to be identified with the dr il (KTU 1.41 = RS
El
A few observations on El (il, ilu) are in place here. His supreme status in the p a n t h e o n is not in dispute, in spite of some teething problems in his analysis, 41 a n d he is the patron of kings (see further below)
a n d ultimate ruler of the cosmos, whose constituent parts appear to
have been divided between various of his sons (Baal, Y a m and M o t
correspond broadly in their n a t u r e a n d roles to Zeus, Poseidon and
H a d e s in the Olympian pantheon). But they evidentiy defer to him
for permission to act, a n d are d e p e n d e n t on him for the conferment
of their power. T h e only deity w h o appears to defy his will is Anat,
whose special case we shall consider below.
M a n y scholars have remarked on the a p p a r e n t absence of any
cosmogony in Ugaritian religion. F i s h e r (1965) thought he discerned
two types of creation at Ugarit, divided between El and Baal. T h e
cosmogonie status of Baal's conflict with Y a m is in dispute, and any
cosmogonie overtones it bears are implicit. But El is called bny bnwt,
which is c o m m o n l y translated as ' C r e a t o r of creatures', and is certainly the father of the divine beings b o r n in K T U 1.12 and 1.23
= R S 2. [012], 2.002. T h e s e however are theogonies rather than cosmogonies, though p e r h a p s this neat category-distinction would not
have seemed so obvious to the ancients as it is to us.
M o r e promising p e r h a p s for a tentative resolution of the issue is
the significance of El's a n d r o g y n o u s n a t u r e . In K T U 1.23 he is
addressed by his wives as mt, 'husband', ab, 'father' and urn, 'mother'. 4 2
1 . 0 0 3 + . 16, [1.87 =
t h e dr bn it ( K T U
RS
18.056.17],
1.40 =
RS
1.176 =
1.002+.7,
RIH
78/26.16)
17, 2 5 , 3 3 , [ 4 2 ] ,
1.65 =
RS
4.474.2,
1.122
RS
24.270[B].[3])
From these incidental references we m a y infer that El is the androgynous parent of the goddesses. This invites speculationand it must
remain no more than this, on present evidencethat there lies behind
the usage a myth of the kind we find in Egypt with A t u m a n d
Amun, 4 3 a n d in a different form with Ptah, in Greece with Zeus and
in India with P r a j p a d . These androgynous deities beget-and-bear
daughters, w h o then (except in Zeus' case) serve as wives for further divine reproduction. N o w the point of these traditions is that
they are clearly cosmogonie, in spite of the apparently thogonie elem e n t (that is, the distinction breaks down in practice). Atum's children, for instance, are the 'Urgottef, the primaeval gods who actually
e m b o d y the substance of the land of Egypt. In fact we err in distinguishing too sharply between the two aspects of creation (cosmogony and theogony), as suggested above, because such differentiation
belongs to later ages of greater abstracdon in metaphysics. T h e wholly
sexual imagery of the ancient forms is as m u c h an account of how
the world began as it is of h u m a n origins. 44 It is just that the metaphor
has frozen half-developed into abstraction.
3.2.3
Athirat
See
46
HVIDBERG
SCHROER
1983.
HANSEN
1979.
Baal Hadd
48
See
M.S.
SMITH
1990,
7-12.
It also refers to the dowager queen, presumably with the same ideological role,
in the neighbouring kingdom of Amurru. See the divorce correspondence, PRU 4,
125-48. On the considerable role played by queens, enthroned and dowager, in
Ugaritian politics, domestic and foreign, see below, 15.6.1.2, 15.6.6.2.
49
The Ugaritic form is hd, var. hdd\ in Aramaic he is Hadad, and in Akkadian
Adad, where the initial [A] is unrepresented in the syllabic script. In Egypt he is
has been customary to describe him above all as a fertility god, and
indeed he is master of the rains, thunder and lightning. But this
should not be construed as exhausting his character. T h e sheer range
of his titles50 indicates the richness of his conception. 51 H e is 'Lord
of Saphon' (b'l spn), a position of monarchical power, but one to be
construed within an economy ultimately controlled by El. I have
argued that Baal's throne on the mountain is his by right of conquest from Yam, but had been given to the latter by El himself. It
is thus a delegated monarchy, which indeed not only derives from
El, but is in turn transmitted, through the myth of Athtar's enthronement, to the earthly kings of Ugarit. It is thus appropriate that the
storm-god is also 'Lord of Ugarit' (b'l ugrt), the patron and protector of the city, as eloquently evoked in K T U 1.119 = RS 24.266.
As champion in the Chaoskampf, Baal is the type of the king as military hero. 52 Furthermore, the language of the storm is the conventional idiom for describing theophanies (as for instance in Ps. 29),
and thus a sign of his grace to his devotees. This motif, of divine
compassion, is also evident in the episode of his intervention on
Danel's behalf ( K T U 1.17 = RS 2. [004] i 15-33). We almost discern, in the localized form of such apparently pluralistic language,
the polytheistic idiom for the examination within one divine reality
of the tensions experienced in the processing of the real world. T h a t
is, Baal, and any other deity active in such a narrative context, is
essentially a cipher for the tensions inherent in El himself in the worldprocess. This is therefore a kind of process theology.
3.2.5
Mot
A god somewhat neglected in discussion is Mot (mt)P H e is conspicuous by his absence from the ritual texts, and it is apparent that
identified with Seth. Thus the Mami stela from Ugarit (RS 1. [089] + 2. [033] +
5.183) invokes 'Seth of Saphon'. See YON 1991, 328 fig. 8a.
50
See W Y A T T 1 9 9 2 , where some twenty-one titles and a further five possible ones
are discussed.
51
The judgment of O L D E N B U R G 1 9 6 9 , 1, that 'no strange god, however, is depicted
more (sic) wicked, immoral, and abominable than the storm god Ba'al Hadad . . .'
is not very helpful, except as an example of the kind of attitude deplored in my
opening paragraph. He might be defended on the ground that he is merely voicing the biblical prejudice to demonstrate the clash of ideologies, but the rest of his
study indicates that he shares it.
52
See W Y A T T 1998a.
53
For a useful survey see H E A L E Y 1995b.
54
The suspicion that this is the case is strengthened by the fact that similar royal
titles are applied to both: Yam is mdd il, Mot is ydd ilm. On the sense of this see
W Y A T T 1985b. Note also that Mot himself compares his appetite with maritime
creatures. See in particular my suggestion at K T U 1.5 i 14-6: W Y A T T 1998c, 116
n. 11.
55
See W Y A T T 1998a for the rationale of this observation.
56
61
Only Greece appears to develop such language systematically, and even here
the narrative mode is the normal discourse of theology. Homeric and Hesiodic
thought is expressed in this way. But to sensitive readers, all these ancient thoughtsystems are straining at the limitations of language, and relentlessly pushing forward the boundaries of experience and articulacy.
62
The problem arises out of our academic desire to read systematic theology
into the ancient traditions. We then read inconsistencies into the apparent dissonance between different poetic metaphors. This is a measure only of modern, not
of ancient incapacities.
3.3 Demonolog)!
It is in such a perspective that we should mention briefly the presence of demons. I have dealt with these ( W y a t t 1998b) as essentially transient figures, frozen in the snapshot of a particular context
reconstructed through the chance discovery of texts, but more realistically gods in the making or the unmaking, so that a longer perspective would tend to see them either disappearing or achieving
divine status. Deifies such as Reshef and Horon, of disdncdy 'demonic'
form, being reified horrors, have probably been given pantheonic
status as a means of controlling them on the principle outlined above.
Some, of course, would hover anonymously on the fringes of religious experience for considerable periods of time, to terrify successive generations of the victims of their attentions, eventually to be
tamed by either the powers of exorcism or advances in medicine.
4.1
Mythology
General considerations
judged
behind
power
mytho-
texts surviving from the ancient near east, including the historiography of the Hebrew Bible. N o historiography as such survives from
Ugarit, though I have argued 6 5 that the king list in K T U 1.113 =
RS 24.257+, now probably in the context of a series of names for
invocadon in the accompanying litany, reflects a mentality quite capable of drawing up a formal list of this kind, and in so far as it is
in all probability a selective list, of making discriminatory judgments
about the historical worth of individual people and events. So this
is a matter of arguing not for any kind of archaic mentality, on the
basis claimed by Lvy-Bruhl 66 or Frankfort, 67 but rather as proposed
by Donald, 6 8 who argues for increasingly complex forms of memory
and memorizing with early h u m a n development; Ugaritian thought,
like all other ancient ones in principle from the earlier literate period, 69
had not yet developed techniques of analysis and abstraction. Narrative,
therefore, is the recognized mode of dealing with a variety of issues,
not least the problems arising in the moral and political life, questions of identity, origins, of authority and ideology (see above) and
even of everyday matters like birth, puberty, marriage and death.
Myth is the classic medium for representing and resolving such matters and their inherent problems. T h r o u g h contemporary religious
discourse (particularly credal, liturgical, hymnic and the reading of
'Scriptures'ancient religious texts) exactly the same pattern of mental processing is carried on today. Indeed the same strategies are
pursued today in forensic and commercial contexts, and not merely
religious ones, where precise forms of words not only convey precise nuances of meaning, but carry a peculiar authority (legal, con-
65
WYATT
66
LVY-BRUHL
(MARGALIT
1989a, 10
n. 7).
1949. For critiques of the views of the Frankforts see R O G E R S O N
1996a, 388-98.
68
D O N A L D 1 9 9 1 , 1 5 2 . He postulates the following stages in the capacity to memorize: procedural, episodic and semantic. Consciousness is rudimentary in the second
of these stages, while the third is dependent on human language and consciousness.
69
The development of writing itself no doubt lent a powerful consciousness to
the acts of writing and reading the written word. At a stroke, as it were, the memories of past generations could be preserved, and worlds opened up far vaster than
the restricted scope of oral tradition, itself already a powerful tool. The recording
of the Ugaritic myths hints at an authoritative text: the very words of the gods
were now available independently of the inspiration of the individual poet. There
is no clear evidence for the ritual use of writing in Ugarit, though legal texts witness to its inherent binding power.
67
FRANKFORT
1974 and
WYATT
4.2
70
1967, 154-60.
1996a, 219-68, where it is argued that they constitute the Vorlage of
Pss 2, 8, 19, 110, Gen. 16, 19:30-8, Hos. 2, Ezek. 16 and 23.
72
W Y A T T 1998a.
73
W Y A T T 1997, 1998a.
71
ASTOUR
WYATT
74
(KORPEL
75
1998,
87-8).
4.3
4.3.1
KTU 1.23 = RS
77
PARKER
78
By G I B S O N , a b o v e 6.1.
1977.
23.1-7
The following translations and studies have also been published, among others:
1933, G I N S B E R G 1935, G A S T E R 1946, 1950, 225-56, 1961/418-35,
G O R D O N 1949, 57-62, 1977, 59-64, L A R G E M E N T 1949, J I R K U 1962, 80-4, AISTLEITNER
1964, 58-62, DE M O O R 1972 ii 17-24, 1987, 117-28, T S U M U R A 1973, 1978, X E L L A
1973, C A Q U O T - S Z N Y C E R - H E R D N E R 1974, 353-79, T S E V A T 1974, W Y A T T 1977a,
1987, 1992b, 1996a, 224-9, 1998c, 324-35, DEL O L M O L E T E 1981a, 427-48, C U T L E R
- M A C D O N A L D 1982, LIPINSKI 1986a, S E G E R T 1986, F O L E Y 1987, H E T T E M A 1989-90,
S C H L O E N 1993, A B O U D 1994, 189-92, W A T S O N 1994a, P A R D E E 1997a, 274-83,
VIROLLEAUD
DIJKSTRA
80
1998.
III
23.8-11
23.12
IV
23.13-5
23.16-8
VI
23.19-20
VII
23.21-2
VIII
23.23-7
IX
23.28-9
23.30-76
II
Readers familiar with the text will appreciate that even in giving a
synopsis a n u m b e r of interpretative choices have been made. Most
of these have been hotly debated over the years, and they are not
all by any means settled. In this author's view, the 'gracious gods'
are in fact Shahar and Shalem, the twin sons of the sun-goddess
Shapsh, who is geminated for narrative effect and cosmological reasons into the goddesses Athirat and Rahmay. 8 1 T h u s only two gods,
twins, are to be understood as born to the goddesses, rather than a
series of births, which would understand this to be a general theogony.
Note is also taken here of T s u m u r a ' s reinterpretation of 11. 49-58, 8 2
which restores the tricolon of 11. 5 6 - 7 to a position following hmhmt
in 1. 51, and interprets it as a counting of months of pregnancy,
rather than a fivefold repetition of the impregnation (which with the
two described, was formerly understood to give seven overall on the
previous interpretation of the the text). 83
This is an interesting instance of a text which explicidy combines
myth and ritual. 84 It therefore seems to envisage a specific application of the myth to a specific ritual context (though that is not
identified in the text). In view of the congeners, however, it is probably safe to conclude that any specific application is secondary, and
applies to the given context in which it appears a symbolic force to
be discerned in the theoretical prototype. While a n u m b e r of similar myths are told in the ancient near east, of which several are evidently cognate, we cannot hope to recover the original myth, which
being absolutely archetypal, must go way back into prehistory. It is
even fair to say that if myths are traced back to their origins, only
two basic types require to be posited, dealing with conflict (and all
resolution of tensions) and reproduction (and by extension other 'origins'). Here is the primal tale about how the first children were
begotten. O t h e r birth-myths, such as K T U 1.12 i = R S 2. [012] and
K T U 1.24 = 5.194 (below), are essentially versions of the same
theme, adapted to different specific secondary contexts. I have dis-
81
See W Y A T T 1998C, 333 n. 49, and also my more extensive treatment in W Y A T T
1996a, 219-82, in which I examine the text in the larger context of its ancient
near eastern congeners and biblical derivatives. T h e latter range indicates the ideological importance of the tradition. See also A S T O U R 1967, 154-7.
82
T S U M U R A 1978. See also W A T S O N 1994a, and W Y A T T 1998c, 332 n. 45.
83
Cf. C A Q U O T - S Z N Y C E R - H E R D N E R 1974, 376, DEL O L M O L E T E 1981a, 446.
D I J K S T R A , above 5.1.1, retains the older understanding.
84
Contrary to the assessment voiced by DE M O O R 1 9 7 1 , 3 0 , I do not feel compelled to accept that all myths are inseparable from rituals. T h e situation is infinitely
more complex. For a recent collection of views see S E G A L 1 9 9 8 .
cussed a n u m b e r of biblical derivatives, 83 and here the c o m m o n element is the same, but with a marked bias towards a royal significance.
This is to be expected, since the king, as sacral figure, would tend
to have concentrated in his person all the symbolic values of his
community. P a r d e e ' s (1997a, 274) assessment that it deals with 'a
pair of relatively minor deities' is a fair reflection of current opinion on the text, but in my view underestimates their considerable
ideological importance as 'royal gods', who reflect in their mythology certain important constants.
Assessments of the text range f r o m that offered by C u t l e r M a c d o n a l d (1982) as a famine-relief liturgy, by L a r g e m e n t
1949,
L i p i n s k i 1986a and S e g e r t 1986 as a 'fertility cult' myth, to that of
P a r d e e (1997a) as a possible analogue or component of an autumnal vintage and new year festival (cf. K T U 1.41 = RS 1.003+). This
divergence of views is natural, given that features of all these types
may be discerned; nor are they incompatible with my royal assessment.
Further analysis is undoubtedly required. D e M o o r (1987, p. 117)
has defined the text as a sacred marriage text. This too is reasonable in so far as it actually deals with a marriage, but we need to
be clear what 'sacred marriage' (hieros gamos) means, and the use of
the term sometimes implies that the same kind of significance is to
be applied in all cases, as though it is just a tantric use of sex in
the cult. It is here that I think the royal dimension is important, and
enables us to clarify matters. A mythic paradigm is established here
which is used to convey basic notions about the concern of the chief
deity for the created order, a n d the implicit identification of his
offspring with kings becomes the means whereby royal duties are
represented as actualizing the theological programme. 8 6
4.3.2
KTU 1.24 = RS
5.194
85
1996a, 232-68.
W Y A T T 1998c, 3 2 5 . The myth may not unreasonably be compared with the
patriarchal narratives of Genesis, which though written in an entirely different idiom
deal with precisely the same theme, that of national survival.
87
The following translations and studies have appeared, among others: V I R O L L E A U D
1936b, G O R D O N 1937, 1977, 65-67, A I S T L E I T N E R 1939, 1964, 63-4, G I N S B E R G 1939,
86
WYATT
1941
GOETZE
8!
' ASTOUR
9,1
1967,
85,
BHL
1936.
The
Royal
5.1
Ideology
of
Ugarit
General considerations
91
5.2
T h e king is represented in the narrative poetry as bn il. This expression may be interpreted as ' m e m b e r of the genus "god"', which is
its sense when applied to deities. It thus appears to include the king
in this category. More narrowly, it appears to have the mythological sense 'son of (that is, of El as chief god), a nuance supported
by the corollary, that El is explicitly 'father' to the king ( K T U 1.14
= R S 2. [003]+ ii 2 3 - 4 : dbh Ur abk il: 'Sacrifice to Bull your father,
El', addressed to Keret). El is further identified as ab adm, which in
my view has the narrower sense of 'father of M a n (even "Adam")'
rather than the broader sense of 'father of mankind'. T h e latter
expression is remarkable enough as a powerful metaphor of kinship
relating deity and his people; with the narrower sense it reinforces
the specific and peculiar relationship between deity and (divine) king
already noted. A further image of the king's divine status is the broken text at K T U 1.15 = R S 3.343+ ii 26-8, which proclaims the
status of Yasib (Keret's heir) in these terms:
He will drink the milk of Athirat
he will drain the breast of Virgin [Rahmay];
the suckling of [goddesses].94
This text has caused some disputation: 'Anat' is commonly restored
in the lacuna in the second colon, though in my view without
justification other than a pavlovian response to the term btlt, while
the surviving word in the third is often read with a final t (as mnq[t\),
and translated as 'wetnurses'. We have here not a sociological observation, however, but a mythological allusion, to royal sons who drink
their divinity from the breasts of divine mothers, which is only to
be expected if the goddess (there is actually only one, for Athirat
and R a h m a y are hypostases of Shapsh, as is evident from K T U 1.23
= R S 2.002) is consort to El and therefore the king's ideological
mother. This passage is important not only in establishing Yasib's
ideological status, but also in countering Parker's claim that the Keret
narrative is intended to discredit royal claims to divinity.
T h e overall interpretation of material of this kind suffers in part,
I believe, from a tendency for the modern interpreter to attribute
to the ancients the same mental attitudes we share. This is not only
94
For justification of this reading and translation see W Y A T T 1 9 9 8 C , 2 0 9 n.
All translations from Ugaritic in the present chapter are from this volume.
149.
fashionable since the deserved eclipse of Lvy-Bruhl's more romantic views, but almost de rigueur in today's intellectual climate. Carried
to extremes, it is absurd. Even people in the seventeenth century
had a world-view radically different from our own. It requires a
supreme effort on our part even to grasp what Late Bronze Ugaritians
thought of the world. T h e cosmological framework outlined above
should warn us against importing too much rationality in our sense
of the term. Perhaps the most difficult thing to appreciate is the sliding scale between the h u m a n and divine realms. T h e Ugaritians, like
everyone else in the Mediterranean world at least down to early
Christian times, inhabited a world populated with spiritual powers
in every corner. These could be acknowledged as the vast range of
gods worshipped by compatriots and foreigners alike, organized into
panthea, though this usually happened only to one's own gods, worshipped either in organized fashion, as in the royal cultus, which
actually invoked a small selection from the pantheon, or worshipped
in ad hoc fashion according to personal devotion by private citizens,
feared or exorcized as demons, or revered as ancestors.
N o r were the ancients averse to seeing such powers embodied in
actual people, particularly in kings. T h e royal ancestors were explicitly called gods ( K T U 1.113 = RS 24.257) and invoked at funerals
( K T U 1.161 = R S 34.126) while some of their n u m b e r ' 5 were given
the more exalted status of rpum, 'saviours', a term which may have
corresponded roughly to the 'heroes' of Greek cult. T h e king was a
living representative of the royal gods of the past, into whose company he was welcomed at death, and the one person who could
most effectively communicate with the divine realm on behalf of
ordinary mortals. T h e language of divine birth and genealogy was
of course symbolicwhen is language not symbolic?but all the
more real for so being. 96
95
T h e rpum named in the Ugaritic texts do not feature in the king-list. Their
precise relationship with the historical kings of Ugarit remains obscure. They are
evidently invoked as 'ideological ancestors'. The r'p'm of biblical tradition are associated above all with the Hauran, and in this respect perhaps make connection
with the Ugaritic rpum. Cf. K T U 1.108 = RS 24.252.2-3, which links Rpiu, eponymous deity of the rpum, with Ashtarat and Edrei, cities linked with Og, last of the
Rephaim, in Deut. 1:4. On Rpiu and the rpum see n. 31 above. See also references in n. 130. For Pitard's cautious estimate of the nature and role of the rpum
see above 6.4, 259-69.
96
A similar concern to downplay the divinity of the Pharaoh is evident in some
egyptological studies. It goes against the whole weight of the ideological tradition,
(1977)
6.1
R i t u a l
9 8
General considerations
WYATT
98
1997.
1999.
7.1-2
DE T A R R A G O N - C U N C H I L L O S
1980,
1992a =
DE T A R R A G O N
OLMO LETE
the royal cultus. General proceedings in the other main city temples
on the acropolis and the city centre are simply unknown. W h a t can
be stated with certainty is that the mythological texts offer no record
of any ritual calendar or theology, as argued by those espousing the
seasonal interpetation. T h e most they offer is occasional snatches of
liturgical material embedded in the narrative, and descriptions of
divine feasting which are as it were a gods'-eye-view of sacrificial
rites. T h e observances of the characters in the Keret and Aqhat stories no doubt reflect typical ritual practices, but these are entirely
incidental to the narratives. T h e ritual texts, on the other hand, evidently work within a tightiy structured cultic calendar, although in
view of the fragmentary nature of the record, we are not in a position to reconstruct this adequately, which might allow an appreciation of the overall pattern.
T h e texts devoted to ritual matters are discussed elsewhere in this
volume ( 7). Here perhaps some remarks on the broad nature of
ancient ritual, as attested in Ugarit, are appropriate. An interesting
pattern emerges from scrutiny of the ancient religions of the N e a r
East. This is the complex relationship with all aspects of h u m a n life,
and particularly the economic dimension. Whatever the origins of
sacrificial practice, it is evident that it was the centre of the temple
cultus in all the urban cultures of the ancient Near East. O n every
occasion where the deities were invoked, offerings of meat, cereals,
wine, oil or other material commodities (cloth, metals, votive gifts,
incense etc.) were made. In a sense it can be argued that a significant
a m o u n t of the city-state's economic production was geared to the
demands of the temples. T h e overall scale of sacrificial d e m a n d is
not clear from Ugarit, but livestock production would have been in
part controlled by its d e m a n d s , " with perhaps special diets, selection for special markings, and animals of a certain age and gender
selected for ritual use. It is even possible that all meat-production
was channelled through the temples. Im Egyptian temples were frequendy
99
Note that one of Ilimilku's offices, no doubt in his capacity as a priest, appears
to have been management of temple herds (rb khnm rb nqdm: K T U 1.6 vi 55-6).
The influence of the temple-economy on the broader economy should not be underestimated. If the gods demanded richer offerings, agricultural practice had to adapt
to the demand, while greater food-production would result in greater surpluses, and
therefore enhanced trade, enhanced wealth, and no doubt concomitent population
growth. T h e temples were at the apex of this economic spiral.
100
T h e 'secular' slaughter envisaged in Deut. 12:15-6, 2 0 - 5 has the appearance
of a departure from an older norm in which all animals were killed not only ritually
6.2
1.40 = RS
1.002+
in the most general sense, but in the presence of a deity, and formally as an offering.
One reason for this would have been the accumulation of power in the hands of
organized priesthoods.
101
They are most graphically evident at the Ramesseum, the mortuary temple
of Rameses II. See K E M P 1989, 191-7.
102
See the title of H A R R E L S O N 1969, From fertility cult to worship.
103
See W Y A T T 1 9 9 8 C , 342 for bibliography, to which add DE T A R R A G O N 1 9 9 8 .
104
On the meaning of this key term see W Y A T T 1998c, 3 4 2 n. 2 , where I review
the different proposals. I have followed P A R D E E 1 9 9 1 , 1 1 9 1 .
suggesting the infraction of a code of practice. T h e personal involvem e n t of groups in society, rather than any impersonal system of pollution, such as obtains in Leviticus, points to a moral rather than a
purely ritual basis for sin. W i t h o u t d o u b t the mechanical dimension
also existed, but being uncodified has left n o evidence. T h e likelih o o d that we should discern a moral dimension here is p e r h a p s supported by the moral error into which K e r e t is perceived as falling
in going aside f r o m his j o u r n e y to visit the shrine of Athirat. In pursuing this undoubtedly worthy religious goal, he violates the principle of absolute a n d undeviating obedience to El's c o m m a n d s , which
takes priority over any secondary matter. W e thus catch glimpses of
a highly developed ethical universe, in no way c o m p r o m i s e d by the
polytheistic theology whose workings we sketched above.
W h a t the king's duties m a y have been in the i m p o r t a n t c e r e m o n y
of K T U 1.40 unfortunately remain u n k n o w n . W e should expect him
to play a significant role, on the analogy of Babylonian material such
as the Aktu, but we are ignorant of the occasion or even the frequency of this rite. It m a y be worth remarking that K T U 1.12 =
R S 2. [012], which begins with a thogonie scene, a n d m a y thus have
royal overtones, appears in its f r a g m e n t a r y conclusion to treat Baal's
d e a t h as a n a t o n e m e n t of some kind. D o e s this p o i n t , h o w e v e r
obscurely, to the king's ritual involvement? Any answer remains speculative. T h e gist of the K e r e t story is also highly conscious of the
delicacy of a king's moral position: any individual d e p a r t u r e f r o m
p r o p e r behaviour threatens not merely a private m a n , but an entire
kingdom.
W h e t h e r linked to a periodic rite of a t o n e m e n t of this sort, as the
Israelite ritual for Y o m K i p p u r appears to have been (Lev. 16), or
in its obviously m o r e primitive f o r m still linked to a m o r e informal
ad hoc solution to a c o m m u n a l sense of guilt at a serious transgression, K T U 1.127 = R S 24.277.30-2 provides an intriguing antecedent
to the biblical account. It prescribes the expulsion of a goat, which
will apparently carry away the sins of the community. 1 0 5
105
270-1).
XELLA
F a m i l y
L i f e
a n d
its
R e l i g i o u s
E x p r e s s i o n
While composed in epic style, and themselves with ideological reference, the Keret and Aqhat stories reveal a n u m b e r of features of
everyday practice which deserve note in giving a rounded picture of
Ugaritian religious life. T h e y probably represent fairly conventional
attitudes and observances.
A powerful sense of clan solidarity appears to have been normal.
It is this rather than a developed sense of individual identity (though
not entirely discounting this) which underlies Keret's response to the
offer of wealth and power ( K T U 1.14 = R S RS 2. [003]+ i 5 2 ii 5 and parallels):
Why should I want silver
or yellow gold . . .?
It is sons I would beget,
descendants I would multiply!
This is almost an example of the 'biology of religion', 106 in which
religious language articulates the norm for patterns of behaviour governing social and reproductive life. T h e present passage allows Keret
to voice a man's primary duty, to beget sons. It is in these that the
true wealth of a m a n is measured. W e almost sense in this response
a healthy scorn for the false idols of silver, gold and rich possessions: the acquisitive society was perhaps then only in its infancy.
Another well-known and much-cited passage 107 is the following
( K T U 1.17 = RS 2. [004] i 2 3 - 3 3 and parallels), which occurs four
times. T h e repetitious nature of such a large block of material suggests that it reflects a popular summation of the duties of the pious
son, and the essence of family piety, and is in addition to be considered a central theme of the story. T o have a son like this is to
be blessed indeed. T o lose a son like this (as is Danel in the sequel)
is to be cursed indeed.
you must surely bless him, Bull El my father,
you must (surely) give a blessing to him, Creator-of-creatures,
so that he may beget a son in his house,
a scion in the midst of his palace.
106
107
See
EISSFELDT
1966,
KOCH,
1967,
REYNOLDS
HEALEY
TANNER
1979
and
1983.
VAN D E R T O O R N
1996,
am not sure of the categorization of this by van der Toorn under the
rubric 'the cult of the ancestors'. Cf. H U S S E R 1 9 9 5 .
154-65.
OTHER
RELIGIOUS
8.1
MANIFESTATIONS110
Vows
8.2
Blessings
Just as vows have their rationale in the potency of the spoken word,
so blessings are believed to be efficacious by the mere fact of utterance. T h e Keret story also provides the classic blessing formula ( K T U
1.15 = R S 3.343+ ii 16-28):
[El] took a cup [in] (his) hand,
a goblet in (his) [right] hand;
111
vidual religious devodon in the ancient world, reflecting an essentially pragmatic approach to religion. It was the source of material
benefits in a world without the relative stability in health or economic matters the modern urban dweller takes for granted.
A less formal blessing (perhaps more of a spontaneous outburst
than a liturgical norm, though we should not discount the latter possibility) occurs in Danel's words to the withered plants he encounters. Here is one example ( K T U 1.19 = R S 3.322+ ii 22-5):
Oh!
May this ear of corn rise from the parched land,
may the ear of corn rise up [among the wit]hered stalks!
Plant,
may the hand of Aqhat harvest you,
may it put you into the midst of the granary!
While part of a finely polished literary work, this scene gives a marvellous insight into the real world of the distressed, who will clutch at
any straw (as Danel is doing!) in time of deep emotional crisis. Danel
does not yet know the cause for this terrible drought, but his heart
is full of foreboding as he tries to use the intrinsic power of a blessingformula to redress the balance of nature. T h e fact that he invokes
Aqhat's n a m e simply adds further irony and pathos to the scene.
8.3
Curses
115
See
116
WYATT
117
LLOYD
1996.
1998C,
241
n.
297.
though Danel is not yet fully aware of the import of his words. This
is in effect a reification of the emotional desiccation felt by someone who mourns the dead, a feeling all the more powerful if it is a
parent mourning a child.
T h e final instance is Danel's cursing of the cities neighbouring the
place where Aqhat was murdered. This again is evidently part of a
conventional legal process, in which liability is sought in the case of
the discovery of a murder victim in open country. This is the last
of three towns thus cursed ( K T U 1.19 = RS 3.322+ iv 3-7):
'Woe to you, town of Abilim,
because near you was smitten Aqhat the hero!
May Baal make your wells dry,
henceforth and forever,
now and for all generations!'
Afterwards he took his staff in his hand.
In the absence of the possibility of identifying the perpetrator of a
homicide, the neighbouring settlements are made legally liable. Their
territory is in any event polluted by unavenged blood, so they must
resort to purification rites. T h e same principle is enunciated in Deut.
21:1-9. T h e reference to Danel's staff (mt)the term may also be
translated as 'sceptre'no doubt alludes to a formal ritual, where
some gesture with the staff implements the legal effect of his curse.
8.4
118
Uil
LORETZ
1990.
8.5
Personal piety
120
See
121
DIETRICH -
LORETZ
122
See
1998C, 2 9 7
DIETRICH WYATT
LORETZ
1990, 5 - 3 8 ; MEYER
209.
1990;
above,
7.3.
9.1
Sickness
9.2
Snakebite
VIROLLEAUD
9.3
10
10.1
Death
and
its
Rites
See
DE M O O R -
SPRONK
1 9 8 4 , DE M O O R
1987,
175-81,
CAQUOT
1988,
DEL
duties after his father's death. It is above all the duty of the eldest
son to perform the obsequies of his father. This is one reason for
the peculiar tragedy of a father losing his first son.' 30
T w o important royal texts deal with the rituals of death. T h e
immediate context of K T U 1.113 = RS 24.257 is far from certain,
but it involves a liturgy performed, in all probability, as a series of
episodes invoking all the dead and now divinized kings appearing in
the following king-list. This is conceivably a kispum-rite, as frequently
proposed for the following text.
K T U 1.161 = RS 34.126 131 is perhaps one of the most intriguing ritual texts from Ugarit. It appears to be a combination of order
of service for the funeral of the last King Niqmaddu (III?), father
of 'Ammurapi, and at the same time a Kispum-rite, invoking dead
kings, who are invited to participate in the obsequies and to welcome Niqmaddu into the underworld. Degrees of royal divinity appear
to be envisaged, with the ancient rpum being regarded as having
more prestige than intermediate kings between their remote and legendary past and the present. The text also illustrates the importance
of Shapsh as psychopomp. 132
10.2
Tomb construction
130
We may conjecture, since the death of a son is a theme common to both
stories, that one of the motives behind Ilimilku's compositions (or editions) of the
Keret and Aqhat stories may have been the death of an heir to the throne. In
such a context we should recognize an elegiac quality to the poems.
131
C A Q U O T 1975, 1989, 103-10, DE M O O R 1976,'l981-2, 116-7, 1987 165-8,
P O P E 1977, 177-81, P I T A R D 1978, 1987, L ' H E U R E U X 1979, 187-93, X E L L A 1981,
279-87, B O R D R E U I L - P A R D E E 1982, 1991, 1 5 1 - 6 3 , D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1983b,
1991b, LEVINE - DE T A R R A G O N 1984, LEVINE - DE T A R R A G O N - ROBERTSON 1997b,
T A Y L O R 1988, SPRONK 1986, 189-93, L E W I S 1989, 5-46, T R O P P E R 1989a, 144-50,
1993a, DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 130-4 = 1999, 193-8, P A R D E E 1993a, 208-10,
1996a, 1997a, 357-8, A B O U D 1994, 157-65, S C H M I D T 1994, 100-20, W Y A T T 1998c,
430-41.
132
S e e HUSSER
133
See
1997.
SCHAEFFER
1939a, 53-106,
MARGUERON
1983.
10.3
Mourning rites
11
Non-Literary
11.1
Dimensions
in
Ugaritian
Religion
134
These procedures are forbidden in Lev 19:27 8 and Deut 14:1, a sure indication that they were part of ancient Palestinian ritual too. Needless to say, to interpret El's and Anat's actions as somehow linked to a seasonal fertility cult is to
misread the evidence. Cf. also the distraught behaviour of Keret's daughter in K T U
1.16 = RS 3.325+ ii 26-50.
11.2
Music
11.3 Iconography
O n the iconographie front a small n u m b e r of stelae and statuettes
have been discovered, which give us a glimpse into the portrayal of
some deities, and this allows some supplementation of their literary
presentation. 138 In some cases a certain amount of comparative data
may legitimately be brought to bear. A prolific source of iconographie information, but one that is hard to quantify in terms of
purely local influence, is cylinder seals. We shall deal with this material in turn.
Some of the images remain anonymous. T h e following are those
than can be identified with a measure of confidence. Stela RS 8.295 139
represents an enthroned god, wearing the Atef-crown with bull's
horns, in the presence of a votary, perhaps to be identified with the
king, beneath a winged disc. While the precise interpretation of the
scene is not beyond doubt, it perhaps represents a divine blessing,
such as is discussed above. It has been compared with the scene on
135
136
1973,
1974 and
BROWN
WULSTAN
1976.
See also
GTERBOCK
1970,
LAROCHE
1974.
137
C A U B E T 1 9 9 6 . Cf. also D U C H E S N E - G U I L L E M I N 1 9 8 1 for comparative Mesopotamian and Egyptian evidence.
138
The main publication where most of this material may been seen together is
YON (ed.) 1991. See also 14 below (Cornelius).
139
Y O N 1 9 9 1 (ed.), 336. Cf. W Y A T T 1983a.
140
JACKSON -
DRESSLER
1975, WYATT
1997,
787-9.
the royal seal.140 T h e stela may also be compared with the gilded
bronze cult-statuette of a god wearing the Atef-crown (RS 23.394)
and with the recently discovered stone statuette (RS 88.70) found
immediately north of the temple aux rhytons.w
T h e former of these has the right hand raised in blessing (corresponding to the left hand on the stela, where internal design has
forced a shift) while the latter has an empty socket into which a
detachable arm could presumably be inserted. T h e left hand of the
bronze is shaped to be able to hold a detachable object (such as a
small gold cup?), while the stone statuette has another empty socket.
These artefacts have been understood to represent El. He is shown
to be a bearded, patriarchal figure, evidently concerned with the
welfare of the king, and through him of society. This is entirely in
conformity with the textual evidence outlined above.
Baal is without doubt portrayed in the so-called Baal au foudre stela
(RS 4.427) found in the Baal temple. 142 This shows the god, wearing a horned and pointed cap (a variation on the White Crown?)
in the 'smiting posture'. But instead of grasping a victim he holds a
spear which becomes a tree. Below the dagger at his belt stands a
votary, dressed apparently in the ritual garment of the king. F e n t o n
(1996) has offered a new explanation for the rippling lines beneath
the god's feet. T h e upper set he interprets as a serpentine Yam.
Stelae whose subjects are indeterminate are RS 17.138 and 23.218,
both of a god in the 'smiting posture', in the latter instance holding a spear, and RS 23.216 and 23.217, both of a god with a drawn
bow. It is tempting to think of Reshef, though his familiar fillet, suspended behind the cap, is missing. 143 In the case of the M a m i stela,
however, this fillet is present, and yet the god is explicidy identified
as 'Seth of Saphon', 1 4 4 indicating the confusing fluidity in the portraiture of the two gods. A stela fragment (RS 24.434) shows a god
141
Both illustrated YON 1991 (ed.), 337. She identifies the latter as El on this
page, but as 'a man' on p. 3 5 1 . See also Y O N - G A C H E T 1 9 8 9 . The stone statuette
lacks evidence of an Atef-crown, but may have had detachable horns and feathers.
See also 14, fig. 1.
142
S C H A E F F E R 1 9 3 4 , Y O N 1 9 9 1 (ed.), 3 3 1 fig. IIa. She compares the stela with
numerous small bronzes in 'the smiting posture'. C O R N E L I U S ( 1 9 9 4 ) prefers to designate this iconographie type 'the menacing god'. See also 14, fig. 2.
143
On the comparative iconography of Baal and Reshef see C O R N E L I U S 1 9 9 4 .
144
YON 1991 (ed.), 328, fig. 8, obligingly shows the Seth of the 'stela of the year
400' for comparison. It is here the Egyptian iconographie convention which is being
observed.
in smiting posture, with raised mace, shield in the other hand, and
a quiver behind him. T w o further anonymous stelae show an armed
god with a tall plume and horns (RS 2.[037]) and a goddess draped
in a long gown shaped like a falcon's wing and armed with a spear
(RS 2.[038]). T h e latter invites comparison with Anat, though the
known iconography of this goddess, like that of Athtart, shows her
wearing the Atef-crown. 145
Cylinder seals have been found in substantial quantities at Ugarit,
and have been published mainly by Schaeffer and Amiet. 146 T h e r e
is no need to attempt any detailed study here. Used as amulets and
personal identity-markers, cylinder seals were commonly decorated
with religious scenes of a fairly stereotyped form. Variations on individual themes are found from Sumer to Egypt, and they are by and
large not very specific to a local tradition, though of course local
styles were developed, which no doubt to some extent reflected local
theologies. Mythic themes, vodve and blessing scenes (cf. the dynastic seal mentioned above), representations of gods dispersing largesse
and so forth are standard motifs. O n e theme worth noting briefly is
that of 'the god on two mountains', 147 which shows the great prestige of Baal of Saphon throughout the east Mediterranean region.
A n u m b e r of ivories have been discovered, of which the most
important group constitute the royal bed panels. These have been
briefly discussed by S c h a e f f e r (1954, 5 1 - 9 and figs. 3 - 4 , pll. vii-x), 148
d u
M e s n i l
(1973), C a q u o t - S z n y c e r (1980) and myself ( W y a t t
1995a, 580-3). These illustrate typical royal scenes, of hunting, warfare, and the despatch of prisoners, as well as showing a royal marriage and a goddess (Shapsh) suckling twin sons. They are in short
a digest of the main themes of royal ideology.
This rich collection of iconographie material is still in need of a
comprehensive assessment from a theological point of view. All too
145
For this see L E C L A N T 1 9 6 0 (Athtart) and W Y A T T 1 9 8 4 (Anat). The stela I discussed is of course not from Ras Shamra, being of unknown provenance in the
Michaelides collection, Cairo, and now apparently lost. It may be compared with
the Anat represented on BM stela 6 4 6 / 1 9 1 . See also C O R N E L I U S 1 9 9 3 and 1 4
below.
I4<I
SCHAEFFER
147
See
148
- FORRER
DIJKSTRA
1 9 8 3 ; AMIET
1992.
1991.
The panels were found in many pieces. The initial publication lacks any RS
numbers (actually R S 1 6 . 5 6 ) . In addition to references given see W A R D 1 9 6 9 , 2 3 6 - 7
and figs. 3 , 4 and C A Q U O T - S Z N Y C E R 1 9 8 0 pll. XXVIIIa, XXIXa.
11.4
A final note may be offered on the anchors which have been found,
mainly scattered around in the precincts of the Baal temple, but also
in houses and tombs and even incorporated into building construction. These appear to be votive gifts, and testify perhaps to the piety
and gratitude of mariners who, returning to port safely after long
and perhaps hazardous voyages, felt the need to make offering to
the temple which had guided them safely to land. In some instances
a more general symbolism may have obtained, owing something to
the economic dependence of Ugarit on the sea. T h e anchors were
probably not carried or dragged from ships, being often unused and
presumably made especially for cultic use.' 49
11.5
F R O S T 1991, 357. Some, found at Minet el Beida, may have been left at the
port-brothel (id., 358)! Seafarers then, as now, left nothing to chance.
149
12
Conclusion
T H E
I C O N O G R A P H Y
Izak
O F
U G A R I T
Cornelius
Introduction
and
Saad
1978.
All major histories of ancient Near Eastern art have sections dealing with objects from Ugarit (e.g. A m i e t 1995, F r a n k f o r t 1979,
O r t h m a n n 1975). More specific treatments of Syrian and 'Canaanite'
' C A U B E T 1996b, 530 speaks of the 'profoundly religious character of their iconography . . .'.
2
A new book by YON (1998a, b) was announced when this chapter had already
been completed.
Stone
Sculpture
2.1
Yon
(1991a,
273
Statues
2.2
Stelae
It is unclear whether the males are really gods, but the female may
be a goddess because of the resemblance with the Egyptian goddesses Nut and Mut. In addition one could mention stelae depicting menacing gods and a god with a bow and shield (Yon 1991b,
Fig. 7: Nos. 11-15, 17). Because of the bow Nos. 13-14 may be the
god Reshep and No. 17 perhaps Reshep, due to the quiver and
shield ( C o r n e l i u s 1994, 252-3). 6 An aniconic stela (RS 3.487 =
Louvre 14.919 = C a ^ u o t - S z n y c e r 1980, Pl. X X V I ; Y o n 1991a,
2 9 3 - 4 , Figs. 6:4, 10a [No. 4]) shows a four-pointed star on its top,
presumably to be connected with El because of the resemblance with
the star on the El relief (ANEP
493).
Metal-work
3.1
Statuettes
In this regard the figure with the bow (YON 1991a, 327 Fig. 7: Nos. 13-4) has
to be added to the material collected in C O R N E L I U S 1994 (esp. 2 5 3 ) .
7
But it is catalogue No. 134 and not 133!
Fig. 12
Menacing god
(Fig. 10) and the relief mentioned above. T h e seated female Louvre
A O 19.397 (ANEP 480) may be the creatress Athirat, the 'mother
of the gods'. She is also shown standing with her hand in a gesture
of blessing (RS 23.395 = Damascus S 3574 = C a q u o t - S z n y c e r
1980, PI. XlVa) as is the case with with her consort El (relief and
bronze statuette = ANEP 493 and 826).
A 10 cm bull figurine of bronze (RS 23.391) which functioned as
a cultic image hails from Ugarit (ANEP 828), like the one from
Hazor (ANEP 832) and another famous example from Ashkelon.
A Horus falcon in bronze (inlaid with gold) with uraeus between its
legs comes from the royal necropolis (Aleppo 4532 = W e i s s 1985,
No. 137). Weights of bronze and lead in the form of a bull and a
lion 9 and 7.6 cm in length respectively (Aleppo 4516, 4520 = W e i s s
1985, No. 128) as well as a portrait-like h u m a n head ( S c h a e f f e r
1939, Pl. X X I ) were also found.
3.2
[No.
157]).
From an artistic point of view the two famous golden objects found
near the Baal temple merit mentioning: a patera (with a flat base
and vertical sides) and a bowl ( S c h a e f f e r 1 9 4 9 , 1 - 4 8 ) . T h e repouss
decoration is exceptionally beautifully d o n e o n the outside and the
inside. Both examples show definite Egyptian influence, but also
reflect Aegean motifs.
In the first case (Louvre A O 17.208 = ANEP 183) the bearded
king with bow and quiver on his backaccompanied by his dog
is hunting wild cattle (two bulls and a cow with her calf) and an
ibex from his four-spoked-wheel chariot. T h e inside pattern has four
striding goats (looking like unicorns!). T h e circular movement of the
charioteer and galloping animals is well executed, and one gets a
sense of the whirling movement (Fig. 13).
T h e second example (diam. 1 7 cm Aleppo 4 5 7 2 = colour W e i s s
1985, 318 [No. 158]) is even more elaborately decorated and has
three concentric friezes. O n the bottom is a rosette and a guilloche
pattern above the second and third frieze. In the first frieze are five
galloping ibexes next to plants; in the second one there are two bulls
and two lions with stylized plants between them and pomegranates above
them. T h e outer frieze depicts scenes of batdes (from the left) between
two h u m a n heroes and a lion protecting a reclining stag, a lion killing an ibex, a lion attacking a squatting griffin, in between a winged
sphinx and horned winged lion facing a plant, ibexes, and lions
attacking bulls. T h e r e are branches between all the animals, and
birds (vultures?) above the lions attacking the bulls and the ibexes.
3.3
Pendants
Pendants and plaques are decorated with stars or the head of a goddess with H a t h o r coiffure, navel and pubic triangle, but quite a few
examples of the 'Qedeshet'-type have been published which show a
naked female facing the front and holding plants and animals (e.g.
B
C a q u o t - S z n y c e r 1980, Pis. X V I I - X I X ) . T h e best example comes
from the harbour of Ugarit (Louvre A O 14.714 = C a q u o t - S z n y c e r
1980, PI. X l X b ) and shows a naked w o m a n standing on a lion holding horned animals (antelopes?) by their feet. Behind her waist are
stars and interwoven serpents (Fig. 5). O t h e r pendants show a seated
women holding plants ( N e g b i 1976, Nos. 1703-4).
Ivories
Fig. 14
Fig. 15
Glyptic
Fig. 16
Ceramics
and
Faience
' '
J
w
Fig. 17
V?
