Professional Documents
Culture Documents
EDITORIAL
by VETON SURROI
So far I was replied that Kosova and the Kosovans would then have
more sympathy and on the other hand there would be more pressure
on Milosevic in regard to Kosova.
And?
And,...that's it.
Judging upon the past, sympathy and pressure are not words which
give political yields in the solution of the former Yugoslav
crisis. Sympathies for Kosova have not lacked so far, and
sympathies will continue as far as Albanians in Kosova will be
oppressed as they are currently by the Serbian regime. But
"sympathy" is not translated into a direct political activity
which would force the Serbian regime to change its mind. What's
more, this is not done either by the word "pressure" nor by the
explanation "we will undertake measures of pressure against the
Serbian regime". The Serbian president has so many times so far
listened to and read these "harsh international communiques",
that he exactly knows when and where do they represent danger.
The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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After the implementation of the economic sanctions by the
International Community, there is only one more measure which
could be undertaken: military intervention. And this measure was
not undertaken, and when it became so close to escalating in the
direction of intervention, it scared Milosevic enough as to make
him retreat. In Kosova's case, the great powers don't give any
relevant reasons why Serbia should change its policy towards
Kosova.
INTERVIEW
KOHA: This is the fourth year outside the school buildings for
the Albanian education. Could you make an evaluation of these
four educational years in Kosova?
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this activity is facing more difficulties. It is another issue
whether the results could have been better and more advanced. The
question would be who influenced the situation, to have a reality
which doesn't suit us. There are two factors: one, the Serbian
repression and two, state torture. I am terrified to hear how
long this terror is lasting. This is the situation since 1918.
KOHA: Could you tell us about the contents of your plan - the
elaborate?
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would go to school where it was not being banned. And this option
is applicable in some municipalities currently. Option C was the
organization of education in private houses.
KOHA: You said that your option was to have this kind of
education last between three and four years. What would the
changes to come be?
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if would function based on a programmed content and platform, I
am convinced that Serbia would be forced to give up and allow us
to go back into school premises, and even if it wouldn't allow
us, the Serbian repression wouldn't be the one it is today.
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HYSENI: Two approaches were clarified: the first one, which I
believe in is that we must work professionally and scientifically
in the area of education, because only this can successfully
finalize our work. The other approach goes towards the ruin of
the professional institutions and the functioning of the
instrument of voluntarism, in which I see the personal interests
of people coming out. This is only my opinion, and I wish I am
wrong.
KOHA: Are we referring to the Rules and regulations which has the
juridical form of an Order by Law?
HYSENI: I have stated in public that I don't agree with this way
of solving problems. Once again I will stress, that there is no
professionalism. At least a basic procedure should have been
respected. First, documents should be elaborated by competent and
professional people, who know what the process of educational
legislation and professionalism are. Here we have a serious
breach. Competent people were not engaged in this task. A part
of documents was elaborated also by me. By a person acquainted
with educational matters, but not with the legislature. The other
deficiency is the lack of the public discussion, since this could
help the quality of the document. But, we have found a
stereotypical explanation - the circumstances! Then, a better
time should have been chosen. It is a rule not to apply new
legislation during the school year. It is an absolute right of
the pupil to finalize the school year with a law on whose grounds
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it started. The application of new legislation has violated the
rights of the pupils. These are flagrant violations, and should
not have been allowed!
HYSENI: I told you that it was bad. But, now we have a created
circumstance which can't be stopped. I am in favor of changes,
but I am not in favor of new differences among Albanians. Because
if someone was leading the defense of the Albanian educational
system, then these were the principals and teachers. The
principals which are intended to leave (and I believe some of
them should leave) must not be thrown away. I am in favor of
changes, but we must previously have clearly defined criteria for
cadres. Two issues are very important to me and this should not
be only of my concern, but of all those intellectually
responsible: the elaboration of lists without any criteria by
political structures and lack of professionalism. Both of them
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are signs of dictatorship!
KOHA: Have the governmental organs, the LDK and other political
structures been informed about all these problems?
KOHA: There are rumors that the juridical acts are elaborated in
Kosova and that the Government only signs them without verifying
them at all. Are there any irregularities here?
HYSENI: This is precisely what hurts the most. Because with these
actions, unconsciously we are going towards the loss of statehood
of Kosova. It is not logical to have the changes start in the
juridical aspect to then change the concept. This is precisely
what is happening with the education in Albanian. Everywhere in
the world, the concepts and programs are first established and
then come the laws. Intolerable! The legislature must adjust to
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the system, it must make it operate.
KOHA: And the salaries. How is possible that the only institution
which gives the attribute of statehood doesn't get paid two or
three months in a row?
KOHA: The fourth year is ending, so which are your forecasts for
the coming year to start in September. Is there any project which
could improve the attitude so far?
