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The paper examines the narratives of three professional transnational Muslim women of Turkish,
Pakistani and Indian heritage living and working in Britain. Developing a post colonial black feminist
framework of embodied intersectionality, the analysis explores ways in which the regulatory
discursive power to name the Muslim woman in the West as either dangerous or oppressed is
lived out on and within the body. Embodied practices such as choosing to wear the hijab, which one
woman described as a second skin, allows an insight into the ways in which the women draw on
their subjecthood and inner sense of self to negotiate the affective postcolonial disjunctures of
racism and Islamophobia which framed their everyday lives. Embodied intersectionality as a
feminist critical theory of race and racism shows how gendered and raced representation is
powerfully written on and experienced within the body, and how Muslim women's agency
challenges and transforms hegemonic discourses of race, gender and religion in transnational
diasporic spaces.
2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
experience (Applebaum, 2008) or sublimate the indeterminacy of the body (Puar, 2007) when constructing a
theoretical and methodological framework. It is precisely
because intersectionality is able to knit together the
macro-economic political social discourses which structure inequities with a complex array of individuated
subjectivities which by imposition, choice or desire are
written on and lived within the body, that makes its
ontological instability a powerful tool for analysis. The
notion of embodied intersectionality as a postcolonial
black feminist critical theory of gendered racialisation
uses the malleability of the concept of intersectionality
and takes it a stage further. By providing a way to
methodologically operationalise intersectionality we are
able to map the effect of gendered and raced Islamophobic
discourses as lived in and through Muslim women's
embodied subjectivities.
Embodied intersectionality not only seeks to theorise the
complexities of race, gender, class, and other positional social
divisions as lived realities (i.e. how the women experience the
world holistically as a Muslim, middleclass, heterosexual
woman) but also interrogates how this experience is affectively mediated by the body and lived through Muslim female
subjectivity (Mirza, 2009b). That is, it looks at how the external
materiality of their situatedness (the political, economic and
social structures that produce inequality) is constituted,
reconfigured and lived through their corporeal representation
(i.e. as racialised dangerous or oppressed others). It seeks to
demonstrate how intersectional othering which arises at
unique historical moments (i.e. when the category Muslim
woman is invested with a particular affective and linguistic
meaning), is organized into systematic social relations and
practices. At the intersection of the material external world and
the embodied interior world the identity of the Muslim female
marginal subject comes into being (Alexander & Knowles,
2005). As Butler (1993) argues it is through the repetition of
norms on the surface of bodies that the boundaries and fixity of
social worlds materialise.
The embodiment of power and disempowerment written
through and within the sexed, raced and classed body is
particularly important if we are to understand how religious
identity is performed, experienced and articulated through the
women's sense of self in the context of the all consuming
hegemonic racist and sexist discourses such as Western
Islamophobia and patriarchal Islamic dominance. Thus for the
Muslim women in this study, their dress, religious disposition
(piety), cultural attachments such as food, ethnic pride, speech
and style, show not only their ethnic identity (as performed) but
how such embodied practices need to be understood as
meaningful signs and expressions of a reflexive female Muslim
agency. The Muslim female voices in the autobiographically
articulated narrative interviews reveal the ways in which
regulatory discursive power and privilege are performed or
exercised in the everyday material world of the socially
constructed Muslim woman in the West. By drawing on
personalised embodied accounts of the Muslim women in the
study we can reveal the processes of being and becoming a
gendered, raced and classed subject of discourse. The notion of
embodied intersectionality thus enables us to see how, through
the articulation of their identities, Muslim women continually
resist and rename the regulatory effects of hegemonic gendered,
work in UK. She is in her mid 30s and sees herself as very
international a new European. She is the daughter of a
migrant worker who came to live in the Netherlands thirty
years ago, but never returned to Turkey. She was born in
Turkey in a rural mountain region, but from 7 she grew up in
a town in the north east of the Netherlands. She went to
school and attended a university in Istanbul from age 13. She
came back to finish her degree and then worked in the
Netherlands. Her husband is also Turkish, but moved to be
with her in the Netherlands. He stays in the Netherlands
because as a third country national he has many problems
travelling to and from UK and entering the Netherlands so
reluctantly they are separated.
She explains she feels most at home in the small town in
the Netherlands where she grew up and where friends and
family still live it is a very important city for me. We
bought our house there where I was growing up and it was
that neighbourhood was between two rails, one train rail
going to (my home town) and the other going to Utrecht so if
you come from the airport entering the city you will see our
house. So when I enter (this town) and see my ex-house I see
myself walking there and going to school, playing, having
arguments with my parents was very interesting. It gives
you a nice feeling and sad feeling because you see that life is
going on this is a sad feeling, it could be nice it depends
which mood you are. Many of my memories are there, but I
shouldn't forget to mention that the city or the village or the
mountain (in Turkey) where I was born is also very
important for me.
Amina is in her mid 30s, and a researcher at a rights based
NGO in a large metropolis in south east England. She is single and
has dual citizenship Canadian and British. Though born in
Britain she left UK at age 4 because her parents found it too
racist. Now her home is in Toronto, Canada where her family
lives. She is emphatic that she is not British (they speak funny
over there and have a queen!). However she describes herself
to others as a Canadian, or British Canadian if she is in other
places like Nigeria. Being born in the UK is important to her
sense of self only when in Canada. Amina has a strong sense
of a South Asian identity which comes from her parents. Her
mother is Indian but lived in Bangladesh and her father is
from Pakistan. She has no real close experiences of those
places except through her parents and grandparents. She
rationalises herself as being more generally South Asian as
she says her history is kind of made up because of partition.
Thus being South Asian is for her, more about a cultural
thing than a place thing. She explains,
I'd probably have more in common with a white Canadian
than I would with a South Asian Indian. I mean I think you know,
basically, I'm Canadian, I'm not Indian. That's how I think, how I
value it, how I kind of move round in the world. We used to joke
that about if you show up in India, like within about three
seconds they'll gure out you're not from there just by the way
you stand, the way you put the same clothes on that they're
wearing, they can just spot it it's the same kind of thing.
Turning to the analysis of the Muslim women's narratives in the following section, three emerging themes frame
the discussion. First is our consideration of the women's
embodied reality as raced and gendered Muslim women in
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Endnotes
1
Understanding Society is a world leading study of the socio-economic
circumstances and attitudes of 100,000 individuals in 40,000 British
households. It is funded by the Economic and Social Research Council
(ESRC) at the Institute for Social and Economic Research (ISER), University
of Essex. See http://www.understandingsociety.org.uk/.
2
The team members on this project were Lucinda Platt, Heidi Saa Mirza,
Alita Nandy, and Punita Chowbey. I thank my colleagues for their kind permission
to use the data and take full responsibility for the analysis developed here.
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