Decorated Rhyton
m m
a floral pattern. O n a terracotta libation tube (78 x 35 cm) are depictions of a menacing god holding a bird, a bull, a bird and a deer,
an ibex and a bull ( R S 2 4 . 6 2 7 = C o u r t o i s 1 9 6 9 , 9 8 - 9 9 , Figs. 5 A - D ;
cf. C a q u o t - S z n y c e r 1 9 8 0 , PI. XlVb). Zoomorphic containers
include terracottas in the form of a bull ( R S 6 1 . 2 4 . 4 3 5 ) and the
head of a lion ( R S 5 2 . 1 6 . 5 2 ) (Damascus S 6 8 8 3 and 4 2 1 7 = W e i s s
1 9 8 5 , Nos. 1 3 9 [colour on p. 3 1 4 ] - 1 4 0 ) .
Faience containers also reflect local and foreign styles (Damascus
S 6 8 8 1 , Aleppo 6 2 0 3 = W e i s s 1 9 8 5 , Nos. 1 4 3 - 4 , colour on p. 3 1 6 ) .
O t h e r examples reflect Egyptian styles, e.g. a plate with fish and
lotus buds (RS 6 3 . 2 6 . 2 5 6 = Damascus S 7 1 7 9 = W e i s s 1 9 8 5 , No.
1 4 7 [colour p. 3 1 7 ] ) . T h e r e is a spoon-shaped bowl with a handle
ending in a duck's head (Aleppo 4 5 5 7 = W e i s s 1 9 8 5 , No. 1 4 5 , colour
on p. 3 1 6 ) , a double-faced cup ( W e i s s 1 9 8 5 , No. 1 4 6 ) , and a vase
in the shape of the head of a female (Louvre A O 1 5 . 7 2 5 = C a q u o t
S z n y c e r 1980, PI. XVb). According to C a u b e t (1995, 2685) the
last item was manufactured locally. Such examples were found as
far afield as U r and Rhodes. A frit model is in the form of a chariot with two riders (Louvre A O 18.522 = C a q u o t - S z n y c e r 1980,
PI. XXVIIb).
Finally, mention should be made of a limestone lotion container
from a child's tomb showing a Nubian boy ( R S 2 2 . 3 6 2 = Damascus
S
3575
Weiss
1985,
No.
155).
Conclusions
its uniqueness lies in the success achieved in taking from the best
available and creating a new artistic tradition (cf. also K h n e 1980,
92).9 Ugarit produced no surviving large reliefs or paintings on the
scale of Egypt and Mesopotamia, but her artists still produced works
of art which stand out in the region of Syro-Palestine (Yon 1992a, 705).
This art had its influence in later periods as well ( L a g a r c e 1983).
9
A so-called peripheral culture draws in a creative and innovative way from the
ideas of the great culturescf. G N U S E 1 9 9 7 , 2 1 Iff.
C H A P T E R FIFTEEN
A
POLITICAL
H I S T O R Y
Itamar
U G A R I T
Singer
Preliminary
1.1
O F
Remarks
History of research
With seventy years of nearly continuous excavation, Ras ShamraUgarit qualifies as the most intensively explored city in Syria. In the
last two centuries before her downfall it is also the best documented
city in the Levant, due to a rare combination of a sizeable excavated area which remained mostly uninhabited in later periods, and
the discovery of the largest and most diverse archives between Hattua
and A m a r n a . T h e importance of Ugarit's history exceeds by far the
local and the regional level, and for the complex questions concerning the transition between the Bronze and the Iron Age, it is a
main landmark, providing a unique combination of archaeological
and textual sources.
T h e first steps towards the reconstruction of Ugarit's history were
made by the illustrious epigrapher J . Nougayrol, who classified the
texts and provided concise commentaries in the Akkadian text volumes [PRU 3, 4, 6 and Ug 5). Similar, though shorter, comments
were appended by C. Virolleaud in the volumes of Ugaritic texts
(PRU 2, 5). These early efforts have been continued by the present
epigraphic teams of the expedition in their publications of the new
texts ( R S O 7).
T h e first comprehensive histories of Ugarit were published in the
sixties: Liverani's Italian monograph ( L i v e r a n i 1962) and the more
general surveys of R a i n e y (1965b) and D r o w e r (1975) are limited
to the age of Ugarit's archives in the 14th and 13th centuries.
Klengel's chapter on Ugarit ( K l e n g e l 1969) includes the earlier evidence as well. T h e publication of numerous new texts, especially
relating to the final phases of Ugarit's history, has prompted a new
compendium by Liverani ( L i v e r a n i 1979a), which remains till now
the only full-scale history of Ugarit. It covers not only political history, but also various demographic, socio-economic, and cultural topics. Klengel has also updated his chapter on Ugarit in his latest
handbook on Syria ( K l e n g e l 1992). M a n y historical studies have
since been written, mostly restricted to a specific period or topic.' It
seems, however, that Ugarit's political history received in recent years
less attention than its society, economy and administration, 2 not to
mention its religion and literature.
T h e present attempt (which has already surpassed the space limitations set by the editors of this Handbook) deals primarily with the
political history of Ugarit throughout the second millennium bce.
Socio-economic and cultural issues are only occasionally mentioned,
although the chapter dealing wath Ugarit's foreign relations is mostly
concerned with international trade.
1.2
Sources
T h e main source for the history of Ugarit are its own archives.
Several thousand cuneiform tablets written in Akkadian and Ugaritic
were found in the palace archives and in several 'private' archives
throughout the city, as well as at Ras Ibn Hani on the coast, perhaps a summer residence of the kings of Ugarit. 3 T h e most valuable
texts for the reconstruction of the political history of Ugarit are the
international letters, the treaties concluded with Hatti and Amurru,
and the various decrees and legal verdicts issued by the Hittite authorities. T h e r e is also, of course, a wealth of historical information
to be extracted from legal, administrative, and even literary texts.
Most of the relevant texts are written in syllabic Akkadian, but
some, especially letters, are written in alphabetic Ugaritic which is
' Various articles on the history of Ugarit are included in the proceedings of
conferences dedicated to Ugarit and to the end of the Bronze Age: G . D . Y O U N G
1981; WARD
1 9 9 2 ; B R O O K E " / al.
1 9 9 4 ; DIETRICH -
LORETZ
1 9 9 5 ; Y O N et al.
1995.
PARDEE
1989.
There are also some Hurrian texts, mostly of religious character (n. 58), a few
Hittite texts (p. 650), half a dozen undeciphered Cypro-Minoan inscriptions (n. 234),
and several Egyptian inscriptions on stone (p. 711). The contribution of these texts
to Ugarit's history is marginal at present.
5
As an example may serve Astour's widely-quoted article on the end of Ugarit
( A S T O U R 1965), which includes some far-reaching historical reconstructions based on
poorly understood Ugaritic letters (e.g., K T U 2.40 = RS 18.040 = PRU 5, 63).
6
For an up-to-date general survey on the site of Ras Shamra (with ample refs.
to specific literature), see YON 1997, 1998ab.
1.3
Spelling of names
1.4
Chrono logy
VAN S O L D T
For the elimination of the alleged 'Niqmaddu IIa' (inserted between Niqmepa
and Ammittamru II), see p. 694.
9
Ibira<nu> in RS 4.449 (. 54), and possibly Puruqqu in A T *358 (p. 619).
10
T h e dates given in the table of synchronisms for the kings of Egypt and Aur
are quoted from K I T C H E N 1 9 8 7 : 5 2 , and B O E S E
W I L H E L M 1 9 7 9 , 3 8 , respectively.
T h e approximate dates for the kings of Ugarit are mine.
11
WENTE
VAN
SICLEN
1976;
KRAUSS
1978;
HORNUNG
1987;
KITCHEN
1987;
1994a, 1994b. Cf. also H E L C K 1987 and 1995 for the Ramesses
II date. For a different view, see A S T O U R 1989, 4 - 5 .
12
See further K H N E 1982: 224, 229-30; W I L H E L M 1991; F R E Y D A N K 1991a: 11,
. 3, 32; VAN S O L D T 1991a, 44. These dates are about ten years lower than those
suggested by B R I N K M A N (1977) in combination with Middle Babylonian chronology.
See also B R I N K M A N apud H O U W I N K T E N C A T E 1996, 40.
VON B E C K E R A T H
Ugarit
in t h e
2.1
Early
and
the
Middle
Bronze
Ages
13
E.g., B R Y C E 1 9 8 9 , 3 0 ; G U R N E Y 1 9 9 0 , 1 8 1 . K L E N G E L 1 9 9 2 , 1 3 2 , . 2 4 4 , does
not take a stand on the new chronology. For a total refutation, see A S T O U R 1 9 8 9 ,
5FF.,
14
15
77.
E.g.,
FREU
1992,
3 9 ; KLINGER
1995,
2 4 7 ; NA'AMAN
1996,
257.
For prosopographical studies on 13th century Hittite nobles and officials, many
of whom are attested in the archives of Ugarit, see VAN DEN H O U T 1995 (with further refs. quoted on p. 1, n. 2 ; see also S I N G E R 1997).
16
For the prehistory of Ugarit, see D E C O N T E N S O N 1 9 9 2 .
2.2
17
Y O N 1998a, 2 6 . Note in particular
203 and n. 1) with regard to an early
Temple of Ba'al was partly built over
18
Ugarit plays a prominent role in
is inconceivable that no written documents of this period remained at the site. Note,
for example, that Mari Age tablets have been discovered at Hazor, at the southern end of the commercial network operating along the Levant ( H O R O W I T Z 1996,
with refs.). For the possible location of the pre-Amarna Age archives, see n. 87.
19
K T U 1.113 = R S 24.257; P A R D E E 1988b, 165-78. T h e obverse was already
published by Virolleaud in Ug 5, 561-2, but the reverse had to await the 1976 edition of KTU'. A full re-edition, with photographs, was provided in Pardee's study
on the 'para-mythological' texts ( P A R D E E 1988b, ch. 5). From the vast secondary
literature on the text, see in particular those studies which have attempted to reconstruct the list of kings ( K I T C H E N 1977, P A R D E E 1988b; D I J K S T R A 1989; S C H M I D T
1996). Other treatments concentrate mainly on its religious aspects, especially on
the cult of deceased kings; see refs. listed in S C H M I D T 1996, 289, n. 1, and Y O U N G E R
1997, 356-7; W Y A T T 1998C, 3 9 9 - 4 0 3 .
20
S C H A E F F E R ( 1 9 6 3 , 2 1 5 ) noted that the two sides of the tablet exhibit two distinct scripts, with the king list on the reverse written in a smaller, less careful handwriting. P A R D E E (1988b, 1 6 5 ) , however, thinks that the same hand wrote both sides,
the smaller script on the reverse being dictated by limitations of space.
21
T h e dividing line between the two columns is only partially preserved, and
S C H M I D T ( 1 9 9 6 , 2 9 8 - 9 ) maintains that most of the lines span the entire width of
the tablet in one, not two, columns. This would, of course, considerably reduce the
number of listed kings.
(OTTEN
1967,
59-60).
cut cylinder dated to the MBA, and a much inferior duplicate which
was probably manufactured at a later stage. 28 T h e Akkadian inscription identifies the original seal owner as 'Yaqarum, son of Niqmaddu,
king of Ugarit', who must be identical with Tqr of the Ugaritic King
List. 29 T h e typical presentation scene portrays a seated deity (perhaps the deified king) who is worshipped by a a standing male figure
followed by a supplicant goddess. O n the basis of iconography and
ductus Nougayrol dated the dynastic seal to the early second millennium ( N o u g a y r o l 1955, p. xli).30 T h e prolonged use of dynastic
seals for enhancing the political legitimacy of the ruling royal families is well-known in the Amorite realm of northern Syria. 31 Some
difficulty with this early dating for the founder of the dynasty is
posed by a legal document which quotes a decree issued by Yaqarum,
king of Ugarit, in favour of a certain Ilu-qarradu 3 2 son of Talmiyanu
(RS 16.145 = PRU 3, 169). T h e sealed document is presented to
the court by (the same) Ilu-qarradu in a later lawsuit, which would
apparently indicate that Yaqaru reigned shortly before. 33 Confronted
with the apparent discrepancy between this lawsuit and his dating
of the dynastic seal, Nougayrol suggested that Y a q a r u m became a
sort of dynastic title borne by the kings of Ugarit, like T a b a r n a in
Hatti and Caesar in R o m e ( N o u g a y r o l 1963, 111, n. 10; ibid., 1955,
xxxviii, xliii, n. 3). Another explanation could be that the name of
28
S C H A E F F E R 1 9 5 6 , 7 3 , fig. 9 6 ; N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 5 5 , pll. XVI XVII. The two cylinders were impressed (for the sake of comparison?) on an anepigraphic tablet found
in the palace archive ( R S 1 6 . 3 9 3 A = Ug 3 , 7 6 , fig. 9 9 ; PRU 3 , pl. XVII, fig. 2 5 ) .
29
Yaqarum's father in the seal and his successor in the King List are both named
Niqmaddu, which indicates that papponymy was already practised at the outset of
the dynasty. Since Yaqarum's father does not appear in the King List, apparently
he was not considered to be a king in the historical tradition of Ugarit.
30
A R N A U D (1997, 158ff.) has recently questioned Nougayrol's dating and suggested a mid-15th century date instead, in conformity with his new dating of
Yaqarum on the basis of unpublished material (see n. 33). He compares the iconography of the seal with the yet unpublished cylinder seal of Uri-Teub, and claims
that the cuneiform sign forms are archaizing.
31
T o the inscribed dynastic cylinder seals from Ugarit, Alalah and Emar listed
by A U E R B A C H (1991) one may add the anepigraphic cylinder seal of Aziru, which
is also fashioned in a typical Amorite style (Ug 3, figs. 44-45).
32
This reading of the name is proposed by A R N A U D 1996, 48, . 6, replacing
Nougayrol's d Qarradu.
33
A R N A U D (1996, 48, . 6; 1997, 155, . 28) has noted in passing that according to unpublished documents Yaqarum was a contemporary of Idrimi of Alalah
who ruled at the turn of the 15th century. Until the evidence for this drastic change
in Yaqarum's dating is presented we follow the traditional view based on Tqr's relative place in the Ugaritic King List.
34
T o be sure, this does not necessarily mean that an unbroken dynastic line
remained in power for eight centuries or so, a possibility which was already questioned by N O U G A Y R O L , 1 9 5 5 , xli-ii. See also D I J K S T R A 1 9 8 9 , 1 4 8 .
35
For the function of genealogies and the problem of their historicity, see the
references quoted in P A R D E E 1988b, 175, n. 37.
36
For the place of Ugaritic among the Semitic languages, see P A R D E E 1 9 9 7 C ,
with refs. to the vast literature on the subject. He concludes (p. 131) with the statement that 'Ugaritic shows archaic features characteristic of old Canaanite and it
may be a remnant of a Western "Amorite" dialect.'
37
For the Amorite sources of Ugaritic mythology, see, e.g., D U R A N D 1993;
B O R D R E U I L - P A R D E E 1993, VVYATT 1998a.
2.3
38
For the location of places mentioned in Ugaritic myths and rituals, see, e.g.,
1981a; VAN S O L D T 1994, 369 (with extensive refs.).
39
For an updated state-of-the-art survey, with extensive references to primary
and secondary sources, see R E D F O R D 1992, ch. 4.
MARGALIT
examples of the 'antiquities trade', distantly recalling the R o m a n pillage of Greek statuary.
W h a t does Ugarit contribute to this vexed issue? First, it yielded
one of the largest collections of Middle Kingdom statues and objects
in Asia: two sphinxes of Amenemhet III, a statue of the vizier SesotrisAnkh with his mother and sister, a statuette of the princess Khenemetnefer-khedjet, the wife of Sesotris II, and a bust of an unidentified
12th Dynasty queen (for refs. see G i v e o n 1981, 56f.; 1986, 839). In
addition, there are inscribed seals, pearls and beads, and a large
quantity of uninscribed objects. T h e second significant point is that
the statues were found beheaded, and they were probably deliberately mutilated ( S c h a e f f e r 1939b, 13; C o u r t o i s 1979, cols. 1155-6;
Yon 1997b, 28). It is hard to tell, however, whether this was simply a consequence of their being stolen and carried over long distances, or whether it was due to a violent action performed in Ugarit
itself. Schaeffer even blamed this 'clumsy barbarian' act on 'a rising
of the natives, amongst w h o m were Hurrites . . . who were now in
power at Ugarit' ( S c h a e f f e r 1939b, 13). Lasdy, it is highly significant
that many of these objects were found in the area of the temples of
Ba'al and Dagan (Yon 1991a, 2 7 5 - 6 , 278ff.), and may very well
have been ex-votos presented to the gods of Ugarit by whoever
brought them there.
42
A S T O U R 1973, 21 (with refs.); I A M B R O U - P H I L L I P S O N 1990, 122. Note also the
year-name 'when the Cretans (KapitanyuK]) built a ship' ( V I I . I A R D 1986, 402, n. 106),
which is explained by Villard as a visit of Cretans to Mari. For the Middle Minoan
pottery found in Ras Shamra, see S C H A E F F E R 1948, 66; A S T O U R 1973, 19; L A M B R O U P H I L L I P S O N 1990, 69-70; Y O N 1994b, 430-1; C A U B E T - M A T O I A N 1995, 103-4.
Chemical analysis of the Canaanite jars found at Kommos in Crete may indicate
that some of them were made in Ugarit ( L A M B R O U - P H I L I . I P S O N 1990, 69).
Another ring that was sold in Ugarit was made of iron and gold,
with a lapis-lazuli seal ( A R M T 2 5 . 4 8 + : rev. 3 ' ~ 5 ' ; V i l l a r d , 1 9 8 6 ,
406). Perhaps artisans of Ugarit assisted their Mariote colleagues in
manufacturing some of these exquisite objets d'art.
A glimpse into the nomadic countryside of Ugarit is provided by
the letter exchange between two tribal leaders from the region extending between H a l a b a n d Ugarit (A 2 0 9 4 ; V i l l a r d , 1 9 8 6 4 1 1 - 2 ,
Annexe no. 2). T h e chief of the Uprapi is accused by the chief
of the Ben-Sim'l of pillaging his territory and of jeopardizing 'the
ha-a-n-ni of Ugarit [leading to(?) the tempi] e(?) of the Storm-god of
Halab'. 4 3 Villard thought that the obscure vocable must designate
some ritual related to a peace agreement concluded between the two
groups before Addu of Halab. I wonder whether it could rather
stand for the Hurrian word for 'the road' (with article). 44 If so, the
angered chief was simply expressing his concern that the unruly
Uprapeans might block the roads between Ugarit and Halab.
Shortly after his journey to Ugarit, Zimri-Lim's father-in-law and
ally Yarim-Lim died and was succeeded on the throne of Halab by
H a m m u r a p i . T h e latter showed far less cordiality towards ZimriLim, and eventually collaborated with his famous namesake in Babylon
in bringing about the downfall of the last king of Mari. But before
this happened, H a m m u r a p i of Halab transmitted a short message
to Zimri-Lim, in which an u n n a m e d king of Ugarit (lit. 'the M a n of
Ugarit') expressed his wish to visit the palace of Mari. 4 5 Is there anything in the archaeological record of Ugarit that relates to the lengthy
stay of Zimri-Lim and his entourage in the city? T h e r e are certainly
objects of eastern origin at Ugarit, 46 but it would be hard to establish a connection specifically to Mari. T h e r e is, however, an intriguing fragment of a cuneiform inscription incised on a polished green
stone which was found in 1932 at the entrance of the Temple of
43
11. 9f.: [u\m-ma ba-a-ri-m sa -ga-ri-timK [i-n]a(?) (?) d IM [ j ] e Ha-la-ab (followed by a large gap).
44
For ban - ni, see L A R O C H E 1976-7, 94, and esp. the obscure ba~a-n-e-ni in
KBo 15.72 i 6.
45
Literally, 'the house of Zimri-Lim'; V I L L A R D 1 9 8 6 , 4 1 0 , nn. 1 6 0 - 1 6 2 (with
previous refs.). It seems that Dossin's original interpretation that the visit was intended
to reach the palace of Mari itself is preferable to other suggestions, such as a visit
to a Mariote domain in the west.
46
For the M B A cylinder seals from Ras Shamra, see C O U R T O I S 1 9 7 9 , cols. 1 1 9 4 - 5 ;
AMIET
1992,
nos.
19-44;
1995,
239-40;
ARNAUD
1997.
Ba c al. 47 All that remains are a few signs written between neatly prepared division lines (three lines are uninscribed). In view of its archaeological context, 48 the fragment could perhaps belong to an object
offered by the Mariote expedition to the local god, or vice versa, something prepared in Ugarit in anticipation of the forthcoming visit to
Mari. O n e can only wish that more pieces of this intriguing inscription would turn up in the future. For the next two centuries or so
there is only a single mention of Ugarit in an Alalah tablet of Level
VII (AT *358; W i s e m a n 1954, 27). Puruqqu, 4 9 'the m a n of Ugarit',
who made a delivery of wool to the palace of Alalah, does not have
to be a ruler of Ugarit, although this possibility cannot be entirely
ruled out. T h e r e is nothing in the Hittite record to indicate that the
campaigns of Hattui1i I and Muri1i I to northern Syria had any
direct effect on Ugarit, but, in the long run, the drastic changes in
the geo-political structure of the region had also been felt in the
Levantine kingdom.
2.5
in
RS
RSO
ASTOUR 1981a, 10. Other scholars have pleaded for a stronger political influence
of Mittanni on Ugarit ( D R O W E R 1975, 133; LIVERANI 1979a, 298).
52
Another fragment from Level IV contains little more than the otherwise unknown
name 'Tanuwati of Ugarit' (AT 442e; W I S E M A N 1954, 3).
53
Cf., however, the different interpretation of A R N A U D (1996, 54, . 37; 1997,
157), who suggests that A T 4 is a letter sent to the king of Alalah by the king of
Mittanni or one of his 'officers'.
54
RS 4.449 (Virolleaud 1936a, 2Iff.) is the only tablet found in the area of
Temple I ( A R N A U D 1996, 47, . 1), which has also yielded Middle Egyptian inscriptions and statuary, as well as a small fragment of a cuneiform inscription incised
on green stone (RS 4.458; see p. 618). RS 4.449 has often been discussed in later
studies, some of which have improved over the readings of Virolleaud's editio ceps. See L E T T I N G A 1948, 112-3; VAN S O L D T 1991, 215ff.; H O F T I J Z E R - VAN S O L D T
1991, 197; A R N A U D 1996, 47-54; M A R Q U E Z R O W E 1997, 192.
55
But cf. A R N A U D 1996, 48, . 6, who mentions unpublished sources according
to which Ibiranu succeeded Yaqarum, the founder of the dynasty of Ugarit (see
n. 33 above).
56
According to A S T O U R (1978, 13) the Hurrian toponyms attested in the Ras
Shamra texts are mostly located in the territories beyond the Orontes, which were
annexed to Ugarit by the Hittites.
57
For Ar-halba, see p. 6 3 7 . LIVERANI ( 1 9 7 8 , 1 5 2 - 3 ) noted that members of the
royal family of Ugarit who did not become kings often bore Hurrian names. However,
most of the quoted examples are the sons of Amurrite princesses who married kings
of Ugarit: Himi-arruma and R-arruma were the sons of AJjat-Milku (p. 642),
51
H u r r i a n ' names became the rule after A m u r r u ' s defection from Egypt
to Hatti ( L i v e r a n i 1978, 150-1; S i n g e r 1991a, 182ff.).
O n the other h a n d , H u r r i a n impact was m o r e extensive in cultural domains, such as religion and literature. 5 8 Lexicographical texts
often have a H u r r i a n column in addition to the Sumerian, Akkadian
and Ugaritic ones. Ugarit has also produced a fair n u m b e r of Hurrian
religious texts, both syllabic a n d alphabetical, some of which consist
of divine lists. An Akkadian-Hurrian bilingual text belongs to the
genre of wisdom literature. Finally, the H u r r i a n texts with musical
notation, the oldest in western civilization, have raised special interest.
An intriguing H u r r i a n letter found in the royal palace seems to
contain valuable historical information, but its understanding is further hindered by the fragmentary state of preservation (RS 1 1 . 8 5 3 =
PRU 3, 327; R S O 5 / 1 : 61). Both Ugarit and Carchemish are m e n tioned, a n d the address 'my lord' (rev. 13) discloses the hierarchical
relationship between the correspondents. Salvini's tentative translation
( S a l v i n i 1 9 9 5 , 9 6 ) of several phrases may hint at a military context:
'you will smite Carchemish' (1. 7), 'entering Carchemish' (1. 8). However,
the repeated occurrence of pass- 'to send' (11. 3, 9, 14) and paithe
'messenger' (1. 4) m a y also indicate a commercial or diplomatic context. 59 L a r o c h e ( 1 9 5 5 . 3 2 9 ) assumed that the letter was sent to Ugarit
by a high official of Carchemish, but this fails to explain its language. A better alternative would be that the letter was sent from
M i t t a n n i or f r o m the successor state of H a n i g a l b a t , but the full
significance of this rare H u r r i a n episte remains to be revealed.
Ugarit
3.1
under
Egyptian
Influence
and Utri-arruma was the son of the bittu rabti (p. 681). Therefore, these cases
may have been influenced by name-giving practices current in Amurru, rather than
in Ugarit. Of more weight would be the case of Talmiyanu, if this is indeed the
name of Niqmaddu III before his coronation (see p. 700).
58
For some recent discussions (with refs. to the texts), see S A L V I N I 1995b, 93ff.;
D I E T R I C H - M A Y E R 1995; 1997; M A Y E R 1996; P A R D E E 1996b.
59
Gemot Wilhelm, personal communication.
3.2
Ammittamru I (?-ca.
1350)
61
K I T C H E N 1 9 6 2 , 3 4 f . ; K L E N G E L 1 9 6 9 , 3 4 0 ; D R O W E R 1 9 7 5 , 1 3 3 ; ASTOUR 1 9 8 1 : 1 7 f f .
62
ALBRIGHT
1944.
NA'AMAN (1996) has recently put forward a daring restoration and interpretation of EA 45. He suggests that the letter refers to an incident in which Ammittamru
detained messengers sent from Amurru to Hatti and intended to extradite them to
Egypt. When the news reached the king of Hatti he repeatedly threatened Ammittamru, and the anxious king of Ugarit turned to Akhenaten for assistance. See further n. 77 below.
A s t o u r
63
For Abdi-Asirta's quest for recognition see, recently, S I N G E R 1991a, 141fT. (with
further refs.).
64
For the now unequivocal identification of Suppiluliuma's father, see O T T E N
1995, 8.
65
For the identification of the twin mountains Hazzi and Nanni, attested in
Hittite texts, with Mt. Casius (Sapunu) and Mt. Anti-Casius, respectively, see K L E N G E L
1969, 354, 410, . 29; 1970, 34ff.; B O R D R E U I L 1989b; VAN S O L D T 1994, 367. For
the proposed vocalization Sapunu see W Y A T T 1995a. For other identifications of Mt.
Nanni, see D I J K S T R A 199lj 133ff., 137; P O P K O 1998: 124.
66
The two persons mentioned in the fragment, Zittara and Halpamuwa, are
otherwise unknown. (Halpa-A.A in the tribute list KUB 42.29 ii 15' belongs to the
13th century; S I E G E L O V A 1986, 14Iff.).
67
A third fragmentary letter, EA 48, was sent by a certain [. . ,-H]eba to her
lady (with a present of balsam). T h e two are usually identified as a queen of Ugarit
and a queen of Egypt respectively ( A L B R I G H T 1944, 33; D R O W E R 1975, 134; M O R A N
1992, 120). In fact, the only reason for Knudtzon's attribution of this letter to the
correspondence of Ugarit was the similarities of its clay and script to those of the
other letters ( A L B R I G H T 1944: 30-1). For two Ugaritic letters traditionally dated to
the Amarna age, K T U 2.23 = RS 16.078+ and K T U 2.42 + 43 = RS 18.1 13A, [B],
a late 13th century dating is claimed in this study. See pp. 713 and 677, respectively.
68
T h e mention of the Egyptian envoy Hanya in EA 4 7 : 2 3 , also known from
other Amarna letters, does not provide an accurate chronological clue, since he
probably kept his office during the reigns of both Amenophis III and Akhenaten
(CAMPBELL
1964,
127).
3.3
Niqmaddu II (ca.
1350-1315)
6!l
That 'the daughter of some poor man' (muknu) precedes the princesses from
three lands does not necessarily imply, as usually assumed, that these lands are
viewed upon in a derogatory way. I think that the writer simply wanted to distinguish between two categoriesa girl of inferior birth, or a princess from a country other than Babylon.
70
If indeed K U R Ga-ga-ia refers to the Kaka (VON S C H L E R 1 9 6 5 , 8 0 ) , perhaps
the author confused it with another Anatolian land which sent a princess to Amenophis
III, namely Arzawa (EA 31-32).
71
RS 11.329; RS 1-11.[116]; RS 16.340; RS 17.058; RS 17.[476], See refs. in
RSO 5/1.
12
to the reign of Akhenaten (or even later) on both stylistic and historical considerations ( L I V E R A N I 1 9 6 2 , 3 1 ) .
74
In the legal text RS 16.277 (= PRU 3, 50-1) ratified by Niqmaddu, 'Pisidqi
the Queen' exchanges real estate with Nuriyanu, Niqmaddu's brother. See VAN
SOLDT
75
1991,
GORDON
7.
Justice'.
76
1962, 24-5; ibid., 1988a, 566; ibid., 1990, 142; K I T C H E N 1962, 35;
1964, 121; A S T O U R 1981b, 15ff.; Z A C C A G N I N I 1990, 68.
LIVERANI
CAMPBELL
1992,
133,
4.1
U g a r i t
Under
Hittite
Rule
T h e bond with Egypt, although economically lucrative and culturally influential, could hardly secure Ugarit's borders and its autonomous
political status. Probably the first to exert considerable pressure on
Ugarit in the changing political conditions towards the mid-14th century was its southern neighbour A m u r r u . This newly established
kingdom on the northern confines of the Egyptian Empire promptly
accumulated considerable military strength under the able leaderships of Abdi-Airta and his son Aziru (see recently, S i n g e r 1991a,
14Iff, with further refs.). In their recurring complaints to the Pharaoh,
the rulers of Byblos, Rib-Haddi and Yapah-Addu, claim that the
entire coast from Byblos to Ugarit banded together with the resented
Amurrites, against Egyptian interests (EA 98; cf. EA 126: 6).
Ugarit's siding with Amurru against Egyptian interests could hardly
have been voluntary. According to the accord between Aziru and
Niqmaddu, the animosity between the two kingdoms went back to
the days of Ammittamru I (RS 19.068.8), although its background
is not specified. 77 Aziru, having thrown in his lot with the Hittites
quite early in his reign ( S i n g e r 1991a, 155ff.), could not risk confronting hostile neighbours on both his southern and northern flanks
and must have exerted considerable pressure on Ugarit to come to
terms with him. His accord with N i q m a d d u is unique in the context of ancient N e a r Eastern treaties (RS 19.068 = PRU 4, 284ff;
K h n e 1971). Formally, it has the appearance of a treaty between
equal states, but the actual stipulations bring it closer to a vassal
treaty between a stronger and a weaker party. Ugarit consented to
pay the considerable sum of 5,000 silver shekels for her military protection 7 " and for Amurru's renunciation of all future claims on Ugarit's
client states of Siyannu and Zinzaru. T h e relative dating of this
accord is open to speculation ( L i v e r a n i 1962, 36-7; K l e n g e l 1969,
2 8 4 - 5 ; S i n g e r 1991a, 156-7). It most probably predates Niqmaddu's
treaty with Suppiluliuma, and could be more or less contemporary
with Suppiluliuma's treaty with Aziru. 79
Against the b a c k g r o u n d of the new alliance between the two
Levantine kingdoms and the stormy developments on the political
scene of the Near East, one should be able to find a suitable historical context for one of the most intriguing documents discovered
in Ugarit, the so-called 'General's Letter' (RS 20.033 = Ug 5, no.
20). T h e long Akkadian letter, about a third of which is missing,
was sent by the military c o m m a n d e r Sumi[] to the King, his lord.
H e asks for urgent reinforcements to complete his mission, guarding a strategic pass between the sea and M o u n t Lebanon in the
Land of Amurru, in anticipation of an impending Egyptian attack.
T h e dramatic situation described in this rare document of military
intelligence may fit into several historical contexts, and indeed, different
datings have been suggested, ranging from the mid-14th to the early
77
Recently N A ' A M A N (1996) suggested that the claims of Ba'aluya (Aziru's son)
against Niqmaddu mentioned in the accord refer to a political entanglement between
the Levantine states, in which the king of Ugarit detained messengers of Amurru
who were sent to Hatti and intended to extradite them to Egypt (see also n. 62
above). According to Na'aman, the 5,000 shekels were paid to Amurru as a compensation for the damages caused by Ugarit and Siyannu to members of Aziru's family.
78
This sum is more than half of what Ugarit paid to the Hittites for her exemption from military duties: 50 golden minas, equalling some 8,000 silver shekels (see
p. 683).
79
For an entirely different chronological reconstruction of the events relating to
Amurru's and Ugarit's contacts with the Hittites, see F R E U 1992 (with table on
p. 96).
4.2
80
Cf., however DE M O O R 1996b, 2 3 2 ~ 3 , who relates the letter to an alleged flight
of Queen Tausert and Beya to Syria in 1190.
81
E.g., L I V E R A N I 1962, 76ff.; CAZELLF.S 1970; RAINF.Y 1971a; 1973; S T I E G L I T Z
1992;
KLENGEL
1992,
137.
IZRE'EL
excellence, i.e. the king of Carchemish (KLENGEL 1969, 214, 375; SINGER 1983b,
13, n. 16; 1990, 173) and not to the king of Ugarit (NOUGAYROL 1970, 2).
84
For the palace of Ugarit, see COURTOIS 1979, 1217ff.; MARGUERON 1995; Y O N
1997b, 45ff. The new palace apparently replaced the Northern Palace which was
built in the 16th century and went out of use around 1400 BCE (YON 1997b, 70ff).
85
CAD, I-J: 230b implausibly places the Hittite troops near the fire: 'Fire has
consumed Ugarit, that is, it consumed half of it but did not consume the other
half nor the Hittite troops'. Moran's translation (above) is no doubt preferable.
8(>
Arnaud (apud C A L L O T 1 9 9 4 , 2 0 5 ) refers to an alleged mention of (this) earthquake in a verdict of Ini-Teub ( R S 2 7 . 0 5 2 . 6 = PRU 6 , no. 3 6 ) , but the evidence
is doubtful.
87
For the lowering of the dates of K T U 2.23 = RS 16.078+ and K T U 2.42 +
43 = RS 18.113A[B], the only allegedly pre-Niqmaddu II tablets from the palace
archives, see n. 67. For RS 4.449, the only tablet discovered in the temple area
on the acropolis, see n. 54; it was sent by a king of Alalah to a 15th century king
of Ugarit, which may indicate that the pre-Niqmaddu II archives may still be discovered somewhere outside the palace area (cf. N O U G A Y R O L 1956, 57).
88
For the refutation of Schaeffer's reconstruction of a two-level archive (before
and after the fire mentioned in EA 151), see L I V E R A N I 1988b. T h e two levels may
perhaps correspond to two stories of the building, but joins made between tablet
fragments found in both levels seem to disprove this explanation as well (VAN S O L D T
1991a, 72; L A C K E N B A C H E R 1995a, 73).
4.3
89
For this reason Ugarit and Amurru are not mentioned in the treaty between
Suppiluliuma and attiwaza (CTH 5 1 ; BECKMAN 1 9 9 6 C , no. 6 ) , since the historical
introduction of this document only covers lands that formerly belonged to Mittanni.
90
Contrary to an often quoted view (see, recently, R E D F O R D 1 9 9 2 , 1 7 7 ) , the
Hittites never claimed that Amurru once belonged to Mittanni. O n the contrary,
concluded with her repeatedly stress the fact that Aziru appealed for
Hittite vassalship out of his own initiative, and his country was never
taken by force ( S i n g e r 1990, 144ff.). As for Ugarit, whose ties with
Egypt were less binding, a ready legitimization for Hittite intervention was supplied by Niqmaddu's request for protection from his
aggressive neighbours. T h e recurrence of the 'deliverance motif' in
many Hittite treaties ( A l t m a n 1984) calls for caution in reconstructing
the actual course of events. O n the other hand, it should not automatically deny the historicity of these accounts. Even if, as stated by
one authority '. . . the Hittite chancery had no difficulty at all in
"reconstructing" the past in such a way as to arrange a suitable basis
for an optimal organization of the present and the future' ( Z a c c a g n i n i
1990, 71), the basic elements of the 'narrative' can usually be demonstrated to rest on real facts, even when these are compromising to
Hittite interests.
T h e first Hittite overture is recorded in Suppiluliuma's letter to
N i q m a d d u II (RS 17.132 = PRU 4, 35-7; B e c k m a n 1996c, 119-20).
T h e Hittite monarch, recalling the good relations between Hatti and
Ugarit in the past, offers military assistance in case of an attack on
Ugarit from Muki and Nuhhai. T h e anti-Hittite Syrian coalition 91
must have countered with an offer of its own, or indeed, with an
open threat on Ugarit. Between ' h a m m e r and anvil', Niqmaddu's
decision was anything but easy. His energetic southern neighbour,
Aziru, had already cast in his lot with the Hittites, and he exerted
pressure on Ugarit to follow his example. 92 N i q m a d d u could not
hope for much assistance from his weakening Egyptian ally, and with
Hittite forces on both his northern and southern borders he could
not for much longer sit on the fence. T h e final push towards the
Hittite camp was probably given by the joint attack of Muki, Nuhhai
and Niya on Ugaritian territory, which is reported in the historical
in the treaties with Amurru it is repeatedly stated that Aziru defected from the
camp of Egypt. For the seemingly aberrant statement in the augamuwa Treaty,
see S I N G E R 1991c. Cf. also Z A C C A G N I N I 1988.
91
Note the absence of Niya, which is mentioned later in Niqmaddu's treaty as
the third member of the anti-Hittite confederacy. In the time interval separating
the two documents the pro-Hittite ruler of Niya, Takuwa, was replaced by his
brother Aki-Teub who, as reported in the attiwaza treaty, conspired with the
kings of Muki and Nuhhae (BECKMAN 1996C, 39, obv. 30ff.).
92
O n the early dating of Aziru's submission to the Hittites, probably in the wake
of Suppiluliuma's 'one-year-campaign' to Syria, see Singer in S I N G E R
IZRE'EL 1 9 9 0 ,
155FF;
1991,
153FF.
p r e a m b l e to the N i q m a d d u treaty ( R S 1 7 . 3 4 0 . I f f . = B e c k m a n 1 9 9 6 c :
1-2). It has been suggested above that the fire which partially
destroyed the palace of Ugarit (EA 151) was caused by this sudden
raid. uppi1u1iuma responded immediately to the call for help a n d
sent his generals to drive out the e n e m y f r o m the territory of Ugarit,
leaving the rich booty to N i q m a d d u as a prize for his loyalty. N o w
it was time to conclude the promised treaty, which was symbolically
signed at Alalah, the capital of the defeated enemy. 9 3
4.4
93
96
For the yearly tribute sent by Ugarit to Hatti, see EISSFF.LDT 1950; K O R O S E C
1960, 65ff.; D I E T R I C H
L O R E T Z 1966a; Z A C C A G N I N I 1973, 155 6; P A R D E E 1984b,
245; L I V E R A N I 1990, 269-70.
97
According to his 1969 study the size of Ugarit almost quadrupled. In later
studies A S T O U R (1981b, 21; 1981a, 11; 1995, 55) reduced his estimate to about
5,425 km 2 , still a territorial state of considerable size.
4.5
BORDREUIL
BORDREUIL
played his cards carefully, most of which were kept in his opulent
treasuries rather than on the battle front. With the exception of a
brisk raid by his neighbours which probably destroyed part of Ugarit,
N i q m a d d u wisely managed to keep his kingdom far from the stormy
events that brought havoc upon his neighbours in the east and north.
T h e new tripartite political axis linking Hatti, Ugarit and Amurru
held out until the very end of the Hittite Empire.
4.6
Ar-halba (ca.
1315-1313)
102
KLENGEL
1965,
254;
RS
17.[477];
1969,
360;
DROWER
1975,
139;
DIJKSTRA
1989,
150.
SCHAEFFER
4.7
Niqmepa (ca
1313-1260)
105
R S 1 7.349B+ = PRU A, 85ff; KESTEMONT 1974b; KHNE 1975b; DEL MONTE
1986; BECKMAN 1996C, 5 9 - 6 4 .
106
See, e.g., the historical introduction to Mursili's treaty with Kupanta-Kurunta
of Mira-Kuwaliya (BECKMAN 1996C, 69).
107
VAN SOLDT 1991a, 5FF. See p. 660 for the decree issued by Hattusili 'III' to
Niqmepa concerning the men of Ura (RS 17.130 = PRU 4, 103-5).
Territorial issues
108
110
LIVERANI (1979a, 1306; 1990, 83-4) assesses the evidence differently, claiming that Mursili displaced the border again, this time at the advantage of Mukis.
111
For the various stages of the border demarcation, which continued at least as
late as the reign of Tudhaliya 'IV', see A S T O U R 1979; VAN S O L D T 1998. A further
document has recently been added to this dossier through the cleaning of a tablet
which was previously illegible, except for the seal impression at its centre (RS 17.403
=
Ug 3,137-9). Eleven lines of the obverse were almost fully recuperated, and they
contain a donation deed of a border area (NI'G.BA a qanni) to Ugarit ( M A L B R A N L A B A T 1995c, 37-8). Mention is made of Mursili (with the unusual spelling Mu-urzi-i-li) and a division of fields between the king of Ugarit and the king of another
country whose name is unfortunately not preserved. As suggested by M A L B R A N L A B A T (ibid., 38), all these indications point towards a late ratification of the decree
of Mursili II dividing the border territories between Ugarit and Siyannu. Two Hittite
officials are mentioned in the tablet: Hini DUMU.LUGAL K U R u r i Ka[rgami] (SINGER
1997, 420) and Tagi-arruma GAL L [ M DUB.SAR], a restoration which corresponds
with the title on his seal impressed on the tablet.
112
A similar political step was taken by Mursili in western Anatolia. In order to
prevent the re-emergence of a strong Arzawa he divided it into several kingdoms
which were in constant competition with each other ( H E I N H O L D - K R A H M E R 1 9 7 7 , 121ff.)
113
In order to solve the chronological problems raised by the apparently excessively long period of Ahat-Milku's activity, VAN SOLDT (1985-6, 70; 1991a, 14 5)
suggested that her marriage took place during the reign of Duppi-Teub or even
Benteina, i.e., at an advanced stage of Niqmepa's reign. Firstly, this would differ
from other kings of Ugarit who married early, even before their accession to the
throne (ABOUD 1994, 30). More importantly, this would squarely contradict the
whole sense of the statement that the document was signed by the seal of DUTeub. The case of RS 17.360+ (= PRU 4, 139ff.) is quite different because it carries both the dynastic seal (identified in the text as the seal of Aziru) and the
personal seal of augamuwa. Whether DU-Teub was Ahat-Milku's father or not
does not affect the chronological calculations.
must have been in her early teens when she arrived at Ugarit and
began her long and eventful career. She gave birth to several sons,
including the next king of Ugarit, Ammittamru II. T h e latest documents mentioning Ahat-Milku deal with the deportation of her sons
H i m i - a r r u m a a n d A b d i - a r r u m a to A1aia (RS 17.352, 17.35,
17.362, 17.367 = PRU 4, 121-4). These verdicts are ratified by IniT e u b and by Tudhaliya 'IV', the latter providing a terminus post quern
after 1239 ( E d e l 1976, 29). Thus, Ahat-Milku must have been at
least 90 years old when her sons were transferred from Ugarit to
A1aia. Some scholars raised doubts whether the 'early' and the 'late'
Ahat-Milku could be one and the same person." 4 But there are many
examples of similar longevity in antiquity (e.g. Puduhepa) and as
long as there is no positive evidence for the existence of two queens
n a m e d Ahat-Milku, it is better to reconstruct one long queenship,
which extended into the reign of Ammittamru II.
A m u r r u ' s highly-paid protection services were no d o u b t fully
employed by Ugarit, but we learn details of such interventions only
in rare cases. In a letter sent to Ammittamru II (RS 17.286 = PRU
4, 180), the king of Amurru, probably augamuwa," 5 refers to a
previous incident in which Benteina was asked to mediate between
Ugarit and the hostile M a n d a troops. A generation later the same
situation recurred and the troops were again sent from Amurru to
U g a r i t to settle their p r o b l e m s . " 6 T h e Umman Manda ( e r n . m e
Man-del*^) are better known from first millennium contexts, where
the term usually refers to northern warriors of Indo-European origins,
such as Scythians, Cimmerians, and Medes ( L i v e r a n i 1962, 121-4;
1988d). In the second millennium they appear as military men from
1,4
With the seizure of power by military men after the failed bid of
T u t a n k h a m u n ' s widow to uppi1u1iuma, Egypt renewed its aggressive
policy in western Asia, preparing to revenge her humiliating defeat
by the Hittites and the loss of A m u r r u and Qadesh. First attempts
to instigate disorder in Hittite Syria are attributed to H o r e m h e b (see
n. 100), but the decisive move was left to the Pharaohs of the 19th
Dynasty. Sety I, after quelling disorders in Palestine, advanced up the
Phoenician coast to Amurru, and then crossed over to Qadesh and
captured the strategic city in ca. 1290 ( K R I I, 24; S p a l i n g e r 1979,
34; M u r n a n e 1985, 80ff.; R e d f o r d 1992, 181). Benteina of Amurru
had little choice but to surrender to the approaching Egyptians, and
117
1,8
LABAT in BORDREUIL ( e d . ) 1 9 9 1 ,
48.
returned his land to his previous overlord after half a century of Hittite
rule ( S i n g e r 1991a, 165-6). 121 Distant Ugarit had less to fear from
an Egyptian military operation and N i q m e p a probably remained
loyal to the Hittites. H e even sent his contingents to the Battle of
Qadesh (1275) in accordance to his treaty with Mursili I E 1 2 2 After
Muwatalli's decisive victory, Benteina was deposed and deported to
Hatti, but not for long. After a short period of 're-education' at the
court of Hattusili 'III' in the Northern Land, he was reinstated on
the throne of A m u r r u and remained a loyal and highly-appreciated
agent of Hittite interests for the rest of his reign ( S i n g e r 1991a,
167ff.). Amicable relations with Ugarit were also resumed and fostered, but sometimes the good intentions led to deplorable results,
as in the case of the ill-fated princess from Amurru, the bittu rabti
(p. 680f.).
Another converted ally of the Hittites was N i q m a d d u of K i n z a /
Qadesh. After the assassination of his father Aitakama he was captured by Mursili II, but was reinstalled on the throne and became
a faithful defender of Hittite interests in Syria. H e also kept good
relations with Ugarit. 123
4.7.4
Urhi-Teub in Syria
121
The 'General's Letter' (RS 20.033) which was usually considered to reflect
conditions on the eve (or immediately after) the battle of Qadesh has been redated
to the Amarna Age (see p. 628).