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in private houses. In relation to all of these, I express a high
level of scepticism.
KOHA: So, what are our chances to go back to the school premises?
EDUCATION
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internationalization of the issue stagnated and the whole problem
was connected to the issue of the status of Kosova, a fundamental
issue for Kosova's statehood. The Serbian side used this very
wisely, because it came out before the opinion as very "flexible"
in regard to education, since this was not affecting its
statehood essence.
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data concerning this school year, elementary education has gone
back to the position it had in 1980, high-school education has
gone back to the state in 1977, while the University currently
has 53% less students, meaning that it has retroceded to the
situation it had in 1973. All of these are consequences of the
exodus and the impossibility to register pre-school children.
This means that the elaborate is about the expire and we are
dealing with old strategic documents of educational development.
The data at the disposal of the educational organs in Kosova is
not encouraging. On the other hand, we have engaged people inside
the educational instances who believe that much has not been done
towards offering new plans, strategies and projects for the
alteration of the situation that education faces.
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KOSOVA
Is it really so?
But, going back to his levitations between the right and the
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left. According to the opinion of the majority of the careful
commentators of political couloirs, this is precisely his biggest
"sin". We were told at the LDK, that it is hard not to be a
follower of any of the clans, and that this levitating posture
can only assure one the way out from the arena of the political
and staff race, which entered its sixth year, inside the walls
of the small building of the big party.
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KOSOVA
Anyhow, the meeting started with the anthem and the blessings,
as well as the introduction delivered by Moma Trajkovic who
stated that: "The Albanian mafia has assured the support of the
actual government to the separatists, thanks to corruption". But,
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what most preoccupied the first speaker was the fact that "...in
the path towards the definitive solution of the Serbian issue,
not only the anti-Serb coalition forces in the world and the
Former Yugoslavia, but also those forces within the Serbian
state... which question all what the Serbian people have achieved
on the battlefield, have become an obstacle!" At the end,
Trajkovic said: "The way the actual regime is acting in Kosova,
is the best example of the irresponsible acts of politics and the
state".But, the fear from the Serbian retreat before world's
diplomatic offensive and the possibility of recognizing the
former Yugoslav republics, was the main issue which motivated the
next speakers, who were applauded every time they touched the
hearts of the audience, which didn't hesitate to make comments,
as was the case of Seselj who was being ironical about "Paroski's
advance", as Paroski requested the establishment of a monarchy
in all Serbian lands. This is why we should establish "a National
Serb Masonic Lobby" - said Paroski, revealing the recipe.
Apart from the fear that there will be a withdrawal and the
Serbian interests will be betrayed following the blockade of
Drina and the options for the recognition of Bosnia and Croatia,
as the second moment which was repeated constantly during the
meeting was, nothing less than Milosevic's resignation. "If Vuk
Brankovic's treason was of the moral aspect and is disputable
form the historical aspect, then Milosevic's betrayal is both
moral and factive" - said the star of this gathering, Vojislav
Seselj, who got the most frenetic applause under the acoustic
tin. "Milosevic is again introducing Communism in Serbia... he
is secretly meeting with the separatists, while we are ruled by
an extra-parliamentarian party, the SK-PJ (Communist League -
Movement for Yugoslavia) with a crazy woman leading it" - Seselj
added with a gradation during his speech, suggesting that the
only solution is to "apply all sorts of civil disobedience, and
wake up the Serbian patriotic and national populism", for, as he
said, "..there will be no parliamentarian elections"!
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chairman, answering himself: "Walls, mosque minarets, filthiness,
children - colones of children, satellite dishes turned towards
Tirana. If there weren't an inscription, we wouldn't even know
that we are on a Serbian land. This is the truth on Kosova.
Stories about the cradle of Serbia are useless...! If the
Government is not ready to do anything, then we shall do
something", added this speaker asking for the breakdown of the
separatist uprising, the establishment of Serbs in Kosova and the
"...change of the ethnic structure, the revision of the cadastre
assets and land registers, the expulsion of all emigrants from
Albania. I will tell you what Bulgaria did in this aspect, it
expelled in a short period of time at least 1 million Turks. The
world made a lot of noise, and later said that this is an
internal affair of a sovereign state!" Among others, Batic asked
for the regionalization of the Serbian state and by all means,
Milosevic's resignation.
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by a state which is functioning democratically". On the other
document, the Political declaration requests the organization of
a referendum which would decide about the unification of "FRY
with RS and RSK" in one state!, and reminding at the same time
that the decision on the recognition of B&H and Croatia in
AVNOJ's borders, whoever may make the decision, would not oblige
the Serb people, etc.