122
G A R D I N E R 1 9 6 0 , 5 8 ; 'Ikrl is listed (in the longest enumeration of allies in 43ff.)
after Krkm and before Qd and Mugs (Nuhfoai). For the battle of Qadesh, see the
refs. cited in R E D F O R D 1 9 9 2 , 1 8 4 , n. 2 8 4 . For the identification of Qd, see n. 4 2 8 .
123
Niqmaddu (NIO.MA- D IM) is the addressee of two letters discovered at Tell Nebi
Mend/Qadesh, one of which was sent by a king of Halab ( M I L L A R D 1979-80, 202).
He is probably the author of a letter sent to Niqmepa of Ugarit (RS 17.315; see
n. 202).
124
LIVERANI 1962, 79; C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 361, n. 3. Other suggestions that have
been put forward for locating this 'seacoast' (A.AB.BA tapua) were A1aia and Mira
in western Anatolia (for refs. see H O U W I N K T E N C A T E 1974, 139).
125
Of particular interest in this connection is a letter of Ramesses with the report
that the people of Amurru and two other lands asked the Egyptians for a safe passage for Urhi-Teub and his party (EDEL 1994, i 64 -5; II: 102). The implications
of this intriguing document deserve a separate study.
126
It is perhaps of interest to note in this connection that at Tell Kazel, possibly the royal residence of Amurru (SINGER 1991a, 158), a Hittite seal impression
was found. Unfortunately, the legend is unreadable in the published photograph,
but the three concentric rings around the central field indicate that the owner was
a very important person, probably of royal descent. The same building has also
produced two Hittite button seals (for refs. see SINGER 1991a, 185).
Cate
1974,
138).
T h e second alternative is perhaps supported by another, very fragmentary, legal text mentioning Maanda (RS 17.406 = PRU 4, 181).127
This is a rare n a m e ( G r o n d a h l 1967, 342: L a r o c h e 1966, 115) and
the high probability that the same person is referred to in both texts
is further supported by the few remaining data in the fragment,
which mentions Ugarit, Bentesina, and most significantly, the phrase
'(I) the Great King have written a tablet [ . . . ] ' (frgm. A, 10'). Could
this be the very verdict of Urhi-Tesub mentioned in RS 17.346.10-1 ?128
If so, the title 'Great King' would date this document to his short
reign in Hatti, since Urhi-Tesub would hardly have dared to use it
during his exile in Syria. It is also possible that the complicated
financial lawsuit of Maanda, probably a wealthy Hittite merchant,
lingered on into the following reign of Hattusili 'III', who would
then be the author of R S 17.406.
Ugarit
in t h e
Age
of
'PAX
HF.TUTIO(
Sixteen years after the Battle of Qadesh Ramesses II and Hattusili 'III' decided, each for his own reasons, to bring to an end the
century-long enmity between their countries. T h e peace treaty concluded in 1258 after lengthy negotiations inaugurated a period of
unprecedentedly close connections between the two empires. T h e
127
Ma-a(?)-an-d (fragm. A, 11. 5', 8'; fragm. B, 1. 5'). There is some doubt with
regard to the second sign (sa or la), but the reading of the name is practically certain. Both RS 17.346 and 17.406 were found in the so-called 'Hittite Archive' in
the rooms located south of Court V.
128
Maanda testifies that he had broken the sealed tablet with Urhi-Tesub's
verdict (RS 17.346.12-3). If so, RS 17.406 must be the copy kept by the governor of Ugarit.
129
set down in the 14th century, the yearly tribute of Ugarit went
directiy to Hatti where it was distributed between the king, the queen
and their leading officials (see p. 635). T h e r e is nothing in the prolific
13th century correspondence to indicate any change in this policy.
O n the contrary, when the kings of Carchemish reprimand the kings
of Ugarit for not sending sufficient presents, the destination of the
dispatches, whenever clearly stated, is to Hatti, never to Carchemish
(e.g., R S 34.136 = R S O 7, no. 7; p. 694). It is possible, of course,
that the king of Hatti shared some of his Syrian income with the
Viceroy of Carchemish, but there is nothing to suggest a direct flow
of tribute f r o m Ugarit to C a r c h e m i s h . Strange as it may seem,
Carchemish and the adjacent areas dependent on her, such as Emar,
traded with Ugarit on a regular basis of give and take (see p. 653ff.).
Finally, a brief remark should be added on the cultural impact of
Hittite rule in Ugarit (Neu 1995). A century and a half of close political and economic ties have yielded surprisingly little evidence for
Hittite influence upon the cultural life of the people of Ugarit. Only
a handful of Hittite texts have been found: a legal text probably
originating from Hattua, 1 3 2 a few literary fragments found in 1992
(Neu 1995, 127), and a trilingual fragment of a well-known literary
text ('Message of Ludingirra to his mother') which was also brought
to Ugarit from Hattua (Ug 5, 3 1 9 f f , 773ff.). In other words, probably nothing was written in Hittite in Ugarit itself, a conclusion also
supported by the quadrilingual vocabularies (Sumerian-AkkadianHurrian-Ugaritic) which did not bother to add a Hittite column.
Even the Hittite hieroglyphic seals which became very fashionable
a m o n g the upper classes of Hittite Syria (Amurru, Emar), were not
adopted at the court of Ugarit ( S i n g e r 1977, 184). T h e explanations
for this apparent lack of interest in Hittite culture must be discussed
in a broader context, but one of the reasons could be the fact, that,
in sharp contrast to A m u r r u ( S i n g e r 1991a, 177; 1992), the royal
house of Ugarit did not marry into Hittite royalty until the very end
of the the 13th century, and even then with very limited success. 133
132
5.1
Security problems
1989, 353), and in the evocation texts with the mappa mundi (KUB 15, 34
i 53; K U B 15, 35 + KBo 2, 9 i 27; K U B 26, 66 iv 5).
134 P r o b a c y the same Talimmu is mentioned in passing in a lawsuit (arbitrated
by Ini-Teub) in which the king of Ugarit claims that the tablet dealing with
Talimmu's compensation was allegedly broken by a certain Maanda (RS 17.346.1421 = PRU
176-7). For the Maanda affair, see p. 646.
135
RS 17.369B + 17.069 = PRU 4, 2 3 9 - 4 0 . T h e two texts could perhaps refer
to the same incident, but here the claimants are apparently listed by their names
BUCHNER
(11. 12'ff).
Malbran-Labat
1995,
445,
448).
136
For other verdicts of Ini-Teub, see the refs. listed in K L E N G E L 1992, 143,
. 311. For RS 17.346 (referring to a verdict of Urhi-Teub), see p. 645f.
137
For Amurru's mediation between Ugarit and the Manda troops (RS 17.286),
see p. 642.
138
Cf. Hattusili 'IIF's edict pertaining to fugitives from Ugarit seeking refuge in
the habiru territory of His Majesty (RS 17.238; see p. 682).
139
See, most recently, F R E U forthcoming, with refs. to the new evidence supplied
by the texts from Meskene/Emar, Tell eih Hamad and Tell Huera.
5.2
Despite the perils of highway robbery and similar problems, the Age
of Pax Hethitica was an incomparably lucrative era for the entire
Levantine Crescent, and especially for Ugarit, the hub of international trade. In the following entries the evidence for Ugarit's foreign relations will be classified according to her main trading partners.
As already mentioned, it is very difficult to establish a chronological order for this type of economic documents. An entry on Hatti
is not included because no trade in the regular sense of the word
is involved, but rather payment of taxes to an overlord (described
in the respective chapters). O n the other hand, with Carchemish
(and Emar) Ugarit maintained normal trade exchanges based on reciprocal interests. T o o little is known about Ugarit's trade contacts
with Aur and Babylon, although they surely must have existed, at
least in peaceful times. 140
5.2.1
140
protests that some workers 143 of the king were required to pay taxes
and threatens to bring u p the m a t t e r at the court (RS 25.461;
L a c k e n b a c h e r
1989, 317-8).
T h e trade with Ugarit was mostly held in the hands of the royal
family of Carchemish. Hemi-Teub (RS 20.184 = Ug 5, no. 28)
was Ini-Tesub's brother, 1 4 4 U p p a r a m u w a , Misramuwa (RS 17.423 =
PRU 4, 193), A1iheni (RS 15.077 = PRU 3, 6) and Ti1i-arruma 145
were his sons, and Piha- d im was his grandson. 1 4 6 O t h e r Hittite dignitaries active at the court of Carchemish, such as Zulanna (RS
17.144 = PRU 6, no. 6), Heni, 147 Taki-arruma and Tu1pi-arruma
(RS 17.251 = PRU 4, 236), were also members of the royal family.148 Some of these Hittite nobles are also known from the archives
of M e s k e n e / E m a r , where they fulfil top administrative functions
(Beckman
1995). T h u s some of their letters may have actually been
sent to Ugarit from their 'offices' in E m a r or from other centres in
the vicinity of Carchemish. 1 4 9
Ugarit maintained a regular mission in Carchemish, a sort of diplomatic corps representing the interests of the vassal kingdom at the
court of the overlord. Obviously, the diplomats sent out to Carchemish
were most competent and influential persons. Takuhlinu, for example,
after the completion of his mission in Carchemish, climbed to the
150
to deal with the payment for horses that had been delivered by PU a r r u m a to his lord: 100 silver (shekels), 4 talents of copper, and
one muttiru stove. 155
T h e importation of equids to Ugarit is also dealt with in two letters sent to the governor of Ugarit by Hittite nobles who were active
in Emar. 1 5 6 In the past Zulanna had supplied an iron blade and a
garment to his correspondent (RS 17.144 = PRU 6, no. 6). N o w he
was asked to send a horseman (lit.: 'chief'), a mule and a horse, but
he can only comply with a mare and an excellent boy who can be
trained in horsemanship. H e does not have mules to hand, but he
promises to send a good one as soon as he can get it. In return
Zulanna asks for gold, raw g1ass(?),157 and a bronze alallu.
A double letter to the governor of Ugarit was sent by Lady Yabinene and Piha- d im (RS 17.148 = PRU 6, no. 7).158 T h e former sends
a scarf, an embroidered belt, two mafjuranna and 100 (shekels) of
red purple-dyed wool; she asks for much silver. T h e latter sends a
mare for which he expects to obtain 30 silver shekels and a bronze
alallu. H e offers to send more quality horses in the future. Another
prince who demands to be reimbursed for a horse he had delivered
last year is T a p a ' e (RS 34.155 = R S O 7, no. 21). H e leaves it to
his correspondent ( E a - d g a l ) to determine the proper price.
Evidently, quality horses were one of the most expensive items
traded by nobles and merchants from Carchemish and E m a r in
return for their voluminous imports from the west. 159 T h a t this horse
blood, address the kings of Ugarit as their subordinates (e.g., Hemi-Teub in RS
20.184 and Kila'e in R S 19.070).
155
This is a simple commercial transaction and not a demand for troops, as indicated in the title of R S O 7, no. 11.
156
For the Hittite administration of Emar, see YAMADA 1 9 9 3 ; BECKMAN 1 9 9 5 ;
S I N G E R forthcoming b.
157
meku: efjhpakku. For mekku, 'a type of (raw) glass', see CAD, M / 2 , 7. For the
Hurrian gloss ef}lipakku, see L A R O C H E 1 9 7 6 - 7 , 7 6 (who compares N A , T I 'stone of
life').
158
T h e fact that Yabinene and Piha-DIM share a tablet in their letters to the
governor of Ugarit could indicate that they are mother and son; the husband/father
is U p p a r a m u w a (see p. 654). Their addressing the governor of Ugarit as 'my son'
and 'my brother', respectively, should not be taken in a literal sense (as assumed
by N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 5 6 , 1 0 , n. 1), but rather as an indication of their relative hierarchy ( S I N G E R 1 9 9 7 , 4 2 1 ) .
159
T o the examples already cited add R S 16.180 (= PRU 3, 41), where Pillaza,
the equerry (ffuburtanuru) of the king of Carchemish, sells a horse for 200 silver
(shekels). Cf. also RS 34.152 (= R S O 7, no. 39), where Mut-ra'i offers to send
IM.s.MU (Adad-ndin-umi?) 200 sheep as an advance payment for requested horses
and mules.
T h e details of this intriguing but difficult letter, which mentions among other
things an 'enemy' who has pillaged the sender's house (11. 36ff.), need further investigation. It seems that the letter refers not to conditions in Ugarit, but rather to
those in the Euphrates region.
161
For the breeding and training of quality horses in Hatti, see now S T A R K E
1995, with previous literature on the subject. For the hippiatric texts from Ugarit,
SIVAN 1983; P A R D E E 1985; C O H E N 1996. See also C A U B E T 1990 and
see C O H E N
YON 1995, 440ff. for archaeological evidence on horses and chariots in Ugarit.
162
E.g. the exquisite bow mentioned in R S O 7, no. 30: 31, 34. A special piece
of linen fabric for a garment was sent by the author of RS 20.227 (Ug 5, no. 57)
to the queen of Ugarit (left edge 3 4).
163
NU.Luy,fciA (nufjurtu) in RS 34.133.40 (= R S O 7, no. 36) is probably asa foetida,
a bad-smelling resin used as an antispasmodic. It also appears among the presents
sent from Qadesh to Ugarit (n. 205).
164
pnu in R S O 7, no. 30: 37 and uban in RS 34.133.41 (= R S O 7, no. 36) are
unidentified.
165
Perhaps identical with Ur-Teub, a business associate of Ehli-Tesub and AhiMilku (E-LUGAL) and Urtenu ( B O R D R E U I L - M A I . B R A N - I . A B A T 1995, 446; M A L B R A N L A B A T 1995b, 105; see p. 671).
166
For this influential Hittite official, see H A W K I N S 1993. In RS 17.337 (= PRU 4,
168-9), a lawsuit decided before Ini-Teub, he claims from the king of Ugarit the
households of three of his servants.
167
Occasionally the merchandise was bought in Ugarit itself, e.g., 'Sunailu, son
of Hayamuli, the kartappu of His Majesty, who has bought bronze objects in the
land" of Ugarit' (RS 17.244.5-8 = PRU 4, 231-2). T h e domicile of Lady Aru-Heba
who asks the governor of Ugarit (who used to be a good friend of her deceased
husband) to send bronze in exchange for a maiyannu-garment (CAD M / l : 398b;
CHD 3 / 2 : 205f.) is unknown (RS 25.131 = L A C K E N B A C H E R 1989, 318).
168
T w o more texts from earlier excavations must be added to the Emar dossier:
RS 20.227 (- Ug 5, no. 57) addressed to Sipti-Ba'al, and the very fragmentary letter R S 12.005 (= PRU 3, 16-7). Another letter sent from the Euphrates region to
Ugarit is RS 92.2007, discussed by A R N A U D 1996, 58ff. (see p. 708). Unfortunately,
the extant tablets from M e s k e n e / E m a r do not contain any letters sent from Ugarit.
169
Uzziltu may well be identical with Urtenu's son 'zlt who writes in R S 92.2005
to 'my master and my mother' ( B O R D R E U I L 1995a, 2).
170
It would seem that the term 'Hatti Land' already comprised within it the
433).
Tarhuntaa
W h e n the Hittite king Muwatalli II, the illustrious victor of the battle of Qadesh, transferred his capital from Hattusa to Tarhuntaa,
he laid the foundations of a n a p p a n a g e Hittite kingdom which
stretchcd along the M e d i t e r r a n e a n coast f r o m Cilicia Aspera to
Antalya and as far north as the Konya Plain. This kingdom, which
competed with Hattusa over dynastic legitimacy, maintained close
commercial ties with Ugarit until the very end of the Hittite Empire
(see n. 177).
T h e evidence from Ugarit refers mainly to the port of U r a in
western Cilicia, 173 which was the main terminal for the ships sailing
from Ugarit to Anatolia. T h e rich Hittite merchants of Ura, who
were the main entrepreneurs in the voluminous trade flowing from
and into Hittite Anatolia, started to invest in real estate and posed
a growing threat to the delicate social fabric of Ugarit ( R a i n e y 1963;
H e l t z e r 1978: 153ff.; V a r g y a s 1985). Responding to a complaint
of Niqmepa, Hattusili 'III' issued a decree forbidding the men of
U r a to acquire real estate in Ugarit and ordering them to return to
their homes in the winter season. 174 A quasi-duplicate found in the
house of Urtenu adds to U r a another Anatolian town, Kutupa. 1 7 5 If
173
For an up-to-date survey on Ura and its localization at Silifke, see L E M A I R E
1993. The Hittite merchants are variously designated as 'merchants of Ura' (RS
17.319 = PRU 4, 182-3), 'merchants of His Majesty (RS 17.316 = PRU 4, 190),
and 'merchant(s) of the king of Tarhutaa (RS 17.158; 17.042 = PRU 4, 169-71).
174
PRU 4, 103-5. Three duplicates of this text were found in close proximity in
the palace archives (room 68), and a fourth quasi-duplicate in the Urtenu archive
(RSO 7, no. 1). The main text, RS 17.130, carries the seal impression of Hattui1i
and Puduhepa; the large duplicate RS 18.003 carries the seal of Hattusili alone;
RS 17.461 is a small fragment. It is noteworthy that both impressions were applied
on the edge of the tablet (Ug 3, 16, fig. 21), rather than in the centre of the obverse
as is customary in other Hittite political documents. The fragmentary tablet from
the Urtenu archive (RS 34.179 = R S O 7, no. 1) does not carry a seal impression,
but this could have been applied on the missing edge of the tablet.
175
RS 3 4 . 1 7 9 (= R S O 7 , no. 1). Kutupa can hardly be identical with Katapa
or with Kutpa (as suggested by M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1 9 9 1 , 1 5 , n. 4 ) , both of which
must be situated in northern Hatti. It should rather be another Anatolian port trading with the Levantine coast.
an Ugaritian is unable to pay back his debt, the king of Ugarit must
turn over that m a n together with his family to the merchant of Ura,
but his property cannot be claimed. T h e fact that the text is preserved in (at least) four copies (in two versions) testifies to the importance of the decree, which probably had to be ratified periodically.
Legal disputes between citizens of Tarhuntaa and Ugarit were
judged fairly by the king of Carchemish and his representatives. IniTeub imposed a compensation on the citizens of Ugarit who were
found responsible for the m u r d e r of a m e r c h a n t of the king of
Tarhudai (RS 1 7 . 1 5 8 , 1 7 . 0 4 2 = PRU 4 , 1 6 9 - 7 2 ; see p. 6 5 1 ) . O n
the other hand, the lawsuit between N i q m a d d u III and Kumiya-ziti,
probably a rich merchant from Ura, was decided by Zuzuli in favour
of Ugarit (RS 1 8 . 0 2 0 + 1 7 . 3 7 1 = PRU 4 , 2 0 2 - 3 ; see p. 6 9 2 ) . Prince
Arma-ziti was also condemned to a large compensation to Ugarit in
a lawsuit witnessed by four citizens of U r a (RS 1 7 . 3 1 6 = PRU 4 ,
190; see p. 685). Perhaps we should add to this group of legal cases
the letter of His Majesty to Ammittamru (signed with the seal of
Puduhepa), in which the damage caused by a certain Sukku to the
ship and cargo of an u n n a m e d citizen of Ugarit was acknowledged
and reimbursed (RS 1 7 . 1 3 3 = PRU 4 , 1 1 8 - 9 ; B e c k m a n 1 9 9 6 c , 1 6 4 ) . 1 7 6
T o the last period of Ugarit belong the documents which refer to
the shipment of large quantities of grain to Ura. In an Akkadian
document the king of Ugarit is asked to supply a ship and its crew
for the transportation of 500 (measures) of grain from Muki to U r a
(Ug 5, no. 33; see p. 716). In a Hittite draft the sender expresses
his anger over the fact that a grain-laden ship was held up and urges
his correspondent to dispatch the ship immediately either to U r a or
to Lati[- ( K l e n g e l 1 9 6 9 , 3 2 4 - 5 ; see p. 7 1 8 ) .
T h e r e is no information on other merchandise that was traded
between Ugarit and Tarhuntaa. T h e only exception is the fragmentary letter of an u n n a m e d king of Tarhu(n)taa to A m m u r a p i in
which he requests small ropes or belts. 177
Finally, it should be noted that there is nothing in the texts from
Ugarit to reflect animosity between the competing kingdoms of Hatti
176
Cf. also n. 27, on a Hittite text mentioning a citizen of Ura involved in the
theft of the royal seal.
177
RS 34.139.19 (= R S O 7, no. 14): i-bi-ffi tur.me. Could these objects be somehow connected to ship building or navigation? In this case they would have been
essential for the shipping connection with Ugarit, and would not be as 'carefree'
as they seemed to NEU (1995b, 124).
SiyannuUnatu
178
For the later history of Tarhuntaa and its relations with Hatti, see S I N G E R
1996b (with further refs.).
179
The names Siyannu and Unatu are used intermittently, but they are never
juxtaposed to each other ( A S T O U R 1979, 13). For similar ancient Near Eastern 'personal unions', see BUCCELLATI 1967, ch. III.
180
One of the latest ratifications of this decree must be the one preserved in the
recently recovered tablet RS 17.403 {- Ug 3, 137-9) sealed by the Chief Scribe
Tagi-arruma (see n. 111).
181
The cylinder seal impressed on the tablet belongs to a certain Sassi who must
have been the founder of the dynasty.
divided the sacred vineyard of d Itar hurri 182 between the marzicum
of Siyannu and the marzi'u of Ari, a coastal town which belonged
to Ugarit (RS 18.001 = PRU 4, 230; A s t o u r 1979, 22; 1995, 63-4). 184
Despite these careful precautions the borders were often violated
by both sides. Besides verdicts and letters from the Hittite authorities, most of the relevant documents can be defined as formal complaints sent from Siyannu to Ugarit, or, more rarely, vice versa. Often,
but not always, Ugarit appears as the superior side in the introductory formulae of these letters ( v a n S o l d t 1991a, 7 8 , n. 210). T h e
n a m e of the sender from Siyannu is usually indicated, but that of
the addressee, either the king or the governor of Ugarit, is not. This
complicates the construction of a chronological order of the dossier,
one of the largest in the foreign correspondence of Ugarit. T h e recurring subjects provide a typical cross-section of problems occuring
along a hostile borderline within an ancient Near Eastern imperial
system: violent razzias and annexation of territories, stealing or destruction of agricultural produce, and even abduction of people and selling them into slavery.
A verdict of Ini-Teub' 8 5 imposes upon the people of Siyannu a
threefold compensation in case they are found guilty of the following grave offences: 186 the demolition of a (watch-)tower, 187 the pruning 188 of vineyards belonging to Ugarit, and the selling of the (stolen)
wine to merchants from Beirut. 189 Also, the King made provisions
182
For the various interpretations of' fjum in this context, see PUECH 1993 (with refs.).
Probably identical with marzihu/mrz)i, for which see, most recently, PARDEE 1996a.
184
Hebat of Ari figures prominently in texts of Ugarit as a divine witness (e.g.,
PRU 4, 137ff., 239). Was she perhaps assimilated with C'ITAR f}uiri to whom the
vineyard of Ari was dedicated?
185
RS 17.341 (= PRU 4, 161ff.). RS 20.174A (= Ug 5, no. 25), with a warning
to the king of Ugarit about the consequences of his violation of the borders of
Unatu and the capture of one town, may also be ascribed to Ini-Teub (YAMADA
1992, 444-5). As suggested by Yamada, the town in question may well be uksi,
an enclave of Siyannu within the territory of Ugarit.
186
Note the pejorative use of the designation habiru for the criminals who have
commited the crimes. For the same usage in the Amarna correspondence, see the
refs. cited by LIVERANI 1990, 103, n. 28 and by R A I N E Y 1995.
187
For dimtu ( AN.ZA.GR), 'tower, castle', see N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 5 5 , 2 1 7 - 8 .
188
Lit. 'cutting', which could also mean the destruction of the vineyards (so
N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 6 8 , 1 2 6 , n. 2). However, since in the next paragraph the Siyannites
are accused of selling the wine to Beirut, it is more logical to think that they were
stealing from the vineyards rather than destroying them.
189
T h e so-called 'wine war' ( N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 6 8 , 1 2 6 , n. 2) is probably also referred
to in RS 21.183 (= Ug 5, no. 41), a letter sent by the king [of Siyannu] to the
183
king of Ugarit. T h e last fragmentary passage mentions the men of Beirut who take
namzaktu ('beverages'?) from Ugarit. See further H E L T Z E R 1990.
190
The name a-p-ilim (DINGIR) is usually read as Sapilim and is analysed as an
Akkadian formation meaning 'according to the pronouncement of the G o d / E l ' (e.g.,
G R O N D A H L 1967, 47). However, a West Semitic analysis of the name, i.e., Sb-ilim
(cf. Ug. Tbil), 'God has returned (to) me,' as suggested by Gordon and endorsed
by R A I N E Y (971b, 164), is also supported by the new reading of the name GURDINGIR-FTM as b-ilim suggested below, n. 192.
191
The traces of the first sign in the name of the land could belong to an us.
192
RS 17.394 + 427 (= PRU 4, 220). Nougayrol read the name GUR-DINGIR-/Z'M
as Itur-lim, deriving it from the Akkadian reading of GUR, 'to return' (tru). However,
a West-Semitic reading, b-ilim (see n. 190), is preferable in this case since this
name is found both in Siyannu-Unatu and in Amurru ( S I N G E R 1991a, 183 with
n. 73).
193
Two 'unclassified' documents dealing with stolen cattle share the characteristics of the dossier of the 'economic war' between Ugarit and Siyannu. In RS 20.239
(= Ug 3, no. 52) Mada'e categorically demands that the governor of Ugarit look
into the matter of the cattle stolen from him by the men of Rakba. The author of
the fragmentary letter RS 15.018 (= PRU 3, 1 1 2 ) threatens to turn to the King
(of Carchemish) if he is not given proper compensation for his stolen catde.
194
RS 20.021 (= Ug 5, no! 42) and 34.158 (RSO 7, no. 16). Probably both documents refer to the same case of the sale of Ba'aliya by his business partner, probably a resident of Ugarit.
outlaws. Rather, each state was expected to judge its own criminals
according to the testimony of witnesses who were sent to appear at
the trial. In his letter to Ugarit, a certain uKUR-du195 announces that
he personally went to Siyannu to punish the person(s) who had transgressed against his correspondent's authority (RS 20.219 = Ug 5, no.
44).196 A similar message is conveyed by a certain Eppiqu to the
governor of Ugarit, his lord (RS 17.393 = PRU 4, 226-7). In his
letter to the king of Ugarit ('my father'), the king of Unatu volunteers to serve as the arbitrator in a financial dispute between subjects of the two lands (RS 17.083 = PRU 4, 216); alternatively, he
suggests sending the opponents to appear before the king of Ugarit.
W h e n it came to citizens of a third country, the authorities of
Ugarit and of Siyannu made a point of referring the case to the
appropriate court. T w o documents may be combined to reconstruct
the ventures of a citizen of Emar. In his letter to Urtenu, Zu-Atarti
(see p. 659) recounts that from Sidon 197 he arrived to Unatu where
he was detained (RS 34.153 = R S O 7, no. 35); he probably expected
his correspondent to intervene on his behalf. Finally, he asks Urtenu
to inquire whether the king had already handed over the horses to
the messenger from Alalia. From a letter of s u M - d i m , 1 9 8 king of Unatu,
to the king of Ugarit we learn that the king of Carchemish himself
had intervened to ensure a proper trial in the lawsuit between a
man of Emar (the above-mentioned Zu-Atarti?) and a man of Siyannu
(RS 17.143 = PRU 4, 16). T h e king of Unatu, however, declares
195
This seems to me a better reading of the name than Si-ni- as read by
Nougayrol. Cf. u-kr-IM in RS 20.003 (= Ug 5, no. 26).
196
T h e nature of their offence is not quite clear. I wonder whether the alleged
'turning of the sceptre (?)' in 1. 16 (KAR ( , I S PA-) could actually be read as a misconstrued Kar-ka-mi?
197
Zu-Atarti was moored somewhere in the sea (1. 14f., ina A.AB.BA abaku) when
he was taken by a a-a-ru to Sidon (1. 15f.). A R N A U D ( R S O 7, 76; 1992, 182, n. 11)
compared this ru with Ugaritic sr and biblical sar, 'prince', suggesting that this
might be an early reference to a Philistine ruler (cf. 1 Sam. 18:30). Cf. however
H U E H N E R G A R D (1997), who in his review of R S O 7 translates the respective sentence as following: was sitting (immobile) in the sea; when the wind (finally) took
me, I reached Sidon'.
198
T h e name SUM-'' is traditionally rendered with Hurrian values, Ar(i)-Teub.
However, since the kings of Ugarit bear Semitic names (with the possible exception of Ar-halba), more caution is advised in reading the ideographic spellings of
the names of the kings of Siyannu (see also G O E T Z E 1957, 25). s u M - d i M could also
have a Semitic reading, such as -ytn, dm-mateni, or the like (see G R O N D A H L 1967,
147), and until some compelling evidence for the correct reading turns up it is better to keep to the ideographic spelling of this name.
himself incompetent in the case, because, as it turns out, the adversary is not a resident of Siyannu but rather of Ari, a coastal town
which belonged to Ugarit.
5.2.4
199
Syria
3,
There is also a single letter from the king of Barga, a small kingdom in inner
( K L E N G E L 1 9 9 2 , 1 5 2 ) , but only a few lines are preserved (RS 1 5 . 0 1 9 = PRU
13).
200 p o r
possible Mari provenance of R S O 7, nos. 40, 47, see pp. 657, 728.
17.152 (= PRU 4, 214) and FALES 1984. For the possible identification of
the stone, see refs. in S I N G E R 1991a, 161, n. 36.
201
RS
202
RS 17.315 (= PRU 4, 111). Since no land is mentioned in the letter, the identity of the correspondents is open to speculation. Because of the provenance of the
tablet, it is usually assumed that Niqmepa was the king of Ugarit. Various identities have been suggested for Niqmaddu: the predecessor of Niqmepa on the throne
of Ugarit ( G O R D O N 1966, 6, n. 28); a blood brother of Niqmepa (LIPINSKI 1981,
81); the king of a neighbouring land, either Muki ( N O U G A Y R O L 1956, 111, n. 1;
VAN S O L D T 1991a, 216-7), or, more probably, Qadesh ( K I T C H E N 1962, 37; M I L L A R D
1979-80, 202). An entirely different interpretation has recently been put forward
by A R N A U D (1996, 48, . 6), who suggests that the tablet is a copy that was kept
in Ugarit, in which case Niqmaddu would be the king of Ugarit (the successor of
Ibiranu of RS 4.449) and Niqmepa would be the king of Alalah.
203
This 'brotherhood' indicates that the correspondents were of equal political
status. I do not understand Millard's statement ( M I L L A R D 1979 80, 202) that the
address reflects the relationship between an inferior and a superior king.
204
Both letters were sent to Ugarit's governor Uzzinu, one by the king of Kinza
(RS 34.146 = R S O 7, no. 15) and the other by its governor Betilum (RS 20.158 =
Ug 5, no. 51); strangely, they were found in different archives, Urtenu's and Rap'anu's,
respectively (LACKENBACHER 1995a, 73). Betilum, the governor (MASKIM) of Kinza, is
also mentioned in RS 20.172.23 (see below).
205
RS 20.172 (= Ug 5, no. 39). Perhaps N | U . L U . H [ U (1. 22), a variety of
asa foetida, see n. 1 6 3 ( N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 6 8 , 121, n. 4 , with refs.). The same plant is
mentioned in another letter from Qadesh (RS 20.016.34), and in a letter belonging to the correspondence between Emar and Ugarit (RS 34.133.40; see n. 163).
206
I agree with Nougayrol that in this context 'Great King' refers (in an exaggerated manner) to the king of Ugarit, and not to the Hittite king, as suggested by
LIVERANI
207
1962,
150.
For the Ugaritic terminology for 'copper/bronze' (Lit) and 'tin' (bn) and their
prices in Ugarit, see Z A C C A G N I N I 1970, 317ff. A new text from the Urtenu archive,
which specifies the quantity of brr needed for the manufacture of forty frames (krkb;
B O R D R E U I L - M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995, 447, 451), may perhaps throw some doubts
on the identification of bn as 'tin'.
208
RS 19.028 = PRU 6, no. 126. The same agent, Abihilu/Abgl, may be attested
in other economic texts, in connection with oil and with animal hides (see refs. in
L O R E T Z 1994, 118). The assumption that he originated from Ashdod rests on a
dubious restoration.
M K T U 4 3 3 8 _ R S 1 8 0 2 5 = P R U 5 > N O
see L O R E T Z 1 9 9 4 , 118FF., with
1 0 6 ;
further refs. The Ugaritic translation of a letter sent by the king of Byblos, found
near K T U 4 . 3 3 8 = R S 1 8 . 0 2 5 , is too fragmentary to provide any information
(KTU
2.44
RS
18.134
PRU
5, no.
159; LORETZ
1994,
124).
ARNAUD
ratified with the seal of N i q m a d d u (III?; see p. 693). T h e benefactor is a certain Iwr-kl, possibly identical with Ewri-kili (CK 7; A r n a u d
1992, 192).
Sidon seems to be the foremost amongst the 'Phoenician' kingdoms
(Arnaud
1992, 184-5). 211 T h e letters from Ugarit and some seals
provide the names of some of its rulers, but as yet these do not fit
into a clear chronological framework. 2 1 2 A dossier of documents is
consecrated to the 'great sin', a highly interesting source for the religious practices of the period. 213 It seems that some citizens of Ugarit
have commited a great offence against the Storm-god of Sidon, probably by entering the holy of holies of his temple without authorization. T h e enraged citizens of the city d e m a n d that the offenders
(designated as 'dogs') be stoned and impaled ( A r n a u d 1992, 190-1;
B o r d r e u i l 1995a, 3), whereas the king of Sidon would be content
with expiatory offerings (including fine oil brought from Egypt) to
all the gods of the kingdom and a large monetary compensation.
T h e episdes from Tyre (Sum) are perhaps the most variegated in
the 'Phoenician' dossier, but their interpretation is often very difficult
214
( A r n a u d 1992, 194; X e l l a 1995, 260).
A tablet from the Museum of
Lattaquieh contains a letter sent by the king of Tyre to the king of
Ugarit dealing with an 'unpaid bill' ( A r n a u d 1982b). T w o Ugaritians,
Ea-rabi a n d the 'harbourmaster' (rab kr) ipti-BaCa1, have taken
'large doors' 215 from the house of D a d a m i but failed to pay their
price. This is the second appeal of the king of Tyre on this matter;
211
T h e importance of Sidon in the 13th century is also demonstrated by a tablet
from Tell Chura (dated to the second half of Tukulti-Ninurta's reign) according
to which a Sidonian diplomat (Milku-ramu) forwarded some letters from Egypt to
Assyria ( O R T H M A N N 1 9 9 5 , 216).
212
A R N A U D 1992, 193; X E L L A 1995b, 2 5 9 - 6 0 ; M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995b, 104. Imtu
(RS 1 1.723), Yapa-DIM (RS 25.430A) and DIM-Ime (RS 34.149) appear in letters;
Addumu and his son Anni-WA appear on seals.
213
RS 18.054; 86.2208; 86.2221+; 86.2234; A R N A U D 1992, 189ff. A R N A U D (ib.:
189, . 48) tentatively proposes to include in this dossier also RS 20.182A (+) B, a
letter to Ramesses II dealing with a lawsuit between 'the sons of Canaan' and 'the
sons of Ugarit' (see p. 674).
214
T h e 'revised edition' (1997) of H . J . K A T Z E N S T E I N ' S History of Tyre (1973) has
not been updated with the new material from Ugarit published since the early seventies. (The 'as yet unpublished' document mentioned on p. 58 is RS 19.042 =
PRU 6, no. 79, published in 1970!).
215
T h e first sign in IG.GAI MI' is somewhat obliterated in the copy. If this reading is valid, I wonder whether it could refer here not to ordinary doors, but rather
to writing-boards (which are also designated daltu) like the one found in the shipwreck from Uluburun.
after his first appeal the king of Ugarit responded that the respective persons were presently not in Ugarit. Sipti-Ba c al must be the
well-known son-in-law of Q u e e n are11i and her business agent in a
wide range of trading activities extending from Emar to Egypt ( A r n a u d
1982b, 105-7).
Sipti-Ba'al ( T p t - b ' l ) himself is the a u t h o r of an Ugaritic letter
addressed to his lord ( K T U 2.40 = R S 18.040 = PRU 5, 63). After
the courtesy formula the author announces that: cbdk b Iwsnd w b sr
c
m mlk, 'your servant (is) in Iwsnd and in sr with the king' (11. 9-12).
In his editio prnceps Virolleaud identified the second location as referring to the city of Tyre. A s t o u r (1965, 257) emended this reading
into [y\bsr, 'he fortified', and identified the first locative with the
eastern Cilician town of Lawazantiya, identified with Lusanda in a
Neo-Assyrian document. From this identification he developed a farfetched historical scenario (cf. L i v e r a n i 1979a, 134) according to
which ipti-Ba c al was 'the Ugaritic commander on the northern front'
who fortified himself together with the Hittite king in Lusanda 'after
all of Anatolia had already been lost almost up to the Amanus'.
Taking into consideration the a b u n d a n t new data on ipt i-Ba c al, and
especially the above-mentioned Lattaquieh letter, it may be safer to
return to Virolleaud's original rendering and conclude that the letter
was probably sent by Sipti-Ba'al from the court of the king of Tyre.
An unusually large tablet (RS 34.167 = R S O 7, no. 25), probably dispatched from Tyre, contains the letter of Ur-Teub to his
'brother' Ahi-Milku/Malki (e-lugal) 2 1 6 recounting the lethal disease
(perhaps a plague) of his son who was sent away from Tyre to a
relative residing in the C a p e of Tyre ( u r l s a g . d u Sum). In the second part of his long letter the sender requests his correspondent to
send to him 50 jars ( d u g m e s g a l ) of [oil?], 30 silver (shekels) and
one talent of copper. In return he proposes to send several items,
including purple-dyed wool and a talent of (dried) fish, both typical
products of Tyre. Ur-Tesub was the head of a large Ugaritian firm
trading especially in the export of oil to Hatti and to Egypt ( B o r d r e u i l
1995, 446, 449). Four letters addressed to him
Malbran-Labat
were found in the Urtenu archive in 1994, two from Ahi-Milku/Malki
and two from Ehli-Tesub, a scribe who was active under N i q m a d d u
III ( M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995b, 105; see p. 691).
216
and
F o r t h e r e a d i n g s of t h e s e n a m e s , see B O R D R E U I L - M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1 9 9 5 , 4 4 6
MALBRAN-LABAT
1995B,
105.
217
RS 17.424c + 397B (= PRU 4, 219). Instead of Nougavrol's URl!Am{?)-qi one
should probably read with A R N A U D (1996, 63, . 94) U R L V K l (either in status absolutus, or with the omission of the final -). A m q i / a in the Lebanon Valley was not
a unified geo-political unit ruled by a single king ( A H A R O N I 1953; S I N G E R 1988a, 3).
218
Nougayrol reads the name Addu-dayyanu. This king of Tyre is also attested
in a new document from the Urtenu archive ( M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995b, 104; A R N A U D
1996, 63, . 94). An Amarna Age king of Tyre probably bears the same name (EA
295.3: ] - D I . K U D ; M O R A N 1992, 337), which may be a dynastic name.
219
N O U G A Y R O L ( 1 9 5 6 , 2 1 9 ) reads the name as U-zakaptu.
220
UGULA kri, to be read either as akil kri, or, more probably, rab kri (ARNAUD
1996, 61). T h e Ugaritic equivalent could be either rb m'ifyd (for which see VIROLLEAUD
1965, 14-5; A S T O U R 1970; LIVERANI 1979b: 499), or rb tmtt ( A R N A U D 1996: 63,
. 95). T h e 'harbourmaster' was responsible for collecting the custom taxes in port
towns, whereas the 'tax collector' (mkisu) did the same along the land borders of
Hittite Syria ( A R N A U D 1996, 61). T h e collection of various taxes and tolls (manaJftu,
miksu) figures prominently in the new texts from the Urtenu archive ( M A L B R A N L A B A T 1995b, 106).
221
For a new translation and interpretation of this text, see A R N A U D 1996, 63.
He tentatively suggests (n. 96) that the 'oil' coming from Tyre could actually be
scented oil, i.e. some perfume (perhaps of Egyptian origin), which would explain
the high custom taxes paid for it.
222
K T U 2.38 = RS 18.031 = PRU 5, no. 59. A R N A U D 1992, 194 mentions a
further letter sent from a king of Tyre to the king of Ugarit (RS Varia 25).
223
For the various interpretations of the office of the rb tmtt, see C U N C H I L L O S
1989a, 354-5, n. 17 ('head of team'), and add A R N A U D (1996, 63, . 95), who proposes that it is the Ugaritic equivalent of rab kri, 'harbourmaster' (see n. 220).
224
For the different meanings of dr'/dr', see C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 3 5 5 n. 19 (with
refs.).
cargo and the crew safely to Ugarit. This interpretation would fit
perfectly within the context of the grain exports from Egypt to Hatti
at the end of the 13th century (see pp. 715-9).
5.2.6
T h e 'Egyptian alternative' never really vanished from Ugarit's perspective. With a strong mercantile and maritime orientation, Ugarit's
natural major partner was Egypt, rather than the continental Hittites.
T h e vigorous Syrian policy of the kings of the early Hittite Empire
forced Ugarit to curtail for a while her traditional ties with Egypt,
especially on the eve of the battle of Qadesh. However, with the advent of the Silver Treaty signed between Hattusili 'III' and Ramesses
II in 1258, Ugarit was a m o n g the first to exploit the huge commercial benefits of the Pax Hethitica.
T h e resumption of full-scale contacts with Egypt and her Canaanite
provinces is documented both in the written and in the archaeological record of Ugarit. About half a dozen stone and alabaster
vases carry the cartouches of Ramesses II, matching more-or-less the
quantity of such finds from the A m a r n a Age. 223
Egyptian merchants were active in the economic life of Ugarit,
trading not only in commodities 2 2 6 and real estate, 227 but also in
slaves. Hehea, the Egyptian, released an undefined n u m b e r of persons for 400 shekels (RS 15.011 = PRU 3, 19). In a letter exchange
between the kings of Ugarit a n d Unatu it is reported that the
Egyptians have released a person who was sold to them by his companion, though they kept his belongings (RS 20.021 - Ug 5, 126ff;
see n. 194).
Canaanites were well distinguished from Egyptians in the documentation from Ugarit ( A s t o u r 1981a, 25). A fragmentary letter
225
RS 11.261; 11.848; 11.869; 1-11.[115]; 15.201; 34.030 (see C A U B E T 1991a,
214, and refs. cited in R S O 5.1). Large quantities of alabaster vessels were found
in the so-called 'House of the alabaster vessels' east of the royal palace (YON 1997b,
76). O n Ugarit's preference for Egyptian artistic styles, see YON 1994b, 4 2 7 - 8 (with
further refs.).
226
In K T U 4.352 = RS 18.042.4 = PRU 5, no. 95 Egyptians receive a large
quantity of oil. In RS 16.341 = PRU 2: no. 113 Egyptians receive rations of wine
from the royal palace.
227
According to RS 16.136 = PRU 3, 142 the Egyptian Pa'ahi received a large
domain from king Ammittamru II.
deals with the settling of a large monetary dispute (one talent and
500 shekels of silver) between the 'sons of the Land of Ugarit' and the
'sons of the Land of C a n a a n ' (RS 2 0 . 1 8 2 + 2 0 . 1 8 1 = Ug 5 , no. 3 6 ;
augmented and collated by L a c k e n b a c h e r 1 9 9 4 ) . In the fragmentary
opening lines the king of Ugarit addresses Pharaoh (Ramesses II)
with the flattering epithets, 'powerful king' (sarri qarrad) and 'lord of
all the lands'. Burhanuwa (1. 10') is no doubt the well-known Egyptian
messenger Parihnawa who travelled between the courts of Egypt and
Hatti at the time of the Silver Treaty in 1258 and the royal marriage between Ramesses II and a Hittite princess in 1 2 4 5 ( Y o y o t t e
apud N o u g a y r o l 1 9 6 8 , 1 1 2 , n. 3 ; E d e l 1 9 7 6 , 7 9 ) .
T h e regulation of the caravan routes linking Egypt and Hatti and
their passage through the territory of Ugarit is the subject of several documents. A decree of Tudhaliya empowers Ammittamru II
to prevent the transfer of horses from Hatti to Egypt and vice versa
from passing through his territory (RSL 2 = PRU 6, no. 1 79).228
T h e full significance of this prohibition is not known, but it may
have to do with the lucrative trade in quality horses frequently alluded
to in the letters from Ugarit (cf. N o u g a y r o l 1970, 129, n. 3; S i n g e r
1983b, 27, n. 3).
T h e itinerary of the trading routes between Hatti and Egypt is
also discussed in the Ugaritic translation of Puduhepa's letter to
N i q m a d d u III ( K T U 2.36 = R S 17.435+; see p. 693). T h e meaning
of the fragmentary passage is not entirely clear, but it seems that the
king of Ugarit complained that caravans were by-passing his kingdom, probably using an alternative inland artery along the Orontes
valley. 229 T h e reason for Ugarit's concern is obvious: the merchants
passing through the territory of Ugarit not only traded imported
merchandise for local produce, but also paid high custom tolls which
enriched the treasuries of the city. 230
In the private correspondence of the great merchants operating
the caravan routes along the Levant there is often mention of trips
Cf. also the small fragment Ug 5, no. 47 which seems to deal with commerce
with M]u-us-ri-i (probably Egypt, despite the unusual spelling).
229
The fragmentary passage mentions Ngt/Nuhhai (1. 17), Qd/Kinza (1. 27'),
and possibly N[iya] in the 'Valley' (1. 18: 'mq\ or perhaps the land of Amqi?).
230
See, e.g., p. 672 on the custom tolls paid to the harbourmaster of Ugarit by
some merchants from Tyre (PRU 4, 219). Contrary to the above interpretation of
the passage from Puduhepa's letter, D I J K S T R A ( 1 9 8 9 , 1 4 5 ) assumes that the king of
Ugarit sought to divert the caravans away from his kingdom because of some damage caused by them.
228
to Egypt. Urhae, whose regular business was with Hatti, eagerly proposes to join his colleague Yabninu on his next trip to Egypt (RS
19.050 = PRU 6, no. 14). According to another letter he sends him
a horse, perhaps as an incentive for further cooperation (RS 22.006
= PRU 6, no. 16). Another entrepreneur who was active along the
'Phoenician' coast and in Egypt was Sipti-Ba'al, the well-known agent
of the queen of Ugarit (p. 697). In RS 34.173 ( R S O 7, no. 33)
Dagan-belu informs Urtenu that his master (no doubt Sipti-Ba'al)
will write to him soon about his Egyptian affairs.
Luxury goods were traded with Egypt throughout the period under
consideration, but the last decades of the Hittite Empire added a
new dimension to these close commercial ties. T h e importation of
grain from Egypt to Hatti and Ugarit's vital role in this trade will
be described in the entries dealing with the last period of the city
(p. 715ff).
5.2.7
T h e first commercial contacts between Ugarit and the eastern Mediterranean islands go back to the early part of the second millennium
bce (see n. 42). After a considerable decrease in these ties around
the mid-second millennium (LH I and LH II), there is again an
upsurge of demand for western products in the 14th13th centuries. 231
However, the early theory of the existence of a Mycenaean colony
in Ugarit has categorically been refuted ( A s t o u r 1973b, 25, with
refs.; C o u r t o i s 1987, 216-7). In the vast written documentation from
Ugarit there is not a single record of an Aegean merchant trading
in the city, and none of the hundreds of names can be shown to
be of a clear Aegean type ( A s t o u r 1981b, 29). Juxtaposed with the
evidence for the presence of countless other foreigners in Ugarit
Egyptians, Canaanites, 'Mesopotamians', A1aiotes, not to mention
Hittitesthis absence can hardly be accidental and must indicate
that most 232 of Ugarit's lucrative trade with the Aegean was in the
hands of Syrian merchants and Cypriot intermediaries. A rare textual
231
ASTOUR
1973a, 24ff.;
COURTOIS
CAUBET -
1995,
104ff.
232
That some ships from the Aegean must have reached the Levantine coast is
shown by the clause in Tudljaliya's treaty with augamuwa of Amurru which
imposed a blockade on the trade between Assyria and ships of [A^iyauia ( K H N E
1 9 7 1 , 1 6 - 7 ) . For the refutation of S T E I N E R ' S ( 1 9 8 9 ) alternative restoration of
the fragmentary name as '[ba]tt1e ships', see SINGER 1991a, 171, n. 5 6 ; LEHMANN
1991, 111, n. 11.
233
RS 16.238 (= PRU 3, 107-8). As recognized by Nougayrol, the ideographic
pun KUR DUGUD-R (1. 10) must be read as Kaptu-ri (see also ASTOUR 1973a, 25-6).
It is not entirely clear whether the Ugaritic occurrences of krty refer to Crete or
rather to a PN ( W A T S O N 1994c, 498). For a renewed attempt to identify Yman in
K T U 1.4 = R S 2. [008]+ i 43 with Ionia, see DIETRICH - LORETZ 1998 (with refs.
to previous bibliography). Cf. however, ASTOUR 1995, 60ff., who locates Yman in
the eastern part of the kingdom of Ugarit.
234
R S O 5 / 1 : 418, to which add a new bulla from the house of Urtenu (YON
1 9 9 5 , 4 4 1 , fig. 7).
235 p o r
deportation of the princes Himi-arruma and R-arruma, sons of
Ahat-Milku, see p. 642 (RS 17.352). The" brothers Amar-DIM and Yadu-DIM who
fled from A1aia were passed on from Hattusili 'III' to the king of Carchemish, who
in his turn gave them to his son Ti1i-arruma (RS 18.114 = PRU 4, 82).
236
M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995b, 105. A Cypriot bronze tripod was found in the socalled 'Temple of rhytons' (RS 80.5102; YON 1994b, 430-1).
237
For the Cypriot and Helladic pottery and figurines from Ugarit, see COURTOIS
1 9 7 8 , 2 8 2 - 3 6 3 ; C A U B E T - M A T O I A N 1 9 9 5 (with further refs.).
Horses bred in the east were given by the king of Ugarit to a messenger of A1aia ( R S 34.153 = R S O 7, no. 35; see also M a l b r a n L a b a t 1995b, 105). A large quantity of oil (660 measures) was alloted
to an A1aiote according to an Ugaritic inventory list ( K T U 4.352
= R S 18.042 = PRU 5, no. 95). 238 T h e shipment of oil is discussed
in a letter of N i q m a d d u (III) to his 'father', the king of A1aia ( R S
20.168 = Ug 5, no. 21; see p. 720). T h e r e is n o evidence as yet for
the participation of A1aia in the vital trade in grains. 239 In a new
letter f r o m the U r t e n u archive an Ugaritian scribe residing in A1aia
asks his king to send him a table a n d five chairs ( M a l b r a n - L a b a t
B o r d r e u i l 1995, 445). T h e maritime trade with C y p r u s was mostly
held in the hands of a few wealthy m e r c h a n t s w h o possessed the
necessary capital for large-scale a n d risky investments. O n e of these
must have been Y a b n i n u , p r o b a b l y the last resident of the large
S o u t h e r n Palace which also yielded, in addition to sixty Akkadian
a n d five Ugaritic texts, two C y p r o - M i n o a n d o c u m e n t s ( C o u r t o i s
1990; Y o n 1998a, 6Iff.).
In concluding this brief overview of trade contacts with A1aia,
mention should be m a d e of a much-discussed Ugaritic letter dealing
with the purchase of ships ( K T U 2.42 + 2.43 = R S 18.113A (+)
= PRU 5, no. 8; P a r d e e 1987c, 204ff.). It contains the intriguing
expression nmry mlk clm, 'Nmry, king of the world/eternity' (1. 9), which
has caused m u c h confusion with regard to the destination of the letter and its dating. Virolleaud took nmry as an alphabetic spelling of
N i m m u r i a (Nb-m3 c t-r e ), the p r e n o m e n of A m e n o p h i s III, an identification which has been accepted by most commentators. 2 4 0 If so,
this would be the only letter in the palace archives which predates
the conflagration mentioned in EA 151 (see p. 630), and, as observed
by L i v e r a n i (1962, 28, n. 6), this fact in itself raises serious doubts
238
Persons from A1aia appear in many Ugaritic lists, such as rations distributed
from the palace of Ugarit ( K N A P P 1983, 43; W A L L S 1996). T h e fragmentary Akkadian
colophon of an Ugaritic census of thirty households (including women and children)
reads A1aia ( K T U 4.102 = RS 11.857). This solicited various interpretations (LIVERANI 1962, 9 2 f f , with previous refs.; M A C D O N A L D 1978), the most plausible of which
is that the list refers to citizens of Ugarit who lived in A1aia (LIVERANI 1962, 94).
239
T h e letter of Pgn ( K T U 2.46 = RS 18.147) which was thought to originate
from A1aia has plausibly been associated with the Hittite official Pukana on a seal
from Tarsus (see p. 718).
240
E.g. LIPINSKI 1977; PARDEE 1987C, 207; K L E N G E L 1992, 149, . 356. Cf. however, the doubts raised by LIVERANI 1962, 28, n. 6 (but cf. 1979a, 1303), RAINEY
1974, 188, and VAN S O L D T 1991a, 88.
about its early dating. H e also called attention to the fact that the
tablet was found in close proximity to a group of Ugaritic texts dealing with maritime trade, which can hardly be dated as early as the
A m a r n a Age ( L i v e r a n i 1979b, 499).
'Nmiy, king of the world/eternity' follows after a list of deities
invoked by the sender: Ba'al^Saphon 1 ( L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1303; Pardee
1987, 206-7), 'the Eternal Sun' (p clm), Astarte, Anat, and all the
gods of A1aia. It is usually assumed that he is the addressee of the
letter and the beneficiary of the blessings ( L i p i n s k i 1977; P a r d e e
1987c, 207), but K n a p p (1983, 40, 42) has raised the possibility that
the Egyptian king is invoked here as a deity. I would go a step further and reject the whole Egyptian connection, adopting a brief
remark of R a i n e y (1974, 188) who derived nmry from Ugaritic *mrr,
'to bless, strengthen'. Thus, the last deity in the invocation may perhaps be rendered as 'the blessed/strong one, king of the world/eternity', which could be an appellative for the supreme god of A1aia.241
With the alleged Egyptian connection removed, the letter easily
finds its Sitz im Leben in the rich 13th century documentation on
maritime trade in the eastern Mediterranean ( K n a p p 1983, 42-3).
T h e anonymous sender of the letter is probably a 'harbourmaster' 2 4 2
who serves as an arbiter between merchants from A1aia and Ugarit,
seeking to obtain the approval of the king of Ugarit for the transaction. It is only natural that in blessing his lord he should invoke
the gods of both countries.
5.3
Ammittamru II (ca.
1260-1235)
241
Although I cannot suggest an identification of this deity, it is well to remember that we know very little on the theonyms of second millennium Cyprus. For
the epithet 'king of eternity,' which seems to imply a chthonian character of the
deity, see Pardee 1988b, 89~91 ( K T U 1.108 = RS 24.252.1; with ample refs. to
Egyptian, Phoenician and biblical parallels).
242
The fragmentary title rb m'i[. . .] has variously been restored as rb m'i[hd],
'harbourmaster' ( V I R O L L E A U D 1965, 14-5; A S T O U R 1970; L I V E R A N I 1979b, 499), rb
m'i[smn], 'chief of the seal' (LIPINSKI 1977, 214), or rb m'i[t\, 'chief of the hundred'
( D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1976, 21-2; K N A P P 1983, 39; VAN S O L D T 1991a, 88). The first
restoration seems best to fit the contents of the letter, which deals with the sale of
ships.
2+3
made to swear before Itar of the Field that in future they would
never challenge this arrangement. Behind these laconic sentences
may hide a grievous drama. T h e nature of the brothers' offence is
nowhere stated, but it probably had to do with the struggle for the
throne of Ugarit. T h e aged mother had to give her consent to the
banishment of two of her sons in order to safeguard the throne for
her third (and youngest?) son. Is it too sentimental to imagine that
it was their mother's intervention that saved them from an even
harsher destiny and secured for them at least a comfortable exile in
Cyprus?
5.3.1
Marital problems
sheep, and all [their possessions]' (11. 12-16). One gets the impression that Tudhaliya's
more elaborate text is the original verdict and Ini-Teub's is a summary of it.
250
T h e equation between 'the daughter of Benteina' and 'the daughter of the
Great Lady,' first suggested by Schaeffer in the fifties ( S C H A E F F E R 1956, 32), is by
now practically certain (see S I N G E R 1991a, 174-5; 1991b, 334-5, with refs.), although
it is still considered with some hesitation by some leading authorities ( L I V E R A N I
1979a, 1309; LIPINSKI 1981, 91; K L E N G E L 1992, 142; N E U 1995b, 120-1; BECKMAN
1996c, 166). The problem of the exact definition of the title DUMU.SAL GAL in Hittite
sources cannot be discussed here. See S I N G E R 1991b; N E U 1995b, 121; K L I N G E R
1996, 215-6; H O U W I N K TEN C A T E 1996 (with further refs.).
251
PARDEE
1991,
150).
K L E N G E L 1 9 9 1 , 2 3 4 ; H O U W I N K TEN C A T E
1996,
53-4.
253
5.3.2
W h e r e a s we possess a full series of A m u r r u treaties f r o m uppiluliu m a I to T u d h a l i y a 'IV', no comprehensive treaty with Ugarit is
known after MurSili's treaty with N i q m e p a . T h i s m a y be d u e to the
fortunes of excavation, but there is also a possibility that the standard comprehensive type of treaty was partially replaced by a series
of m o r e specialized decrees. For example, Hattusili 'III' issued an
edict pertaining to fugitives f r o m Ugarit which echoes similar provisions in standard treaties ( R S 17.238 = PRU 4, 107-8): 255 'If some
subject of the king of Ugarit, or a citizen of Ugarit, or a servant of
a subject of the king of Ugarit departs a n d enters the territory of
the Ijabiru of M y Majesty, I, G r e a t King, will not accept him but
will return him to the king of Ugarit' ( B e c k m a n 1996c, 163). T h e
habiru territory m a y refer to scarcely-inhabited highland areas n o r t h
of Ugarit, but the decree deliberately does not cover the possibility
of a citizen of Ugarit seeking refuge in the heartland of Hatti. Even
so, this edict, which m a y reflect the basic division of Ugaritic society ( H e l t z e r 1976, 4 - 5 ) , is exceptionally favourable towards Ugarit.
As a rule, the Hittite king d e m a n d s the i m m e d i a t e extradition of
people w h o fled f r o m Hatti, but he reserves to himself the right to
keep back fugitives of vassal states w h o f o u n d refuge in his land
256
( K o r o s e c 1960, 70).
This includes Mursili's treaty with N i q m e p a ;
the king of Ugarit m a y ask for the extradition of his r u n a w a y citizens, but the king of Hatti is in no way obliged to fulfil his request
( B e c k m a n 1996c, 62, 9, 12). T h e significant c h a n g e in policy to
the benefit of Ugarit m a y in fact be one of the reasons why the
Hittite king did not w a n t to lay d o w n such a preferential precedent
in a standard type of treaty.
Even m o r e exceptional is the edict issued by Ini-Teub in which
he releases the king of Ugarit 2 5 7 f r o m his vassal duty to send chariots a n d infantry to participate in the i m m i n e n t w a r against Assyria
255
Note also RS 17.361A (= PRU 6, no. 76), a label written in Akkadian: 'This
tablet concerns fugitives' (see VAN SOLDT 1989b, 380, 384, no. 27).
256
See e.g. in the treaties with Aziru of Amurru (BECKMAN 1996c, 35, 10), with
Tette of Nuhhai (ib.: 52, 9), and in all the Arzawa treaties (HEINHOLD-KRAHMER
1977, 103ff.). In the late treaties with Amurru (Benteina and augamuwa) the
respective paragraphs are not preserved.
257
His name is broken away (1. 4), but Nougayrol's restoration Ammittamru seems
to have been universally accepted. Theoretically, Ibiranu, in whose reign the war
with Assyria flared up (p. 686), cannot be excluded.
T H E WEAKENING G R I P OF THE
6.1
Ibiranu (ca
HITTITES
1235-1225/1220)
KLENGEL
1992,
1 4 0 , . 2 9 3 ; ARNAUD
1996, 60, .
75.
260 p o r [^g equation between mur' uriyanni and mur' of Ibiranu, a group of
liaison-men or officers of the king, see N O U G A Y R O L 1956, 186; LIVERANI 1962, 125;
H E L T Z E R 1982, 154ff; VAN S O L D T 1991a, 11-2; SANMARTIN 1995b, 460ff.
261
A Hurrian text found in the so-called 'House of the Hurrian priest' may perhaps contain the liturgy of a ritual commemorating the death of Ammittamru II
( K T U 1.125 = R S 24.274; D I E T R I C H
M A Y E R 1997a).
262
Clearly, even if one rejects the purported synchronism with Tukulti-Ninurta,
Ibiranu's reign could not have started as late as 1213 (VAN S O L D T 1991a, 10). Raising
the dates of his reign also conforms to the new information concerning the length
of the reigns of Niqmaddu III and Ammurapi.
266
267
F o r
GISdaprnu, s e e LIVERANI
1962,
126, n.
12.
(RS 17.292 = PRU 4, 188) and the one sent by Prince Alihesni 268
(RS 15.077 = PRU 3, 6-7) are addressed to Ibiranu; Ebina'e himself addresses the governor of Ugarit (RS 17.078 = PRU 4, 196-7).
None of these letters refers to the border in question, but the choice
is practically reduced to Muki or Siyannu, more probably the latter
(see p. 640). Prince Arma-ziti is well-known from Hittite texts dating to Hattusili ' I I I ' and Tudhaliya 'IV' ( I m p a r a t i 1987, 197ff; 1988).
H e was a scribe who fulfilled important functions in the religious
administration. Although his official tide is not stated, 269 he is often
involved in bird oracles which are usually performed by the uriyanni.'m
According to one of the texts dealing with the border dispute between
Ugarit and Siyannu, it was the unyannu who divided the territory
and set up the boundary stones between the two kingdoms. 2 ' 1 It is
quite possible that this complicated matter was taken up again in
the reign of Ibiranu: Arma-ziti fixed the borders (through bird oracles?), and two officials, Ebina'e 2 7 2 and Kurkalli, were sent out to
mark them.
Arma-ziti appears in two other texts from Ugarit. In RS 17.314
(= PRU 4, 189) he officiates as judge in a lawsuit between Pusku,
the merchant of the queen of Ugarit, and the custom-official (mkisu) Aball. In R S 17.316 (= PRU 4, 190) Arma-ziti himself is being
accused and sentenced to pay 300 silver shekels to the king of Ugarit
and to the sons of Musrana. T h e four witnesses are all citizens of
Ura, merchants of His Majesty. Each of the two documents carries
a different hieroglyphic Hittite seal of Arma-ziti (Ug 3, 37-8, figs.
48-51; S i n g e r 1983b, 5, n. 4).
268
For Aliljesni in the Hittite sources, see IMPARATI 1975, 115-6; 1987, 196-7.
An Arma-ziti ( d siN-L) 'chief of the tapri- men' appears in fragmentary context in a text dated to Suppiluliuma II (KUB 21.7 iii 3', 5'). Could he be identical with Arma-ziti who was already active in the reign of Hattui1i ' I I I ' ?
270
L I V E R A N I 1962, 73; P E C C H I O L I D A D D I 1982, 266ff. For the various attempts
to equate the uryanni/u with other cuneiform titles, see ALP 1991, 323-4 (with previous refs.). See also R S T E R 1993, 68-9.
271
RS 17.368 (= PRU 4, 76-7) is usually dated to Mursili II, but in fact it could
be a later ratification of Mursili's decree quoted in extenso in the first part of the
text. Note also the label carrying the inscription 'Document concerning the borders
which the unyannu established for the king of Ugarit' (KTU 6.29 = RS 17.364 =
PRU 2, no. 171 VAN S O L D T 1989a, 380, no. 30), which could have been attached
to RS 17.368 (found in the same room).
272
The fragmentary hieroglyphic seal impression on RS 1 7.368 is not reproduced
in the publication, but, according to L A R O C H E (PRU 4, 76), the first and the only
preserved sign in the name is I / E (L 209), which could perhaps belong to Ebina'e
mentioned in RS 17.078 (= PRU 4, 196).
269
O t h e r documents within the corpus of the anonymous correspondence between Ugarit and Carchemish may also belong to Ibiranu's
reign, including letters written in Ugaritic, probably by messengers
of the king of Ugarit residing in Carchemish. 2 7 3
6.1.1
273
T h e dispatch of another kartappu of His Majesty (H-r[u-?) is announced in a letter of the king of Carchemish (RS 34.138 = R S O 7,
no. 8). He is supposed to carry with him a tablet of His Majesty
and only upon its presentation should the king of Ugarit meet his
request. T e r m s related to the army do not occur, but nearly half of
the tablet is mutilated.
T h e forthcoming visit of one of these kartappu to Ugarit may well
be the subject of another letter from the Urtenu archive, R S 34.150
(= R S O 7, no. 10). e n - c i i m (Ewri-Teub?) announces to his king that
a messenger of the king of Carchemish was sent out to inspect the
troops of Qadesh, and will subsequently continue to Ugarit. T h e
well-informed servant advises his king not to show any of his chariots and troops to the messenger of Carchemish, who intends to put
them on march with provisions for five [days?] ,279
Perhaps these documents dealing with a projected muster of armies 280
in central Syria may be related to a letter found on the surface in
1971 in the area which later turned out to be Urtenu's residence
(RS 32.204 = R S O 7, no. 19; B o r d r e u i l 1981, 43). It is a double
letter sent by Kila'e to the queen and the king of Ugarit, announcing the departure of the King (of Carchemish) towards Nirabi (Neirab,
near Halab) the following day. 281 Kila'e politely proposes that both
the king of Ugarit and a certain Bin-Kabkamma (perhaps a representative of the queen of Ugarit) should come to Nirabi to meet the
viceroy in person. In his preliminary notes (quoted in R S O 7, 51)
Nougayrol assigned to this letter a legal context, i.e. a lawsuit between
TISCHLER
1978,
111-2)?
Tukulti-Ninurta soon revealed his real plans when he opened a vigorous offensive on the northern front of Nihriya. As frankly admitted
in a Hittite text, 286 Tudhaliya was deserted by his ally (probably
Iuwa) and was utterly defeated by the Assyrians, who lost no time
in spreading the news in Syria. An Assyrian letter (from the Urtenu
archive) sent to [Ibira]na king of U[garit] 287 describes in detail the
circumstances which led to the decisive battle (RS 3 4 . 1 6 5 = R S O
7 , no. 4 6 ; L a c k e n b a c h e r
1982; S i n g e r
1 9 8 5 ) . Unfortunately, from
the name of the sender only the second element in Shalmaneser's
n a m e is preserved (sag), which must belong to Tukulti-Ninurta's
filiation.288 If so, this letter provides an important synchronism between
Ugarit, Hatti, and Aur. T h e battle probably took place in TukultiNinurta's first year ( 1 2 3 3 ) , which may provide a terminus ante quern
for Ibiranu's ascent to the throne.
T h e Assyrian king's very act of reporting his victory to an acknowledged Hittite vassal was no doubt more than a simple act of courtesy. It was an overture for cooperation with Ugarit, practically 'over
the head' of Carchemish, in a renewed attempt to gain access to
the Mediterranean. Ugarit's reaction to this political bid is not known,
but probably she was not entirely uninterested. 289 T h e same applies
280
Queen arelli
tic and cultural grounds, 293 and it seems that the whole theory has
meanwhile been abandoned.
As for Sarelli's exact dating, she was considered to be Ammurapi's
spouse because she appears next to him in the liturgical text commemorating his coronation. 2 9 4 However, she is already attested as
queen in texts preceding Ammurapi's reign and was therefore provisionally 'matched' with N i q m a d d u III (e.g., B o r d r e u i l 1983, 77).
This again had to be revised in view of a text from the Urtenu
archive which proves that N i q m a d d u III married a Hittite princess
(RS 34.136; see p. 695). Simply by a process of elimination one is
left with Ibiranu, as tentatively suggested by v a n S o l d t (1991, 18;
cf. also A b o u d 1994, 34). At any rate, Sarelli apparently outlived
both her husband and her son and was actively involved as dowager queen in various state affairs. This exceptional status may explain
why she was hailed at the coronation of her grandson A m m u r a p i
by which time she must have reached a respectable old age. T h e
new documents from the Urtenu archive reveal her deep involvement in the foreign trade of Ugarit, regulated by her son-in-law and
commercial agent Sipti-Ba'al ( B o r d r e u i l - M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995,
444). Since most of her dated texts fall into the reign of N i q m a d d u
III, Sarelli's manifold activities will be dealt with in the next entry.
6.2
1225/1220-1215)
Until recently Niqmaddu III was the least documented king of Ugarit
( L i v e r a n i 1962, 129; K l e n g e l 1992, 147). This situation has changed
drastically with the discovery of the Urtenu archive in which Niqmaddu
III appears to be the best documented king ( M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995b,
106, 111).
T h e r e are four legal documents from the palace archives in which
N i q m a d d u ' s filiation to Ibiranu is explicidy mentioned. T h e only
fully preserved text was written by the sukkallu and scribe EhliTeub, 2 9 5 and was sealed with the (original) dynastic seal declared to
293
L A R O C H E 1976-7, 218; D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1983C, 303; VAN S O L D T 1985-6;
1991a, 16, nn. 142-3 (with further refs.).
294
[T]ryl in K T U 1 . 1 6 1 = R S 3 4 . 1 2 6 . 3 2 ( = R S O 7 , no. 9 0 ) ; B O R D R E U I L -
PARDEE
295
1982,
1 2 8 ; LEVINE
DE T A R R A G O N
ROBERTSON
1997B,
357
8.
In the new documents from the Urtenu archive Ehli-Tesub appears as a business associate of Ur-Teub and of Ahi-Milku/Malki (E-LUGAL), the three of them
heading a wealthy firm trading in particular with Tyre and Sidon ( B O R D R E U I L -
Levine
de
T a r r a g o n
1984,
654).
Several texts belong to a N i q m a d d u without a mention of his patrimony (PRU 4, 199ff.), but their attribution to N i q m a d d u III is quite
plausible, and there is no need to add an alleged 'Niqmaddu IIa'
to the royal line (see p. 694). RS 18.020 + 17.371 (= PRU 4, 202-3)
is a lawsuit between N i q m a d d u and Kumiya-ziti, probably a rich
merchant from Ura. T h e verdict in favour of N i q m a d d u was given
by Zuzuli, the kartappu of the king of Carchemish. 2 9 6 T h e witnesses
are from U r a and from Ugarit, and the tablet was written by SIG 5 d
N.ERin.GAL (Nu C me-Raap?) son of Abaya, a well-known scribe who
was active from the days of Ammittamru II onwards ( v a n S o l d t
1991a, 10, 22). A further legal text, the case of Kiliya the priest of
Itar of Zinzaru, is witnessed by the same scribe and two further
witnesses who are also present in the previous document (RS 18.002
= PRU 4, 201). An Ugaritic legal text dealing with the liberation of
a slave (Stq-lm) is signed with N i q m a d d u ' s seal ( K T U 2.19 = RS
15.125 = PRU 2, no. 5). N i q m a d d u is also the author of a fragmentary letter to A1aia dealing with an oil transaction (RS 20.168
= Ug 5, no. 21). T h e subordinate position of the king of Ugarit with
respect to his correspondent is reminiscent of the A1aia letters dated
to the last years of Ugarit (p. 720).
Evidently, there were at least half a dozen documents plausibly
dated to N i q m a d d u III even before the discovery of the Urtenu
archive, which has now added some twenty new letters addressed to
this king ( L a c k e n b a c h e r 1995a, 70, n. 2 2 ; M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995b,
106).297 Thus, his reign was not as brief and negligible as had pre-
and Ili-Milku, two scribes active under Niqmaddu III, are addressed by their 'brother'
in the second part of a fragmentary letter found in the Urtenu archive (RS 34.171
= R S O 7, 52-3, no. 20); the first part of the letter mentions the royal messenger
Anantenu.
296
T h e tablet is sealed with the Hittite seal of Zuzuli, 'CHARIOTEER' ( L 289), the
hieroglyphic tide corresponding to cuneiform kartappu. Probably the same person
appears on a seal impression found at Samsat Hyk, north of Carchemish (DINOL
1992).
297
For the letter supposedly addressed to Niqmaddu by the uHyannu urging him
to join forces with the armies of Kinza/Qadesh and to come to meet the king of
Carchemish at Halab ( M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995b, 106), see n. 280 above.
298 K T U 2 . 3 6 + = R S 17.435 + 17.436 + 17.437; C A Q U O T 1978b; P A R D E E 1983-4;
S I N G E R 1987, 414-5; C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 363ff.; DIJKSTRA 1989, 141-145; VAN S O L D T
1991a, 8ff.; K L E N G E L 1992, 139, . 289.
299
See the interpretation of Cunchillos for lines 8-12, but cf. Pardee's translation. If these clues about Niqmaddu's visit to Hatti are valid, they could well correspond to the information provided by the Ugaritic letters of Talmiyanu, which
could well be Niqmaddu's name before his coronation (see p. 700).
300
Lines 29'ff. ( P A R D E E 1983-4, 329). For argmn, 'tribute', in this text, rather than
'purple-dyed cloth' (as suggested by DIJKSTRA 1989, 144), see VAN S O L D T 1990a,
344, n. 164, DLU i 48-9. The tribute, which consists of qnum, 'blue-dyed cloth' and
phm, 'red-dyed cloth,' is comparable to the tribute imposed on Ugarit in Suppiluliuma's treaty with Niqmaddu. For the interpretation of qnum as 'blue stone, lapislazuli' (Akkadian iqnu/uqnu), see the extensive discussion in C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 41 Iff.
See also p. 697 on RS 12.033 (= PRU 3, 14-5), which also has the appearance of
a tribute list.
301
Puduhepa married Hattui1i, no doubt at a young age ( H O U W I N K TEN C A T E
1996, 55, n. 35), immediately after the Battle of Qadesh in 1275. With a probable
synchronism between Ibiranu and the beginning of Tukulti-Ninurta's reign (1233;
see p. 689), she would have been in her seventies when she wrote to Niqmaddu III.
302
The case of this ephemeral 'Niqmaddu IIA' was recendy taken up again by
DIJKSTRA 1989, who seeks support in unwarranted chronological postulates and questionable restorations of the Ugaritic King List. For the refutation of his arguments,
see VAN S O L D T 1990a, 3 4 4 - 5 , n. 164; 1991a, 8ff.
303
R S 34.136 (= R S O 7 , no. 7). V A N S O L D T (1989b, 390) had already discussed
the important implications of this letter before its publication in R S O 7, using the
photograph published in Ug 7, pi. 18.
304
V A N S O L D T 1 9 8 9 C , 3 9 0 and M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1 9 9 1 , 3 0 - 1 , translate 'son-inlaw', 'gendre', but (iatnu is any relative by marriage ((1AD, H, 148) and could thus
refer also to a brother-in-law of His Majesty, like the case of Saugamuwa, brotherin-law of Tudhaliya ' I V ' ( K U B 2 3 , 1 + i 9 and passim; K H N E - O T T E N 1 9 7 1 ,
23-4;
305
BECKMAN
1996C,
98FF.).
307
The religious activities of a Hittite king (probably Tudhaliya TV') in Kummanni
and in Nerik are mentioned in several oracle texts discussed by H O U W I N K T E N C A T E
1996, 65ff.
308
See p. 70Iff. below, and note that Ehli-Nikkalu apparently returned to Hapie,
which, as suggested by A S T O U R (1980a, 1 0 6 - 8 ) , may be a variant spelling of Hakapia.
Cf. however K L E N G E L 1992, 1 4 8 , . 3 4 8 .
309
Besides the seal of Sipti-Ba'al, RS 17.325 (= Ug 5, 264) also carries the impression of an anepigraphic cylinder seal (Ug 3, 86, fig. 107), which must belong to
another person mentioned in the document, either one of the witnesses, or the original owner of the property, Yamuna son of Bazute.
310
See n. 289 for the distinction between this Belubur, whose identity remains
unknown, and the Assyrian official B1u-1ibr.
311
Probably identical with the well-known scribe Ili-Milku who was active under
Niqmaddu III (see nn. 284, 289, 340).
been corrected and the alleged Neeti has had to be erased from
the list of Ugarit's queens: the alphabetic word should probably
be read att, 'wife', whereas the syllabic one is simply Sar-e-li (van
S o l d t 1991a, 13). T h e letter was written by an important person,
who was at least on equal standing with the Lady of Ugarit. " 2 First
he specifies the m a n n e r in which a consignment of grain had been
transported to her, and, after a large gap, he informs the queen
about the arrival of a present from Urdanu 3 1 3 and the consequent
dispatch of his own present to her, which consists of one golden
cup, one linen garment, 100 shekels of red (f}amnu) 3H and 100
shekels of blue (takiltu) purple-dyed wool (11. 5'ff.). Now this list corresponds exactly with the yearly tribute sent by Ugarit to the queen
of Hatti according to the provisions of the treaty between Suppiluliu m a I and N i q m a d d u II ( R S 17.227.25-6 = PRU 4, 42; B e c k m a n
1996c, 152, 3). W h o could be the high-ranking person who sent
these luxury items to the queen of Ugarit, who would then forward
them to the queen of Hatti? A clue may be provided by Abimanu,
the messenger who transported the valuable objects. T h e n a m e is
quite frequent in Ugarit ( G r o n d a h l 1967, 315, 360), but two candidates readily present themselves: Abimanu mentioned by suM- d im,
king of Unatu, in his letter to the king of Ugarit (RS 17.083 =
PRU 4, 216), and Abimanu the owner or the captain of a damaged
ship of Carchemish (RS 34.147 = R S O 7, no. 5; see p. 659). T h e
two may, in fact, be one and the same person, a seaman operating
between Ugarit and Siyannu-Unatu. If so, the author of R S 12.033
could be a king of Siyannu-Unatu (perhaps suM- d im) who exchanged
valuable presents with Queen Sarelli. Alternatively, he could be someone writing from a more distant place, and the grain transport would
obviously direct us towards Egypt or Canaan. 3 1 5
312
His name or title in the opening line of the letter is obliterated. Nougayrol
suggested to restoring LUGAL, but that would imply that the sender was either the
King of Carchemish or the King of Ugarit. In view of the letter's contents (transportation of grain and presents) neither of the two options seems plausible. T h e
author could be a king of Siyannu-Unatu (see below).
313
This must be a variant spelling of Urtenu, the well-known business manager
associated with Sipt i-Ba'al and with the queen of Ugarit.
314
For this spelling see HUEHNERGARD 1 9 8 9 , 3 5 4 , n. 4 . For the colour of ffumnu,
see the references cited in Ug 5, 136, nn. 1-2.
315
Cf. e.g. the grain consignment sent from Canaan to Ugarit by Adduya, an
intermediary from Akko mentioned in the Ugarit letter found at Tel Aphek (11.
3 2 - 3 ; see p. 7 1 6 ) .
In the correspondence of Carchemish with Ugarit there are letters addressed solely to the queen, and a double letter from Kila'e
in which the queen is addressed before the king (her son?), a clear
indication of her relative status (RS 32.204 = R S O 7, no. 19; see
p. 687). In R S 34.145 (= R S O 7, no. 9) the king (of Carchemish)
responds to several inquiries of the queen of Ugarit: 1) With regard
to the compensation for (the m u r d e r of) Ananae 3 "' the King had
instructed (the kartappu) Zuzuli (see p. 692) to take care of the matter; 2) As for the ships (of Ugarit), they may sail as far as Byblos
and Sidon but not to more distant places; 3) T h e requested seals
will be sent back to their destination; 4) Concerning the taxes of
[. . .]/MTO317 the Q u e e n should consult her messenger Urtenu; 5) T h e
last intriguing passage apparently deals with some damage inflicted
by locusts ( b u r u 5 . m e ) .
As one would expect, several letters are addressed to the queen
of Ugarit by noble ladies from other courts. Foremost of these is the
u n n a m e d Hittite princess who addresses the queen of Uga<ri>t 3 1 H
as her 'sister' and offers her an exchange of presents (RS 34.154 =
R S O 7, no. 18). Could she be the future bride of Ugarit's king, EhliNikkalu (see p. 701)? T h r e e other ladies who exchange presents with
the queen, their lady, are Hebat-azali, 3 ' 9 Alluwa, 320 and -]wanna[.m
T h e r e is also an Ugaritic letter to the queen written by her (unnamed)
'sister' ( K T U 2.21 = R S 15.174 = PRU 2, 32). T h e letter mentions
a certain J ibrkd 322 who spoke with the 'steward of the vineyard of
the queen of Ugarit'. 323
Sarelli or the queen is addressed in three Ugaritic letters sent by
a certain 77myn, her son ( K T U 2.11, 2.12, 2.16 = RS 8.315, 9.479a,
316
A messenger called 'Ann'a is mentioned in a fragmentary Ugaritian letter sent
by a servant to his king (RS 34.148 = R S O 7, 163-4).
317
Perhaps [A}l-lu-wa (?) as in RS 25.138 (. 320 below)?
318
The -n- is twice omitted in the letter (11. 2, 8); is this omission merely accidental or does it perhaps reflect a weak r typical for Hittite phonology ( F R I E D R I C H
1960, 33, 30b)?
319
RS 20.019 = Ug 5, 135-6. For the Hurrian element azalli, see L A R O C H E
1976-7, 66.
320
RS 25.138 = L A C K E N B A C H E R 1989, 318-9. Cf. . 317 above.
321
RS 20.151 (= Ug 5, 138-9). Since -\wanna\- addresses the queen of Ugarit as
'my lady', her name cannot be restored as [Td[wanna[na], a title reserved to queens
of Hatti.
322
Perhaps Ewri-Kuu<h>? See G R O N D A H I . 1967, 237; C U N C H I L L O S 1981b, 46.
323
skn gt mlkt ugrt (11. 8-9). D I J K S T R A (1987a, 40, n. 14) suggests emending gt into
bt, 'house'.
324
The proposal of LIPINSKI (1981, 91-2; cf. also K L E N G E L 1992 140) to identify Talmiyanu with Ammittamru II is refuted by the new data on Sarelli's dating.
Talmiyanu could also be a brother of Niqmaddu (VAN S O L D T 1991a, 18, n. 161;
A B O U D 1994, 39), but in that case the letters sent to the queen by 'your son, the
king' must be dissociated from those sent by Talmiyanu.
325
The 'tribute of Ugarit' is mentioned in a fragmentary Hittite inventory text
(KUB 26, 66 iv 5-8; K O S A K 1982: 67; S I E G E L O V 1986, 108). Unfortunately, from
the list itself only 'one stone (of) 10 shekels' is preserved. The previous entry has ']x
mina and 30 shekels of iron', but the origin of this consignment is unknown. Another
inventory text mentions some sort of exchange between Hattua and Ugarit involving Hurrian shirts and two boys (KUB 42.84 rev. 23-27; S I E G E L O V 1986, 128-9).
6.2.3
Ugarit joined relatively late the circle of privileged vassal states whose
kings were granted the right to m a r r y a Hittite princess. A m u r r u
h a d already exchanged royal brides with Hatti after the Battle of
Q a d e s h a n d consequently her kings were counted a m o n g the foremost m e m b e r s of Hittite nobility. 326 Ugarit already h a d recourse to
the institution of political m a r r i a g e s in the 14th c e n t u r y , w h e n
N i q m a d d u II married an Egyptian lady (see p. 625). It is difficult
to tell w h e t h e r the Ugaritian court refrained of its own will f r o m
m a r r y i n g into the Hittite nobility, a n d if so, why this policy was
c h a n g e d towards the end of the 13th century. At any rate, this late
family connection between the courts of Hatti a n d Ugarit did not
meet with the same success as in A m u r r u .
At first, only one Hittite princess w h o married a king of Ugarit
was taken into consideration: Ehli-Nikkalu, w h o allegedly divorced
A m m u r a p i a n d returned to her h o m e l a n d (PRU 4, 205ff.; A s t o u r
1980a). T h e m a t t e r b e c a m e m o r e complicated when a reference to
a n o t h e r royal bride of Hatti was discovered in a letter f r o m the
U r t e n u archive ( v a n S o l d t 1989c). In the above-quoted passage f r o m
R S 34.136 (= R S O 7, no. 7; see p. 695) the king of C a r c h e m i s h
refers to his correspondent, most probably A m m u r a p i , as the son
of the 'in-law' of His Majesty, which inevitably m e a n s that Niqm a d d u III, if he was indeed A m m u r a p i ' s father, also m a r r i e d a
Hittite princess. T h e search b e g a n for this other princess in the
sources f r o m Ugarit, and two candidates have readily been suggested:
Tbsr ( v a n S o l d t 1989c) a n d A n a n i - d n i n . g a l ( D i j k s t r a 1990). A reexamination of the evidence m a y in fact show that there was no
other Hittite princess in Ugarit, a n d R S 34.136 refers to the same
Ehli-Nikkalu w h o was N i q m a d d u Ill's widow, rather than A m m u rapi's spouse.
It is best to start this quest for Hittite princesses in Ugarit by
briefly recalling the evidence on Ehli-Nikkalu. H e r n a m e is first
encountered when her marriage was no longer extant. Two edicts
of T a l m i - T e s u b of C a r c h e m i s h divide the property between her a n d
the state of U g a r i t : the m a n o r of the princess was r e t u r n e d to
326
Both Benteina and augamuwa were invited to attend the ceremony at the
conclusion of the treaty between Tudhaliya of Hatti and Kurunta of Tarhuntaa
(Bronze Tablet iv 3 0 - 4 3 ; B E C K M A N 1996C, 117,~ 27).
327
There is also a letter sent to Ehli-Nikkalu among the tablets found in 1994
in the Urtenu archive ( M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995b, 109).
328
' O n e man was detained in prison for five years, and when they told him:
"Tomorrow morning you will be set free", he strangled himself. Now you have
acted in the same way.' (11. 5 - 1 3 ; A S T O U R 1980a, 104; cf. BECKMAN 1996C, 170).
T h e rest of the letter is in a deplorable state of preservation which does not allow
a clear picture of the reprimands of the king of Carchemish.
329
D I J K S T R A ( 1 9 9 0 , 9 8 - 9 ) has already considered this possibility, but then rejected
it. After going half-way in proving that Ebli-Nikkalu need not be Ammurapi's
divorcee, he categorically states, without explaining, that 'Ehli-Nikkalu cannot have
been this Hittite wife of Ammurapi's father'. He then develops his theory on AnaniNIN.GAL, for which see below.
330
A similar situation would have occurred, for example, if Gau1iyawiya, the
Great Lady (rabti) of Amurru, survived her husband Benteina ( S I N G E R 1991 b, 335,
n. 22).
331
See n. 347 for a possible reason for Ehli-Nikkalu's departure from Ugarit.
note that nothing in the available texts suggests that the alleged
'divorce' was the outcome of any grave marital problems, as was
the case with the ill-fated bittu rabti from A m u r r u (p. 680f.). H e r
alleged abduction and mistreatment are based on a damaged passage, 332 and it is better to refrain from reconstructing far-fetched historical dramas based on it (see e.g. L e b r u n 1995, 86). T h e same
applies to her later destiny. T h e otherwise unknown Tanhuwataa,
king of Hapie (RS 17.355.6~8), who is usually assumed to be her
next husband, could just as well be her brother or some other relative with whom she stayed after she had left Ugarit.
If our assumption that Ehli-Nikkalu was N i q m a d d u Ill's spouse is
valid, we may speculate further about her royal parentage. Suppiluliu m a II could hardly have had a daughter old enough to be married to N i q m a d d u III. His brother A r n u w a n d a III died after a short
reign and left no offspring. 333 T h e choice is practically reduced to a
daughter of Tudhaliya 'IV', i.e., a sister of the last two kings of
Hatti. 334 H e r mother may also be referred to in a very fragmentary
letter apparendy dealing with the journey of a 'daughter of the Sun',
who could be Ehli-Nikkalu, either as a bride travelling to Ugarit,
or, more probably, as a widow leaving the city. 31 ' If indeed the 'Sun'
in this text refers to Tudhaliya 'IV', the Great Q u e e n would be his
Babylonian spouse. 336
T h e existence of other Hittite princesses married in Ugarit is quite
doubtful. T h e label K T U 6.24 = R S 17.072 (= PRU 2, no. 175)
with the inscription 'Document tbsr (of) the bride, the daughter of
the Sun' (spr tbsr kit bt sp) could very well refer to the dowry of
Ehli-Nikkalu returned to her in Talmi-Tesub's edict. 337 Van Soldt
332
RS 20.216.13-5': '. . . whoe[ver] exiled the daughter of the Sun, hers[e1f],
from her land' may simply refer to her passage from her homeland to Ugarit.
333
KUB 2 6 , 3 3 ii - 9 ' ; O T T E N 1 9 6 3 , 3 . The text says that he had no 'seed'
(NUMUN), but this could arguably refer to male offspring only.
334
Theoretically, a daughter of Hattui1i would also be possible, but she
would probably be too old to marry the penultimate king of Ugarit.
335
RS 1 7 . 4 2 9 ( = PRU 4 , 2 2 7 - 8 ; ASTOUR 1 9 8 0 , 1 0 5 , n. 19). The fragment mentions
(1. 5 ' ) '[the m]en of the Great Queen' ( L ] M I S SAL.LUGAI. GAI.) and (1. 7 ' ) 'the daughter of the Sun, her daughter' (DUMU.SAL d i r r u - 5 / DUMU.SAL-.TC).
336
For the Babylonian princess who married Tudhaliya 'IV', see H O U W I N K TEN
C A T E 1996, 64ff, and the refs. quoted by him on p. 43, n. 5 .
337
The label was found in Court V in the Southern Palace, not far from the
edicts concerning the property of Ehli-Nikallu (Room 68). It could, in fact, have
been attached to them or to some other inventory of Ehli-Nikkalu's dowry, comparable to Ahat-Milku's trousseau (DIJKSTRA 1 9 9 0 , 9 9 ) .
attempted to make a case for Tbsr being the PN of the bride, but
as he himself admits ( v a n S o l d t 1 9 8 9 , 3 9 1 ) his Hurrian reconstruction of the n a m e (*Tubbi-'airi) is quite problematic and as yet unattested. It is preferable to take tbsr as a Semitic verbal noun with the
m e a n i n g 'cutting off, separation, division' ( D i j k s t r a 1 9 9 0 , 9 7 - 8 ) ,
which would be a most fitting designation for Ehli-Nikkalu's returned
property.
Dijkstra suggested identifying the elusive Hittite bride of Niqm a d d u III with a certain Annpdgl in a fragmentary liturgical text
( K T U 1 . 8 4 = R S 1 7 . 1 0 0 . 3 ) which also mentions a Nqmd.338 If the
two are queen and king (presumably N i q m a d d u III), this *AnaniPeddigalli would be tentatively equated with Anani-nin.gal, the author
of a fragmentary letter sent to her lady [. . . r[uwiya (RS 1 9 . 0 8 0 =
PRU 6, no. 2). This letter is a touching testament of an ailing lady
who seeks to secure the future of her daughter (Ammaya) and her
other descendants. H e r correspondent (hardly the queen) is asked to
intercede with the Chief Scribe to grant asylum to her descendants
in the event that their situadon in Ugarit worsens (see p. 708). Ananin i n . g a l may indeed have been a foreigner in Ugarit, or a local citizen threatened by some opponents, but her identification as the
Hittite princess married to the king of Ugarit rests on a chain of
unwarranted assumptions.
In conclusion, the information presendy available unequivocally
identifies only one Hittite princess married in Ugarit, Ehli-Nikkalu,
who probably left the city after the death of her h u s b a n d Niqm a d d u III.
The
Last
Years
of
Ugarit
338
339
For the circumstances of the discovery and the archaeological evidence, see
1995; L O M B A R D 1995. For the identification of the residence of Urtenu, see
B O R D R E U I L - P A R D E E 1995b; B O R D R E U I L - M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995b, 444.
340
B O R D R E U I L - M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995; M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995b; L A C K E N B A C H E R
1995a. One of the important discoveries in the new archive is a mythological fragment whose colophon identifies the scribe as Ili-Milku (Ilmlk), probably the same
scribe who wrote most of the Ugaritic mythological texts (see, most recently, W Y A T T
1997, 1998a). Ili-Milku is known to have acted under king Niqmaddu, and it is now
evident that this must be the late 13th century king, and not his mid-14th century
name-sake, as previously assumed ( B O R D R E U I L - M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995, 447 8).
341
C A L V E T 1990, 40, n. 2; L O M B A R D 1995, 228-9; M I L L A R D 1995, 119; Y O N
1997b, 54. This is demonstrated, among other things, by fragments found several
metres away from the 'oven' that joined with one of the tablets allegedly found
within it ( L O M B A R D 1995, 229).
342
For a recent survey on the distribution of tablets in the various archives of
Ugarit, see L A C K E N B A C H E R 1995a (with refs. to earlier studies).
343
H U E H N E R G A R D 1989, 341 2; VAN S O L D T 1991a; 1995c. See e.g. VAN S O L D T
1995c, 208, for a differentiation between the spelling of documents from the reigns
YON
7.1
Ammurapi (ca
1215-1190/85)
of the first kings of Ugarit (Niqmaddu II, Arhalba, Niqmepa) and the last ones
(Ammittamru II, Ibiranu, Niqmaddu III, Ammurapi).
344
K T U 1.161 = RS 34.126 (= R S O 7, no. 90). T h e first reliable publication
based on a collation of the original tablet was provided by BORDREUIL - P A R D E E 1982.
For the extensive bibliography on this text, see the updated list in R S O 7, 152, to
which add L E V I N E
DE T A R R A G O N - R O B E R T S O N 1997 and W Y A T T 1998c, 430.
345
These four rpum (ulkn, trmn, sdn-w-rdn, tr-'llmn) are otherwise unknown.