MACEDONIA
COLD-WARM RELATIONS
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time being unknown, but the impression remains that something is
wrong in the League for Macedonia coalition. Last week, after
being accused that he had misused his authority when distributing
the money destined to political parties for elections, Jane
Miljoski, minister of Finance reacted energetically and
emotionally. He called the Liberals to a public duel on TV to
clarify the standpoints. Nevertheless, the meeting never took
place, and the reason was banal.
In fact, the relations between the two parties, the Liberals and
Social-Democrats (Miljoski is vice-chairman), and which are
coalition partners in government since September 1992 (after the
fall of the experts' government), are constantly between two
extremes: cold-warm. Their often discordances have gone so far
that in a period during the past mandate there were even rumors
about the possible break-down of the coalition, and that this
would make the liberals unite with VMRO. In this direction, the
biggest discordances were with Ljubomir Frckovski, Minister of
Interior (two mandates in the post) for the Liberals wouldn't
agree (and they still don't) with his approach towards the
transformation of the police. The disagreements went so far, that
the Liberals even expressed some doubts about the traffic
accident that Andov suffered in summer of 1993, for they were
suspecting that maybe it had been "prepared" by someone.
Strangely, before the elections, these parties solved their
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disagreements and together with the Socialist Party, formed the
League for Macedonia out of which all profited. Nevertheless, the
problems reappeared immediately after the division of posts in
the Government. Then, even though the Liberals were against, the
Social-Democrats kept the ministries of Interior and Finance,
while the Liberals got "only" four ministerial chairs, as many
as the PPD, even though it had three times more seats at the
parliament than PPD. Nevertheless, for the sake of "higher
interests", the Liberals agreed with Crvenkovski to abstain from
voting the Government!
How will this dispute end and will the Liberals and VMRO get
closer, remains to be seen. This situation can best be clarified
by the Liberals who will either accuse the Minister or present
public apologies, as Miljoski insists. The silence mentioned at
the beginning of this text could be explained as gathering of
facts for the first option or getting stronger for the second
one.
MACEDONIA
TIMES OF DISAPPOINTMENT
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Albanian opposition" stated that "there will be an organized and
decisive request" for the release of the arrested, while the
protest meeting started and ended with the promise that "Fadil
will be released and the University will be enlivened". However,
the experience of the "Albanian position" was not good either.
Halimi declared to KOHA that in the past "there have been many
obstacles and problems. But we are very satisfied that the party
has grown, has stabilized and has its physiognomy and
individuality, aiming at the internationalization of the Albanian
issue. We are entering this congress unified and unique, and I
believe that we will come out even stronger, form it". Commenting
on the departure of the above MPs, Halimi said that "This has not
caused misunderstandings or divisions within the party. Different
scenarios on the division were not achieved: the party is
following its line and it should be decisive to get rid of
individuals who have totally different concepts".
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Ismajli was honest to admit two days before the Congress that in
the past four or five years "none of the programmed objectives
has been accomplished, apart from the right the parents have to
name their children as they wish. I really believe what I say.
In fact, the objectives of the Albanian population in Macedonia
were not realized. The reasons for this should be sought in the
system and constitutional solutions and the way how the
parliament and government are functioning", says Ibrahimi.
The coming days will most probably establish the first contacts
between the Macedonian and Albanian parties. Despite the fact
that the fisrt ones don't want to even listen about "Macedonia
as a multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi...". The aim is to
have anticipated parliamentarian and presidential elections...
MACEDONIA
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In any case, six elder journalists are "sick" and the seventh is
on annual leave. PPD's leadership also expressed its
dissatisfaction with this appointment, while the other political
parties remain silent to this act. Anyhow, the comeback or the
attempt to bring back Hysen Shaqiri almost means going back to
the times when Albanians were forced to call Tetova -Tetovo,
Shkup - Skopje or Kërçova - Kicevo.
SERBIA
Even though active, the Radicals don't seem to have any populist
force, as none of the other parties in Serbia do, for the parties
are divided according to the determinations about the end of war
in Bosnia and not the position-opposition line, not even the
nationalist-civic line, but according to a diagonal which
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relativizes these divisions.
Kostunica from the DSS also does not consider that a massive
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assembly is the most suitable option in the created situation.
Seselj imposed his rhythm trying to strengthen the tone of the
accusations against Milosevic, especially after the announcement
that he was developing negotiations for the recognition of Bosnia
and Croatia. Djindjic, Kostunica and Nikola Milosevic (Liberal
party) and Slobodan Rakitic (People's Party) disputed the
proposals brought by different negotiators to Belgrade, but the
loudest was Seselj who openly declared that the only logical
reply of the Serbs to the "Z-4" plan was the "unification of the
RSK and RS in an independent and unitary state, which could be
called Western Serbia".
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APPENDIX
J A V O R E / Albanian weekly
E-Mail: koha_pr@zana-pr.ztn.zer.de
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