346
A seal ring bearing the name of Ammurapi written in cuneiform Akkadian
has turned up on the antiquity market, but its provenance from Ras Shamra cannot be ascertained ( S C H A E F F E R 1 9 5 4 , 3 4 , n. 2 ; N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 5 6 , 2 0 5 , n. 1).
ter from the Urtenu archive in which the king (of Carchemish) recalls an embarassing incident which took place 'at the time of your
father, the in-law (hatanu) of His Majesty' (RS 34.136 = R S O 7,
no. 7). If the letter was addressed to Ammurapi, which seems highly
probable (see p. 695), his father must have been the king of Ugarit
who married a Hittite princess (see p. 702).
T h r e e of the documents dated to A m m u r a p i deal with the property division between him and the Hittite princess Ehli-Nikkalu, but,
as suggested above, she was not Ammurapi's divorcee but rather
N i q m a d d u Ill's widow. 347 Nor was Sarelli, who was hailed at the
coronation of A m m u r a p i ( K T U 1.161 = RS 34.126.33, [t\iyl), his
spouse, but rather his grandmother who lived to a respectable old
age (see p. 691). T h e only candidate for Ammurapi's queen remains
a certain lady Adad who appears in a yet unpublished legal document sealed with 'the seal of the queen' (RS 22.002; v a n S o l d t
1991a, 18). T h e tablet was found in a 'private archive' dating to the
end of Ugarit (ib.: 19), and if she was indeed a queen she may well
be 'matched' with Ammurapi, the only 'single' king of Ugarit.
T h e reign of A m m u r a p i is marked by two drastic developments
which accelerated the collapse of the Hittite Empire: the food shortage which had already been felt by the mid-13th century and had
now reached devastating proportions, and the destructive movements
of the seaborne enemies known as the 'Sea Peoples' who were probably driven by the same famine. These topics will be dealt in separate entries after the description of Ugarit's foreign relations.
7.1.1
T h e last king of Ugarit received his share of reprimands for disobeying his Hittite overlords, perhaps even more than his predecessors. In an Ugaritic translation of a letter sent to him by the 'Sun'
( K T U 2.39 = R S 18.038 = PRU 5, 60) he is categorically reminded
of his position and his duties: 'You belong to the Sun your master;
a servant indeed, his possession are you. . . . T o me, the Sun, your
master, why have you not come for one year, two years?' ( P a r d e e
1981, 152). After this harsh scolding Ammurapi is further reprimanded
347
A fascinating letter f r o m the U r t e n u archive unveils a yet unsuspected facet of Ugarit's foreign policy in the last decades of its exist-
348
L A C K E N B A C H E R 1995a, 70, n. 22; M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995b, 106, who mentions
that one of the topics dealt with in the letters sent from the Great King of Hatti
is the performance of some rituals.
349
T h e two terms are juxtaposed and probably refer to the same dignitary
( M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995b, 106, n. 6). A [f}ubu)rtanuri (?) is probably also addressed in
a letter sent by Ammittamru (RS 20.200 c = Ug 5, no. 29; following the collation
b y ARNAUD
350
1996, 60, .
76).
The term appears in Ugarit both as tuppanura (> tuppan+ura) and as tuppalanura (> tuppalan+ura). For the Luwian etymology, see L A R O C H E 1956, 27ff.; see also
A R N A U D 1996, 59f. It seems that the form tup-pa-at-nu- in R S 92.2007 ( A R N A U D ,
ib.) is merely a spelling variant of tup-pa-la-nu-r\ for the confusion of the signs la
and at in Hittite texts, see S I N G E R 1996a, 136-7, n. 307.
351
For a tentative interpretation of this letter, see A R N A U D 1996, 60-1.
352
about to be loaded onto a ship returning to Ugarit. It contains various textile and clothing articles totalling 102 items; 50 large baulks
of ebony; 1,000 plaques of red, white and blue stones; altogether 12
large packages sealed with the royal seal. After these rather conventional luxury goods, which find good parallels in the A m a r n a letters
and in the Hittite-Egyptian correspondence, the list of presents continues with more exceptional prestige items: 800(!) whips or flails
(istufyf}uM s g m e S ) , 4 . . . -fish (lippatu ku (l .me), 2 large girg-cords ( L a c 354
k e n b a c h e r 1 9 9 6 ) , 8 large ropes with a total length of 1 , 2 0 0 cubits.
T h e letter concludes with the announcement that the messenger
of Ugarit will soon be sent back to his country in the company of
the royal messenger of Egypt, Ammaia, 'Chief of the ships of the
treasury'. 355 T h e same messenger (bearing the same tide) appears in
another Akkadian letter of M e r n e p t a h ( R S 9 4 . 2 0 0 2 + 2 0 0 3 rev. 3 ) ,
and probably also in an Ugaritic draft of a letter of A m m u r a p i (RS
3 4 . 3 5 6 . 3 ; see below p. 7 1 2 ) . This could indicate that the addressee
of Merneptah's letters was the last king of Ugarit, a valuable synchronism indeed.
T h e list of Egyptian presents in R S 8 8 . 2 1 5 8 provides an excellent
example of the continuing d e m a n d for fashionable prestige items at
the royal courts of the Near East until the very end of the Bronze
Age. T h e valuable construction materials may have served for the
adornment of the new temple of Ba'al, but some of them could have
been used for other purposes in Ugarit itself or forwarded to other
destinations. 356 Nothing is said in the letter about the price paid by
Ugarit to match such a bountiful Egyptian present in size and quality.357 O n e may perhaps recall in this context the well-known sword
inscribed with a cartouche of Merneptah that was found in the residential quarter east of the palace ( S c h a e f f e r 1 9 5 6 ; cf. H e l c k 1 9 9 5 ,
93). It may have been a present sent by Merneptah on some other
occasion, or perhaps vice versa, a luxury item manufactured in Ugarit
354
Cf. the list of presents sent from Egypt to the ruler of Byblos according to
the Report of Wenamon, which includes thirty baskets of fish and five hundred
ropes (SIMPSON 1 9 7 3 , 151).
!
" Lines 31'f.: 1 gal gi.m.me a [-de-]e. For this messenger and his title
(with textual refs.), see the extensive commentary of LACKENBACHER, forthcoming.
356
Note, e.g., the small ropes (ibif}i tur.me) requested by a king of Tarftuntassa
from Ammurapi (RS 34.139 = R S O 7, no. 14; see n. 177).
357
Note, however, the 2,000 (shekels?) of silver mentioned in the fragmentary
letter K T U 2.81 = RIH 7 8 / 3 + 30.12'f., which also belongs to the Egyptian correspondence (see p. 712).
which for some reason never reached its destination in Egypt (Yon
1997b, 81, 178).
Whether a statue of Merneptah was ever erected in the temple
of Ba'al is hard to say, but it is quite tempting to recall in this context an Egyptian pedestal found in the Southern Palace in 1955 (RS
19.186 = Ug 4, 124, fig. 101; R S O 5 / 1 , 226). It carries an offering
formula invoking Ba c al, 358 but unfortunately the donor's name is broken off. As noted by V a n d i e r (Ug 4, 133, 135), the base has a hole
into which a statuette, probably of an Egyptian person, was fastened.
T h e piece is dated to the 19th dynasty, and in view of the mention
of a Seth-like deity, Vandier suggested the reign of Sety I, but obviously, a dating to Merneptah is just as possible. Another relevant
object is the votive stele found in 1929 in the temple of Ba c al, which
carries an inscription of the royal scribe and overseer of the palace
treasuries M3my, dedicated to Ba'al Saphon (RS l.[089]+ = A O
13176; R S O 5 / 1 , 39, fig. b; G a s s e apud Y o n (ed.) 1991, 286-8; also
ib. 328 fig. 8a).
All in all, this exchange of letters can point to nothing less than
a forthright overture to restore the traditional political ties between
Egypt and Ugarit, notwithstanding the latter's obligations towards
her Hittite overlord. Such an official correspondence could hardly
have escaped the notice of the Hittite foreign office which operated
scores of diplomats and messengers both in Ugarit and in Egypt.
Despite the tolerance with which the Hittites traditionally viewed
Ugarit's foreign relations, this explicit overture towards Egypt must
have been regarded as crossing the red line of double allegiance, 359
especially in a period of growing dissatisfaction with Ugarit's performance as a vassal state. I wonder whether Merneptah's polite
refusal to set up his statue in Ugarit may be interpreted as a cautious abstention from provoking his Hittite allies with whom he maintained a lucrative trade. At any rate, such a bold political move by
Ugarit could hardly have been made a few generations earlier, and
it is yet another indication for the waning reverence for Hittite
authority in Syria.
T h e letter of Merneptah, RS 88.2158, is an invaluable addition
to a small group of documents belonging to the correspondence
358 T h e iconography of the relevant hieroglyph identifies the god as Ba'al, rather
than Seth. Cf. G I V E O N 1 9 8 6 , 8 4 0 ; C O R N E L I U S 1 9 9 4 , 134FF. I wish to thank Dr
Deborah Sweeney for her remarks on this inscription.
359
Cf. L A C K E N B A C H E R ' S (1995b, 83) similar interpretation of the evidence.
between Egypt and Ugarit in the late 13th century. It has recently
been announced that a further letter of Merneptah (RS 94.2002 +
2003) was discovered in the house of Urtenu in 1994 ( L a c k e n b a c h e r ,
forthcoming), and it mentions consignments of grain sent from Egypt
to relieve the famine in Ugarit.
T h e remaining documents in the Egyptian dossier, three in Ugaritic
and one in Akkadian, are very fragmentary and add little to our
information on the exact nature of these contacts.
T h r e e Ugaritic drafts for letters sent by the king of Ugarit to the
'Sun' of Egypt, his lord, were discovered in the seventies. T h e name
of the sender, A m m u r a p i (11. 2, 11: cmrpi), is preserved only in K T U
2.76 = RS 34.356 ( B o r d r e u i l 1982, 10-2), which was found on
the surface of the m o u n d in the area of the Urtenu archive. T h e
small fragment seems to contain two separate opening formulae (Iff.
and 9ff.), which perhaps served as standard models for addressing
the Pharaoh. It also contains the n a m e of the messenger (mlak) Nmy
or Amy (1. 3). If the latter reading is valid, Amy could be the Ugaritic
equivalent of cuneiform Ammaia, the head of the Egyptian expedition in the letters of M e r n e p t a h (RS 88.2158.31'; R S 94.2002 +
2003 rev. 3 - 4 ; L a c k e n b a c h e r , forthcoming; see p. 710).
A very similar elaborate address is better preserved in a fragment
from Ras Ibn Hani: ' [ T o the Sun], the great king, the king of Egypt,
[the graciou]s [king], the just king, [the king of ki]ngs, the lord of
all the land [of Egyp]t'. 360 T h e identity of the sender is almost entirely
lost, 361 but the close parallel with R S 34.356 suggests Ammurapi.
T h e fragmentary reverse of the text mentions 362 some monetary transaction amounting to 2,000 (shekels?) of silver (1. 12'f.), some cargo, 363
the sea, and the people of Ugarit. 364
360
K T U
2.81
RIH
78/3
3 0 ; BORDREUIL -
CAQUOT
1980, 3 5 6 - 7 ;
PARDEE
1992,
711.
the fragment were published in A R N A U D 1993, 248-9, no. 222; Y O N 1997b, 137,
no. 4.
367
Lines 2~3: L.GAL RIN.MES fju-ra-de^"'^ sa LUGAL.GAL LUGAL KUR Mi-is-ri-m[a]
( A R N A U D 1992, 181, n. 6; missed by L E H M A N N 1996, 32, . 48, who, following
H E L C K 1995, 93-4, erroneously assumes that the cuneiform tide of Beya is GAL
meedi). tiurdu/)jrd in Ugarit designates groups of soldiers or civilians who perform
civil service for the king ( M A R Q U E Z R O W E 1995, 263-4; VAN S O L D T 1995b).
368
Lines 7-9: a-na-ku a-qa-ab-bi a-na dA-ma-ni a-na DUTTJ D IKUR DINGIR.MES sa KUR
Mi-is- ma-a li-is-su-r[u . . . ( A R N A U D , ib.).
369
For the Egyptological literature on B3y, see refs. in F R E U 1988; DE M O O R
1996b, 217ff.; H E L C K 1995, 93-4; K I T C H E N 1995, 86-7.
370
V A N S O L D T 1991a, 45-6; Y O N 1992c, 119; H O F F N E R 1992, 49; D R E W S 1993, 6;
H E L C K 1995, 93-4; DE M O O R 1996b, 217ff.; LEHMANN 1996, 32; BALDACCI 1996, 215.
371
Incorrectly referring to Freu, he implies that the cuneiform title of Beya
includes 'Vizier'. For the correct title, see n. 367 above.
and 'so, it is better to identify the Ras S h a m r a Beya with some Chief
of the bodyguard a n d / o r (northern) Vizier *Piay, otherwise unknown
to uswhich robs this tablet of any chronological value' ( K i t c h e n
1995, 86-7). T h e independent correspondence of an Egyptian official,
other than the Pharaoh himself, with the last king of Ugarit is hardly
imaginable, unless he was the most prominent figure in Egypt. Transmitting official titles from one language to the other is always difficult,
and particularly so in the case of Egyptian titles.372 It is most unfortunate that the letter apparently does not contain any additional
information which might help us to reach a conclusive identification.
Even so, there is a very high probability that Beya and B3y are one
and the same person, 373 and this provides a most valuable terminus
post quern for the fall of Ugarit within the reign of Siptah or Tausert,
i.e. between 1194 and 1186 (see n. 10). Another result of the new
Egyptian letters is a considerable extension of Ammurapi's reign,
which was once considered to be very short. Assuming that Ammurapi
is the addressee of RS 88.2158, his rule must have begun in the
first years of Merneptah, and it extended into the period when Beya,
the Great Chancellor of Siptah and Tausert, still held office.
7.1.3
372
EDEL
373
ii
SINGER
1983b,
20
1;
277FF
375
T h e main port of Ugarit was at Minet el-Beida, ancient Ma'fradu, for which
see A S T O U R 1970; Y O N 1994a; S A A D 1995. Ras Ibn Hani, some 5 km further south
on the coast, was probably a secondary residence of the royal family of Ugarit (see
p. 435).
376
O n the maritime trade of Ugarit, see the extensive bibliography cited in
C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 351-2, n. 9, and V I T A 1995, 160, n. 2; add Y O N 1994b (esp.
pp. 43Iff.) and S A A D 1995, 222ff.
377
Ali-ziti may well be identical with the 'chief palace-attendant' (GAL D U M U M E S
.GAL) in the U1mi-Teub treaty dated to the end of Hattusili 'III"s reign (KBo
4.10 rev. 31; VAN DEN H O U T 1995, 216; Singer 1983c, 33).
378
Kunni could perhaps be a short form of the name Kuniya-piya (SUM) borne
by a person who appears in Hittite court protocols ( W E R N E R 1 9 6 7 , 2 I f f ) , once in
connection with 'a year of f a m i n e ' (ib.: 3 2 - 3 , KUB 40. 86 rev. 11; cf. K U B
40.91
379
1974,
167).
T h e exact dating of the above text is not known, but it may perhaps be inferred from an Ugaritic translation of a similar letter sent
by the 'Sun' to A m m u r a p i ( K T U 2.39 = R S 18.038 = PRU 5, no.
60; see above p. 708).380 T h e king of Ugarit is quoted stating that
there is no food in his land, which sounds more like an excuse than
an actual shortage in Ugarit itself.381 T h e rest of the letter is quite
fragmentary and has been subjected to various interpretations. 382
A state of emergency is reflected in other documents which cannot be dated with any confidence. As pointed out by K l e n g e l (1974),
similar conditions of food shortage must have occured quite frequendy on the Anatolian plateau, but the accumulation of documents
from the late 13th century leaves no doubt about the unprecedented
proportions of this famine. Nor was Anatolia the only region struck
by it. T h e r e is growing textual and archaeological evidence showing
that climatological cataclysms affected the entire eastern Mediterranean
region towards the end of the second millennium b c e . 3 8 3
A fragment of a Hittite letter from Bogazky deals with the urgent
transportation of a grain shipment to Cilicia (Bo 2810; O t t e n 1967,
59; K l e n g e l 1974, 170ff.). An important Hittite official, perhaps the
king himself, urges his 'son' 384 to hold on to the (rebellious?) lands
and let none of them defect (ii 1 '-5'). In the second, better-preserved
paragraph the sender quotes the message of his correspondent in
the inspection of military troops (RS 17.289 = PRU 4, 192; N O U G A Y R O L 1968, 106,
n. 2; see p. 686).
380
A small fragment of an Ugaritic letter found in Ras Ibn Hani is probably
also sent from the '[Sun], the great [king]' to A[mmurapi] (KTU 2.78 = RIH
7 7 / 2 1A; B O R D R E U I L
C A Q U O T 1 9 7 9 : 3 0 7 ) . Almost nothing is left from the contents
of this translation of a letter sent either by the Hittite or the Egyptian 'Sun', probably the former.
381
The small fragment RS 2 0 . 1 4 1 B ( = Ug 5 , no. 3 4 ) which mentions 3 0 ships
and their crew may be part of an answer sent from Ugarit ( N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 6 8 , 1 0 7 ,
n. 4), or a quotation thereof in another letter sent from Hatti. See also the fragmentary letter RS 2 6 . 1 5 8 ( = Ug 5 , no. 1 7 1 ) which also deals with the transportation of grain to Ura.
382
DIJKSTRA 1 9 7 6 ; P A R D E E 1 9 8 1 B . It is not clear whether an 'enemy' is mentioned
in the last paragraph of the letter, or rather a month name (see P A R D E E 1 9 8 1 , 1 5 5 ) .
383
See the extensive refs. cited in D R E W S 1 9 9 3 , chapter 6 . T o be sure, there
may be other, related or unrelated, causes for the general food shortage in this
period. Note e.g. the rare reference to locusts, BURU 5 .ME(S), in RS 3 4 . 1 4 5 . 2 7
(= R S O 7 , no. 9 ; for the reading of the final ME as MES, see H U E H N E R G A R D 1 9 8 9 ,
4 0 5 ; 1 9 9 7 p. 216).
384
If the letter was addressed to Ugarit (but cf. . 386), its king could be the
son-in-law of the Hittite king, as we now know from RS 34.136 = R S O 7, no. 7
(p. 694f.).
Bo 2810 ii 7'. I doubt that the sign preceding giSMA uwanza really represents
ME, 'one hundred' (so K L E N G E L 1 9 7 4 , 1 7 3 ; O T T E N 1 9 6 7 , 5 9 , with a question mark).
I cannot suggest a better alternative (perhaps LAL?), but note that the participle
uwanza is in the singular. On the other hand, large numbers of ships are also
attested in other texts from Ugarit: a fleet of 1 5 0 ships in RS 1 8 . 1 4 8 ( = PRU 5,
6 2 ; see p. 7 1 9 ) ; 3 0 ships in RS 2 0 . 1 4 1 B ( = Ug 5 , 1 0 8 , no. 3 4 ) ; and a list of damaged ships of Carchemish in RS 3 4 . 1 4 7 (RSO 7 , no. 5 ; see p. 6 5 9 ) .
386
In that case, this would be the only known letter (or draft) from Bogazky
destined to Ugarit. Cf. also the very fragmentary Akkadian letter KBo 2 8 . 9 1 , 9 ' :
KR -g[a'- ( H A G E N B U C H N E R 1 9 8 9 , 3 5 3 ) ; it mentions the killing of an enemy (1. 3 ' )
and the accession to the throne of the addressee (1. 8'), and could perhaps belong
to the Assyrian correspondence.
387
The same(?) Pgn is perhaps also mentioned in the letter of Tdn (KTU 2.47 =
RS 18.148.21 = PRU 5, no. 62), but the context is too fragmentary.
388
For Iht 'akl, 'tablet of food', see A S T O U R 1965, 255, n. 21; H O F T I J Z E R 1979,
383-4.
389
According to reverse 1. 4, Tdn was placed over the king's f}rd, i.e. the mobilized soldiers or civilians ( H E L T Z E R 1982, 105ff.; V I T A 1995a, 136ff.; M A R Q U E Z R O W E
1995, 2 6 3 - 4 ; VAN S O L D T 1995b; cf. also n. 367). Regarding his identity, V I R O L L E A U D
(1965, 89) has noted that the opening address does not include the customary prostration formula. I wonder whether he was really a subject of the king of Ugarit,
as generally assumed on account of b'lh, 'his lord', in 1. 2. This word, however, is
separated by a paragraph divider from 'the king' in the previous line. Could 1. 2
perhaps be interpreted as a blessing formula in which B'lh is simply the name of
the deity: 'Let B'lh be the guardian of your land!'? If so, Ydn could be a Hittite
commander, which would put him in a better position to mobilize the fleet of
Ugarit.
390
A S T O U R 1965, 256; V I T A 1995a, 157ff. Cf., however, the justifiable doubts
raised by L A M B R O U - P H I L L I P S O N 1993 about the historical significance of this document and about the so-called 'Ugaritic thalassocracy' in general, as characterized,
for example, by SASSON 1966 and L I N D E R 1981.
391
For the rest of this intriguing letter, see p. 727. Another fragmentary letter
from the Urtenu archive containing a request for grain is R S 8 8 . 2 0 1 1 ( M A L B R A N L A B A T 1995c, 39).
392
D I E T R I C H - M A Y E R (1997a, 84-5) suggest that the courts of Ugarit and Alasia
were linked by a royal marriage, which would also explain the invocation of the
gods of A1aia, together with the gods of Ugarit and of Amurru, in a Hurrian ritual text (KTU 1.125 = RS 24.274.6). There is, however, no supporting evidence
for the alleged marriage of Ammittamru III with a princess of A1aia.
393
C I F O L A 1994, 1 1. There is, however, no information in the Alasia letters that
Ugarit itself was partly destroyed and looted, as stated by Cifola.
394
Most scholars have followed N O U G A Y R O L ' S assumption (1968, 86, n. 1) that
this letter is the response to RSL 1 (- Ug 5, no. 23) sent by the King to Ammurapi
(see refs. in Y A M A D A 1992, 431, n. 6). However, Alasia is not mentioned in it and
the 'King' par excellence throughout the documentation from Ugarit is always the
Viceroy of Carchemish. Moreover, in all the (published) letters from Alasia the
from the Urtenu archive may indicate that this information should
be taken with a grain of salt (see p. 725). Even if the king of Ugarit
reluctantly fulfilled some of his military obligations, the constant reprimands from Carchemish and from Hatti leave little doubt that he
kept the best part of his army within the borders of his kingdom,
as indeed any sensible ruler would do in a similar situation.
T h e letter of Euwara, senior governor ( m a s k i m . g a l ) of A1aia, may
indeed be a response to Ugarit's quest for military intelligence (RS
20.018 = Ug 5, no. 22). T h e sender rejects any responsibility for the
calamities caused by the enemy ships on Ugaritian territory. In other
words, the king of Ugarit should himself take responsibility for the
defence of his land, and should not rely excessively on the alarm
sounded from A1aia. Thereafter Euwara shares the little he knows
about the n u m b e r and the whereabouts of the enemy ships. 393
Whereas Ugarit was struggling to get reliable information from
A1aia, she herself was requested to pass on the news to Amurru. In
an Akkadian letter found in the R a p ' a n u archive (RS 20.162 = Ug 5,
no. 37) a certain Parsu solicits the king of Ugarit to forward information on the enemy to the king of Amurru, as previously agreed
between the two lands. Finally, he adds that an undefined n u m b e r
of ships will be put at the disposal of Ugarit. 396
T h e letters from A1aia obviously came to Ugarit at a point when
the island (or most of it) was still ruled by the traditional leadership,
a king and governors. 397 Activities of the seaborne enemy are sporadically reported, but there is no sense of an impending catastrophe. H o w does this correspondence relate chronologically to the
Hittite evidence about A1aia? In the description of the unique naval
battle fought by the Hittites in the Mediterranean (KBo 12.38 iii
2'-14') Suppiluliuma II is confronted by an 'enemy of A1aia', which
sender clearly states his name or his tide. It is therefore preferable to classify RSL 1
with the Carchemish dossier ( S I N G E R 1983a, 217; YAMADA 1992, 438ff; see p. 728).
395
T h e twenty ships were apparently expected to land 'in the mountains' but
have suddenly taken off towards an unknown destination. L E H M A N N (1996, 27,
. 40) tentatively suggests that the reference could be to the rocky shores of Lycia
or Cilicia.
396
That this document should belong to the age of Suppiluliuma I, as tentatively
suggested by C I F O L A ( 1 9 9 4 , 1 2 ) , is most unlikely. Another fragmentary Ugaritic letter, K T U 2 . 4 1 = R S 1 8 . 0 7 5 ( = PRU 5 , no. 6 5 ) , has been identified by A S T O U R
( 1 9 6 5 , 2 5 6 ) as a hasty proposal for mutual assistance between Ugarit and Amurru.
397
For the equation MASKIM.GAL = piduri, see O T T E N 1963, 15; S I N G E R 1988b,
247.
must already refer to the 'Sea Peoples' who took over Cyprus or
parts of it. An absolute dating of this battle, which would provide
a terminus ante quern for the Alasia correspondence, has not yet been
achieved, despite the considerable progress made in recent years in
the reconstruction of the last years of Hatti ( H a w k i n s 1995, 57ff.;
S i n g e r 1996b).
As a rule, the 'enemy' is not identified by name in the documents
from Ugarit and Hatti, which only enhances the importance of the
unique reference to the Sikila-people in a letter from the Urtenu
archive found in 1973 (RS 34.129 = R S O 7, no. 12; D i e t r i c h
L o r e t z 1978c; L e h m a n n 1979). T h e Hittite king, no doubt uppi1uliuma II, addresses the governor of Ugarit because 'the king, your
lord, is young and does not know anything' (11. 5-7). This rather
pejorative remark must refer to young A m m u r a p i , who failed to
comply with a previous request of the Great King to extradite a
certain 'Ibnaduu who was captured by the Sikila people ( l m e s k u r
VKV
ikalaiu) who live on ships (11. 10-14)'. 398 T h e Hittite king wishes
to interrogate this person, who was probably ransomed by the authorities of Ugarit from his captivity, in order to find out more about
the elusive enemy. 3 9 9 For this purpose he sends a special envoy,
Nirgaili, to escort Ibnadusu to the Hittite court. This kartappu could
be identical with the well-known Hittite prince Nerikkaili, son of
Hattusili 'III', who was often entrusted with important diplomatic
missions. 400 T h e Sikila 'who live on ships' are identified with one of
the 'Sea Peoples' mentioned in the Egyptian documents, thus providing the first conclusive proof that the same seaborne enemy threatened both the Hittite and the Egyptian empires ( L e h m a n n 1979).
T h e cuneiform name could reflect Egyptian Skis or, more probably,
the Ski/ Sikila who later settled in Dor and the Sharon Plain ( R a i n e y
1982, 134; E d e l 1983, 8; S i n g e r 1988b, 246). T h e settlement of
398
This description strongly recalls the comment on the tribe of Dan in the Song
of Deborah (Judges 5:17): 'And Dan, why does he live on ships?' ( S I N G E R 1988b,
246).
399
A somewhat similar request for the extradition of two persons (inhabitants of
the towns Aru and Ukani, respectively) was sent by the King (of Carchemish) to
Ammurapi ( R S 88.2013; M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995c, 39).
400
S I N G E R 1983b, 10, n. 14; VAN DEN H O U T 1995, 100; LEBRUN 1995, 87 (missing my rf.); H O U W I N K TEN C A T E 1996, 46. Nerikkaili, who married a daughter of
Benteina after the Silver Treaty of 1258, must have been in his seventies at the
very beginning of the 12th century. For his prosopography, see VAN DEN H O U T
1995, 96ff.; L E B R U N 1995, 87; H O U W I N K TEN C A T E 1996, 45ff.
'Sea Peoples' along the coasts of Ugarit will be touched upon in the
last entry of this study.
7.1.5
T w o documents refer to military operations in Mukis on the northern border of Ugarit: the Ugaritic letter R S 16.402 (= PRU 2, 12)
found in the palace archives and the Akkadian letter RS 34.143
found in the Urtenu archive. 401
In R S 34.143 (= R S O 7, no. 6) the King (of Carchemish) reprimands an u n n a m e d king of Ugarit on several counts. Although most
of the letter is well-preserved its interpretation is not always easy,
especially in demarcating the words of the king of Carchemish and
the quotations from his correspondent's previous letter. 402 First, the
king of Ugarit is accused of misleading his master by claiming that
his army is camped in Mukis; according to the King's sources Ugarit's
army is in fact located in the town of Apsuna in the northern part
of the kingdom of Ugarit. 403 Second, the king of Ugarit is quoted as
claiming that his chariotry is in poor shape and his horses are famished as a pretext for not sending his chariotry as demanded. 4 0 4
Finally, the king of Ugarit is accused of keeping to himself the best
mariyannu-troops while he sends to the viceroy only worthless soldiers. 405 His way of thinking is mimicked by the Viceroy as follows:
'You must say to yourself: "Is the Sun involved? T h e Sun is not
(involved), and therefore it is all right for me to keep them back".' 406
W h a t is the sense of this hypothetical statement? Does it mean that
the king of Ugarit is purportedly willing to take orders only from
401
Movements of troops in the Alalah region are also reported in the new documents from the Urtenu archive ( M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995b, 107).
402
Compare the translation of M A L B R A N - L A B A T in R S O 7 to that of Z E E B 1992.
403
A S T O U R (1995, 58, 68) identifies Apsuna with Tell Afis east of the Orontes,
but the town should rather be sought on the northern frontier of Ugarit bordering
on Mukis.
404
Following Z E E B ( 1 9 9 2 , 4 8 2 ) , the statement about the poor quality of the chariotry seems to be a quotation from the letter of the king of Ugarit. If so, the only
army that was really sent from Ugarit to Carchemish was an incapable unit of
infantry-men.
405
All except a certain Milku-siG 5 (Na'im); Z E E B ( 1 9 9 2 , 4 9 3 ) assumes that the king
of Carchemish ironically singles out Mil-ku-sic^, who must have been a notorious
flop. A certain Mlk-n'm is mentioned in an Ugaritic list of individuals (KTU 4 . 3 4 4
=
RS
406
18.130.15).
For the interpretation of these lines (27ff) as a rhetorical question and answer,
see ZEEB
1992,
482-3.
407
Thematically very similar is RS 34.150 = R S O 7, no. 10, which I attempted
to relate to the great military manoeuvre orchestrated by the king of Carchemish
during the reign of Ibiranu (see above, p. 687).
408
For an Ammurapi dating of R S 3 4 . 1 4 3 , based on stylistic criteria and its comparison with R S 1 6 . 4 0 2 , see also Y A M A D A 1 9 9 2 , 4 4 4 - 5 .
409
'Irr-trm was emended by some into 'Iwr-trm = Ewri-arruma (see refs. in
C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 3 2 7 , n. 3 ) , but the emendation cannot be substantiated.
410
T h e standard interpretation associates the events described in RS 16.402
with the pressures exerted on Niqmaddu II by uppi1u1iuma I on the one side, and
by the kings of Muki, Nuhhae and Niya on the other ( S C H A E F F E R 1957, xvm;
L I V E R A N I 1979a, 1304; D I J K S T R A 1987, 46; C I F O L A 1994, 10). An alleged anti-Hittite
revolt in Muki in the early reign of Ammittamru II was proposed by LIPINSKI
(1981, 87ff.) as the historical background of RS 16.402.
411
L. 16, gr Amn. For the various interpretations of this line, see C U N C H I L L O S
1989a, 331, n. 19. A rather similar military situation is described in the so-called
'General's Letter', when, a century and a half earlier, he fortified his position between
Mount Lebanon and the seashore (RS 20.033 - Ug 5, no. 20; see above, p. 628).
412
For the identification of Mgsf} with Muki (with the Hurrian formative ~hhe),
see L I V E R A N I 1962, 39, n. 5 0 ; C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 329, n. 13.
413
Lines 24, 32, 38: alpm shvm. T h e enormous number of horses may perhaps
be simply a typological number. In any case, it is difficult to accept A S T O U R ' S inter-
adds bitterly that he cannot confront the enemy with only his wife
and children (11. 28-9). T h e situation strongly recalls the accusation
of the king of Carchemish in R S 34.143 that the king of Ugarit
refuses to send his army to the battlefront in Mukis. T h e horses
required by /rr-arruma may in fact be the same 'famished horses'
kept back by the king of Ugarit under different pretexts.
T h e combined evidence of the two documents relating to Mukis
may perhaps provide the following tentative reconstruction of the
situation. An u n n a m e d enemy had established a bridgehead in Mukis
whence he threatened the kingdom of Ugarit. This enemy column
may have advanced southwards along the foothills of the Amanus,
or it may have landed from ships at the mouth of the Orontes, or
both. A combined seaborne and landborne encroachment on Ugarit's
territory strongly recalls the military tactics of the 'Sea Peoples' in
the war they waged against Ramesses III a few years later. T h e
Hittite authorities d e m a n d e d auxiliary forces to confront the enemy
in Mukis, but the king of Ugarit was obviously more concerned with
the defence of his own land, which might already have suffered from
seaborne razzias. T h e immediate danger of this elusive enemy seemed
more critical than the hypothetical risk of a Hittite punitive action.
Therefore he used every possible pretext to avoid sending his best
forces to Mukis, and fortified his positions on the northern frontier
of his own kingdom. In a much-quoted letter of A m m u r a p i to the
King (of Carchemish) he claims that his troops and chariots are in
Hatti (RS 20.238 = Ug 5, no. 24; see p. 720), but I wonder how
much credence should still be given to this declaration in view of
the new data from the Urtenu archive. It would seem that a scenario of 'each for himself' better fits the scattered evidence on the
last years of Ugarit and her futile attempt to withhold the impending invasion of the 'Sea Peoples'.
7.1.6
T h e final hours of
by the protagonists
dispatched as long
destination and be
pretation (1965, 257) that the author of the letter simply wanted to get rid of the
horses that were entrusted to him.
threatened victims realize the futility of their pleas and contemporary written information disappears almost entirely. 414 Ugarit is the
only site in the entire eastern Mediterranean which supplies written
testimony almost to the very fall of the Bronze Age city, including
direct references to the enemy who is about to cause its ruin. 415
T h e elite of Ugarit seem to have continued conducting their routine business almost until the very end ( A r n a u d 1991b, 65; M a l b r a n 1995b, 107), but they could not have been unaware of the
L a b a t
rapidly deteriorating conditions in their kingdom. A recurring lesson
of history is that victims of an impending catastrophe seldom recognize the gravity of their situation and prefer to consider it as a
passing cloud.
Reference has already been made to the A1aia letters reporting
on seaborne attacks on Ugarit and to the documents referring to a
frontline in Mukis. W h a t remain to be surveyed are a few difficult
'private' letters with dramatic reports on the hopeless military and
economical situation. It is not easy to pinpoint the reported events
to definite places and occasions, but they all seem to share the same
desperate tone of a last-ditch stand.
T h e Ugaritic letter of Drdn416 to his lord is perhaps the most dramatic amongst the last letters from Ugarit ( K T U 2.61 = R S 19.011
= PRU 5, no. 114): ' W h e n your messenger arrived, the army was
humiliated and the city was sacked. O u r food in the threshing floors
was burnt and the vineyards were also destroyed. O u r city is sacked.
May you know it! May you know it!'417
Another Ugaritic letter that has fomented a voluminous bibliography for its theological connotations is the one sent by Iwrdr (.Euniani) to Plsy ( K T U 2.10 = R S 4.475; C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 275ff):
'Let there be peace to you! I have heard from Trgds (Tarfoundia?)
and from Klby (Kalbiya?) that we were beaten. But if we were not
414
1966,
177,
no.
1272).
In contrast to these laconic Ugaritic letters the long Akkadian letter of Banniya (or Eniya) to his lord has more to say about the
actual mishaps, but unfortunately it is very difficult to fathom (RS
34.152 = R S O 4, no. 40). T h e dramatic description of the famine
(11. 9 - 1 5 ) has already been quoted above (p. 719). In the first part
of the letter (11. 3-16) the sender quotes from his previous missive
to his lord, in which he advised him not to let (his agent?) Haddi1ibbau either trade in 'cash money' (silver and gold), or to barter
his chariot (and sakrumas), but rather to offer his provisions and his
donkeys. Although the exact meaning of this transaction remains to
be elucidated, a regression of the economy to bartering is typical in
times of distress. In the second part of the letter (11. 19ff) Banniya
urges his lord to pick his choice men and to hasten to Addaya, who
has written to the King (of Carchemish?). T h e sender himself intended
to send his men (and some strangers) to Hatti, but these have apparently refused to go. T h e king of Hatti(?) will write to the king of
Carchemish instructing him to send his messengers with provisions.
Banniya apparently anticipates that the instruction will be passed on
to his lord and therefore urges him to flee with his men to Addaya,
in accordance with the orders of s u d A s k u r (Ri-Adad?). T h e rest
of the letter is fragmentary, except for the last line where the addressee
is advised to bring a horse to Addaya.
As is evident from the editio pnnceps, this intriguing letter is very
hard to interpret, both on the level of simple translation as well as
in understanding its overall meaning. I would tentatively venture an
interpretation according to which the writer proposes to his lord a
p r o m p t escape from his residence to a previously agreed refuge.
Several names in the letter have an 'eastern' appearance, 4 1 8 and the
same applies to some of the Akkadian forms. Perhaps L a c k e n b a c h e r
(1991b, 86, n. 9) is right in tentatively suggesting that the letter was
418
Haddi-1ibbau, Sin-umati-uabi ^30.MU.ME.TUKU), Ri-Adad (SUD-CIIM), EribaMarduk (su-A-DAMAR.UTU), Marduk (MAR.TUK).
sent from Mari. 419 Another provenance could be Emar, which maintained close commercial contacts with Ugarit. A flight f r o m the
endangered coastal zone to inland Syria would have seemed a sensible option, even though reports were circulating about unstable
conditions along the Euphrates valley as well. 420
T h e Hittite sources have little to add on the fall of Ugarit. T h e
last written documents from Hattusa must be the boasting reports
of Suppiluliuma II's Pyrrhic victories in A1aia and along the Mediterranean coast ( H a w k i n s 1995; S i n g e r forthcoming a).421 In his last
letters to Ugarit the 'Sun' demands food shipments and information
on the iki1a enemy. If there were any later exchanges between the
two courts, including reports on the desperate situation, they have
not as yet been found. But I doubt that the Hittites (or any declining overlord for that matter) would have informed their Syrian allies
about their own failures on the battle front.
Carchemish was probably not directly affected by the operations
of the 'Sea Peoples', and its dynasty continued to rule well into the
early Iron Age ( H a w k i n s 1988; 1995; Gterbock 1992). H o w distant the Viceroy of Carchemish was (or pretended to be) from the
dramatic events transpiring along the coastal areas is well reflected
in a letter to A m m u r a p i ( R S L 1 = Ug 5, no. 23) which is usually
attributed to the king of Alasia, but must belong to the 'King' par
excellence (see n. 394). In his reply to Ammurapi's worried message
about the enemy ships that had been sighted at sea, the King advises
his vassal how to overcome the approaching enemy: 'Surround your
cities with walls. Bring (your) infantry and chariotry into (them). Be
on the lookout for the enemy and make yourself very strong!' T h e
covenant between suzerain and vassal had gone a long way since
Suppiluliuma I's gallant offer of military support to Ugarit. While
Ugarit was constandy required to commit her army to the Hittites,
all that the overlord in Carchemish could offer in these agonizing
times was hollow 'moral support'.
419
Another letter probably sent from Mari is RS 34.142 (= R S O 7, no. 47), for
which see p. 657.
420
M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995b, 107. In a letter sent by Ini-Tesub to agarakt[i-uria]
of Babylon concern is expressed about the activities of nomadic shepherds in the
Land of Suhi ( B O R D R E U I L - M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995, 445, 448).
421
L E B R U N ' S suggestion ( 1 9 9 5 , 8 6 ) that the Hittite royal couple fled to Ura on
the southern coast is based on unwarranted evidence.
A new letter from the Urtenu archive may perhaps indicate that
Carchemish at least promised to send reinforcements to her beleaguered
vassal (RS 88.2009; M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995b, 39-40). A certain UrhiT e s u b (without any title) informs Urtenu, Yabinina, d i m . d i . k u d , 4 2 2
D a n a n a , the Great Ones ( n i . m e s g a l ) and the City Ellders ( l . m e
ibti sa u r u . k i ) of Ugarit that the King of Carchemish had already
left the Land of Hatti (itu k u r Hatti ittara)m and that they should
defend their city until the arrival of the rescue troops. T h e first two
addressees provide a dating in the last decades of Ugarit, 424 which
renders most unlikely the identification of Urhi-Tesub with the illustrious royal exile ( K l e n g e l 1996, 561), whose throne was usurped
by Hattusili around 1265 (see p. 644ff.). Rather, the author
must have been an important official at the court of Carchemish
reporting about the military moves of his king. 425 Why this late UrhiTesub addresses his letter most unusually to the nobility and the
elders of Ugarit remains a riddle. 426 W h e t h e r the promised rescue
troops ever arrived at Ugarit we shall probably never know, but in
any case, the city was sacked shortly thereafter.
T h e exact date of Ugarit's fall remains to be established. 427 T h e
letter sent to A m m u r a p i by the Egyptian B e y a / B 3 y provides a terminus post quern between 1194 and 1186 (see p. 715). In 1175 bce
422
Several kings of Tyre bore the same name, ''IM.DI.KUD (see n. 218).
In this period the 'Land of Hatti' was a loose geo-political term which included
Carchemish. This is also indicated by other occurrences in the late correspondence
from Ugarit (see nn. 150, 170).
424
For Urtenu's dating, see p. 6 5 8 ; for Yab(i)ninu's, see COURTOIS 1990.
425
As suggested above (p. 645), he may be identical with the author of an Ugaritic
courtesy letter addressed by Urg-Ttb 'to the queen, my lady' (KTU 2.68 = RS
20.199; PARDEE 1984a, 213-5; CUNCHILLOS 1989a, 359ff.). CUNCHILLOS (1989a, 361,
n. 3) tentatively suggests that the letter to the queen of Ugarit was sent from Egypt
by the exiled king Urhi-Tesub.
426
In the 'Sikila letter', also from the Urtenu archive, the Great King addresses
the governor of Ugarit because 'the king, your lord, is young and does not know
anything' (RS 34.129.5-7 = R S O 7, no. 12; see p. 722). However, if Urhi-Tesub
addresses the dignitaries of Ugarit because of the young age of the king, this letter could hardly be dated to the last years of Ugarit. There may be some other
reason for this very unusual type of address.
427
The fall of Ugarit is variously dated in current literature between 1200 and
1175 BCE (for some of the refs., see NEU 1995b, 122, n. 25). None of the exact dates
can presently be proven, and they merely reflect the general 'feeling' of the respective authors. My own guess is closer to the terminus post quern supplied by the letter
of Beya/B3y than to the terminus ante quern of Ramesses Ill's eighth year, i.e., around
1190/1185 (a few years later than I suggested in 1987, 418). The fall of Emar in
ca. 1187 (ARNAUD 1975) does not have to be synchronized with the fall of Ugarit,
though obviously both are part of the same overall collapse of LBA centres.
423
428
Ramesses Ill's famous statement about the destruction of Fiatti, Qd, Carchemish,
Arzawa and A1aia by the 'Sea Peoples' (KRI V 39.14-40.1) does not refer to
Ugarit direcdy, but, as pointed out by L I V E R A N I (1995a, 49), this list reflects political entities and not just geographical regions. Carchemish represents the whole of
Hittite Syria, even though its eastern parts, including Carchemish itself, were not
directly afflicted by the 'Sea Peoples'. T h e mysterious land of Qd (variously rendered as Qpde, Qadi, etc.) may well refer here to the kingdom of Tarhuntaa, as
suggested by L I V E R A N I (ib.).
42
'' A few Myc. III C sherds found in the latest habitation level show that the
fall of Ugarit occurred after the first appearance of this type of pottery ( C O U R T O I S
1973; 1987, 21 Off.; M O N C H A M B E R T 1996).
430
L E H M A N N ( 1 9 9 1 , 1 1 7 ; 1 9 9 6 , 1 9 ) weighs the possibility for an earthquake catastrophe which might have led to ('auslsenden Faktor') the military defeat of Ugarit,
quoting as a parallel the archaeological evidence from the Argolid (Tiryns, Midea,
Mycenae). Even more convinced about the plausibility of a final earthquake is
D U P O N T 1 9 8 7 , who attempts to play down the philological evidence for an enemy
attack on Ugarit, without however adducing any arguments for Schaeffer's theory.
Cf. also K L E N G E L 1 9 9 2 , 1 5 1 .
431
T h e presence of a yellowish powder that permeated the destruction level was
explained by S C H A E F F E R (1968, 760ff.) as a period of extreme drought towards the
end of Ugarit's existence. It is now conventionally seen as a result of the burning
of brick structures.
7.2
T h e r e are a few traces of an ephemeral reoccupation of Ugarit immediately after its fall at the beginning of the 12th century (Yon 1992,
432
The standard interpretation considered t}rsn to be the name of the object carrying the inscription (cf. Hebrew haris in 2 Sam. 1 2 : 3 1 ; I Chr. 2 0 : 3 ) , but both the
Personenkeil preceeding the name and the existence of an Ugaritic PN Hrsn/Hurasanu
(for refs. see BORDREUIL 1998) conclusively disprove this interpretation.
433 N[ o t e (hat besides the manufactured objects the hoard also included two pieces
of cast metal (Ug 3, 260, fig. 224, 19; 262, fig. 226, bottom), which would hardly
tally with the contents of a foundation deposit. It may indicate that the hoard was
118-9). These include some dome-shaped ovens, like the one which
was found in Courtyard V of the royal palace and was thought to
have been used for the baking of clay tablets. It is hard to say who
these squatters were, the plunderers of the city or its refugees. At
any rate, this meagre epilogue was short-lived and the site remained
in ruins for nearly a thousand years. 434
More substantial evidence for reoccupation was found at Ras Ibn
Hani, 4 3 5 a secondary residence of the royal family of Ugarit, and at
Ras Bassit, a northern outpost of the kingdom. 436 T h e LBA palaces
at Ras Ibn H a n i yielded Akkadian and Ugaritic tablets dating from
the mid-13th century onwards ( L a g a r c e 1995, 149ff.). T h e site was
apparendy evacuated in an orderly fashion before the final catastrophe,
and the inhabitants probably sought refuge within the walls of Ugarit
(Yon 1992c, 118). Ras Bassit probably shared the same fate.
T h e new settlers at Ras Ibn Hani and Ras Bassit produced Myc.
Ill C:1 ware ( B a d r e 1983; L a g a r c e 1988) of the same type that
appears in Cyprus and along the Levant, from Cilicia to Philistia,
and is traditionally associated with the new setdement of 'Sea Peoples'
along these coastal areas. 437 It is worth noting that at Ras Ibn Hani,
as in Philistia, there is a gradual evolution from m o n o c h r o m e to
bichrome pottery ( L a g a r c e 1988, 153), and such similarities should
be further explored in the areas of the 'Sea Peoples' diaspora. Besides
the Myc. Ill C:1 ware, the Iron Age settlement at Ras Ibn H a n i
has also produced types of pottery which continue local ceramic traditions ( L a g a r c e 1988, 154-5; C a u b e t 1992, 127). This shows that,
as in C a n a a n , the reoccupation of the coastal sites was carried out
by mixed populations of newcomers and remnant groups of the local
inhabitants.
hidden by a smith or perhaps the supervisor of a treasury, rather than the High
Priest who was the (original) owner of the inscribed axes.
434
T h e site was partially reoccupied only in the late Persian and the Hellenistic
periods ( C O U R T O I S 1979, 280ff.; STUCKY 1982; A S T O U R 1995, 68-9, n. 97; Y O N
1997b: 112-3). A few 9th~8th century Cypriot sherds were probably left by tombrobbers in the fill of tomb 1069 ( C A U B E T 1992, 123-4).
435
BOUNNI et al. 1987; L A G A R C E 1988; 1995; C A U B E T 1992, 124ff. (with refs.).
T h e site has been variously identified as Appu ( B O R D R E U I L 1984), as Biruti ( A R N A U D
1992, 82, . 9), or as Ru (ASTOUR 1995, 68).
436
C A U B E T 1 9 9 2 , 1 2 7 (with refs.). A S T O U R 1 9 9 5 , 5 8 suggests an identification with
ancient Sinaru.
437
See, however, C A U B E T 1 9 9 2 , 1 3 0 , who questions this interpretation of the new
pottery and considers it to be a local ceramic development.
EGYPT
Amenophis III
1390-1352
AMURRU
SIYANNU-UNATU
Ammittamru I
? c. 1350
Abdi-Airta
Niqmepa
Ba'aluya
Akhenaton.
1352-1336
Aziru
UGARIT
Abdi-Hebat
N i q m a d d u II Pi;
c.1350-1315
c. 1340-Fire in Uga:
Tutankhamun
1336-1327
Ay
1327-1323
Horemheb
1323-1295
Abdi-Anati
(= Abdi-NINURTA ?)
Du-Teub
A r - H a l b a Kubat
c. 1315-1313
N i q m e p a Ahat-i
c. 1313-1260
Duppi-Teub
Ramesses I
Sety I
1294-1279
Ramesses II
1279-1213
Benteina
abi1i
Benteina
A m m i t t a m r u II
c.1260-1235
augamuwa
SUM- d IM
abi1im
Padiya
(order unknown)J
Merneptah (1213-1203)-
I b i r a n u Sarelli
c.1235-1225/20
N i q m a d d u III
c. 1225/20-1215
A m m u r a p i Aldi
c.1215-1190/85
Amenmesse (1203-1200)
Sety 11(1200-1194)
Siptah (1194-1188)
Beya
Tausert (1188-1186)
Setnakht (1186-1184)
Ramesses 111(1184-1153)
HATTI
KARKAMI
Tudhaliya "II"
AUR
Eriba-Adad I
1380-1354
Arnuwanda I
Aur-Uba1it
1353-1318
Tudhaliya "III"
uppiluliuma I
Arnuwanda II
arre-Kuuh
(Piyai1i)
Muri1i II
Enlil-nirari I
1317-1308
ahurunuwa
Arik-den-i1i
1307-1296
Adad-nirari
1295-1264
Muwatalli II
Urhi-Teub
Hattusili "III" Puduhepa
Ini-Te.ub
a1manassar I
1263 1234
tu rabiti
Tudhaliya " I V " + Puduhepa
Tuku1ti-Ninurta
1233-1197
Nikkalu
(?)
Arnuwanda III
Ta1mi-Teub
uppiluliuma II
Aur-nadin-ap1i (1196-1194)
Aur-nirari III (1193-1188)
Enlil-Kudur-uur (1187-1183)
Ninurta-apil-Ekur (1182-1180/70)
Asur-dan I (1179/69-1134)
Little is known about the demographic situation in the countryside of Ugarit after the fall of the metropolis. As pointed out by
L i v e r a n i (1995a, 52), inland villages may have suffered much less
from the ravages of the sea-borne enemy, and the remarkable survival of ancient names in the present toponymy of the region ( A s t o u r
1979; B o r d r e u i l 1989a) may indicate that some of the smaller settlements of the kingdom survived the cataclysm that put an end to
the capital city. This seems to be all the more true in the territory
of the former kingdom of Siyannu-Unatu, where some of the main
sites (Tell Sukas, Tell Daruk) continue well into the Iron Age. 438
These scattered maritime and inland Iron Age settlements cannot
obscure the outstanding p h e n o m e n o n of the total disappearence of
the region's major city from the geo-political scene of the Levant
for nearly a thousand years. Only Hellenistic Laodicea (present-day
Lattaquieh) brought back this once prosperous coastal region to a
similar grandeur. T h e fact that Ugarit never rose from its ashes, as
did other LBA cities of the Levant which suffered a similar fate,
must have more substantial grounds than the destruction inflicted
upon the city by the 'Sea Peoples'. Those who still envisage a serious earthquake in the sequence of events that led to the fall of Ugarit
suggest some drastic change in the tectonic structure of the region,
especially in the area of the harbour, which would have deprived
the city of its main source of livelihood ( K l e n g e l 1 9 9 2 , 1 5 1 ) . Probably
some of the climatic cataclysms that have been proposed to explain
the overall collapse of the palatial systems throughout the Aegean
and the eastern Mediterranean 4 3 1 ' took their toll of Ugarit as well,
especially the devastating famine which could have been caused by
an intense drought. But in the final analysis, the main reason for
Ugarit's disappearance from the political scene may simply have been
the sudden collapse of the traditional structures of international trade,
which were the lifeblood of Ugarit's booming economy in the Bronze
Age. Gradually, Phoenician harbours such as Tyre, Sidon, Byblos
and Arwad replaced Ugarit as the main ports of Levantine trade
during the first millennium bce.
T H E TABLETS AND T H E C O M P U T E R
T h e
C u r r e n t
S t a t e
and
T h e o d o r e J.
Ugaritic
Studies
T e c h n o l o g y '
Lewis
1.1
of
Steve
A.
Wiggins
Introduction
1.2
Background
ugaritic
studies
and
technology
735
perspective, the speed with which they have made the texts available is especially commendable. This publishing traditiondating
back to 1929 when C. Virolleaud made drawings of the first alphabetic
tablets available within a year of their discovery and continuing up
to the present with the contributions of P. Bordreuil and D. Pardee
appearing in the R S O serieshas allowed Ugaritologists worldwide
to keep abreast of the latest discoveries.
It is helpful to situate the publishing of the early photographs of
the tablets in an historical context. W h e n the first Ugaritic tablets
were discovered, there already existed a long-established convention
(inherited from Assyriology) for publishing cuneiform texts. This
entailed publishing a facsimile drawing, a transcription, and sometimes a translation. Photographs, when published, were largely used
for archival purposes, but were considered less essential to the philological interpretation of the text. Unless one had access to the originals in Damascus, Aleppo, and Paris, one relied on the eye of others;
no independent evaluations could be made based on epigraphically
useful photographs.
W h e n the Ugaritic texts were first unearthed in the late 1920s,
the use of a photographic record to secure readings was not an issue.
T h e tablets were photographed in black and white, mostly in what
could be referred to as 'reference shots'one photo per side of a
tablet, sometimes including photographs of the edges. T h e purpose
of these photographs was not to establish difficult readings, but to
give an overall impression of the size, shape, and state of preservation of the tablets. T h e i r publication was accompanied by transcriptions in H e r d n e r ' s CTA. Facsimiles drawn with rather stylized
versions of the Ugaridc characters became the basic source for understanding the epigraphic evidence on the tablets.
It must be stressed that the photographs, not very helpful for reading the tablets, were produced according to the conventions at the
time for publishing ancient Semitic texts. T h e y were produced for
documentation, not for the scrutiny of an epigraphist. Some shades
or marbling of the clay made photographs too dark a n d / o r patchy
to be read in black and white 3 and their convexity made photographs
ZUCKERMAN
1.3
For an example, see Plate VI of C T A 3, Rev. Note that the reverse is illegible
in the lower right-hand corner where the fuzziness of the tablet outline makes it
clear that it is out of focus due to the curvature of the tablet.
5
Once again C T A 3, Rev. (Plate VI) serves as an example. T h e damaged section of columns 4 and 5 radiate out from a break in the tablet. The break is not
clean throughout, leaving a dimpled surface for parts of those two columns. Closeup photographs of the difficult sections reveal that some readings may be substantiated: see below.
if it is to remain healthy, needs to wrestle with fundamental epigraphic questions. Healey succinctly states the problem: 'there are
so many uncertainties in readings, despite KTU, that Ugaritic studies is in danger of getting bogged down in alternative readings and
mistaken readings'. 6 Parker concurs: 'An adequate, publicly available
edition based on the best current photographic technology (i.e. high
resolution macro-photography using various light sources and angles)
remains the great desideratum of Ugaritic studies'. 7 Such sentiments
are shared by most scholars who do not relish the thought of having their painstaking interpretations overturned in the future due to
having relied on a faulty reading.
Since no published edition makes a claim of certainty on all readings, most scholars of the Ugaritic texts have wished to see the original tablets to clarify particular readings, especially where KTU and
CTA differ. Pitard, one of the two senior editors of the U T D E (see
below), has summarized the dilemma this way:
This situation has created a considerable amount of confusion in the
way that the texts are handled in Ugaritic studies. Scholars by and
large have been forced simply to choose one edition to follow, without being able to deal personally with the epigraphically disputed portions of the tablet.8
Clearer photographs have begun to appear recently, 9 with the goal
of stabilizing the text, particularly where difficulties of the tablet allow
for multiple readings. T h e goal of such photographic records is ultimately to stabilize the entire text, as it currently exists. 10 In response,
U T D E and the E R S P are seeking ways to make a comprehensive
digital photographic archive of the Ugaritic tablets widely available.
M a n y factors make such archives desirable, the primary one being
historical preservation. W h e n the sole remaining autographs deteriorate, there is no way to replace the missing data. An historical
archive documenting the current state of the texts is essential. Restoration based on earlier photographs and epigraphers' records also
plays a vital role in the preservation of the texts, but as a hedge
6
HEALEY
1986,
30.
PARKER
1989,
4.
PITARD
1.4
11
ZUCKERMAN
ZUCKERMAN
1997,
336-47.
for optimal resolution together with four types of film: color transparencies (Ektachrome 100 Plus); high-resolution color negatives
(Pro 100); black-and-white, good contrast, high-resolution negatives
(T-Max); and black-and-white, high contrast, very-high-resolution
negatives (Technical Pan).
Pitard became associated with the project after 1985, when he
carried out the first of four photographic expeditions to Syria and
Paris (the other trips taking place in 1989, 1994 (with A. Vaughn)
and 1995 (with Lewis). T h e U T D E project now has a nearly complete series of high-resolution photographs of the major narrative
texts from Ugarit ( K T U 1.1-24), along with a sampling of other
religious texts (including K T U 1.43 = RS 1.005, 1.83 = RS 16.266,
1.91 = RS 19.015, 1.96 = R S 22.225, 1.100 = RS 24.244, 1.108
= RS 24.252, 1.109 = RS 24.253, 1.112 = RS 24.256, 1.113 = R S
24.257, 1.114 = RS 24.258, 1.117 = R S 24.263, 1.124 = RS 24.272,
1.133 = RS 24.293, and 1.161 = RS 34.126). In the summer of
1997, Pitard and Schmidt were able to re-photograph the bulk of
the early negatives housed in the Collge de France. This will allow
further analysis of the degree to which the tablets may have deteriorated through the passing of time.
A few years ago, the editors of U T D E began to think about
attempting to produce a photographically-based edition of the Ugaritic
tablets. In order to lay a proper foundation, Pitard published articles on K T U 1.161 = RS 34.126 and 1.20-22 = R S 3.348, 2.[019],
2.[024] that were intended to serve as prototypes for a larger project. 12 Also appearing were several articles discussing the illumination of crucial and controversial readings using macro-photographic
techniques including studies of K T U 1.23 = RS 2.002, 13 1.19 = RS
3.322+, 1 4 and 1.96 = R S 22.225, 15 not to mention a detailed examination of the way the letter cayin was produced in the Ugaritic
script. 16 In addition, 47 macro-photographs were published in Smith's
new commentary on the Baal Epic. 17 T h e recently published Ugaritic
12
PITARD
13
RATNER
14
1994b, 31-8.
T . J . L E W I S 1996a, 115-21.
P I T A R D 1992a, 261 79.
M . S . S M I T H 1994, plates 1 47.
15
16
17
18
ZUCKERMAN
PITARD
PARKER (ed.)
1997.
1986,
15
60.
19
On the types of scanners and the importance of drum scanners and uninterpolated scans, see Z U C K E R M A N - Z U C K E R M A N 1 9 9 7 , 3 4 6 .
1.5
20
Menus on this screen allow one to move to further screens showing each individual line, designed for detailed epigraphic study. Each
screen includes a closeup colour image of the line, its transliteration,
a superimposable facsimile, a facsimile which appears in a window
directly below the photograph, and epigraphic notes for the line. For
each significandy damaged letter, buttons will allow the user to see
additional macro photos that show the traces in different light patterns.
Evidence from the original photos taken in the 1930s will appear
here in cases where the tablet subsequently has been damaged.
Part 2: T h e high-resolution images. This important feature will
allow scholars to study the photos with their own computer imaging programs such as Adobe Photoshop or Live Picture. T h e photos have been digitized usually at 1000 dpi to allow for significant
enlargement on the computer screen. T h e file size of such images
is in the 50 M B range. For the U T D E , however, these images will
be compressed so that some 150 can be placed on a single disc.
W h e n uncompressed these images retain their full definition. Since
there are m a n y scholars who have older computers that do not run
well with 50 M B files, we will also provide lower resolution versions
of the images on the C D .
1.6
21
LLOYD -
WYATT
1996,
425.
22
LLOYD -
WYATT
1996,
426-7
23
LLOYD -
WYATT
1996,
426-7
24
LLOYD -
WYATT
1996,
428.
LLOYD
LLOYD
1995,
1995,
597.
597.
25
WYATT 26 W Y A T T -
1.7
27
We thank Jesus-Luis Cunchillos for providing an extensive outline of these projects (private communication 9 J u n e 1997). T h e essence of these remarks may be
found in the world wide web site on the subject: 'Sapnu: Publicaciones en Internet,'
Madrid: CSIC, Laboratorio de Hermeneumtica, 1997 (address: http://www.labherm.filol.csic.es).
28
'Hermeneumatic' is a compound word coined from the words 'hermeneutics'
and 'automatic'. It refers to a computerized interpretation, in this case of matters
Ugaritic.
29
CUNCHILLOS -
30
CUNCHILLOS -
31
VITA
1993.
1995a (CPU).
Quotation from 'Sapnu' web site.
VITA
1.8
Conclusion
32
33
34
35
C U N C H I L L O S et al.
1996.
36
PARKER
1989,
4.
S t o r a g e
and
Analysis
Jess-Luis
2.1
of
the
Texts
Cunchillos
Introduction
C o m p u t i n g and telecommunications provide unprecedented possibilities for the study of the languages and cultures of the ancient Near
East. 1
Already in 1 9 6 9 - 1 9 7 1 Whitaker computerized the texts from Ugarit
( Y V h i t a k e r 1 9 7 2 , VI). H e developed programs, but not much more
information is available about the method he followed. In 1974 the
University of Mnster set out the Ugaridc texts from a word processor (KTU). O t h e r computerization of the texts has resulted in the
Ugaritischer Wortformenindex by Z e m a n e k of the Prague Institute of
Ancient Near Eastern Studies ( Z e m a n e k 1 9 9 5 ) . T h e Edinburgh Ras
S h a m r a Project of the University of Edinburgh is devoted more
specifically to the analysis of images of the tablets (see L l o y d
W y a t t 1 9 9 6 ) . These projects, in terms of computerization, have not
gone beyond the first steps in computerized processing of the texts.
T h e work that remains to be done is difficult but is worth while.
2.2
The modules
Work begins with the creation of a data bank. We are speaking of data
as the object of study, not reference data such as bibliographies. In
the case of philology, the data comprise words, sentences and texts.
This means graphemic chains, words with their morphological display, roots, syntagms, sentences, etc.
A data bank requires a m a n a g e m e n t system, i.e. a relational database ( C u n c h i l l o s 1992a, 547-59). For the moment it seems to be
the indispensable management tool, although progress in computer
science may soon provide us with other more complex information
m a n a g e m e n t systems. 2
T h e Manager of the data bank has to be carried out using applications
1
peculiar to the discipline. T h e applications can be grouped according to the phases of computerization and the needs of the philologist.
T h e Laboratory of Hermeneumatics of the Institute de Filologa in the
C S I C (Madrid, Spain) envisages 8 modules in order to computerize
everything, i.e. the whole procedure from text to critical interpretation ( C u n c h i l l o s 1996a, 52-5). So far, four modules have been or
are in the course of being completed:
The first module contains the applications which enable data to be
identified and fed in and modified, and a search system. T h e identification of the storage unit assumes a single n u m b e r i n g system
for the minimal unit of text storage, i.e. the siglum. For data to be fed
in, a system has to be worked out for connotation, transliteration and
transcription, the most accurate possible. For scientific work it is necessary to have a font with all the graphemes and signs which will
enable the text to be transcribed with all its diacritics ( C u n c h i l l o s G a l a n 1996, 161-70).
Problems due to the variety of computer platforms (Macintosh,
Windows, Unix) are unavoidable if the data bank is to be made
available to scholars over the Internet. T h e data are transmitted from
platform to platform from the user to the server and from the server
to the user, but no-one can specify the n u m b e r and type of platform through which the information may pass. Each type of platform has its own requirements. T h e transmission of scripts using
graphemes which differ from those of m o d e r n Western languages
incurs problems. Fonts have to be created, such as Ilulnternet, 3 the
graphemes of which are located between 32 and 127 in the ASCII
numbering system, so far the only numbers respected by all platforms.
T h e text, input with the inclusion of all epigraphic indications,
first has to be stored and then stripped of the epigraphic indications
so that the computer is able to deal with it.
Furthermore, a system has to be provided for the arrangement of
the graphemes and words in the desired alphabetical sequence, which
in the case of Semitic is not the same as in the modern western
alphabet.
T h e final result of the computer applications of this first module,
besides identification, input, modification and searches, will be the
3
The reader can find them and load them into his computer in Sapanu, GSRCInternet which has the address: http://www.labherm.filol.csic.es.
G a l n
Zamora
1996).
The third module enables the shift from PMD to Stems and Roots.
T h e shift takes place due to the Ugaritic Morphological Analyser (Analizador
Morfolgico Ugaritico or AMU). T o function the AMU requires:
a) A List or file of attested Words with their Morphological Display which
has been derived previously by a computer process, extracting from
the text first the attested Graphematic Chains and then selecting from
them the PMD.
b) A lexicon of Roots and Stems known and accepted as such by
specialists. T o compile it, uniform rules have to be applied for the input
and lexicographical treatment of Roots and Stems. Some headings
or fields are strictly necessary (Stem/Root, Homograph, Comparative
Linguistics, Grammatical Class, Meaning), others are useful (Bibliography, Semantic Field, Notes and Commentary).
c) Table of morphological modifiers.
d) Table of morphological analysis, where the results are written and stored.
T h e process applies the Rules which explain the formation and morphological development of the words. This means that they describe
the behaviour of each one of the grammatical classes. AMU, faced
with a PMD, applies the rules. W h e n it is seen that the rules of a
grammatical class are followed in the PMD, AMU assigns the appropriate grammatical class to it and, by analysis of the PMD, it will
explain its morphology.
AMU proposes several levels of analysis, running from a simple
one, if the PMD matches one of the entries in the Lexicon, to the
formation of possible nouns, gentilics or names of professions, through
detailed analysis of nominal and verbal forms.
T h e specialist has to make multiple tests before accepting the
analyser. Moreover, the analyser should be tested by other specialists, who will be asked to try to find morphological rules which have
not been taken into account.
T h e analyses made by the analyser, after preliminary refinement,
will enable the possible relationships between analysis and text to be
established. In other words, the specialist has to be able to assign
an analysis of each word in all the texts or at least select a limited
n u m b e r of them as possible.
From then on, when the user asks for a text he will have access
to the analysis of each word making up that text, and by means of
that analysis, to each of their components: a file of prefixes, suffixes,
etc., and the lexicon where the Roots and Stems are stored. T h e
most important result of the third module will be the Concordance of
Ugantic Roots (Concordancia de Rakes Ugarticas or CRU).
The fourth module, 'from word to sentence', will deal with syntax.
It has begun with a file in which simple syntagms are compiled, i.e.
groups of two or more words which have a special meaning, as
accepted by colleagues. Each element of such a syntagm is connected
with the corresponding roots and stems of the lexicon ( C u n c h i l l o s
1996b). L a t e r on, the p a t t e r n s of Semitic syntax p r o p o s e d by
B r o c k e l m a n n (1967) and other authors will be used.
Conclusions
Cervign
1998; C u n c h i l l o s
G a l n
1997; C u n c h i l l o s
Siabra
W.G.E.
Watson)
CO
<U
3
REFERENCES
ABD
AEL
AHw
ANEP
ANET
A
ARET
BDB
BHS
CAD
CAH
CARTU
CAT
CHD
CIS
CML
CPU
CS
CTA
CTH
DBS
ABBREVIATIONS:
REFERENCE
WORKS
al.
DDI)
DLU
DNIVSI
GAG
HALOT
KRI
KTU
LA
MSL
NERT
PRU
RIA
RPOA
RSO
Ras-Shamra
Ougarit:
Une maison Ougarit, tudes d'architecture domestique
(Paris: E R C 1983).
R S O 2. D. P A R D E E Les textes hippiatriques (Paris: E R C 1986).
R S O 3. M. YON et al. Le centre de la ville, 38-44' campagnes (1978-1984)
(Paris: E R C 1987).
R S O 4. D. P A R D E E IJS textes para-mythologiques de la 24' campagne (1961)
(Paris: E R C 1 9 8 8 ) .
R S O 5 / 1 . P . B O R D R E U I L - D . P A R D E E La trouvaille pigraphique de l'Ougarit.
1 Concordance (Paris: E R C 1 9 8 9 ) .
R S O 5 / 2 . J.-L. C U N C H I L L O S La trouvaille pigraphique de l'Ougarit. 2 Bibliographie (Paris: E R C 1 9 9 0 ) .
1991).
RSO
6 . M . Y O N (ed.) Arts et industries de la pierre (Paris: E R C
RSO
7 . B O R D R E U I L , P. et al. Une bibliothque au sud de la ville. Les textes
de la 34' campagne (1973) (Paris: ERC 1991).
RSO
8 . H . D E C O N T E N S O N Prhistoire de Ras Shamra, les sondages stratigraphiques de 1955 1976 2 volumes (Paris: E R C 1 9 9 2 ) .
R S O
9 . P. A M I E T Corpus des cylindres de Ras ShamraOugarit II. Sceauxcylindres en hmatite et pierres diverses (Paris: ERC 1992).
R S O 1 0 . O . C A L L O T La tranche 'ville sud'. Etudes d'architecture domestique
(Paris: ERC 1994).
R S O 11. M . Y O N
M . SZNYCER
P. B O R D R E U I L (eds) Le pays d'Ougarit
autour de 1200 av. J.-C. Actes du Colloque International de Paris,
28 juin-1er juillet 1993 (Paris: E R C 1995).
R S O 12. D. P A R D E E Les textes rituels (Paris: E R C in press).
L . R . F I S H E R et al. (eds) Ras Shamra Parallels (vol. 3 S . R U M M E L ed.)
(3 volumes: AnOr 49-51, Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute 1972-81).
= RSO 5/1.
Textes ougariliques
TO 1. A . C A Q U O T - M . S Z N Y C E R - A . H E R D N E R Textes Ougariliques v
Mythes et lgendes (LAPO 7, Paris: Cerf 1974).
TO 2 . A. C A Q U O T
J . - M . DE T A R R A G O N - J.-L. C U N C H I L L O S Textes
Ougaritiques ii: Textes religieux et rituels; Correspondance (LAPO 14,
Paris: Cerf 1989).
R . B O R G E R et al. (eds) Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testament (Gtersloh:
Mohn 1982-).
Ugaritica:
Ugaritica. C . F . - A . S C H A E F F E R Etudes relatives aux dcouvertes de Ras Shamra
( B A H 3 1 , M R S 3 , Paris: Geuthner 1 9 3 9 ) .
Ugaritica 2 . C . F . - A . S C H A E F F E R .Nouvelles tudes relatives aux dcouvertes de
Ras Shamra (BAH 47, M R S 5, Paris: Geuthner 1949).
Ugaritica 3. C.F.-A. S C H A E F F E R Sceaux et cylindres hittites, pe grave du cartouche de Mineptah, tablettes chypro-minoennes et autres dcouvertes
nouvelles de Ras Shamra (BAH 64, M R S 8, Paris: Geuthner
1956).
Ugaritica 4. C.F.-A. S C H A E F F E R Dcouvertes des XVIII' et XIX' campagnes
1954 1955. Fondements prhistoriques d'Ugarit et nouveaux sondages.
Etudes anthropologiques (BAH 74, MRS 15, Paris: Geuthner
1962).
Ugaritica 5 . J . N O U G A Y R O L - E . L A R O C H E - C . V I R O L L E A U D - C . F . - A .
S C H A E F F E R Nouveaux textes accadiens, hourrites et ugaritiques des
archives et bibliothques prives d'Ugarit. Commentaire des textes
(premire partie) (BAH 80, M R S 16, Paris: Geuthner 1968).
Ugaritica 6. C . F . - A . S C H A E F F E R (ed.) ( B A H 81, M R S 17, Paris: Geuthner
1969).
RSO
RSP
TEO
TO
TUAT
Ug
1.
O.
CALLOT
UT
WUS
II
AAA S
AASOR
AB
ABAW
Abr-Nah
ACF
AEPHE
AF
AoF
AJO
AGI
A ION
AIONS
AJA
ALASP
ALBO
ANLR
AnOr
AnSt
AntSem
AOAT
AOS
ARM(T)
Ar Or
AS'
ATD
ATSAT
AuOr
AuOrS
BA
BAH
BASOR
BASORSS
BBVO
BCSMS
BieOr
BiOr
BLE
BM
ABBREVIATIONS:
SERIES
AND
PERIODICALS
BMECJ
BN
BO
BRA
BSA
BSOAS
BVSAWL
BZAW
CIS
CRAIBL
CRB
CSF
DdA
El
ELRA
EPROER
FARG
FAT
FCT
FuF
GLECS
GM
HANES
HdO
HEO
HKA
HOS
HSM
HSS
HTR
HUCA
HZ
IEJ
IF
IV
1LR
IOS
JA
JAMES
JA OS
JBL
JCS
JEOL
JESHO
JHC
JNES
JNSL
JPOS
JOR
JQRS
JRAS
JSOTS
JSS
JSSEi
JSSM
JTS
KBo
LAPO
MARI
MCAAS
MDOG
MI
MRS
MUSJ
MVAeG
NABU
NUS
OA
OAC
OAM
OBO
OE
OLA
OLP
OLZ
Or
OrSuec
OTS
PEQ
PMS H
PIBA
POS
PRU
QP
RA
RB
RdE
RGTC
RHA
RUR
RRANL
RSF
RSO
RSO
SAK
SBLDS
SBLWAWS
SBS
SCCNH
SCHANE
SCO
SE
SEL
SGKAO
SIMA
SM
SMEA
SMSR
SP
JSS Monographs
Journal of Theological Studies
Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazki
Littratures anciennes du Proche-Orient
Mari: Annales des Recherches Interdisciplinaires
Memoirs of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences
Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellscha
Materiali Lescali ed Epigrafia
Mission de Ras Shamra
Mmoires de l'Universit St Joseph (Beirut)
Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-Aegyptischen Gessellschaft
Nouvelles Assyriologiques Brves et Utilitaires
Newsletter for Ugaritic Studies
Oriens Antiquus
Orientis Antiqui Collectio
Orientis Antiqui Miscellanea
Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis
Orient-Express
Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta
Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica
Orientalistische Literaturzeitung
Orientalia
Orientalia Suecana
Oudtestamentische Studien
Palestine Exploration Quarterly
Proceedings of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities
Proceedings of the Irish Biblical Association
Pretoria Oriental Series
Palais Royal d'Ugarit
Quaderni di Semitistica
Revue d'Assyriologie
Revue Biblique
Revue d'Egyptologie
Rpertoire Gographique des Textes Cuniformes
Revue hittite et asianique
Revue de l'Histoire des Religions
Rendiconti dlia Reale Accademia Nazionale dei Linen
Rivista di studi fenici
Ras ShamraOugarit
Rivista degli Studi Orientait
Studien zur Altgyptischen Kultur
Society of Biblical Literature dissertation series
Society of Biblical Literature writings from the ancient world series
Stuttgarter Bibel-Studien
Studies in the culture and civilization of Nuzi and the Hurrians
Studies in the history and culture of the ancient Near East
Studi Classici e Orientait
Sussidi Eruditi
Studi epigrafici e linguistici sut Vicino Oriente antico
Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des Vorderen Orients
Studies in Mediterranean archaeology
Studia mediterranea
Studi micenei ed egeo anatolici
Studi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni
Studia Pohl
SP1B
SS
SSR
SSS
ST
StBoT
StPh
SVT
TA
TCS
TSO
TWA
UBL
UCOP
UF
VDI
VO
Vicino Oriente
Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmler der kniglichen Museen zu Berlin
Vetus Testamentum
World Archaeology
Die Welt des Orients
Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Ernst Moritz Arndt-Universitt Greifswald
(Gesellschafts- und Sprachwissenschaftliche Reihe)
Wiener Zuschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes
Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie
Zeitschrift fr gyptische Sprache
Zeitschrift fr die Alltestamentliche Wissenschaft
Zeitschrift der Deutsche Morgenlndischen Gesellschaft
Zeitschrift des deutschen Palstinvereins
Zeitschrift fur die Neutestamenlliche Wissenschaft
VSKMB
VT
WA
WO
WZG
WZKM
ZA
ZS
ZA W
ZDMG
ZDPV
ZNV
III
AO
AT
BCE
CK
DAPT
DN
EA
ET
GN
Hitt.
IAA
KL
LBA
LH
MBA
ME
Msk
NS
PAM
PN
RIH
ABBREVIATIONS:
GENERAL
RAI
RN
RS
RSL
TN
TT
TU
Ur
IV
AARTUN,
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LIST O F C O N T R I B U T O R S
Prof. K E V I N J . C A T H C A R T
Department of Near Eastern Languages
Faculty of Arts
University College Dublin
Dublin 4 (Ireland)
Prof. IZAK CORNELIUS
Department of Ancient Studies
University of Stellenbosch
Stellenbosch
Private Bag XI
Matieland ZA-7602 (RSA)
Prof. Dr JESUS-LUIS CUNCHILLOS
Laboratorio de Hermeneumtica
CSIC-Instituto de Filologia
c / D u q u e de Medinaceli, 6 - 8
E-28014 Madrid (Spain)
D r ADRIAN CURTIS
Prof. R I C H A R D S. HESS
Denver Baptist Seminary
Denver, Colorado (USA)
Prof. J O H N HUEHNERGARD
Harvard University
6 Divinity Avenue
Cambridge MA 02138 (USA)
Prof. Dr O S W A L D L O R E T Z
Institut fur Altorientalische Philologie
und Vorderasiatische Altertumskunde
Ugarit-Forschungsstelle
Schlaunstrae 2
D-48143 Mnster (Germany)
Prof. T H E O D O R E J . LEWIS
Department of Religion
Peabody Hall
University of Georgia
Athens GA 30602-1625 (USA)
Prof. BARUCH M A R G A L I T
Department of Biblical Studies
University of Haifa
31905 Haifa (Israel)
Prof. IGNACIO M A R Q U E Z R O W E
Universidade da Coruna
Facultad de Humanidades
Campus de Esteiro
E-15403 Ferrol (Spain)
D r PAOLO
MERLO
LETE
Prof. W A Y N E T . PITARD
Program for the Study of Religion
LIST
OF
K L A A S SPRONK
Beethovelaan 7
NL 4102 BM Culemborg
(Netherlands)
PD
D r JOSEF
TROPPER
Stindestrae 20
D-12167 Berlin (Germany)
825
CONTRIBUTORS
D r JUAN-PABI.O
VITA
CSIC-Instituto de Filologia
Departamento de Filologia Biblica y de
Oriente Antiguo
Laboratorio de Hermeneumtica
c/Duque de Medinaceli, 6~8
E-28014 Madrid (Spain)
D r WILFRED G . E .
WATSON
NICOLAS
WYATT
New College
Mound Place
Edinburgh EH 1 2LX (Scotland)
Prof. Dr P A O L O X E L L A
Consigilio Nazionale delle Ricerche
Istituto per la Civilt fenicia e punica
via Salaria Km. 29,500 C.P. 10
1-00016 Monterotondo Stazione (Italy)
INDEX OF TOPICS
-word
181-2
abecedary 51, 614
absolute case, Ugaritic 102
absolute infinitive 153-4
account record 329
acropolis 35
address 361, 375
administrative archives 305
administrative record(s) 393
administrative text(s) 38, 57, 140,
327, 425
administrators 4 3 4 - 5
adoption 479-80, 482
adverbs, Ugaritic 1 18
Aegean motifs 593
afterlife 252, 268
agenda 328
agricultural products 446
agriculture 4 5 0 - 1
Akkadian siptu-prayers in Ugaritic
alphabetic script 145
Akkadian 76, 393, 529
Akkadian legal texts 394- 411
Akkadian tablets 49
Akkadian texts 52, 530
Akkadian-Hurrian wisdom text 58
alabaster 624, 636 n. 100, 637
alabaster container 599
aleph-sign(s) 78, 80, 93 4
alliance 378
alliteration 184, 224
alphabet 76, 79, 456, 457
alphabet, cuneiform 47, 77
alphabet, h-l-h-m 85
alphabet, Old Arabic 85
alphabet, Phoenician 82
alphabet, South Semitic 88
a/un-stone 657
ambassador(s) 463
Amorite 529, 608, 612 n. 31, 613,
613 nn. 36, 47, 637
Amorite Age 616
Amorite settlement 226
Amurritic religion 220
anaphoric use of -n 155
Anatolian names 510
ancestors 295
anchors 21, 583
androgynous deity 542 3
anepigraphic cylinder seals 400
animal names 505
animal offerings/victims 296, 336,
338
anthropology of death 251
'Apiru 629
Aqhat 234-58, 263
Aqhat's birth 248
Aqhat's bow 251
Aqhat's encounter with Anat 248
Arabic 614
archaeology 586
archer 494
archetypal theme 197
archive(s) 17, 29, 48, 471,
604
archive of Hurrian priest 34
aristocracy 264
army 492~8
aromatic oils 4 3 7 - 8
arrowsmith
129, 451
art 586, 587, 601, 602
article and demonstrative hn 153
asa foetida 657, 667, 668
ascents 345
Ashurbanipal's library 354
aspect and tense, Ugaritic 109
assembly of gods 274, 310
asseverative particles, Ugaritic 120
assigned offerings 330
assimilation, Ugaritic 97
Assyrian 697
Assyrian influence 43, 45
Assyrian scribe 33
astrological omens 355 6
astrology 356
astronomical omens, collection of
163
astronomical omens 146, 163
A T 457, 516
Atef-crown 582
atonement 564 6
authorship by Ilimilku 238
249-51
Hades 546
haematite cylinder 598
half-line parallelism 172
harvest 273
heading 'of Baal' 193
Hebrew 508
Helladic 676 n. 237
hendiadys 172 n. 21
heptacolon 177
hermeneumatic 744 n. 28
heroes of Greek cult 252
hexacolon 176
hiatus, Hurrian 66
hippiatric texts 57, 146, 286
hireq compaginis 507
Hittite 58, 505 . 4, 529
Hittite Archive 634 nn. 93, 95, 646
. 127
Hittite Hieroglyphs 409
Hittite legal text 420-2
Hittite scribes 419
Hittite tablets 421
Hittite text(s) 62, 393, 650
Hittite words 130
hoard 731
holocaust 348
homographs 125
homonyms 125, 131-2
horse(s) 495, 497, 655, 655 n. 153,
656, 657, 665, 674, 675, 677, 715,
724, 724 n. 413, 727
Horus falcon 593
House of Alabasters 11
House of literary texts 49
House of Rap'nu 33, 48, 61, 399
House of Rashapabu 48, 399
House of Urtenu 47 n. 4, 56, 49,
375, 472, 605, 676 n. 234, 705,
706
House of the High Priest 10, 15, 48,
51, 234, 259, 328
House of the Hurrian Priest 48-49,
683 n. 261
House of the Lettr 33
House of the Scholar 10, 48, 51
household of (bt) 511
f)upu-mercenaries
357
Hurrian 12, 42, 51, 58, 134, 273,
456, 457, 529, 605 n. 4, 620,
621
Hurrian
Hurrian
Hurrian
Hurrian
jester 220
joins 392
journey to a banquet 261
jussive/cohortative mood, Ugaritic
105
jussive imperfect, Ugaritic 163
jussive mood, Ugaritic 105
juxtaposition of name and sacrifice
161
/anfow-assembly 225 n. 28
pantheon 341, 532, 537-9
pantheon of cultic texts 6 9 - 7 3
parallelism 149, 169-72, 189
parallelism, alternating 171
parallelism, antithetic 170-1
parallelism, chiastic 172
parallelism, distant 172
parallelism, grammatical 171-2
parallelism, Hurrian 67
parallelism, numerical 170
parallelism, semantic 170
parallelism, synonymous 170
parallelism, syntactical 171-2
parody 206, 221
participle N-stem 154
participles, Ugaritic 110-1, 147-8
particles, Ugaritic 118
patera 593
patriarchal narrative 219
patriarchal society 481
patriarchs of the Bible 220
patriarchy 511
patrilinear family 480
patrilinear society 481
pax hethitica 646-52
payment rolls 146
peace figurine 591
peace offering 344
pendant 595
penis-envy 228 n. 31
pentacolon 176
perfect N-stem 154
perfect/imperfect in poetry 141
perfective forms, Ugaritic 162
perfective, Ugaritic 109
performative discourse 141
performative imperative, Ugaritic 163
performative perfect, Ugaritic 163
performative Ugaritic prose 161-4
peripheral Akkadian 378
personal names 127-8
personal piety 574-5
personal prayers 574
personal pronoun, Ugaritic 98
persuasive (prose) style 150, 151,
155, 158
pgr- sacrifice 348
phallic symbol 251, 280
Phoenician 615
Phoenician ports 668-73
phoneme / d./ 95
phonology, Ugaritic 95
piety 482
slaves 445
smiting figurine 591
smiting posture 581
smoke 277
snake 278, 281
snakebite 575
snake poison 230
social classes 464
social rank 376
soldier(s) 429
soothsayer 277
sorcerer 276
sound changes, consonantal 97
sound patterns 184-5, 190
South Semitic 614
Southern Archive 31
Southern Palace 32, 634 n. 94, 636
n. 99, 677, 703 n. 337, 711
Southwestern Archive 31, 708
sphinx 587
spices 437
spirits of the dead 264-5, 282
spiritual powers 561
split couplet 192
staircase parallelism 192
standard god list 312
standing armed figurine 591
stanza 177-8, 190
state, Ugaritic 102
statuary 619 n. 48, 620 n. 54
statue(s) 2 9 4 , 3 3 7 , 5 8 7 - 8 , 6 1 4 , 7 1 1
statuette 587
statuette, bronze 591
stela 580-1, 586, 589-91
stichometry 166, 189
stock apodoses 355
Stoic tradition 232
stone sculpture 587-91
stones 488
storm-god 464, 533, 670
story of Hannah and Samuel 244
Story of Aqhat 234-58
stray finds 392
strophe 177-8, 190
style 256
style, Hurrian 67
Subarians 652
substitute 196
suffix conjugation, Ugaritic 107ff.
suffix -n 508
sum totals 148
Sumerian myth 558
Sumerian words 130
summoning ritual 351
Ur III 608
Urtenu archive 400, 553, 655,
657, 659, 660 n. 174, 667, 686
n. 278, 687, 689, 691, 692, 694,
699, 707, 708, 712, 713, 719, 719
n. 391, 721, 723 n. 402, 722, 729,
729 n. 426
Ubara Incantation 73
vassal treaty 403, 405, 6 3 4 - 6
vegetable products 332
vegetable offerings 296, 336
velars, Hurrian 65
vengeance 257
verb form iparrVs 107
verb, Ugaritic
104-18
verbal stems, Ugaritic 111-3
verdict 408
verse paragraphs 173-7
verse-line 169-70, 177
victims 340
villages 512
vineyard(s) 663, 663 n. 188
vocabulary 166
vocabulary of fabrics and dyes,
Ugaritic 123
vocabulary of letters 368-74
vocabulary of sociology,
Ugaritic 123
vocalization 139, 167
vocative, Ugaritic 102
voicing-devoicing, Ugaritic
97
votive gifts 583
vowel assimilation 139
vowel harmony, Ugaritic 97
vowel syncope, Ugaritic 97,
139
vowelless consonants 84
vows 568-9
Wanderwrter 131
war-chariot 489, 494, 497
warrior figurine 591
water carriers of the sanctuary
weak verbs, Ugaritic 1 13-7
weapon(s) 453, 593
wedding 286
weights 448, 593
weights and measures 448
Western Archive 29
Western Palace 634 n. 94
widow 479
widowhood 482
301
window(s) 195
wine 327, 340, 341, 450
wine, offering of 329
wine harvest 297, 302
winged sun-disk 599
wisdom text 59
wisdom text, Ugaritic 152
wishes 363-4
witnesses 400, 401, 416
woman 475, 476, 481, 482 n. 188,
511
216, 217
zoomorphic containers
601
6 7 6 . 2 3 5
Amar- d u 688
Amenemhet III 616, 619 n. 48
Amenemhet II 615, 622
701, 7 0 2 n. 3 2 9 ,
704
Anani-Peddigalli 704
Anani-arruma 655 . 153, 658
Anantenu 691 . 295
Ann'a 699 . 316
Anni-WA 670 . 212
Annpdgl 704
Ar(i)-Teub 665 . 198
Ar-halba 620 . 57, 637-8, 665
. 198
Ari 666
Ari-imiga 651
Arma-ziti 661, 685
Arnuqanda II 703
Aru-Heba 657 . 167
Arwai 652
Athtar 539 . 31
Augustine 233
Ayyahi 672
Aziru" 612 n. 31, 622, 627, 630,
632 n. 90, 633, 635, 636, 639,
641 n. 113, 682 n. 256
Aziru-Niqmaddu 641
Ba'aliya 664 n. 194
Balaam of the D A P T 221
Banniya 727
Bazute 697 n. 309
B'l-ytn 665 n. 198
B1u-1ibr 689 . 289
Belubur 688 . 284, 689 . 289,
697
Benteina 477, 629 . 83, 641
. 113, 642, 643, 645, 646, 680,
681, 701 . 326, 702 . 330, 722
. 40
Betilum 667, 667 . 204
Beya 713, 714, 715, 729, 729 . 427
Bin-Kabkamma 687, 688
Biu 658
Burhahanuwa 674
Buruqqu 619 . 49
Cadmus
240
30.MU.ME.tuku
727 .
iM.Di.KUD
729
iM-Ime
672,
418
6 7 0 . 212
''IM.S.MU
6 5 6 .
M.ZA.DUGUD
UTU-a
159
671
709
Dadami 670
Dagan-b1u 658, 675
Dan 722 . 398
Danana 729
Danel 234, 235, 242, 247, 262, 545
Ddn 613
D i d n u m / D i t n u m 613
DU-Teub 636, 641, 641 . 113
DUMU.LUGAL
DUMU.SAL GAL
Duppi-Teub
Ea-dGAL
6 5 4 .
148
680
641 . 113
656
Ea-rabi 670
Ebina'e 684, 685, 685 . 272
Ehli-Nikkalu 679 . 247, 696, 700,
701, 702, 702 . 327, 331, 707
. 347
Eh1i-Teub 657 . 165, 671, 691, 691
. 295
En- d IM 687
Eniya 727 (see Enniya)
Eppiqu 665
Eriba-Marduk 727 n. 418
Euwara 721
Etakkama 630
Etana 241
Ewri-kili 670
Ewri-Kuuh 699 . 322
Ewri-arri 726
Ewri-arruma 724 . 409
Ewri-Teub 687
Falstaff
GAL- d IM
208 . 9
686
GAL-gina
666
Gau1iyawiya 477 n. 150, 680, 681,
702 n. 330
Gi1gamesh 241, 244
GUR-DiNGiR-ftm
606, 6 6 4 n.
192
Haddi-1ibbau 727
Ha1pamuwa 623 n. 66
Hamlet 233
Hammurapi 618
hanya 506, 623 n. 68
Hanya see ffanya
Hargab 257
Hattusili I 619
Hattusili III 441, 461 . 36, 486,
638, 644, 645, 646, 647, 648, 676
. 235, 651, 652, 652 . 138,
660, 660 . 174, 679 . 243, 680,
682, 683, 685, 694 . 301, 696,
703 . 334, 716 . 377, 722, 729
Haya 716
Hayamuli 657 . 167
Hebat of Ari 663 . 184
Hebat-azali 699
Hemi-Teub 654, 655, 655 . 154
Heni 654, 654 . 147
Himi-Sarruma 620 . 57, 642, 676
" . 235, 679, 681 . 254
Hini 640 . 111
Horemheb 636, 636 . 99, 637, 643
Hrsn 731
Uursnu 513, 731
Ibiranu 466, 620, 659 . 171, 667
. 202, 681, 682 . 357, 683-6,
689, 691, 694 . 301, 695,
695 . 305-6, 706, 716 . 379,
724 . 407
Ibnaduu 722
ibrkd 699
Idrimi 226, 612 . 33, 620
Ili-malku 35
Ili-Milku see Ilimilku
Ilimilku 54-5, 214-5, 260, 256,
499, 547, 551-3, 688, 688 n. 284,
689 n. 289, 691 n. 295, 697,
705 n. 340
ilm Ik see Ilimilku
Ilhu 227
Ilu-qarradu 612
Iluwa 688
Imtu 670 n. 212
Ini-Tesub 634, 634 n. 95, 636 n. 99,
642, 645, 649, 651, 651 n. 134,
652, 652 n. 136, 655, 657 n. 166,
661, 662, 663, 663 n. 185, 664,
678, 679, 679 nn. 247-9, 682, 684,
684 n. 264, 716 n. 379, 728 n. 420
R-arruma 620 . 57, 676 . 235,
679, 681 . 254
R-irappa 506
Irhanda 655, 655 . 151
-arruma 724, 725
1n-trm 655 . 153, 724 . 409
Iuwa 689
Itur-lim 606, 664 . 192
Iwr-kl 670
Iwr-trm 724 . 409
1xvrdn (Ewri-enni) 697
Iwrdr 726
Iwrpzn (Ewri-pizuni) 697
Jae1 244
Jesus 281
Judith 244
Kadaman-En1i1 I 624, 625
Kadaman-En1i1 II 461 n. 36,
652
Ka1biya 726
Kila'e 655 . 154, 687, 688, 699
kilia 506
Kiliya 692
Kizzuwatna 620, 695, 696
Klby 726
krty 'Cretan' 676 . 233
Kubaba 637, 637 . 102
Kumiya-ziti 661, 692
Kumma-walwi 659
Kuniya-piya 716 n. 378
Kunni 716, 716 n. 378
Kurka11i 684, 685
Kurunta 647, 701 n. 326
M3my 711
Mada'e 664 . 193
M A R . T U K (Marduk) 727 n. 418
Mashanda 645, 646, 646 n. 128,
651 n. 134
Mashana-ura 653 n. 142
Mashu 684 n. 264
Merneptah
709,710,711,713,715,
715 . 373, 731
Michal 228 . 30
Milku-ramu 670 . 211
Milku-siG 5 (Na'im) 723 . 405
Miramuwa 654, 684, 686 . 274
Murana 685
Mursili I 619, 644, 682
Muri1i II 468 . 88, 635, 636, 639,
639 . 109, 640, 640 nn. 111-2,
641, 662, 682
Mut- cl U 688
Mut-ra'i 656 . 159
Muwatalli II 642 . 115, 644, 646,
647, 660
Nahi-a1mu 32
Nefertiti 625
Nerikkaili 680, 722
Nimmuria 677
Niqmaddu 9, 457, 467 . 87,
469 . 90, 622, 627, 628, 630,
631, 634, 635, 638, 639, 644, 644
. 123, 667 . 202, 668
Niqmaddu II 468, 488, 499,
624-7, 631, 633, 693, 698, 701,
724 . 410
Niqmaddu IIa 679 . 243, 694
Niqmaddu III 620 . 57, 636 . 101,
659 . 171, 661, 669, 670, 673
. 243, 674, 686 . 278, 691-704,
701, 706, 707 . 347, 709, 719,
720
Niqmepa 466 . 76, 468, 620, 626,
635, 636, 637, 638-46, 641, 644,
644 . 123, 667, 667 . 202, 678,
679 . 243, 682, 693
Nu'me-Rasap 692
Nuriyanu 512, 626 . 74
Octavia
Pgn
Piha- d iM
654, 656
Piha-UR.MAH 6 8 4 n. 2 6 4
Piha-ziti 653
Pihawalwi 684
Pisidqi 626, 626 n. 74
Piilaza 656 n. 159
Plato 233
Plsy 726
pu-arruma 655, 655 . 154,
656
Pudubepa 367, 488, 642, 647,
651, 660 . 174, 661, 674,
674 . 230, 678, 679 . 243,
693, 694, 697, 700
Pughat 237, 257
Pukana 677 . 239, 718
Purru 658
Puruqqu/a 611 . 24, 619
Puku 685
Ramesses II 607, 645, 645
. 125, 646, 670 . 213, 674,
715 . 373
Ramesses III 715 . 373, 725,
729 . 427, 730, 730 . 428
Rap'anu 471, 629 . 82, 667
. 204, 719
Rashapabu 471
Rib-Hadda 630
Rib-Haddi 627
Ri-Adad 727, 727 . 418
Sassi 410
Sesostris II 616
Sethnakt 714
Sety I 643, 711
Sety II 714, 715 n. 373
SIG 5 . d ERI,].GAL
692
suD-diKUR
suM-DIM
7 2 7 n. 4 1 8
727
6 6 5 , 6 6 5 n. 198, 6 9 8 ,
727 n. 418
Sumu1 241, 257
Stq-lm 692
bi1i(m) 606, 642 n. 115, 664,
664 n. 190
agarakti-uria 652, 728 n. 420
Shalmaneser I 689, 689 n. 288
6 6 5 n.
195
LrKUR-du 665
umittara 629
umiyanu 629 n. 82
unai1u 657 n. 167
uppi1u1iuma I 455, 467 n. 87,
608, 622, 625, 627, 628, 630, 632,
633, 634, 635, 636, 638, 639, 639
n. 109, 640, 682, 698, 721 n. 396,
724 n. 410
uppi1u1iuma II 689 n. 286, 703,
706, 719, 721, 722, 728
Shy1ock 222
Tagi-arruma 640 n. 111, 654, 657,
662 n. 180, 690 n. 291
Taki-arruma see Tagi-arruma
Takuh1inu 463, 654, 716
Talimmu 651, 651 . 134
Ta1mi-Teub 686 . 274, 701, 702,
703, 706, 708
Talmiyanu 612, 620 . 57, 700
Tanuwataa 703
Tanhuwati 620 . 52
Tapa'e 656
Tarazida 657
Tarhudai 385, 651
Tarhuntaa 647, 660-62, 662
. 178, 701 . 326, 726, 730
. 428
Taryelli 30, 31, 658
Tausert 714, 715
Tbsr 704
Te1i-arruma 690 . 291
Tette 636, 637, 639, 682
. 256
Ti1i-arruma 654, 654 . 145,
676 . 235
Tlmyn 695
657
INDEX
Uri-Te 658
Uri-Teub 612 n. 30
Urtenu 35, 375, 471, 645, 655
. 153, 657 . 165, 658, 659, 665,
667 . 204, 675, 699
Utri-arruma 620 . 57, 681, 681
. 254, 683
Uzziltu 658, 658 . 169, 700
Uzzinu 657, 667, 667 . 203
Wenamon
710 . 354
'did 611
Yabi-nene 656
Yabinina 729
Yabna-ilu 690 . 290
Yabni-apu 32, 39
Yabninu 32, 39, 471, 472, 645, 675,
677
Yadu- [I IM
6 7 6 . 2 3 5
6 7 0 . 2 1 2
Yaqaru(m) 3 1 5 , 6 1 0 , 6 1 1 , 6 1 2 ,
613
Yarim-Lim 617
Yatipan 236, 257
Tdn 718
Tqr 6 1 0 , 6 1 1 , 6 1 2
Zimri-Lim 439, 616,
Zittara 623 n. 66
Zu-Astarti 659, 665, 665 . 197
Zulanna 654, 656
Zuzuli/u 659 n. 171, 661, 692, 692
n. 296, 699
OF DIVINE
NAMES
(names in the god lists 3.4 and 7.2.2 are not included)
Amon 714
Anat 196, 251, 278, 539 n. 31,
541, 678
Apollo 232, 233
Apukka 655
Ashera(h) 276, 278, 543-4,
593
Astarte 678
Athirat 539 n. 31,
543-4
Athtart 303, 338
Death 546
dioscuroi 317
dml 303
Orion
Osiris
239, 240
239
Qedeshet
El
595
Ra 709, 714
Rahmay 544
Rapiu 539 n. 31
Raap-gn 303
Resheph 278, 539 n. 31, 549,
581, 591
rpu b'l 262
Semele 241
Seth 714
S'tqt 230, 231
Shapsh 272, 278, 280, 283
lh 'a1hu' 133
Kathirat 285
Kothar 539 n. 31
Marduk 727 n. 418
Moira 214, 232, 233
Mot 278, 545-7
Tammuz
Nabu 473
Nikkal 285
Nisaba 473
Nmiy king of the world/eternity
239
Yahweh 13
Yahweh-Asherah
Yam 539 n. 31
Yarikh 285
544
678
INDEX OF TOPONYMS
('Ugarit' is not included)
Aegean 675-8
Akko 659, 668, 672, 698 n. 315,
716
Alalakh 375, 381, 464, 475, 478,
498, 505, 517, 525, 526, 634,
605, 611 n. 24, 612 n. 32, 619,
631 n. 87, 634, 667 n. 202, 723
n. 401
Alalakh/Mukis 620
Alasia 375, 381, 615, 644 n. 124,
665, 676, 677, 678, 679, 692, 718,
726, 728
A1aia/Cyprus 443, 719, 720,
721
ally 'Alasia, Cyprus' 443
Amanus 725
Amarna 505, 605, 626, 641, 644
n. 121, 668, 672 n. 217, 678,
710
A m q i / a 672, 672 n. 217
Amqu 375, 381
Aur 653
Assyria 375,
675 . 232,
Atata/Emar
Ata1(1)ig 662,
722
724 n. 411
535
Kalbiya 726
Kamid el-Loz 47
Kapturi 676
Kaka 624 n. 70
Kinza/Qadesh 644, 649, 666-8,
692 n. 297
Kinza 636, 674 n. 229
Klby 726
Kummanni 696, 696 nn. 307-8
Kutupa 660
Lachish 535
land of Ga<shu'>ru 222
Land Hatti 729, 729 . 422
Laodicea 733
Lati[-] 718
Lawazantiya 671
Lukka 720
Lusanda 671
Iwsnd see Lusanda
Ma'hadu 375, 384, 514, 716
n. 375
Ma'haz 375, 384, 514, 716
n. 375
Mari 375, 384, 495, 604, 616,
618, 652, 657, 666 . 200, 728
Meskene/Emar 652 . 139, 654
Mesopotamia 473
Mgs' 'Muki' 724 . 41*2
628
INDEX OF U(
(the index is selective and does
ITIC WORDS
include words listed in 8.1.5)
bn 'son' 510
bn gt 'man of the gt' 426
bn mlk 'royal servicemen', 'men of
the king' 426, 427-31, 436, 453,
483, 485
b'l tdtt 'makers of pectorals' 453
b'l tgptm 'maker of horse-cloths' 453,
487
b'r 'to abandon', 'to burn' 132
bn 'tin' 668 n. 207
bt 'house' 79, 131
bt 'daughter' 7 9 , 1 3 1 , 5 1 0
bt skn 'house of the prefect' 469,
469 n. 91
gb 'sacrificial pit, etc.' 304
gg 'roof' 298, 303
ghr 'to sound forth(?)' 125
gZZ 'shearer' 426, 487
gl 'shout of joy', 'cup', '(type of)
field' 132 '
gmn 'funeral oflering'(?) 133
gn 'garden' 298, 304
gpnym 'vine-dressers' 426
grbz 'helmet' 129, 494 n. 242
gt 'oil or wine press' 425 n. 6
gt 'estate', 'royal farm' 425-7,
460, 467, 469 n. 97, 484, 526
dbh '(to) sacrifice' 291-3, 357
dbh 'offering for festal banquet'
341 n. 48
dblt 'dried figs' 446
dgy 'fisher' 492
dhl 'to be afraid' 154
dgl 'incense' 130
dr khnm 'college of priests' 474
drdn 726
dr'/dr' 'cargo', 'grain', 'arm' etc.
672 n. 224, 712 n. 363
hb 'to knock down' 156
hdm 'footstool' 129
hndt 'this' (f.) 140
zb 'to foam(?)' 125
Zt 'olive (oil)', 'olive grove'
430 n. 26, 446
ht 'wheat' 446
htb 'woodcutter' 453, 488
hz 'arrow' 437, 496
hnn 'merciful' 68
hpr 'ration' 427 n. 15
firs' 'craftsman' 428, 488
hrs" anyt 'shipwright' 427, 432,
489
hr b(h)tm 'house-builders' 427,
453, 489
hr mrkbt 'chariot-maker' 450, 489
hrs'rq 'wagonwright' 450, 489
hr qtn 'jewe11er(?)' 453
hrt 'ploughman' 426
'hit
'silver'
i}brl 'container' 129
Idgl 'arrowsmith' 129, 453
f}lq 'missing' 467 n. 86, 486
bmn 'palace chapel' 298, 303
ffndlt 'coloured wool' 130
l}sn 'domestic' 130
bpn (blanket) 436, 437
ptr 'pot, cauldron' 129
}}rd 'warrior', 'soldier', 'troops'
714 n. 367, 493
i\rmtl 'sickle' 494
brs 'gold' 450, 496
frrsn 'adze' 78
f}tn 'son-in-law' 478 n. 162
zrw 'mastic', 'balsam'
129,
437, 437 n. 73
462, 462 n. 47
I 'to' 79
la'ika 'to commission' 493 n. 233
Iht akl 'tablet of food' 718 . 388
III} (part of harness) 129
Imd 'apprentice' 431 n. 27, 473
130
mgdl 'tower'
304
md 'village scribe, expert' 465 n. 66
mdjn 'sword' 496
mirglm 'watchman' 430 n. 26, 433,
460, 497
mhr 'dowry, bride-price' 475 n. 137
mhr b'l 'the warrior of Baal' 262
mhr 'nt 'the warrior of Anat' 262
mzy (type of offering) 329 n. 33
mhsm (members of a certain guild)
137
mfrs 'weaver' 452, 487
mkr 'tamkr-merchant' 440
ml(y) 'opposite me' 154
mlb 'garment' 437
mlg 'dowry' 475 n. 137
mly 'polisher' 488
mlk 'to rule, be king' 190
mnh 'gift' 445
m'lt 'staircase' 304
mslm 'cymbalists' 492 n. 230
msry 'Egyptian' 460 n. 32
mqhm 'pincers', 'tongs' 437 n. 72
mru 'liaison man, commander,
officer, fattener, quartermaster'
430 n. 26, 435, 466 n. 72, 495
n. 247
mrdt 'carpet' 437
mrh 'lance' 490, 494, 496
mrhy mlk 'king's lancers' 495
mryn 'warrior', 'charioteer' 130,
131, 429, 464, 465
mrkbt 'body of chariot', 'light cart'
489, 496, 496 n. 251
mrr 'to bless, strengthen' 678
msf}t 'knife, axe' 496
msm't mlk 'royal guard' 495
mtrt 'spouse, wife' 475 n. 136
mtyn (garment) 130
mit 'oar' 131 n. 45
132,
430
694 n. 300
136, 487
453, 487
'bow-notcher'
129, 436
I N D E X
O F
SYLLABIC
A K K A D I A N
710
496 n. 256
512
454
Hebrew
'addr 'mighty' 139
midd 'measurement'
GA MES
Hittite
' c heese'
446
'arrow'
''KAK.KUM.TAG.GA
679
Hurrian
BUR.GULmeS 'sculptors'
709 n. 353
.AMAR.RU ' q u i v e r '
496 n. 257
'governor'
MAKIM
4 9 6 n.
258
647 n. 129
NAGARmeS 'carpenters'
709
n. 353
1.2 iv 22 p118n83
1.2 iv 25 p118n83
1.2 26-7 p533
1.3- 1.4 194-5, 552
1.3 38 174
1.3 p193, 213n15
1.3
194-5
1.3 2-25 165
1.3 3 - 4 198
1.3 18-22 p580n135
1.3 22 p153
1.3
p195
1.3
9-11 186
1.3
19 p113n55
1.3
20 p113n55
1.3
22 129
1.3
29 p113n55
30 p113n55
1.3
1.3 i 195
1.3 i 3-8a 176
1.3 i 10 p98
1.3 i 14-7 166
1.3 i 16-7 182
1.3 i 16 pi 14
1.3 i 22-3 172
1.3 i 29 p329n34
1.3 i 32ff. 176
1.3 i 33 pi17n80
1.3 i 35 130
1.3 i 37 p99
1.3 i 40 p278
1.3 p195
1.3 4 p99
1.3 5 p173n28
1.3 38 129, 174
1.3 39-40 p173n28
1.4
55 174
1.4
9 104
1.4
17-9 182
1.4
30 p i l l
1.4
32 p i l l
1.4
195
1.4
I.e. p234
1.4
5 pi 14
1.4
12-4 187
1.4
14 pi 14
1.4
17-21 pi 70
1.4
2 3 - 4 198
1.4
29-35 180
1. 196-9, 552
196
.5
1.5
p279
1.5
4 - 2 2 177
1.5
4 - 6 p546n54
1.5
196
1.5
5 - 7 p229
1.5
15-6 p187
1.5
21 p303
1.5 23 p99
1.5 p193, 196, 278
1.5 13 105
1.5 18-9 182
1.5
196
1.5
6 100
1.5
10 198
1.5
11-15 578-9
1.5
28 100
1.6 54, 193, 265, 499n2
1.6
196
1.6 2 8 p578
1.6 10 185
1.6 18-31 p226
1.6 19ff. 166
1.6 20 130
1.6 33 p533
1.6 3 9 - 4 3 175
1.6 43-65 187-91
1.6 59-61 p110n38
1.6
196
1.6
6 - 9 186
1.6
16-7 182
1.6
19-20 182
1.6
21 153
1.6
24 p118n85
1.6
26-7 184
1.6
30-5 p547n57
1.6
3 Iff. p197
1.6
31-5 pi 77
1.6
6-7 186
1.6
8 - 9 173
1.14
1.14
1.14
1.14
1.14
1.14
1.14
1.14
1.14
1.14
1.14
1.14
1.14
1.14
1.14
1.14
1.15
1.15
1.15
1.15
1.15
1.15
1.15
1.15
1.15
1.15
1.15
1.15
1.15
1.15
1.15
1.15
1.15
1.15
1.15
1.15
1.16
1.16
1.16
1.16
1.16
1.16
1.16
1.16
1.16
1.16
1.16
1.16
1.16
1.16
1.16
1.16
1.16
1.16
16-9 p345n51
22 105
22-3 p273
2 3 - 4 p560
37-8 154
5 Off. p290
48 p97n13
1 130
31-5 p184
36-43 176
42-3 p173n28
14-23 p213n16
2 4 - 9 p213n16
28-vi 14 p211
32-3 180
vi 12-4 p221
p205, 213n16, 217
p230
16-28 p569-70
16-20 p249
26-8 p560
p227
1-23 166
2 - 4 p249, 267
3 p264n13
4 p613
7-16 p480n179
13-6 p570
13-5 p249, 267
14 p264n13
15 p613
16 p174
25-30 p569
- p210
10-3 p231
vi p210, 217
p210, 226, 499n2
p210
6 - 9 p575
7 p187
7 - 8 132
9 - 1 1 p315n17
12 p181
15-9 p578
2 0 - 3 p315n17, 562
26 p187
28-35 p578
52-3 p210
19 p99
20 p99
24-34 p211
26-50 p579
26-36 p578
44-7 p575
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
17
18
18
18
18
18
18
18
18
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
ii 14-23 p263n10
ii 16-23 p257
ii 25 p250
ii 26 p248n40
ii 30-40 183
ii 42 100
iii p236
iv p236
v p236
4 - 8 p250
10-1 192
19-20 171
20 97, 98
22-5 174
29-30 171n21
30 98
4 - 8 p250
22-5 174
vi p236
vi 24 p97
vi 26-8 p l 7 5
vi 27 154
vi 32-3 184
vi 34-9 p578
vi 34-5 172
vi 36-8 p251, 252
vi 36-7 130, 187
vi 37 p252
vi 41-2 pl71
vi 43-5 177
vi 47-8 p533
vi I.e. 140, 234
p235, 237
i p236
i 24 p248
ii p26
iii p236
iv p236
iv 17-8 p l 7 3
iv 22 153
p235, 237, 739
i p228n31, 235, 236
i 11 p270n4
i 19-25 p250
i 38-46 p273
i 39 p275
i 4 2 - 6 p572-3
ii p235, 236
ii 1 - 3 p356
ii 2 - 3 p240n16
ii 3 - 4 p574
ii 9 p98
ii 12-5 p l 7 5
ii 15-25 p273
1.19
22-5 p571
1.19
44ff. 176
1.19 i p235, 236
1.19 i 1-40 p257
1.19 i 1 - 3 p572
1.19 i 9 p98
1.19 i 14 p117n78
1.19 i 28-39 p244
1.19 i 28 p117n78
1.19 i 44 p98
1.19 i 46 p249, 250
1.19 i 47 132-3
1.19 i 5 3 - 4 187
1.19 p235, 236-7
1.19 3-7 p573
1.19 9 - 2 7 p578
1.19 23 130
1.19
28 180
1.19
46-50 p171n19
1.19
62 p98
1.19 I.e. 140
1.20-22 166, 199, 237, 271n10,
283, 739
1.20 p54, 234, 234n3, 259-69
1.20 i 1-2 p265n16
1.20 ii 1-2 p265n16
1.20 ii 8 - 9 p265n16
1.21 p54, 237, 259-69, 363n7
1.21 i p263
1.21 i 3 - 4 p265n16
1.21 i 5 - 6 p268n20
1.21 i 11-2 p265n16
1.21 ii 8 p260
1.22 p54, 237, 259-69
1.22 i 4 - 1 0 p261
1.22 i 2 1 - 4 p173n28
1.22 i 17 183
1.22 i 10-4 186
1.22 i 10-25 p261
1.22 i 17 183
1.22 i 18 130
1.22 i 2 1 - 6 184
1.22 i 2 1 - 4 p173n28
1.22 ii 4 - 1 0 p267
1.22 ii 5 - 6 p265n16
1.22 ii 5 - 7 p268n20
1.22 ii 17 p94
1.23 p53, 140, 166, 168n10, 200-1,
284-5 285, 290, 352, 356, 534,
542, 544, 553-7, 551, 564, 560, 739
1.23.6 p99
1.23.8-11 p285
1.23.10 p285
1.23.12 140
1.23.14-5 140
1.23.15 130
1.23.18-22 140
1.23.31 130
1.23.32 130
1.23.36 130
1.23.54 p544
1.23.56 140
1.23.61-2 171
1.23.66 p118n84
1.23.70-2 171
1.24 53, 95, 145, 150, 166, 201,
285-6, 310n6, 352, 551, 557-8,
564
1.24.33-7 175
1.24.44 99
1.24.45 99
1.24.46-7 p270
1.24.47 p475n 137
1.25 145
1.26 p60, 70, 72-3, 144, 323
1.26.2 p72
1.26.3 p72
1.26.4 p72
1.26.5 p72
1.26.6 p72
1.27 p333n40
1.28 p333n40
1.30 p60, 144, 323
1.31 p333n40
1.32 p59, 144, 323
1.33 p59, 144, 323
1.33 iii 37 p99
1.34 p59, 144, 323
1.35+ p59, 144, 323
1.36 p59, 323
1.37 p59
1.39 p81, 143, 317, 318-9, 340,
347-8
1.39.2-4 p340
1.39.4-8 p340
1.39.8-10 p341
1.39.14 p241n19
1.39.20-2 p342
1.39.32-6 p318
1.40 p26-34, 144, 153, 163, 274,
293, 295, 310n7, 316-7, 322, 455,
457, 541n38, 564-6, 605n5
1.40.10 p495n245
1.40.24 p329n33
1.40.28 p457n7
1.40.29 p457n7
1.40.32 p277
1.40.35 140
1.40.36 p697
1.40.37 p457n7
1.41 143, 144, 273, 294, 301, 302,
318 -9, 329, 330, 339-44, 557
1.41.1-49 p298n51
1.41.3 162
1.41.5 p161
1.41.10 162
1.41.11-7 p347
1.41.15-6 p161
1.41.16 p541n38
1.41.17-9 p347
1.41.20-1 p292
1.41.21 p454n172
1.41.22 p130
1.41.24 p303
1.41.37 p303
1.41.41 p303
1.41.44-9 143
1.41.47-8 164
1.41.47 102
1.41.50-5 p162, 273, 298, 298n51,
344
1.41.50 p303
1.41.51-5 p339
1.41.53-5 p295
1.41.53-4 164
1.41.53 102, 274
1.42 p59, 71, 72-3, 144, 323, 326
1.42.22 p66
1.42.38 p65, 68
1.42.60 p73
1.43 144, 294-5, 318, 319, 320,
330, 336, 344, 346, 583-4, 739
1.43.1-2 p304
1.43.9ff. p295
1.43.22-7 162
1.43.23-5 p297
1.43.24-6 p294-5
1.44 p59, 73, 144, 273, 323
1.44.3 p64, 69
1.44.4-5 p64, 67
1.44.4 p65, 68
1.44.5 p64, 65, 68
1.44.6 p69
1.44.7 p69
1.44.8 p64, 69
1.44.10 p64, 69
1.44.11-2 p64
1.44.11 p65, 68
1.45 145
1.45.5 132
1.46 143, 301, 318, 319, 330,
333n40, 335
1.46.1 10 p335
1.46.9-10 164
1.46.10-32 143
1.46.10-7 p335
1.46.11-7 p336
1.46.11-21 143
1.46.12-5 p319
1.46.16 7 p319
1.46.44 164
1.47 p70, 144, 161, 308-9, 532,
538n29, 535, 537
1.47.1 p537
1.47.32 p542n40
1.48 143, 318, 319, 326-7, 328
1.48.13 p97
1.49 143, 318, 319
1.50 143, 318, 319
1.51 + 1.52 144
1.51 p59, 273, 323
1.52 p59, 323
1.53 p59, 143
1.54 p59, 73, 144, 273, 323
1.54.2 p66
1.54.3 p65, 69
1.54.10 p69
1.54.11 p66, 69
1.54.12 p69
1.54.13 p64, 66, 68
1.54.14 p64, 69
1.56 p333n40
1.57 143
1.58 143
1.59 p59, 144, 323
1.59.1 p66
1.59.5 p66
1.60 p60, 70, 72-3, 144, 323
1.60.2 p66
1.60.3-16 p72
1.64 144, 323
1.64.26 p60, 66
1.65 145, 151, 175, 271n10, 274,
309n4, 310n7, 316-7, 322
1.65.2 p541n38
1.65.9ff. 152
1.65.9 153
1.65.9-15 p151
1.66 p60, 144, 323
1.67 p52n12, 145
1.68 p60, 144, 323
1.68.27 p66
1.69 p52n12
1.70 p52n12, 145
1.71 146
1.71.7 130
1.72 p146
1.73 p52n12, 145
1.74 144
1.76 143
1.77 p84, 145
1.78 p52n11, 146, 164, 322, 356,
574
1.79 p52n11
1.80 p52n11
1.80.04 127
1.81 p52n11, 143, 161, 318, 319
1.82 p52n11, 145, 150, 166, 271,
272, 278, 322, 576
1.82.1-7 150
1.82.1 p278, 282
1.82.5 p282
1.82.6 p105, 278, 279
1.82.10 p279
1.82.11 p278
1.82.12 p279
1.82.13 p279
1.82.18 p279
1.82.20 p270, 279, 285
1.82.23 p279
1.82.26 p279
1.82.27 p279, 282
1.82.28 p279
1.82.32 p264n13
1.82.35 p278, 279
1.82.38 p279, 282
1.82.39 p278
1.82.40 p279
1.82.41 p279
1.83 p52n11, 54, 145, 150, 152,
166n5, 271, 278, 739
1.83.8 p278
1.83.11 154
1.84 p52n11, 144, 564
1.84.3 p704
1.84.4 p457n7
1.85 p50, 57, 146, 163,
1.86 p52n11, 146, 163, 271n10,
286
1.87 p52n11, 143, 203, 273,
298n51, 318-9, 326-7, 330,
339-44
1.87.17 p541n38
1.87.22 p454n172
1.87.42 p303
1.87.54-7 339, 344
1.87.56-7 164
1.87.58-61 p329, 344
1.88 p52n11, 145
1.89 p52n11
1.106.12-3 p349
1.106.15-7 p297
1.106.15 p300
1.106.22-3 p304
1.106.23-4 164
1.106.26-8 p295
1.106.27-8 p297
1.106.33 164
1.107 145, 150, 166, 271, 271n10,
272, 279, 280-1, 285, 322-3, 575
1.107.1-14 150
1.107.10 p280
1.107.11 p97
1.107.13-9 p177
1.107.18 p300
1.107.20 p280
1.107.33 105
1.107.46 p294
1.108 p54, 151, 161, 271, 273, 284,
299, 323, 352, 739
1.108. Iff. 152
1.108.1-2
162
162
1.108.8 p117n79
1.108.21-3 p151-2
1.108.21-2 p299
1.108.21 p131n46
1.108.23-4 p264n13
1.108.24 p131n46
1.109 p143, 301, 318, 319, 320, 330,
333-6
1.109.1-14 p335
1.109.3-18 p336
1.109.5-10 p319
1.109.11-4 p319
1.109.11 p302
1.109.16-8 p319
1.109.19ff. p335
1.109.26 p335
1.110 p60, 70, 71, 72-3, 143, 144,
323
1.110.1 p67, 72
1.110.2-10 p72
1.110.4 p67
1.111 p60, 70, 71, 72-3 143, 144
1.111.3 p67
1.111.7 p67
1.111.8 p67
1.112 p60, 143, 300, 302, 318, 320,
333, 338, 344, 347, 349, 739
112.6-9 p295
112.6-8 p338
112.6-7 160
112.9 164
112.10-5 p297
112.13 p338
112.14-5 164
112.18 p338
112.21 p300
112.22-7 p344
112.26-7 349
113 144, 208, 299, 314-5, 550,
561, 561, 577, 610n19, 739
113.1-11 165
113.12ff. 165
113.13-26 p252
114 p54, 62, 62n24, 150, 151, 160,
202, 271, 285, 535, 576, 739
114.5 p U 8 n 8 4
114.12 154
114.13 p181
114.19-20 p285
114.28 p153
114.29-32 146
114.29-31 p150, 272
115 144, 318, 320, 344, 346
115.8 162
115.9-10 p293
115.10 162
115.18-9 p317
116 p60, 62, 62n24, 69, 70, 72-3,
144, 323
116.3 p66
116.4 p64n30, 68, 69, 72
116.5 p67, 69, 72
116.6 p64n30, 72
116.7 p72
116.8 p72
116.9 p66
116.11 p72
116.12 p72
116.13 p66, 72
116.14 p64n30, 72
116.15-26 p72
116.27 p69
116.28 p72
116.29 p72
116.31 p68, 72
116.33 p73
116.34 p72
116.35 p72
117 p739
118 p70, 144, 161, 308-10, 537
119 p143, 275, 302, 318, 319,
.128.7 p64
.128.8 p64, 69
.128.9 p64
.128.10 p68, 69
.128.11 p68
.128.12 p64, 65, 68
.128.13 p64n30
.128.16 p64, 66, 69
.128.17-8 p65, 68
.128.17 p64, 69
.128.19 p67
.128.20-1 p64
.128.20 p65, 68
.130 143, 318, 330, 333n40, 335,
336
.130.10-5 p319
.131 p60, 62, 73, 144, 273, 323
.131.1-4 p67
.131.1-3 p67
.131.1 p64
.131.2 p65, 68
.131.3-4 p67
.131.3 p65, 69
.131.4 p69
.131.5 p65, 68, 69
.131.10 p69
.131.11 p64, 69
.131.12 p64, 67
.131.13-5 p67
.131.13 p67, 69
.131.14 p66, 69
.131.15 p64, 69
.132 p55n15, 60, 70, 71, 143, 144,
298
.132.1-3 163
.132.2-3 p73
.132.3 p71n36
.132.4 p71, 72
.132.5 p72
.132.6 p73
.132.7 p72
.132.8 p72
.132.9 p68, 73
.132.10 p72
.132.11 p69, 72
.132.12 p72
.132.14 p72
.132 18 p71, 72
.132.19 p72
.132.20 p72
.132.22 p71, 72
.132.23 p72
.132.25-6 163
.132.27-8 164
160
2.16.12 154
2.16.19 p367
2.17-2.18 p360
2.17 156
2.17.6 154
2.17.15 154
2.18 142
2.19 142, 145, 161, 413, 414, 415,
692
2.19.6ff. p414
2.19.9-10 p415
2.19.12 p99
2.19.13 p413
2.20-2.36+ p360, 686n273
2.20 142
2.21 p362n6, 365n15, 469n97,
470n101, 699
2.21.3 p362
2.21.5-6 p364n12
2.21.7 p365n17
2.21.10 p99
2.22 142
2.23 142, 157, 623n67, 631n87,
713
2.23.15-24 157-8
2.23.17ff. 160
2.23.17 154
2.24 142, 362n6, 365n15
2.24.2 p361, 362
2.24.4 p362
2.24.5-7 p363
2.24.8 p365n17
2.25 142
2.46.4-5 p364n12
2.46.6 p365n16
2.47 p366n26, 719
2.47.2 p361
2.47.4 p365n17
2.47.16 p154
2.48-2.59 142
2.48.5 154
2.49 p362n6
2.50.12 154
2.50.16 154
2.51.2-3 p363
2.52 p363n7
2.56 p365n15
2.56.1 p361
2.56.4 p365n16
2.59 p440n83
2.60 142
2.61 p362n6, 726
2.61.2 p361
2.61.5-7 154
2.61.5 154
2.62 142
2.63-2.64 142
2.63 p363nn6-7
2.63.1 p361
2.63.5-6 p364n12
2.64 p362n6
2.64.2 p361
2.64.5 p362
2.64.6-7 p362
2.64.10 p361
2.64.12 p362
2.64.13-16 p363
2.65-2.67 142
2.65 p365n15
2.65.1 p365n16
2.67 p363n7, 365n15
2.68 p38n72, 142, 363n8, 365n15,
368, 470n105, 729n425
2.68.1 p361
2.68.3 p362
2.68.4-7 p363
2.68.9-10 p364n12
2.69 142
2.70 158, 363n10, 365n15
2.70.1 p361
2.70.6-7 p364n12
2.70.8-10 p363
2.70.11-29 159
2.70.11 p365n17
2.70.12 154
2.70.15-6 p153
2.70.23-8 160
2.70.27 154
2.71 142, 156, 362n6, 363n7,
365n15
2.71.4-5 p364n12
2.71.5 p365n16
2.71.10 p98, 154
2.71.11 154
2.71.14 p99
2.72 p143, 363nn8,10, 365n15,
681n251
2.72.4 p365n16
2.72.7 p495n244
2.72.9 p153
2.72.10-33 159
2.72.10 p153
2.72.11 154, 495n244
2.72.17 p153
2.72.22 p99, 154
2.72.27 154
2.72.42 154
2.73.14 154
2.75-2.83 360
2.75 156, 686n273
2.75.4 p362
2.75.6 p364n12
2.75.11 154
2.76 p51n8, 362n6, 365n15, 712
2.76.1-2 p157
2.76.4 p365n17
2.76.9-10 p157
2.78 p362n6
2.79 p363n9
2.79.3 154
2.79.4 154
2.79.5-6 p362
2.81 p51n8, 157, 363n7, 712n360
2.81.5 p362
2.81.12-3' p710n357
2.82 p24, 700
2.82.1 p361
2.82.2 p361
2.82.4 154
2.82.11 154
2.83 142, 365n15
2.83.2 p365n17
3.1 p 3 0 n n l l - 2 , 141, 419-20,
447n140, 488n216, 634n94
3.1.30 p131
3.1.32 130
3.1.38 132
3.2 p161, 413, 414, 415
3.2.12 p99
3.2.13 p99
4.46 p485n200
4 . 4 6 . 1 1 2 p454n168
4.46.13-4 p450n151
4.47 p147, 427n15, 435nn43,45,
452n160
4.47.5 p454n 169
4.47.7 p452n 160
4.47.8 p450n 151
4.47.10 p449n 149
4.48 148, 435n43
4.50-53 p511n15
4.53 148, 429n24
4.54 p429n24, 435n45, 511n15
4.55 p511n15
4.58 p429n24
4.60 p446n 121
4.63 147, 148, 425n4, 435n41,
436n46, 493n232, 494n236
4.65 146, 426nn12-3
4.66 146, 427n16
4.67 148
4.68 147, 148, 425n4, 430, 435n42,
440nn84,85, 485n196, 493n232,
494n234
4.68.19 p525
4.68.63 p454n170
4.68.67 p452n160
4.68.72 p434n35
4.68.74 p454n169
4.69 p147, 148, 427n16, 429n24,
435n43, 511n15, 514n21
4.69 ii 6 - 1 0 p433n32
4.69 vi 22-37 p434n35
4.70.6 p467n86
4.71 147, 148, 426n13
4.72 p504n5
4.73 p425n5
4.75 p431n27
4.80 p431n29, 476n140,
478nn157,162
4.81 130, 432n30, 514n23
4.81.2-3 130
4.85 p433, 433n34
4.86 p433n34
4.87 p426n 13
4.87.3 p454n168
4.89 p425n7, 426n10, 435n44
4.90 148, 427n16
4.91 142
4.91.2-3 p446n124
4.91.7-8 p448n 143
4.91.14 p438n74
4.92 p427n16, 435n43
4.93 148, 425n5
4.93.2-4 p454n168
4.94 p424n3
4.95 148, 425n5
4.96 p425n7, 426n13, 433n34,
459n27
4.96.3 p460n29
4.96.6 p460n32
4.97 p425n7
4.98 p427n16, 485n200
4.98.6 p450n 151
4.98.8 p450n 151
4.98.9 p452n160
4.98.17 p451n156
4.99 136, 147, 426n13, 427n15,
429n24, 426n13, 435nn42,45,
436n47, 452n161
4.99.9 p434n35
4.99.15 p452n 163
4.99.16 p450n 154
4.99.18 p454n 169-70
4.99.19 p452n 160
4.100 148
4.102 148, 429n24, 434n39,
452n161, 459
4.102.25 129, 450n153
4.103 147, 425n7, 429n24, 430n26,
435nn42,43,45, 436n46, 485n195
4.103.5 p510n13
4.103.22 p454n170
4.103.57 p452n163
4.105 p427n15, 435n43
4.105.2 p452n 160
4.106 p426n13
4.107 p452n161
4.108 p425n5
4.110 p425n7, 426n8, 428n18
4.110.1 2 p430n26
4.113 p425n5
4.114 p427n16, 436n47
4.116.20 p433n34
4.117 p437n58
4.121.1 p452n163
4.122 146, 425n7, 426n13
4.123 p446n 124, 448n144, 452n161
4.123.17 p437n72, 447n141
4.123.20 I p437n72
4.123.20 p131
4.123.21 p447n141
4.123.22-3 p446n 125
4.124 p452n161, 485n197
4.125 p425n7, 426n13, 427n15,
431n27, 435n42, 485n193
4.125.1 p449
4.125.8-9 p486n205
4.125.8 p450n154
4.125.9 p452n163
4.126 p426n13, 427n15,
429n24, 435n43,
436nn46-7, 440n84
4.126.6 p434n35
4.126.8 p454n170
4.126.10 p452n160
4.126.16 p450n154
4.126.18 p451n158
4.126.27 129, 451n155
4.126.28 p454n168
4.127.2 p448n 144
4.128 p426n10, 427nn 14,16,17,
436n46, 452nn161,163
4.129 p426n13, 431n27, 513n18
4.131 p427n14
4.132 p434n38
4.132.4 148
4.133.3 p451n156
4.134 p427n16, 433n34, 513n18
4.134.2 p453n167
4.136 147
4.137 148, 429n24, 434n38,
435n43, 440n84
4.137.1 130
4.137.4 p433n32
4.137.10 130
4.138.2 129
4.139 p425n7, 427n15
4.141 148, 425n7, 426n13, 428n18,
436n46, 485n199
4.141 iii 16 p428n22
4.141 iii 19 p453n167
4.141 iii 20 p450n151
4.142 p425n7
4.143 p426n11, 469nn97.100
4.144 p427n14, 428n18
4.145 147, 428n20, 429n23, 437,
496n250
4.145.8-9 127
4.145.9 p428n20, 473n119,
486n201
4.145.16 p450n151
4.146.3 p430n26
4.146.5 130
4.146.7 p437n57
4.147.5 p452n160
4.148.19 p436n56
4.149 p329, 427n14, 429n24,
459n20
4.149.4 p458n10
4.149.6 p459n25
4.149.14-6 145, 300
4.149.14-5 p470n102
4.150 p446n 124, 453n167
4.150.5 p448n146
4.151 148
4.151 ii 1 p452n160
4.152 p429n24, 437n57
4.152.5 p436n56
4.153 p426n13, 427n14,
431n27
4.155 p427n16
4.156 148
4.156.5 p436n56
4.158 p452n161
4.158.3 p446n 124
4.158.6 p446n 128
4.158.7 p448n 144
4.158.12 p448n 143
4.158.14-5 p447n142
4.158.17-8 p446n132
4.158.20-2 p448n143
4.160.12 p473n121
4.162 p429n24
4.163 149, 429n24, 440n84,
433n32, 434n38, 435n43
4.164 149
4.165 148
4.166 148, 437n59
4.166.2 p436n56
4.166.3 p437n60
4.167 p437n70, 496nn250,253
4.167.1-7 148
4.167.1-2 p450
4.167.1 p496n251
4.168 145, 329
4.168.5-9 p161
4.168.11 p446n 131
4.169 p496n250, 497n261
4.169.6 p494n241
4.170 p429n24
4.172 145
4.173 149, 429n24, 433n32,
434n38, 435n43, 440n84
4.174 149, 429n24, 434n38,
435n43, 440n84
4.175 p425n7 426nn10,13,
427n14, 431n27
4.177 p427n16
4.179 148, 429n24, 434n38, 440n84,
433n32, 435n43
4.179.14 104
4.180 148, 427n16, 451n158,
496n250,
4.181.2 104
4.182 p329, 447n142, 452n161
4.182.8 p446nn129,131
4.182.17 130
4.182.35 p436n56
4.182.56 p452n163
4.182.63 p437n66
4.183 147, 426n13, 429n24, 430n26,
449n149, 452n161
4.183 ii 10 129
4.183 ii 12 p450n 151
4.183 ii 22 p454n169
4.183 ii 27 p451n158
4.183 iii 16 p452n160
4.186.1 p450n154
4.186.9 p450n154
4.187 p427n16, 485n197
4.187.1 p452n163
4.188 p427n16, 435n45, 453n167
4.190.4 p436n56
4.192 p437n58
4.195 p436n46, 437n71
4.195.5 p131
4.200 p425n7
4.201 p427n16
4.203.8 p437n63
4.204 p596n258
4.205 p437n60
4.205.6 p437n61
4.205.7 p437n57
4.205.19 p437n62
4.206 p437n63
4.206.1 p437n64
4.206.4 p446n131
4.206.5 p437n65
4.206.6 p447n124
4.207 p435n43
4.207.5 p452n160
4.207.7 p454n 170
4.212 p435n43
4.213 148, 329, 425n7, 426nn 11,1
427n14, 429n24
4.213.24 145, 154
4.213.30 p487n207
4.214 148, 433n34, 440n84
4.215 p147, 427n16
4.216 p427nn14-5, 429n24
4.216.2 p303
4.216.3 p303
4.216.9 p458n10
4.217 p427nn15-6, 440n84
4.219.12 p469n100, 470n102
4.219 148
4.219.1-3 p329
4.219.2-3 145
4.222 p430n26
4.222.8- 11 p451n158
4.223 p428n18
4.224 p436n46
4.225.16 130
4.230 148, 427nn14,16,
429n24
4.230.3 p457n7
4.230.4-5 p470n102
4.230.15 154
4.232 147, 148, 425n5
4.235 148
4.243 p425n7, 426nn 11,13, 427n 14,
431n27
4.243.2 p450n151
4.244 p426n8, 429n24, 430n26
4.244.9 p469n100
4.244.16 p465nn62-3
4.245 p435n45
4.246.3 p470n102
4.246.2-3 p469n100
4.247.22 132
4.247.29 p448n 143
4.255 p459n21
4.257.5 p437n66
4.258 p417
4.261 p427n16, 451
4.261.1 p451n156
4.263 p427n14, 440n84
4.264 p428n18
4.266 145, 452n161
4.267 p425n5
4.269 148, 426nn11,13,
427nn14,16
4.269.4 p487n207
4.269.8 p452n163
4.269.26 p487n207
4.270.7 p436n56, 437nn67,68
4.270.8 p437n57
4.270.11 p437n61
4.271 p425n7, 426n11
4.272 p427n16, 451n158
4.272.7 154
4.275 p426n10
4.277.1 130
4.279 p329
4.280.6 154
4.280.13-4 p329
4.282 p430n26
4.282.5 p434n35
4.283 p416n26
4.284.5-6 p329
4.286 p427n16
4.288 p435n41
4.290 148
4.357 p430n26
4.357.24 p300, 434n35, 474n132
4.358 p425n7, 426nn10,13, 485n199
4.358.9 p487n208
4.360 p431n29, 478n157
4.361 p434n38, 469n91
4.362.1-2 148
4.363 p437n57
4.363.1 p437n64
4.363.2 129
4.363.3-4 p437n68
4.363.3 p436n56
4.363.5 129
4.363.6-7 p437n68
4.365 p424n3, 425n7
4.366 130, 145, 432n30
4.367 p426n10, 427n16, 428n18,
513n18
4.367.18 p454n168
4.369 p440n84
4.370 p427n16
4.370.10 p436n53
4.370.35 p452n160
4.370.45 p454n 170
4.371 p432n30
4.374 p426n13, 427n16, 431n27,
513n18
4.376 p449n 149
4.377 p427n14
4.378 p426n13, 427nn14, 16, 431n27
4.379 148, 427n16, 428n18, 429n24
4.380 p425n7
4.382 p425n7, 426n13, 485n200
4.385.3 p437n72, 447n141
4.385.5 p447n141
4.385.10 p448n 144
4.386 146, 417, 425n7
4.387 p427n14, 429n24, 435n45
4.389 p430n26
4.390 p459n19, 676
4.390.8 130
4.391 p431n27
4.392 p127, 435n42
4.392.2 p127n32
4.392.4 129, 450
4.396.20 p451n156
4.397 p425n7, 426n11
4.399 p430n26
4.400 p425n7, 426n11
4.402 p437n64
4.402.3 p448n143
4.402.9 p446n124
4.402.7-8 p446n 121
4.402.10-1 p437n73
4.405 p425n7
4.409 p137, 425n7
4.410 p435n43
4.412 142, 147, 435n42, 485n197
4.412 ii 1-5 p434n35
4.412 iii 9 p454n170
4.414 p424n3
4.415 p435n42
4.416 p427n15, 429n24, 430n26,
435n43, 485n195
4.416.1 p465n63
4.417 p431n29, 478n157
4.419 p431n29
4.421 p432n30
4.422 148, 427n16
4.423 p430n26
4.424 p425n7, 430n26
4.425 p430n26
4.427 14,149
4.430 p440n84
4.432 p431n29
4.435 148
4.440 p426n13, 427n16, 431n27
4.447 p437n70
4.471 p427n16
4.480.1 p496n251
4.485 p427nn15,16, 429n24
4.491 p426n13
4.493 p426n13, 431n27
4.495 p427n14
4.500 p437n70
4.519 p431n29
4.525.1 p437n67
4.528 p429n24
4.545 p427n16
4.553 p425n5
4.561 p427n16, 429n24, 465n61
4.582 p497n261
4.602 p437n70
4.608 p426n13
4.608.35-9 p453n165
4.609 147, 425n5, 426n13,
427nn14-5, 428nn18,22, 435n45,
436n46, 450n151, 453, 473n123,
485n193
4.609.9 p452n160
4.609.11 p435n41
4.609.12' p428n22
4.609.16 p453n167
4.609.18 p449n149
4.609.23 p452n160
4.609.25 p451n159, 453n166
4.609.32 p454n169
4.610 p36n62, 147, 148, 425, 427n15
4.611 p425n5
4.617 148, 427n16
4.618 p425n7, 426nn10,13,
431n27
4.618.6 p428n22
4.619.7 p127-8
4.621 p424n3
4.622 p424n3
4.623 146, 429n24, 465n61
4.624 p427n16, 493n232,
494nn236,237
4.625 p425n7, 426n9
4.626.1 p452n160
4.629 p424n3
4.630 p426n13, 427n14, 437n58
4.630.8-9 449n149
4.630.12 p452n160
4.630.14 p451, 453n166
4.631 p430n26, 438n78
4.632 p417, 426n9
4.633 p147, 427n16, 514n21
4.633.4-14 p434n35
4.635 p428n18, 429n24, 442n99,
459n27, 512n17, 513n18
4.635.7 p452n163
4.636 p425n7, 426nn10,11,13,
427n14, 467n83
4.638 p425n7
4.643 p426n8
4.644 p431n29
4.655 p427n16
4.659 142, 145, 445n119
4.659.1 154
4.659.6 p99
4.661 p424n3
4.669+7.130 p58n3, 142, 144
4.670 p438n77, 494n239
4.676 p424n3
4.681 146, 427n16
4.683 p425n4, 493n232
4.684 p424n3
4.685 p424n3
4.686 p424n3
4.689 p489
4.690 p427n16
4.691.6 130
4.692 p430n26
4.692.1 p452n 160
4.692.8 p452n160
4.693 p424n3
4.704 148
4.705 p427n14, 459n20
4.707.15-8 p446n132
4.709.6 100
4.710 p84
4.710.11-2 p446n121
4.710.11 p446n 122
4.714 p427n16, 428n18, 435n42
4.714.1 p473n123
4.721 p437nn58,60
4.721.1 p437n64
4.721.9 p446n132
4.721.14 p446n132
4.729 p426n13, 431n27
4.740 p426n13, 431n27
4.742.12 p452n160
4.743 p450n151
4.745 148, 427n15, 435n43,
440n84
4.745.5 p434n35
4.745.7 454n169
4.745.18 p452n160
4.750 p425n7
4.751 146, 429n24
4.751.11 130
4.752 148
4.754 148
4.755 148
4.761 146, 427n16, 434n35,
514n21
4.764 148
4.765.4 p436n56
4.765.5 p437n68
4.766 p12
4.767 p12
4.770 p424n3
4.771.5-8 p448n146
4.772 p427n16
4.772.5 p465n62
4.777 148, 493nn232-3
4.778 p417, 459n27
4.778.5 p448n146
4.779.8-13 p659n172
4.781.1-2 p329
4.781.2 p303
4.782 p417, 459n27
4.782.7-8 p448n146
4.784 148
4.786.14 p438n74
4.790.15 129
4.791 p147, 416n26
5.6 p82
5.9-5.11 p360
5.9 i 2 p99
5.10 p33n35, 363n10
5.10.1 p362
5.10.3 p361
5.10.7-8 p438n75
5.11 p33n35, 373n36
5.11.16 p436n56
5.14 p32n26
5.20.1 p454n 169
5.24 p12
6.1
6.2
6.6
6.7
6.8
6.9
6.10
p12
p12
p9, 428n21, 434n36
p9, 428n21, 434n36
p428n21, 434n36
p428n21, 434n36
p9, 428n21, 501n3,
513n19
6.11 p438n79
6.12 p438n79
6.13 p15, 303
6.14 p15, 303
6.15 p504n5
6.17 p440n84
6.20 p438n79
6.21 p438n79
6.22 p438n79
6.24 p438n79, 703
6.26 p438n79
6.27 p438n79
6.29 p685n271
6.29.3 130
6.48 p452n161
6.67 p12
6.68 p12
6.69.3-4 p473n118
6.70 p12
6.71 p12
7.40
7.43
7.46
7.50
7.52
7.55
7.63
7.63.1
7.65
7.177
8.1
9.432
9.458
9.477
p59
p59
143
145
145
145
p30n18, 413, 415
p414
140
143
p12
p234n4, 253
p513n18
p417
78/12.1 p361
7 8 / 1 2 . 2 - 3 p362
78/12.2 p361
78/12.4 154
78/12.11 154
7 8 / 1 4 p52n11, 56, 146, 163,
318, 355
78/16 p52n11, 143, 144, 318,
320
78/20 p52n11, 145, 151, 270,
271, 276, 278, 322, 576
7 8 / 2 0 . 3 - 4 186
78/20.7 154
78/21 142, 360
78/25 142, 360, 365 15
78/25.2 p365n17
78/26 p52n11
78/26.16 p541n38
8 1 / 0 4 p382
8 3 / 0 2 p513n18
8 3 / 0 7 + 8 3 / 1 4 p147, 148,
493nn232-3
8 3 / 1 2 p417, 459n27
83/12.5 p448n 146
8 3 / 2 2 . 8 - 1 3 p659n 172
83/28+83/31+83/84.15+26.2
p303
8 3 / 2 8 + . 1-2 p329
8 3 / 3 9 + 8 3 / 5 5 p417
8 4 / 0 4 147, 416n26
8 4 / 0 8 p417, 459n27
8 4 / 0 8 . 7 - 8 p448n 146
8 4 / 3 3 142, 146, 416
INDEX OF RS TEXTS
1.001 p313n11, 81, 340-4,
344-6
1.001.13-9 p312-3
1.001.14 p241n19
1.001A.2-10 143
1.002 p144, 153, 293, 295, 317,
322, 455, 457, 541n38, 5 6 4 - 6
1.002.10 p495n245
1.002.24 p329n33
1.002.25 p310n7
1.002.32 p277
1.002.35 140
1.002.48 p457n7
1.003+ 143, 273, 274, 301, 302,
318, 319, 329, 330, 339-44,
557
1.003+.3 p162
1.003+. 11-9 p143
1.003+.12 p294
1.003+. 15-6 161
1.003+.16 p541n38
1.003+.20-1 p292
1.003+.21 p454n172
1.003+.22 130
1.003+.24 p303
1.003+.41 p303
1.003+.47-8 164
1.003+.47 102
1.003+.50-5 144, 162
1.003+.50-1 p298
1.003+.50 p303
1.003+.53-5 p295
1.003+.53-4 p164
1.003+.53 102
1.004 p59, 144, 323, 326
1.005 144, 294-5, 318, 319, 320,
330, 336-8, 739
1.005.1-5 p332n38
1.005.1-2 p304, 583
1.005.9ff. p295
1.005.22-7 162
1.005.23-5 p297
1.006 p271, 333, 118n83, 199,
200, 284
1.007 p59, 144, 273, 323
1.008+ 145
1.008+.5 132
1.009 143, 301, 318, 320, 330,
333n40, 353
1.009+.1-10 p335
1.009.9-10 164
1.011.[046] p60, 144, 323
1.012 p438n74
1.013+1.043 p142, 359
1.013+.19 154
1.013+.20 p160
1.017 144, 532, 535, 537
1.017.32 p542n40
1.018 p142, 359, 362n6, 363n7,
366n21
1.018.4-6 p364
1.018.4-5 p364n12
1.018.19 154
1.019 p318, 319, 326, 327-8
1.019.13 p97
1.020 142, 145, 152, 359
1.021 142, 359, 363n7
1.021.5-6 p364n12
1.022 p143, 318, 319
1.024 p53, 95, 145, 150, 166,
201, 285-6, 310n6, 352 551,
557-8, 564
1.024.33-7 p175
1.024.44 p99
1.024.45 p99
1.024.46-7 p270
1.024.47 p475n137
1.025 145
513n18
1 .[053] p9, 428n21, 434n36
1. [054] p9, 428n21, 434n36
1 .[055] p9, 428n21, 434n36
1.056 p386
1.[057] p387
1. [064] p333n40
1. [066] p59, 144, 323
1. [067] p59, 144, 323
1. [069] p59, 144, 323
1 .[070] p59, 144, 323
1 .[071] p59, 144
1 .[074] p59
1. [076] p59, 144, 323
1.[089]+2.[033]+5.183 p14, 544n49,
589
1.017 p308-10
1.019 143
1.110 p317, 319
1.766+ 148
2.002 p53, 166, 178, 284-5, 200-1,
271, 290, 352, 534, 544, 551,
553-7, 560, 564, 739
2.002.6 p99
2.002.15 130
2.002.31 130
2.002.32 130
2.002.36 130
2.002.56 140
2.002.61-2 171
2.002.66 p118n23
2.002.69-70 178
2.002.70-2 171
2. [003]+ 166, 199, 203, 209, 204,
210, 211, 213, 215, 217, 218, 219,
231, 232, 234
2. [003]+ i 7 p328n28
2. [003] + i l l
pl 18n82
2. [003]+ i 19 p278
2. [003]+ i 20-1 133
2.[003] + i 23 p118n82
2. [003]+ i 29 p101
2.[003]+ i 38 p99
2. [003]+ ii 2 - 3 p497n259, 262
2.[003]+ ii 7-iii 49 p570
2. [003]+ ii 16-9 p345n51
2.[003]+ ii 22-3 p273
2. [003]+ ii 22 p105
2.[003]+ ii 23-4 p560
2. [003]+ ii 37-8 p154
2. [003]+ ii 5Off. p290
2.[003]+ iii 22-5 p l 7 9
2. [003]+ iii 48 p97n13
2. [003]+ iv 1 p130
2.[003]+ iv 34-43 p568 9
2.[003]+ iv 42-3 p173n28
2. [003]+ v 14-23 p213n16
2. [003]+ v 28-vi 14 p211
2.[003]+ 32-3 180
2. [003]+ vi 12-4 p221
2. [004] 166, 199, 211, 234-58,
499n2
2.[004] i 23-33 p567, 576
2. [004] i 25-33 179, 263 10
2. [004] i 25-6 173
2. [004] i 26-33 179, 256,
481 181
2. [004] i 27-8 127
2. [004]+ i 31-2 p303
2.[004] i 31 p302
2. [004] i 3 4 - 6 p570
2.[004] i 40 p118n83
2.[004] i 41 p118n83
2. [004] i 42-7 p263n10
2.[004] i 42-3 173
2.[004] i-ii p225
2.[004] ii p248
2. [004] ii 1-9 p263n10
2. [004] ii 14-23 p263n10
2.[004] ii 30-40 183
2. [004] ii 42 100
2.[004] 10-] 192
2. [004] 19-20 171
2. [004] 20 98
2.[004] 29-30 p171n21
2. [004] 40 98
2. [004] vi 24 p97
2.[004] vi 26-8 175
2. [004] vi 27 154
2. [004] vi 32-3 184
2.[004] vi 34-9 p578
2. [008]+ 8 186
2. [008]+
2. [008]+
2. [008]+
2. [008]+
2. [008]+
2. [008]+
2. [008]+
2.[008]+
2.(008]+
2.[008]+
2.[008]+
2. [008]+
2. [008]+
2.(008]+
2. [008]+
2. [008]+
2. [008]+2.[008]+
2.[008]+
2. [008]+
2.[008]+
2. [008]+
15-6 p181
17 p105n28
31-3 172
38 p105n28
40 p105n28
61-2 182
61 97
64-5 182
vi 4 180
vi 5 - 6 182
vi 8 - 9 182
vi 9 104
vi 13 p97n13
vi 18-21 179
vi 45-54 p542n39
vi 46 p539
vi 55 174
vii 30 p i l l
vii 32 p i l l
viii 1 - 4 178
viii 5 pl 14
viii 12-4 187
4 - 1 0 p261
10-25 p261
17 183
18 130
21-6 184
2 1 - 4 p173n28
p263
4 - 1 0 p267
5 - 7 p268
5 - 6 p265n16
10-4 186
11* p94
2-4
p359
p436nn53-6, 437n57
p589
p582
p582, 589
3.041
3.319
3.320
3.322+
739
3.322+
3.322+
3.322+
3.322+
3.322+
3.322+
3.322+
3.322+
3.322+
3.322+
3.322+
3.322+
3.322+
3.322+
3.322+
3.322+
3.322+
3.322+
3.322+
3.322+
3.322+
3.322+
3.322+
3.322+
3.322+
3.325+
226,
3.325+
3.325+
3.325+
3.325+
3.325+
3.325+
3.325+
3.325+
3.325+
3.325+
3.325+
3.325+
3.325+
3.325+
3.325+
3.325+
3.325+
3.325+
p598
199
p147, 426 15, 434n35
166, 199, 211, 234-58,
i 36 p113n57
i 39 p275
i 4 2 - 6 p572
i 46 p113n57
i p228n31
ii 1 - 3 p356
ii 2 - 3 p240n16
ii 3 - 4 p574
ii 12-5 p175
ii 22-5 p571
iii 1 - 3 p572-3
iii 9 p98
iii 14 p117n77
iii 28 p117n77
iii 46 p249
iii 47 133
iii 5 3 - 4 187
iii p257
iv 1 - 3 p573
iv 9-27 p578
iv 23 130
iv 28 180
iv 46-50 p171n19
iv 62 p98
vi 1e.e. 140
p166, 199, 210, 211, 214,
234, 499n2
i 7 - 8 132
i 7 p187
i 9-11 p562
i 12 p181
i 15-9 p578
i 9-11 p315n17
i 2 0 - 3 p315n17, 562
i 24 p351n59
i 26 187
ii 19 p99
ii 20 p99
ii 24-34 p211
ii 26-50 p579n134
iii 8 - 9 p211
iv p229
29 124
48 p117n77
vi p204, 215, 216, 217,
218
3.325+ vi 3 102
3.325+ vi 4 - 5 126
3.325+ vi 10-28 p278
3.325+
11-2 p173n28
3.325+ 15-21 p217
3.325+
16-7 p l 7 4
3.325+
2 1 - 4 183
3.325+
25-38 p575
3.325+
37 189
3.325+
39-54 p575
3.325+
53 p189
3.325+
54-8 p211,571-2
3.325+
56-7 p279
3.325+
57-8 p187
3.325+ 1e.e. 140
3.334 142, 145, 152, 359
3.334.4 154
3.340 166, 199, 211, 234-58
3.340 iv 22 153
3.343+ p166, 199, 205, 211, 212,
213 16, 217, 230, 234
16-20 p249
3.343+
16-28 p569-70
3.343+
26-8 p560
3.343+
p227
3.343+
3.343+
1-23 166
3.343+
2 - 4 p249, 267
3.343+
2-3 p219n22
3.343+
3 p264n13
3.343+
4 p613
3.343+
7-16 p480n179
3.343+
7-12 179
3.343+
13-5 p219n22, 249,
267
3.343+
14 p264n13
3.343+
15 p613
3.343+
25-30 p569
3.343+ v-vi p210
3.343+ 10-3 p231
3.343+ 36-43 176
3.343+ v-vi p210, 217
3.343+ 18-21 p217n21
3.346 166, 193, 211, 234, 552
3.346 iii 3 p533
3.346 iii 4 p533
3.348 p54, 166, 199, 234, 234n3,
237, 259-68, 283, 739
3.348 i 1-2 p265n16
3.348 ii 1-2 p265n16
3.348 ii 8 - 9 p265n16
3.361 p166, 193, 211, 234, 552
3.361 iii 20 p533n15
3.361 iv 10 124
3.361 iv 13 183
3.362+ p54, 145, 150, 166, 192,
199
3.362+ i 4 p574
3.362+ ii 4 - 5 p184n24,
244nn75-6, 185
3.362+ iii 27-31 132
3.362+ iii 35 p97
3.364 p166n5, 199
3.367 166, 193, 211, 234, 552
3.367 7-9 p572
3.367 13 p97
3.367
16 p i l l
3.367 20-1 p173n28
3.367 22 187
3.367 23 p97, 129
3.367 24 p97
3.367 27 p114
3.367 29 p110n39
3.367 32 p i l l
3.367 38 100
3.367 40 p94
3.367 6 p173n28
3.367 8 - 9 p173
3.367 13-7 p187
3.367 14 p98
3.367 17 185
3.367 22-3 p181
3.367 22 p118n82
3.367 25 p118n82
3.372 p60, 144, 323
3.427 142, 359, 363n7,
365n15
3.427.1 - 2 p364n12
3.427.3 p365n17
3.487 p591
4.427 p7, 14, 581, 589
4.429+5.044+5.202 p589
4.449 p381, 384, 497, 607n9,
620n54
4.458 p619n47, 620n54
4.466+5.144+5. 144A p587
4.474 145, 151, 271, 271n10,
274, 317, 322, 323
4.474.2-3 p310n7
4.474.2 p541n38
4.474.9 p153, 309n4
4.475 142, 134, 359, 362n6,
363n7, 366n23, 726
4.475.5-15 155-6
4.475.9-10 160
4.475.11-5 160
4.475.12 p154
4.475.14 p154
5.123 p52n12
5.156+ p52n12, 145
5.157 145
5.180+ 199
5.180+ ii 26-7 184
5.182 p60, 144
5.194 p53, 95, 145, 150, 166,
168n10, 201-2, 352, 285, 551,
556, 557-8, 564
5.194.33-7 175
5.194.44 p99
5.194.45 p99
5.194.46-7 p270
5.194.47-50 p310n6
5.194.47 p475n137
5.196 145
5.197+.2 p454n172
5.197+. 11 p446n123
5.199 p52n12
5.199+5.213 p145
5.200 p60, 144, 323
5.218 145
5.229 145
5.248 p511n15, 429n24
5.259 145
5.262 p438n79
5.269 p438n79
5.285+ 146
5.300 146
5.300.7 130
5.303 bis p52n12, 145
6.021 15, 303
6.028 15, 303
6.138 144
6.198 p382, 470nn 104-5, 688n284
689n289, 697
6.215 143
6.216 p437n72, 446n128
6.223 p504n5
6.345 p504n6
6.411 145
7.001 p353
7.025.3-4 p473n118
7.116 p589
7.160 p591
8.134 p438n78
8.145 p401, 412, 467n81, 480,
481
8.145.15 p480n177
8.183+ pI47, 425n13, 426n16
8.183+ i 16 p449n 149
8.183+ ii 8 p451n158
8.183+ ii 11 130
11.790.25' p520
11.790.29' p519
11.790.32' p519
11.794 p387
11.795 142
11.795.2-3 p446n 124
11.795.7-8 p448n143
11.796 p425n7, 426n10,
435n44
11.797 p147, 148, 426n16
11.797.14 p438n74
11.799 p426n16, 432n30,
435n43
11.800.9' p521
11.800.12' p523
11.800.22 p522
11.800.23 p523
11.800.29' p523
11.800.32' p522
11.830 p425n5
11.830.8 p521
11.830.9 p521
11.830.10 p518, 521
11.830.11 p518
1 1.832 p424n3
11.834 p387
11.836+ p147, 148, 425n5
11.839 p435n43
11.840 p425n7, 426n13,
433n34, 459n27
11.840.3 p460n28
11.840.6 p460n32
11.841 p425nn4,7
11.841.12' p523
11.841.13' p517
11.841.15' p521
11.841.24' p521
11.841 [A] p425n5, 434n37
11.844 p426n16, 485n200
11.844.6 p450n151
11.844.7 p451n156
11.844.9 p452n160
11.845 136-7, 147, 426nn 13,15,
429n24, 435nn42-3,45, 436n47,
452n161
11.845.9 p434n35
11.845.15 p452n163
11.845.16 p450n154
11.845.18 p454nn 169-70
11.845.19 p452n160
11.848 p673n225
11.850 p147, 148
11.850.5 p523
11.853 p38n73, 58, 621
513n18
15.006.2 p453n167
15.007 142, 359
15.007.7 154
15.007.8 p153
15.008 142, 156, 359, 362n6,
363n7, 366, 463n54
15.008.2 p361
15.008.3 p495n247
15.008.4-6 p101n23, 364
15.008.10 160
15.008.19 p367
15.009 p426n16
15.009A.6 p521
15.009B i 12 p491n225
15.009B. 1 p451
15.010 p58, 59
15.011 p385, 466n78, 673
15.013 p147
15.014 p385, 686
15.135.13 p436n55
15.136 p397
15.137 p435n42, 466n75, 473n122,
474n128
15.138+ p471n107
15.138+.23 p522
15.139 p37n68
15.145 p397
15.145.8 138
15.145.12 138
15.147 p398, 471n107
15.152.7 p487n209
15.155 p429n24, 513n18
15.156 p450n154
15.157+ p427n16, 485n197
15.157+.1 p452n163
15.158 p142, 360, 686n273
15.163+ p471n107
15.169+ p427n16, 435n45,
453n167
15.171A.4 p436n56
15.172 p452n161, 454n168
15.172.9 p491n227
15.172A.7 p452n162
15.172A. 10 p451
15.173 p30n14
15.174 p360, 363n7, 362n6,
365n15, 469n97, 470n101, 699
15.174.3 p362
15.174.5-6 p364n12
15.174.7 p365n17
15.174.10 p99
15.176 p437n58
15.178 p387
15.179 p425n5
15.180 p30n14
15.182 p30n14, 400, 401
15.183 p425n5
15.184 p436n46, 437n71
15.184.5 p131
15.189 p425n7
15.191 [] 142
15.192 p438n79
15.192[D] p426n16
15.201 p673n225
15.202+ p625
15.226 p438n79
15.239 p625
15.250.17 p428n22
15.341 p282
15.354 p426n16
16.002
16.003
p496n258
p383, 462n45, 652
16.004 p437nn57.60 2
16.005 p437nn61,63
16.005.1 p437n64
16.005.4 p446n 131
16.005.5 p437n65
16.005.6 p447n142
16.006 p435n43
16.006.5 p452n 160
16.006.7 p454n 170
16.008.12 154
16.017.24 p329
16.042 p363n8
16.078+ 143, 157, 360, 623n67,
631n87, 713
16.078+. 15-24 157-8
16.078+. 17ff. 160
16.078+.17 pl 54
16.107 p435n43
16.111 p382, 470n105,
643n118, 666
16.112 p385
16.114.5 p447n140
16.116 p382
16.117+ p713, 713n365
16.126B+ p429n24, 433,
434n35, 435nn42-3, 440n84
16. 126B+ i:37-8 p514n21
16.127 p147, 425nn7,11,
426nn 11,13-4, 429n24
16.127.24 145, 154
16.127.30 p487n207
16.128 p147, 148, 433n34,
440n84
16.129 p401, 481 183
16.130 p147, 426n16
16.132 p465n68
16.132.26 p474n126
16.135 p398
16.135.4 p521
16.136 p429n24, 460n34,
673n227
16.136.5 p510n13
16.137 p398, 430n26
16.137(to']+ 142, 360, 362n6,
365n15
16.137[bis]+.2 p361
16.137[w]+.4 p362
16.137 [bis]+.5-7 p363
16.137[i]+.8 p365n17
16.138 p469n100
16.141 p475n135, 476nn139,141,
477n147
16.142 p397, 453n164, 485n198
16.143 p476n146, 477n149
16.353 p458nnl5,l 7
16.354 p399, 417
16.355 147, 148, 425n5
16.356 p398, 472n110
16.359 p447n142
16.364 p462n46
16.369 148
16.378 142, 360
16.378B p360
16.378c p360
16.379 156, 360, 362n6,
363nn7-8, 365n15, 366n23,
470n106, 700
16.379.1 p361
16.379.3 p362
16.379.4-5 p362
16.379.6-7 p364n12
16.379.8 p365n17
16.379.22 p99
16.382 161, 413, 414, 415-6,
445n119
16.386 p473n 117
16.393A p612n28
16.394 p142, 143, 360
16.394.16ff. 160
16.394.21 154
16.395 p425nn7,11, 426nn11,13-4,
431n27
16.395.2 p450n151
16.396 p425n8, 426n8, 429n24,
430n26
16.396.9 p469n 100
16.396.16 p465nn62-3
16.397 p435n45
16.398.2-3 p469n100
16.398.3 p470n102
16.399.22 p132
16.399.29 p448n 143
16.401 p360
16.401.7 154
16.401.10 154
16.402 143, 158, 362n6, 363n7,
360, 366n23, 495, 655n153, 713,
724, 724nn408-9
16.402.1 153, 361
16.402.2 p362
16.402.3-4 p363
16.402.4ff. 156
16.402.15-6 160
16.402.23 p99
16.402.27 160
16.402.28 154
16.402.30-1 160
16.402 [] p141
16.639 p147
16.665.5 p520
16.739 142
17.001 p434n35
17.007+ p417
17.018 p684n263, 686
17.021 p401, 479nn 163,170,173
17.022+ p401
17.022+.9 p139
17.023 p426n16, 451
17.023.1 p451n156
17.028 p445n119, 654n145
17.031 p425n7, 426n13
17.033 p479n173
17.035+ p405, 461n37, 642, 678,
679
17.036 p480n 179
17.036.4-5 p480n 177
17.037 p431n27, 478n157
17.038 p401, 480n179
17.038.6' p480n177
17.042 p443n105, 651, 660n173,
661
17.049 p426n14, 440n84
17.050.4 p454n169
17.050.11 p450n153
17.052 p426n18
17.053 p613
17.058 p624, 624n71
17.059 p407, 444, 683
17.061 p401
17.062+ p405
17.062+.6' p521
17.062+.8' p520
17.062+.10' p521
17.062+. 11' p523
17.062+.12' p520, 521
17.062+.13' p519, 521
17.062+. 14' p522
17.062+. 17' p522
17.062+. 18' p522
17.062+.19' p519
17.062+.20' p518
17.062+.23' p523
17.062+.66 p526n30
17.063 p33n35, 360, 363n9
17.063.1 p362
17.063.3 p361
17.063.7-8 p438n75
17.064 p431n28, 435nn42-3
17.066 p474n129
17.067 p445n119, 466n78
17.072 p438n79, 703
17.237.3-16 p640
17.238 p405, 424, 455n2, 462n45,
463n53, 486, 652n138, 682
17.239 p386, 445n118, 446n130
17.240 136-7, 429n24, 434n35,
435n43, 436n47, 485n194
17.240.10 p436n52
17.240.11 p454n168, 491n225
17.240.15 p451n157
17.244 p37n63
17.244.5-8 p657n167
17.246 p430n26
17.246.5 p434n35
17.247 p383, 445n118, 684
17.248 p30n14, 653n141
17.251 p408, 412, 445n119, 654,
657
17.285.5-6 p329
17.286 p382, 462n49, 642
17.288 p385, 444n109
17.289 p383, 686, 716n379
17.290 p426n16
17.292 p383, 685
17.293 p435n41
17.293.2-5 p474n127
17.297 147, 148
17.312 p431n29, 478n157
17.314 p37n63, 407, 469n98,
685
17.315 p387, 644n123, 667n202
17.316 p441n92, 458n12, 660n173,
661, 685
17.318+ p409, 410
17.318B p438n79
17.319 p441n92, 660n173
17.319.22 p653n141
17.319.32 p653n141
17.322.2' p706
17.325 p400. 697, 469n97, 470n101,
697n309
17.326 p425n7
17.327 142, 360
17.334 p38n70, 406, 462n50,
634n95, 636, 636n99
17.334.20-3 p634
17.335+ p640
17.335+. 19 p520
17.335+.57-63 p662
17.337 p657n166
17.338 p468n88
17.340 p405, 462n50, 634n94
17.340.Iff. p634, 635
17.340 6' p520
17.340.7' p519
662n180
17.406 p645, 646, 646nn 127-8
17.418 p598
17.422 p384, 386, 445n118,
488n215, 655
17.423 p380, 383, 654, 684,
686n274
17.424 p444n 111
17.424.2 p519
17.424C+ p381, 459n23, 474n130,
653n141, 672n217
17.425 p385
17.426 p30n14
17.428 p387, 475n133
17.429 p383, 477n155, 703
17.432.5' 138
17.434 143
17.434.14 154
17.434.36-7 p679n243
1 7.434BA 143
17.435+ p51n8, 143, 159, 360,
365n15, 367, 460, 488, 488n215,
674, 693n298, 700
17.435.2 p365n17
17.435+.5-13 156-7
17.435+.6 154
17.435+.16ff. 158
17.438 143
17.438.10 p155
17.443 p462n48
17.444 p425n7, 426n13
17.449 p469n98
17.451 p387
17.452 p387
17.455 p386
17.456 p387
17.457 p640
17.461 p441n91, 660n174
17.465 p474n130
17.[468] p416
17.469 p444n 111
17. [473] [B].5 p437n66
17. [476] p624n71
17.[477] p637n104
18.001
18.002
p410, 663
p408, 411, 445n119, 692
18.038.11 6 159
18.038.15-6 160
18.038.21 155
18.038.35 154
18.040 142, 156, 360, 362n6,
442n98, 605n5, 671
18.040.1 p361
18.040.4 p362
18.040.5-8 p363
18.041 p52n11, 146, 163, 271n10,
286
18.042 p443, 459nn20,27, 677
18.042.2 p460n33
18.042.4 p673n226
18.042.9 p460n28
18.045 p426nn13-4,16, 441n88,
513n18
18.046 p430n26
18.046.24 p300
18.047 p430n26
18.047.24 p434n35, 474n132
18.048 p425n7, 426nn10,13
18.048.9 124, 487n208
18.050 p431n29, 478n157
18.051 p434n39, 469n90
18.052.1-2 148
18.052.1-2 p147
18.054 p670n243
18.054A p382, 385
18.055 p437n57
18.055.1 p437n64
18.055.2 129, 494n242
18.055.3 p U 1 n 7 , 436n5, 617,
436n56
18.055.5 129
18.056 p 5 2 n U , 143, 273, 298n51,
302, 318, 319, 326-7, 330
18.056.17 p541n38
18.056.22 p454n 172
18.056.42 p303
18.056.56-7 164
18.056.58-61 p329
18.057 p387, 445n118
18.057.3 p447n142
18.066 p437n68
18.070 p653n141
18.073 p424n3, 425n7
18.074 130, 432n30
18.075 p363n7, 643n119, 721n396
18.075.1-2 p364n12
18.075A p360
18.075.19 160
18.076 p426nn 10,16,18, 513n18
18.076.18 p454n 168
18.078 p440n84
18.079 p426n16
18.079.10 p436n53
18.079.35 p452n160
18.079.45 p454n 170
18.080A p432n30
18.082 p426nn13,16, 431n27,
513n18
18.084 p430n26
18.085 p449n149
18.086 p426n14
18.087 p426nn13-4,16, 431n27
18.089 p387
18.098 147, 148, 426nn16,18,
429n24
18.099 p425n7
18.101 A p432n30
18.106+ p425n7, 426n13,
485n200
18.107 146
18.107 p52n11, 447nn141-2
18.110.3 p437n72
18.110.10 p448n 144
18.111 p417, 425n7
18.112 p426n14, 429n24,
435n45
18.113 146
18.1 13 143, 158, 360, 362n6,
443, 459n18
18.1 13A.1 p361
18.1 13A.3 p362, 473n124,
495n247
18.113A.4-5 p363
18.U3a.6 155
18.I13A.10 155
18.113A.11 154
18.1 13a.19 154
18.1 13a.23 154
18.1 13a.25 154
18.1 13A.26 155
18.1 13, [B] p623n67, 631n87,
677
18.1 13[B] p360
18.114 p654n145, 676n235
18.115 p407, 651
18.116 p426n13, 431n27
18.117 p430n26
18.118 146, 416, 429n24,
460
18.119 p676
18.119.1 p459n19
18.119.8 130
18.129 p431n27
18.130 127, 435n42
p382, 629n83
p446n 124, 447n137
p156, 360, 362n6, 726
19.011.2 p361
19.011.5-7 154
19.011.5 154
19.013 p52n11, 144, 319, 322,
330
19.013.20-2 p331
19.014 p426n 13
19.015 p52n11, 142, 143, 144, 145,
147, 148, 295, 326-7, 331, 337-8,
739
19.015.1-2 p147, 148
19.015.2 p341n48
19.015.3 p332
19.015.6 144
19.015.8 p336
19.015.10-1 p336
19.015.10 p332
19.015.14-5 p320
19.015.29 128
19.016 p137, 147, 425n5,
426nn13-5,18, 435n42, 450n151,
453, 473n123, 485n193
19.016.7 p436n46
19.016.9 p452n160
19.016.10-1 p474n127
19.016.11 p435n41
19.016.12' p428n22
19.016.16 p453n 167
19.016.18 p449n 149
19.016.23 p452n160
19.016.25 p451n159, 453n166
19.016.32 p454n 169
19.016.35-9 p453n165
19.016.63 p436n46
19.017 p36n62, 147, 148, 425,
426n15
19.018 p425n5
19.020 p442n99, 459n24,
472n113
19.020.3 p447n142
19.022 142, 360
19.023 p485n192
19.024 p447nn140-1, 448n143
19.024.9 p448n 144
19.025 p425n9
19.026 p425n5
19.026.8 9 p449n 149
19.027 p425n5, 444n115
19.028 p459n24, 669n208
19.028.1 138
19.029 142, 360, 362n6,
363n7, 442
19.029.1 p361
19.029.5-6 p364n12
19.071 p136
19.072 p430n26, 438n78
19.073 p417, 426n9
19.074 p425n4
19.078 p474n125, 495n247
19.079.15' p480n 155
19.080 p386, 425n5, 704,
708
19.084 p58
19.085.5 p494n242
19.086 147, 426n16, 514n21
19.086A.4-14 p434n35
19.090 p432n30
19.091.4 p442n99
19.092.1 p494n242
19.096 p426n18, 429n24, 442n99,
459n27, 512n17, 513n18
19.096.7 p452n163
19.097 p425n7, 426nn 10,11,13-4,
467n83
19.098 p32n28, 429n24
19.099 p452n163, 487n209
19.100B p425n7
19.102 142, 360, 362n6
19.102.2 p361
19.102.5 p362
19.102.6-7 p362
19.102.10 p361
19.102.13-6 p363
19.104.3 p437n57
19.105 p426n8
19.106 p430n29, 431n29
19.107A
p432n30
19.109.12 p362
19.112 p426n9, 432n30
19.112.2 p491n228
19.112.3 p494n239
19.112.4 p137
19.114 p429n24
19.115 p387
19.116 p431n27
19.117 p425n5
19.118 p424n3
19.119 p425n5
19.122.5'ff. p684n263
19.127 p426n16
19.129 p425n5
19.131.5 p453n164
19.133A.5 p437n57
19.135 p438n77
19.135.2 138
19.135.4 139
19.141 p431n27
19.142-19.151 p58
19.152 p496n257
19.153- 19.155 p58
19.158A p426n16
19.158b 142, 360, 365n15
19.158B.1 p365n16
19.159 p32n26
19.164 p58
19.166 142, 145, 445n119
19.166.1 p114n63, 154
19.166.6I p99
19.167A p424n3
19.174A 145
19. 174A+19.174C p58n3
19.174b p494n239
19.174c p438n77
19.174AB 142
19.174-i p424n3
19.179 p52n11
19.180 146, 426n16
19.181 p360
19.181b p360, 363n7, 365n15
19.181B.4 p365n17
19.181ab 142
19.182 p442n97, 459n27
19.186 p711
19.256 p425n4, 493n232
19.257 p424n3
19.258 p424n3
19.259 p424n3
20.003 p474n128
20.012 p467n83
20.013 p466n73
20.018 p498
20.021 p466n78
20.022 p461n35
20.150 p467n82
20.158 p474n127
20.168 p459n18
20.176 p481n183
20.184 p463n55
20.189A+B.9 p496n256
20.199 p470n105
20.211 + p497n261
20.216 p477n155
20.219 p463n56
20.220 p469n100
20.226 p479n163, 170
20.236 p466n78
20.238 p498
20.239 p483n190
20.239.27 p495n247
20.255A p488n215
20.425 p485n193
20.425.5 p487n209
20.1957. 1 p407
21.056 p459n20
21.199 p485n192
21.230 p467n81, 479n164, 170,
480179
22.231.1 p473n123
22.233.19 p491n227
22.362 p601
23.216
23.217
23.218
23.391
23.394
p581
p581
p581
p593
p581, 591
24.244.2 - 4 p533n13
24.244 p575
24.247+ p495n245, 550, 574
24.251 + p575
24.252.2 - 3 p561n95
24.257 p561, 562, 577
24.258 p535, 576
24.264+ p537
24.266 p541n37, 545, 574
24.266.23 p300
24.270[B].[3] p541n38
24.272 p576
24.277 p574
24.277.30-2 p566
24.295 p537n25
24.312 p459n19, 574
24.323 p574
24.326 p574
24.327 p574
24.400 p598
24.434 p581
24.440 p599
24.627 p601
24.643 p538n29
24.654 p574
25.134
p474n128, 479n164
27.053
p481n183
29.097.1
34.123
34.124
34.126
34.129
p461n40
p514n21
p476, 495n244
p561, 577
p469n93
34.137 p469n92
34.145 p470, 470n105
34.145.21 p470n104
34.147 p460n28
34.150 p463n56
34.153 p459n18
34.154 p470n 105
34.158 p466n78
34.167 + .20 p486n203
34.170 p467n85
34.179 p458nn 11,13
52.16.52
p601
61.24.435
p601
63.26.256
p601
78.041+81.3659
p599
80.5102
p676n236
86.0221+
86.2208
86.2212
86.2230
86.2234
p670n243
p670n243
p669
p713
p670n243
p658n168
p658n168, 708, 708n350
94.2002+2003 p712
94.2002+2003.R.3-4 p712
1929.1.13
Varia
Varia
Varia
Varia
Varia
Varia
Varia
Varia
Varia
Varia
Varia
p520
Varia
Varia
Varia
Varia
Varia
Varia
[14] .6 153
[16] p381, 383
[18]. 1 p430n26
[20] 144, 318, 320, 330, 331
[22].8 p438n76
[22]. 14 p438n74
Varia
Varia
Varia
Varia
Varia
Varia
[25] p385
[26] p383, 444n116, 47In 108
[27] p382
[34] p389
[38] 147
[38] .2 148
Band 1. gyptologie
1. gyptische Schrift und Sprache. Mit Beitrgen von H. Brunner, H. Kees, S. Morenz, E.
Otto, S. Schott. Mit Zustzen von H. Brunner. Nachdruck der Erstausgabe (1959).
1973. ISBN 90 04 03777 2
2. Literatur. Mit Beitrgen von H. Altenmller, H. Brunner, G. Fecht, H. Grapow, H. Kees,
S. Morenz, E. Otto, S. Schott, J. Spiegel, W. Westendorf. 2. verbesserte und erweiterte
Auflage. 1970. ISBN 90 04 00849 7
3. Helck, W. Geschichte des alten gypten. Nachdruck mit Berichtigungen und Ergnzungen. 1981. ISBN 90 04 06497 4
Band 2. Keilschriftforschung und alte Geschichte Vorderasiens
1-2/2. Altkleinasiatische Sprachen [und ElamitischJ. Mit Beitrgen von J . Friedrich, E. Reiner,
A. Kammenhuber, G. Neumann, A. Heubeck. 1969. ISBN 90 04 00852 7
3. Schmkel, H. Geschichte des alten Vorderasien. Reprint. 1979. ISBN 90 04 00853 5
4/2. Orientalische Geschichte von Kyros bis Mohammed. Mit Beitrgen von A. Dietrich, G.
Widengren, F. M. Heichelheim. 1966. ISBN 90 04 00854 3
Band 3. Semitistik
Semitistik. Mit Beitrgen von A. Baumstark, C. Brockelmann, E. L. Dietrich, J . Fck, M.
Hfner, E. Littmann, A. Rcker, B. Spuler. Nachdruck der Erstausgabe (1953-1954).
1964. ISBN 90 04 00855 1
Band 4. Iranistik
1. Linguistik. Mit Beitrgen von K. Hoffmann, W. B. Henning, H. W. Bailey, G. Morgenstierne, W. Lentz. Nachdruck der Erstausgabe (1958). 1967. ISBN 90 04 03017 4
2/1. Literatur. Mit Beitrgen von 1. Gershevitch, M. Boyce, O. Hansen, B. Spuler, M. J.
Dresden. 1968. ISBN 90 04 00857 8
2/2. History of Persian Literature from the Beginning of the Islamic Period to the Present Day. With
Contributions by G. Morrison,,]. Baldick and Sh. Kadkan. 1981. ISBN 90 04 06481 8
3. Krause, W. Tocharisch. Nachdruck der Erstausgabe (1955) mit Zustzen und Berichtigungen. 1971. ISBN 90 04 03194 4
Band 5. Altaistik
1. Turkologie. Mit Beitrgen von A. von Gabain, O. Pritsak, J. Benzing, K. H. Menges, A.
Temir, TL. V. Togan, F. Taeschner, O. Spies, A. Caferoglu, . Battal-Tamays. Reprint
with additions of the 1st (1963) ed. 1982. ISBN 90 04 06555 5
2. Mongolistik. Mit Beitrgen von N. Poppe, U. Posch, G. Doerfer, P. Aalto, D. Schrder,
O. Pritsak, W. Heissig. 1964. ISBN 90 04 00859 4
3. Tungusologie. Mit Beitrgen von W. Fuchs, I. A. Lopatin, . H. Menges, D. Sinor. 1968.
ISBN 90 04 00860 8
Band 6. Geschichte der i s l a m i s c h e n Lnder
5/1. Regierung und Verwaltung des Vorderen Orients in islamischer Zeit. Mit Beitrgen von H. R.
Idris und K. Rhrborn. 1979. ISBN 90 04 05915 6
5/2. Regierung und Verwaltung des Vorderen Orients in islamischer Zeit. 2. Mit Beitrgen von D.
Sourdel u n d j . Bosch Vi1. 1988. ISBN 90 04 08550 5
6 / 1. Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Vorderen Orients in islamischer Zeit. Mit Beitrgen von B. Lewis, M.
Rodinson, G. Baer, H. Mller, A. S. Ehrenkreutz, E. Ashtor, B. Spuler, A. K. S. Lambton, R. C. Cooper, . Rosenberger, R. Ari, L. Bolens, T. Fahd. 1977.
ISBN 90 04 04802 2
Band 7
Armenisch und Kaukasische Sprachen. Mit Beitrgen von G. Deeters, G. R. Solta, V. Inglisian.
1963. ISBN 90 04 00862 4
Band 8. Religion
1/1. Religionsgeschichte des alten Orients. Mit Beitrgen von E. Otto, O. Eissfeldt, H. Otten, J .
Hempel. 1964. ISBN 90 04 00863 2
1 / 2 / 2 / 1 . Boyce, M. A History of 'oroastrianism. The Early Period. Rev. ed. 1989.
ISBN 90 04 08847 4
Band 14
Decker, VV. und Herb, M. Bildatlas zum Sport im alten gypten. Corpus der bildlichen Quellen zu
Leibesbungen, Spiel, Jagd, Tanz und verwandten Themen. Bd.l: Text. Bd. 2: Ab-bildungen.
1994. ISBN 90 04 09974 3 (Set)
Band 15
Haas, V. Geschichte der hethitischen Religion. 1994. ISBN 90 04 09799 6
Band 16
Neusner,J. (ed.). Judaism in Late Antiquity. Part One: The Literary and Archaeological Sources. 1994. ISBN 90 04 10129 2
Band 17
Neusner, J. (ed.). Judaism in Late Antiquity. Part Two: Historical Syntheses. 1994.
ISBN 90 04 09799 6
Band 18
Orel, V. E. and Stolbova, . V. (eds.). Hamito-Semitic Etymological Dictionary. Materials for
a Reconstruction. 1994. ISBN 90 04 10051 2
Band 19
al-Zwaini, L. and Peters, R. A Bibliography of Islamic Law, 1980-1993. 1994.
ISBN 90 04 10009 1
Band 20
Klings, V. (d.). La civilisation phnicienne et punique. Manuel de recherche. 1995.
ISBN 90 04 10068 7
Band 21
Hoftijzer,J. and Jongeling, K. Dictionary of the North-West Semitic Inscriptions. With appendices by R.C. Steiner, A. Mosak Moshavi and B. Porten. 1995. 2 Parts.
ISBN Set (2 Parts) 90 04 09821 6
Part One: 1 - L. ISBN 90 04 09817 8
Part Two:
M - T. ISBN 90 04 9820 8.
Band 22
Lagarde, M. Index du Grand Commentaire de Fahr al-Dn al-Rz- 1996.
ISBN 90 04 10362 7
Band 23
Kinberg, . A Lexicon of al-Farr"s Terminology in his Qur'hn Commentary. With Full Definitions, English Summaries and Extensive Citations. 1996. ISBN 90 04 10421 6
Band 24
Fhnrich, H. und Sardshweladse, S. Etymologisches Wrterbuch der Kartwel-Sprachen. 1995.
ISBN 90 04 10444 5
Band 25
Rainey, A.F. Canaanite in the Amarna Tablets. A Linguistic Analysis of the Mixed Dialect used
by Scribes from Canaan. 1996. ISBN Set (4 Volumes) 90 04 10503 4
Volume I. Orthography, Phonology. Morphosyntactic Analysis of the Pronouns, Nouns,
Numerals. ISBN 90 04 10521 2
Volume II. Morphosyntactic Analysis of the Verbal
System. ISBN 90 04 10522 0
Volume III. Morphosyntactic Analysis of the Particles
and Adverbs. ISBN 90 04 10523 9 Volume IV. References and Index of Texts Cited.
ISBN 90 04 10524 7
Band 26
Halm, H. The Empire of the Mahdi. The Rise of the Fatimids. Translated from the German
by M. Bonner. 1996. ISBN 90 04 10056 3
Band 27
Strijp, R. Cultural Anthropology of the Middle East. A Bibliography. Vol. 2: 1988-1992. 1997.
ISBN 90 04 010745 2
Band 28
Sivan, D. A Grammar of the Ugaritic Language. 1997. ISBN 90 04 10614 6
Band 29
Corriente, F. A Dictionary of Andalusi Arabic. 1997. ISBN 90 04 09846 1
Band 30
Sharon, M. Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum Palaestinae (CIAP). Vol. 1: A. 1997.
ISBN 90 04 010745 2
Vol. 1 : B. 1999. ISBN 90 04 110836
Band 31
Trk, L. The Kingdom of Kush. Handbook of the Napatan-Meroitic Civilization. 1997.
ISBN 90 04 010448 8
B a n d 32
Muraoka, T. and Porten, . A Grammar of Egyptian Aramaic. 1998. ISBN 90 04 10499 2
Band 33
Gessel, B.H.L. van. Onomasticon of the Hittite Pantheon. 1998.
ISBN Set (2 parts) 90 04 10809 2
Band 34
Klengel, H. Geschichte des hethitischen Reiches 1998. ISBN 90 04 10201 9
Band 35
Hachlili, R. Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the Diaspora 1998. ISBN 90 04 10878 5
Band 36
Westendorf, W. Handbuch der altgyptischen Medizin. 1999.
ISBN Set (2 Bnde) 90 04 10319 8
Band 37
Civil, M. Mesopotamian Lexicography. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11007 0
Band 38
Siege1ov, J. and Soucek, V. Systematische Bibliographie der Hethitologie. 1999.
ISBN Set (3 Bnde) 90 04 11205 7
Band 39
Watson, W.G.E. and Wyatt, N. Handbook of Ugaritic Studies. 1999.
ISBN 90 04 10988 9
Band 40
Neusner, J . Judaism in Ute Antiquity, 111,1. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11186 7
Band 41
Neusner, J. Judaism in Late Antiquity, 111,2. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11282 0
Band 42
Drijvers, H.J.W, and Healey, J.F. The Old Syriac Inscriptions of Edessa and Osrhoene. 1999.
ISBN 90 04 11284 7
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Daiber, H. Bibliography of Philosophical Thought in Islam. 2 Volumes.
ISBN Set (2 Volumes) 90 04 11347 9
Volume I. Alphabetical List of Publications 1999. ISBN 90 04 09648 5
Volume II. Index of Names, Terms and Topics. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11348 7